greatly perplex the King between domestick and forraign enemies In the year 1457. the Earl Douglas came in with Henry Percie Earle of Northumberland to the Merse which as they were in wasting pillaging they were encountred by Gâ—…orge Earle of Angus and put backe to their Camp Being irritated with this indignitie they put themselves in order of battell without staying for their full companies many of which were gone abroad into the Countrey and Villages for spoile and bootie and so entred into conflict When the noise hereof was carried to the eares of the forrowers they for feare of losing what they had gotten which was a very rich and great prey past directly into England without regarding what became of the two Earles Hereby the battell was lost by the English but the losse of men was almost equall on both sides This victorie did not a little recreate the King and so affrighted Donald and his Islanders that he sent and submitted himselfe to the King and was received by him Neither was there any farther insurrection within the Countrey Neither did the Earle Douglas without the Countrey enterprise any thing by the aid of England they being distracted at home by the dissention of Lancaster and Yorke during the dayes of this King which were not many for about two or three years after this the King alone was slain by the wedge of a peece of Ordnance of his own and with him George Earle of Angus hurt amongst 30000. of his Armie of whom none else was either slaine or hurt at the siege of the Castle of Roxburgh in the 29. yeare of his age in September 1460 some 8. yeares after the killing of Earle William in Stirlin Castle at which time he was about the age of twenty one or twenty two yeares Neither hear we any mention of the Earle Douglas his stirring in the next Kings James the thirds time either in his minoritie being but a childe of seven or eight yeares of age at his coronation or in his majoritie either in the dissentions betwixt the Kennediâ—…s and the Boydes or the dissention betwixt the King and the Nobilitie Whether it bee the negligence and sloth of Writers that have not recorded things or whether hee did nothing indeed through want of power his friends and dependers and vassals being left by him and despairing of him having taken another course and his lands being disposed of to others so it is that for the space of twenty yeares or three and twenty untill the yeare 1483. there is nothing but deepe silence with him in all Histories Onely wee finde that hee was made Knight of the noble Order of the Garter by King Edward the fourth and is placed first in order of all the Earles and next to him the Earle of Arundell who is the first Earle of England in the booke intituled Nobilitas Politica and the English Heraulds say of him that he was a very valiant noble Gentleman well beloved of the King and Nobility and very steadable to King Edward in all his troubles These troubles perhaps have beene the cause that they could enterprise nothing in Scotland untill the soresaid yeare 1483. However it be he hath the honour to be the first of his Nation admitted into that Order At last then in the yeare 1483. Alexander Duke of Albanie and brother to King James the third who was also banished in England and the Earle Douglas desirous to know what was the affection of their Countreymen toward them vowed that they would offer their offering on the high Altar of Loch-mabane upon the Magdalen day and to that effect got together some five hundred horse what Scottish what English and a certaine number of English foot-men that remained with Musgrave at Burneswark hill to assist them in case they needed So they rode toward Loch-mabane and at their coming the fray was raised through Niddisdale Annandale and Galloway who assembling to the Laird of Moushill then Warden encountred them with great courage The English who were on the hill Burneswark fled at the first sight of the enemy so that the rest behoved either to doe or die And therefore they fought it out manfully from noone till twilight with skirmishes after the border fashion sometimes the one sometimes the other having the advantage At last the victorie fell to the Scots though it cost them much bloud The Duke of Albanie escaped by flight but the Earle of Douglas being now an aged man was stricken from his horse and taken prisoner with his owne consent by a brother of the Laird of Closeburnes in this manner The King James 3. had made a proclamation that whosoever should take the E. Douglas should have 100. l. land the E. being then thus on foot in the field wearied of so long exile and thinking that he might perhaps be knowne by some other seeing in the field Alexander Kilpatrick a son of Closeburnes and one that had beene his owne servant before he calls on him by his name and when he came to him he said I have foughten long enough against my fortune and since I must die I will rather that ye who have bâ—…ene my owne servant and whom I knew to be faithfull to me as long as I did anything that was likely for my selfe have the benefit thereby then any other Wherefore take me and deliver me to the King according to his Proclamation but see thou beest sure hee keepe his word before thou deliver me The young man who loved the Earle entirely in his heart wept as is reported for sorrow to see him thus aged and altered in disguised apparell and offered to goe with him into England But hee would not being wearied of such endlesse troubles onely hee desired the young man to get his life safe if hee could obtaine so much at the Kings hands if not to bee sure of his owne reward at least Hereupon Kilpatricke conveyed him secretly out of the field and kept him in a poore cottage some few dayes untill hee had spoken with the King who granted him the Earles life and gave unto himselfe the fiftie pound land of Kirk Michaell which is possest by his heires unto this day Some give the honour of this victory to Cockpool and Johnston and make the number of those that came with Douglas and Albany greater and say that King Richard of England blamed the Duke of Albanie for the losse thereof and that hee discontented and taking it ill to bee so blamed withdrew himselfe secretly into France The Earle Douglas being brought to the King hee ordained him to be put into the Abbacie of Lindores which sentence when hee heard hee said no more but this Hee that may no better bee must bee a Monk which is past in a Proverbe to this day Hee remained there till the day of his death which was after the death of King James the third which fell out 1488. he being of a good age and having beene a man in action from the
and which is ever incident to meane and base spirits being directly opposite to true generositie and magnanimity which is the sountaine and well-spring of upright dealing and truth in word and action which were ever found in our noble Douglasses For other Countreys to begin with our nearest neighbours of England the most renowned name for deeds of armes amongst them is that of the Percies of Northumberland betweene whom and the Douglasses there hath ever beene a noble and generous emulation with various successe but for the most part to the Douglasses advantage so that we may say Contendisse Decorum of the Percies But they come farre short of that number of worthies that we have in ours Besides the Percies have not been so loyall Subjects having often taken armes against their lawfull Princes and being guilty of divers rebellions plots conspiracies according to which Sir Josseline Percie said merrily of the powder treason that it had not been a right treason unlesse a Pereie had had a hand in it But to go higher even to the Mistresse and Empresse of the world Rome it self the Fabii and Cornelii were the most numerous families and out of these two houses proceeded more Commanders and brave Captains then out of any that I have read or can remember of amongst them Now the first mention that we have of them is where they are both named in the yeare 267. from the building of Rome twenty years after the banishing of their King Tarquinius at which time Quintus Fabius and Servius Cornelius were Consuls together from that time till Quintus Fabius Consul in theyeare 740. for the space of 437. years we finde of the Fabii about some 24. persons that were Consuls Tribunes Decemviri Dictatours Generalls and Leaders of Armies but for their valour or prowesse personall courage or proper worth the three first are onely famous Q. Fabius M. Fabius and Caeso Fabius These three being brothers and Marcus Fabius being Consul fought against the Hetrusci in the year 269. and Q. Fabius being slaine Marcus and Caeso having incouraged the armie that was discouraged by the death of their brother Quintus leaping over the dead corps of their brother assaulted the enemy in their owne persons and by their valour and example staied their men from flying restored the battle and at last obtained the victorie we reade also of one Ambustus Fabius whose 3. sons were sent in an ambassage to the Gauls to request thē not to trouble the Clusinii in the yeare 364. 63. These three when they could not prevail nor perswade them to desist from invading the Clusinii did joyn with the Clusinii against the Gauls in which conflict Quintus Fabius one of Ambustus three sons slew with his own hands in sight of both armies the Captain of the Gauls and carried away his spoil But he quickly stained that honour he and his two brothers by their misgovernment at the battell of Allia against the same Gauls where they fled shamefully without striking a stroke and by their misguiding gave occasion to the sacking of Rome The last is Fabius the Dictatour who fought against Hanniball famous for his conduct but not so for any personall valour So the Cornelii from the same 267. untill 734. when P. Scipio was Consul 736. when Lentulus was reckoning both these Cornelians with the house of Africane the younger a Cornelian by adoption but an Emiliane borne they are about three and thirty persons in these 167. years who were in great place Consuls Dictatours and the like as the Fabii some of them were also famous for their conduct in warre having been brave Leaders and Generalls of armies as the two Africanes their brother Lucius their father and their uncle Publius and Cneus but for personall valour there are not many eminent Onely Aulus Cornelius Cossus who slew Tolumnius King of the Veiens and Africane the first if it were he who rescued his father at the battell of are remarked for their personall vallour Now neither of these two families doth equall the Douglasses who in fewer years viz. from the 1309. untill 1588. about 300. yeares brought forth 27. persons all singular for their valour and some of them far beyond any of these as may be seen This advantage these Romanes had that living in the continent of Italy and in a Common wealth which did so flourish and was so great their actions and decds were more conspicuous being acted in a more large and ample theatre then those of our men who were pent up in a narrow and obscure corner of an Island and had neither the Carthaginians nor Hanniball to fight against whose overthrow would have given a greater splendour to their actions And moreover they have had good Heraulds to sound their prayses aloud and trumpet them abroad in the world when as ours Omnes occiderunt illacrimabiles caruere quia vate sacro And yet even by this which we have been able to collect of them our proposition will appear to be sufficiently proved with which as we began so will we conclude So many so good c. in the world were never seen of one name and family Touching which assertion I will earnestly intreat this favour of the courteous Reader that he would be pleased to consider what hath been said in an even ballance and indifferent judgement setting aside all prejudice and pre-conceived opinion of any worth in any Nation and if he do not approve of our conclusion and assent to it let him calmely and modestly impart his reasons and he shall finde me one that shall be most willing and ready to retract what hath been said and to give place to the truth if I be not able to satisfie him in reason For my own part I protest I speake as I think and no more then I think according to my reading and knowledge of men and according to the measure of my judgement and understanding without prejudice of any who upon more knowledge and out of better judgement shall find things to be otherwise then I have thought In the mean time we will set down here what we have said of them else where speaking to King James at his return into Scotland out of England in the yeare 1617. Atque haec inter tot diademata celsa corollam Annumerare tuis titulis fas ducis unum Privatam verum magnis à regibus ortam Regibus affinem magnis regumque gerentem Sepe vicem bellique domique quod satis unum est Gignentem Celsum generoso semine regem Regem quo tellus majorem non videt unus Qui terna imperii tractas sceptra alma Britanni Duglasiam Angusiamque domum virtute secundam Haud ulli quas prisca aut Roma aut Graecia jactat Seu numero heroum seu robore mentis armis Sive fide in patriam sceptrorum ut millia sceptris Accumulesque tuis numeresque in stemmate reges Latus quotcunque orbis habet non ultima laus haec Duglasius
We have heard how desperately things went on the Brucian which was the onely right side hee that was lawfull King durst not bee named nor there was none that durst do so much as once offer to call him King but the little children in their play who still stiled him so whether by a naturall inclination to their rightfull Prince or by some spark of Divine inspiration joyned therewith who can tell or who knowes these things what motions will either remain of old or spread of new in the hearts of men where Gods work is to be done wise men keep silence and therefore the stones behoved to cry out and foolish simple babes beare witnesse that the Bruce was King for all the usurpers confidence and crueltie no doubt it was with great derision and contempt of the hearers but the event did justifie it that it had a secret mover No man saw the means how it could come to passe but means will not be wanting where a work is to be done This ought to be a heartning to good subjects in their lawfull Princes quarrell and for good men in all good causes not to despaire for want of means Let men do their best means will come from whence they least dream on Perhaps it will fall out so here in this case Out from among the midst of the enemies the first glimpse of deliverance doth arise There were that conspired against the Bruce to wrack him and the Countrey England and the Balliols faction in Scotland and those had overrunne all There comes a blink of favour and hope from Rome by the procuring of France The Pope sends to King Edward of England to desist from invading of Scotland but that evanished without effect pride had so farre prepossessed his heart that he thought himselfe sure to make a conquest of Scotland pleasing himself in his owne conceit and supposing Scotland neither durst nor could ever make head against him hereafter wherefore he will not do so much as give the Ambassadours leave to come into his sight A manifest contempt not so much of the people as of the voyce of equity and reason But he called it reason what he had ability to doe Stat pro ratione voluâ—…as is the voyce of Tyrannie and indeed a change being to come pride behoved to go before bùt the working of this is obscure and not perceived at first openly diâ—…ention amongst the conspirators doth arise upon a light occasion a gnats wing as the Proverb is but it growes to a Mountain Talbot an English man was appointed with Balliol as hath been said for to govern Scotland his co-adjutors for re-conquering of it were amongst other Scots Englized David Cummin Earle of Athole Henry of Beaumont John Mowbray an old favourer of that faction from the time of Edward the first of whom he had received diverse lands for ill service to his Countrey which Edward esteemed to bee good as indeed it was profitable to him This John Mowbray was dead and had left his lands to be divided between his two daughters and his brother Alexander or rather as a bone and a matter of debate amongst the whole faction for his daughters claiming it as heires of line his brother by heire-male as entail the Case was brought to judgement Henry of Beaumont had married one of the daughters he therefore was fracker froward that way as one that was interessed Talbot and Cummin swayed this way Edward Balliol enclined to the other party and gave sentence for Alexander the brother Hereupon dissention ariseth they grudge and murmure against the judgement they complain of it in their open discourse and speaches as unjust they withdrew themselves from Court as mal-contents Talbot goes into England perhaps to complain to the King and as he came thorow Lowthian hee is taken by some of King Bruces party who began to show their heads upon this occasion and carried to Dumbarton where hee died Beaumont put hand to work and without so much as acquainting the King withall takes Dungard a strong Castle in Buchan and the rest of the lands that were in plea hee ceaseth them and makes them his owne by the law of the strongest Cummin gets him into Athole and there fortifies himself against whosoever should assail him This terrifies Balliol so that he retreats his sentence and turnes his coat agreeth with those two granting unto Beaumont the lands which he had adjudged from him and giving Cummin diverse other good lands which belonged to Robert Stuart who shall reigne afterward to shew upon what ill ground that gift was founded But is he the better for this injustice for injustice it must be either first or last he is not so much the better as in likelihood he should have been for injustice is never profitable If hee gain one he losseth another hee winnes Cummin and Beaumont but he loseth Alexander Mowbray who thereupon joins himself to the other party And thus was this usurpers faction brangled then bound up again and after divided again by want of worth in Balliol their head But this is not all for it seems that Cummins mind hath not been so much soundly reconciled to Balliol as it hath been onely plaistered over which may appeaâ—…e to bee probably collected out of the History which they say is thus Edward of England came with 50000. men into Scotland to what purpose so many was there warre None saith he nor rebellion greatly that appeared any where what doth hee then doth he fight with any man doth he fortifie Castles we heare no word of any such matter What hath been his intention then wherefore came he and with so huge an Army they tell not But let actions speake they will tell All agree in this that he tooke away Balliol into England there is one point Then hee hath been jealous of him and hath feared perhaps that he would not continue long his vassall as his Grandfather had proofe in Balliols father but what doth he more hee leaves Cummin to guide the 〈◊〉 in Scotland there is another point Hee makes him Viceroy in Scotland for Balliol and Balliol in effect prisoner in England Of which course Edward of England is the Authour let it bee so who will purge Cummin of having been a Counseller a suggester of information for his owne advancement he being a man that did ever hunt after preferment which he made the scope of his actions and compasse by which he ever sailed being also of an aspiring mind and of a fickle and various disposition and nature However it be this is another division in that society between the Edwards the usurping Kings And thus much of the estate of their faction Concerning the other partie that stuck to the lawfull King Robert Stuart that afterward was King had escaped Balliols ambush being but fifteen yeares of age and by the help of his friends was conveyed to the Castle of Dumbarton where hee was received by Malcolm Fleeming Captain thereof Now
both the Edwards being absent and he having a particular spleen against Cummin who possessed his private inheritance the said Robert with the help of Colin or Duncan Campbell in Argyle from whom he obtained an aid of foure hundreth men had taken the Castle of Dunholm in Coile and destroyed the English Garrison there whereupon the men of Boote which was his private inheritance had taken armes slain Allane Lyle there Captain and Sheriffe who was placed there by Balliol and Cummin and were come home very joyfull to their old master the Stuarts Upon this Thomas Bruce Earle of Carrict with his friends and neighbours of Coile and Cunninghame and William Karrudise of Annandale who had ever refused the English yoake coming forth out of the place where they had lurked resorted to him also John Randulph Earle of Murray was returned from France and did incourage them with hopes of forreign help of Jefferey or Godfrey Rosse Sheriffe of Aire had drawne Coile Carrict and Cunningham to be of the partie Ranfrow was also returned tò the Stuarts By their example the dependers of Andrew Murray had drawne all Cliddesdale to them partly by faire means partly by force These under the command and leading of Robert Stuart and John Randulph had passed into the North parts chaised David Cummin Governour for the English to Lochaber and compelled him to yeeld and swear obedience to David Bruce Notwithstanding that the enemy had committed to him so great a charge as to bee Lieutenant for him in those parts About this time or a little before William Lord of Liddesdaâ—…e returns from his captivity having been three yeares in prison And hee is no sooner returned but that presently he begins to serve his King and Countrey faithfully and diligently against both their enemies Scots and Englized usurpers recompencing his long imprisonment with his enemies losses especially in Lowthian for the more easie performance hereof and that hee might annoy them that were in the Castle of Edinburgh which was then held by the English and them that went toward it hee lay in wait in Pentland-hills To him John Randulph after that he had left David Cummin Earle of Athole Lieutenant for him in the North parts Randulph and Robert Stuart were chosen Governours by the Kings party did adjoyn himself as to his old and fast friend from thence they both went to Perth to a Convention of the States the 2. of Aprill 1335. But there was nothing done at that meeting because of the enmity betwixt the Lord Liddesdale and David Cummin Earle of Athole The occasion was the Lord of Liddesdale alledged that hee was detained longer in prison then other wayes he would have been by the means of the the Earle of Athole who no doubt did thinke it meet for Balliol and the English faction and therefore advised them to keep him And certainly he was wiser in that point then they that set him at libertie for ransome Now under the colour and pretext of this ill will between him and Liddesdale Athole was so strongly accompanied with his servants and dependers that the rest being jealous of his disposition and fearing his present power did conclude no matter of importance Robert Stuart enclined toward him but all the rest favoured the Lord Liddesdale Robert was young and knew not the dispâ—…sition of Athole which the rest knew better and what ods was between them in fidelitie which was not long in discovering For King Edward of England came with a great army both by Sea and Land and brought Balliol with him So soone as he came to Perth Athole being solicited to defection from Bruce he was not very hard to wooe whereas Liddesdale did still his uttermost endevours for him One of the Governours to wit Robert Stuart being sick and the other John Randulph thinking it too heavie a burden for him alone to fight divided his forces that so he might the more annoy the King Now word was brought to him that there was a great army of the Guelders coming through England to joyne with Edward and help him against the Scots Wherefore Randulph passeth over into Lowthian to try if he could conveniently intercept them and cut them off ere they should joyn with the King There came hither to assist Randulph the Governour Patrick Earle of Marche William Lord Liddesdale and Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie and others These being assembled together lay in wait for them near Edinburgh in the Borrow moore and so soon as they came in sight one of the other without any delay of either side they joyned battell and after a great conflict the Guelders were put to rout and chased to a little hill where was a ruinous Castle There they were besieged all that night and the next day they rendered themselves lives safe Others write that they fled to the Castle hill of Edinburgh up Saint Maries wind or lane defending themselves valiantly through the high street till they came to that place where they slew their horses and made as it were a rampart of their carcasses and so saved themselves There they stayed all that night and having neither meat nor drink nor convenient lodging opprest with hunger and cold and thirst yeelded themselves on the morrow This narration seems not to bee so probable as the former for if it had been at the Castle of Edinburgh it might have made them more support atleast releeved the Duke and have saved him Besides that the town of Edinburgh should suffer strangers to passe through the midst of them and neither aid them if they were friends nor asâ—…ail them if they were enemies nor shut their gates if they were neutrall for fear of some danger to come to their towne thereby but suffer both parties to have free accesse into their chief street and to stand as lookers on it hath no great likelihood They ascribe also the winning of the field to the Lord of Liddesdale who was not as Hollinshed sayes present at their first joyning battell but came to it from Pentland-hills in so convenient time that if he had not come the Guelders who fought exceeding well had got the day Others make no mention of Randulph but of the Lord Liddesdale and Alexander Ramsay with him Those that write of this battell tell of a huge and wonderfull stroake given by Sir David Annand in his fury hee being hurt stroke his enemy on the shoulder with a Pole-axe and clave him and his horse down to the hard pavement in which the force of the stroake left a great mark long after And no lesse memorable is the valour of a woman in the Guelders army who at the beginning of the battell stept forth before her company and encountred in a single combat or duell a Scotish Squire named Robert Shaâ—… whom she slew and afterwards beat downe her enemies on each side till at last after a good time shee was compassed about and so slain The Duke of Guelder their Captain having yeelded was
I should die with the greater contentment for long since I heard a Prophesie that a dead man should winne a field and I hope in God it shall be I. Hereupon they covered his body with a cloake that it might not bee knowne and then hoiseing aloft his Standard and crying as the manner is a Douglas a Douglas most part repairing thither from all quarters they began the fight afresh for not onely the common sort of Souldiers came thither but the Earle of Murray also came with great speed thinking that the battell went hard on that hand for he had beaten those that he had to deal with and Sir John Mackyrell had taken the young Percie named Ralph and delivered him to his Master the Earle of Murray who had sent him being hurt to the Camp to bee cured as Froysard saith Hollinshed and Boetius agree that it was Keith Marshall that tooke him By this means the ardour of the battell being relented on that hand the fight was renewed and the strife redoubled on this side and the Earle Douglas followers who were gathered about his Ensigne did at last scatter and defeat the English weary with the former fight which had continued both day and night And in this assault the Earle of Montgomery tooke Henrie Percie their Captain prisoner whereupon the Army fled and turned their backs There were slain in this batteil 1840. of the English and 1040. taken prisoners 1000. also were hurt Of the Scots there were 100. slain and 200. taken prisoners whilest they followed over rashly fewer following more they turned and tooke those that would have taken them This is the battell at Otterburn memorable not onely for the magnanimity courage perseverance tolerance of travell and in victory modestie of Souldiers and Captains but also for the variable event where the victor in high expectation of glory prevenâ—…ed by death could not enjoy the fruit of his travels the vanquished albeit his Army was defeated and himselfe made a prisoner yet lived long after this battell with praise for it was no reproach to him to be overcome nor so great a blot to have been put to the worse as it was honourable to have so contended The event of battells is uncertain and onely in the hands of the highest if men do there endeavour what more can be required It is not the least part of the Percies honour that they did contest with the Douglasses and did sometimes overcome and sometimes were thus vanquished thought it were but seldome that the Douglasses got the worse when their forces were equall Here there was great inequalitie where notwithstanding he wonne the honour through the losse of himselfe neither was it accounted dishonour to his Army though more in number or to himselfe to have been thus overcome for they are recorded to have done their endeavours and discharged the parts of valiant men and were onely overmatched by excellency of valour as we have showne and as it may be seen by all Writers not by hunger or cold steepnesse of hills and mountains which I speake not to reproach any but to make known the truth and withall not to cover vertue on either side which was confessed of all in that age neither was any man found of another minde onely the Earle Marshall of England being a little after sent downe with a company to be Warden of the Borders during Percies captivitie who did build for his ransome the Castle of Penoun neare to Glasgow durst extenuate the vertue of the Scots with the reproach of his owne Countrey-men attributing the cause of this victory not to the valour of the Scots but to the cowardise of the English that fought against them boasting much of himselfe that if hee had beene present or if he should happen to have occasion to sight with the Scots he should doe great matters but his brags were soone made to appeare but idle words for moved by these his speeches the Governour of Scotland viz. Robert Earle of Fife having raised an Army went into England with Archbald Earle of Douglas called the Grimme brother to this deceased Earle and who did succeed him in the Earledome and made directly toward the Earle Marshall and as soone as they came in sight offered him battell and when they could not draw him out to fight they sent an Herauld to him to challenge him and provoke him to fight but all in vain for neither did hee send back any answer neither would hee come to an equall and even ground Therefore they having spoyled and wasted the Countrey with fire and sword in his sight and as it were under his nose returned home into Scotland to the great contentment of the Scots and no great discontentment of the English prisoners who were not sorry that his vanity was thus discovered Certainly the truth can hardly be belied and if partiality will not yet indifferency will beare witnesse to it Froysard a stranger and favouring more the English concludeth touching this battell that in all History there is none so notable by the vertue of the Captains and valour of the Souldiers fought so long so hardely so variable the victory enclining diveâ—…sly divers times and at last obtained not by the cowardise of the overcome but by the valour of the overcomers neither is that vertue of valour onely remarkable in this place and marked by him but their modestie when they had overcome rare and wonderfull to him as it is indeed to others but common enough to the Scottish Nation practised by them often in their victories and almost ever where some great enormitie hath not irritated them contrary to their nature and custome yet here very singularly for in the heat of the conflict no men ever fought more fiercely in the victory obtained none ever behaved themselves more mercifully taking prisoners and having taken them using them as their dearest friends with all humanitie courtesie gentlenesse tendernesse curing their wounds sending them home some free without ransome some on small ransome almost all on their simple word and promise to return at certaine times appointed or when they should be called upon So that of 1000. prisoners scarce 400. were brought into Scotland the rest all remitted in that same manner with Ralph Percie and by his example who because of his words desired this courtesie of the Earle of Murray and obtained it and was sent to Newcaste on his naked word to returne when hee should be called for But what courage and confidence was it that they durst adventure with so great perill to bee so courteous as they were when the Bishop of Durham approaching to invade them the next day 10000. as some say with 7000. as others of fresh men yet they would not kill their prisoners that were within their Campe equall almost to the halfe of their owne number but on their owne promises to remaine true prisoners how ever the field went and with a small guard having onely pinioned them together with small cords
him happily aâ—…chieved for the good of his Countrey In Piety hee was singular through his whole life and most religious according to those times He did very much honour and reverence all religious persons for whose use he founded the Colledge of Bothwell Out of his zeal and sincerity he expelled the Nuns of the Abbacie of Lincloudon and changed it into a Colledge of Clerks because the Nuns saith Boetius kept not their institution of their order and Major faith it is to be presumed that they kept not their Chastitie otherwise he could never have thrust them out And in this he commendeth him as having an eye to Religion and a speciall care of the pure and sincere worship of God as his onely end and intention As for his prudence and providence it appeareth that he did greatly encrease his Revenues and enlarge his Dominions hee was trusty and faithfull in his promises and carried a minde free from all ambition and vain glory All vertues greatly to bee accounted of and imitated of all Of Archbald the third of that Name and thirteenth Lord the fourth Earle of Douglas Lord of Bothwell Galloway and Annandale first Duke of Turrane Lord of Longe-ville and Marshall of France UNto Archbald the Grimme succeeded his second sonne named also Archbald he was married to Margaret daughter to King Robert the third and second of the Stuarts She lieth buried in the Church of Linclouden with this inscription on her Tombe Hic jacet Margarita Scotiae regis filia Comitissa de Douglas vallis Anandiae Gallovidiae Domina Here lies Margaret daughter to the King Countesse of Douglas Lady of Annandale and Galloway He had by her two sonnes Archbald to whom Thomas Flemine Earle of Wigton resignes the Earledome of Wigton and he is entitled during his fathers life time Archbald Earle of Wigton his other sonne was James Lord Abercorne called grosse James Hee had alâ—…o two daughters Margaâ—…et married to Sir William Sinclair Earle of Orkney who was fifth in line â—…rom the Earle of Saint Clarences second sonne that came first out of France and was sonne to Giles or Egidia Douglas daughter to the Earle of Niddisdale Elizabeth was the other who was married to John Stuart Earle of Buchan second sonne to Robert the Governour afterward Constable of France her dowry or portion given with her in marriage were the lands of Stuarton Ormeshugh Dunlope Trabuyage in Carrict by resignation This Archbald is hee who was called Tine-man for his unfortunate and hard successe he had in that he tint or lost almost all his men and all the battels that hee fought This nick-name or cognomination in the old manuscript of Sir Richard Metellan of Lithington giveth to Archbald slain at Halidoun hill and callâ—…th this Archbald one eye for distinction because of the losse of his eye in a battell against Percie But that surname of Tyne man cannot bee given so conveniently to the former Archbald who lost onely one field and himself in it whereas this man ever lost his men himself escaping often hee is distinguished also from others by the Title of Duke of Turrane But however he be named it is true that no man was lesse fortunate and it is no lesse true that no man was more valorous as will appeare by the History At his beginning to bee Earle a little after the decease of his father in August 1409. Henry the fourth of England entered Scotland with an Army and came to Edinburgh where he besieged the Castle in the which the Duke of Rothsay Prince of Scotland and with him the Earle of Douglas were The Governour of Scotland raised an Army to have given him battell and was come to Calder-more but went no further and there disbanded his Army The English Histories say that the Governour sent word to the King of England that if he would stay for him but sixe dayes onely he would give him battell and that the Herauld got a silke gowne and a gold chain for his newes from the King but the King having stayed twice sixe could heare nothing of his coming The cause of the Governours slacknesse is given out by some to have been the desire that he had that the Duke of Rothsay might perish and be taken out of the way that he himself might come to the Crown Now as all do agree that he had these ambitious thoughts so Major sheweth that there was also some other particular between them whereof he relateth the occasion to have been this There was one John Remorgeny who first laboured to perswade the Duke of Rothsay to cause slay the Governour and then when he could not prevail with him to wrong his Uncle he dealt with the Governour to cut off the Duke his Nephew as one that would ruine him if ever he should come to be King This Remorgeny was seconded by Lindsay who was upon the plot with him and helped it forward upon malice against Rothsay who had betrotâ—…ed his sister anâ—… rejected her as he had done to the Earle of Marches eldest daughter This seemeth not to be unlikely and giveth some further light to the History as containing the cause of the Governours not releeving the Castle of Edinburgh It is also a remarkable example of crafty Counsellours who are to be noted and avoided And I marvell much how it hath escaped the diligence of our best Writers I thought it not to be omitted in this place as an instance of feare concurring with ambition in the Governour and indeed these two are commonly joyned together and take matter each of other Ambition bringeth feare with it and feare spurreth forward ambition toward that it aimes at as being not onely honourable but necessary and the onely meane to secure a mans selfe especially where it lighteth upon such Counsellours as these were to blow the fire whereof Princes had need to be aware and stop the entrie to the first motions thereof The blacke booke of Scone saith that Henry the fourth acknowledged himselfe to be semi Scotus de sanguine Cumini halfe a Scot of the bloud of the Cummins and that he tooke the most High to witnesse that he was not come to hurt the Countrey but onely to have reason of some of the Nobilitie who had written to the King of France that he was a Traitour in the superlative degree which letters his men had intercepted and to trie if the Authours of these letters durst fight it with him The Manuscript saith that he was disappointed of his purpose notwithstanding for he thought to have taken the Castle of Edinburgh and to have made Scotland subject to him thereafter but it being valiantly defended by the Earle Douglas he was constrained to rise from before it with great losse and discontentment and no great credit especially for that the winter drew on apace having sat downe before it about the end of September I am not ignorant that our Writers give this Henry the commendation of great
Hollinshed writeth that in respect of his Noble parentage and valour he was tenderly cherished by King Henry and frankly and freely demitâ—…ed without ransome and such indeed is the custome of generous minds to honour vertue even in the enemy It is generally agreed upon by all that he was highly honoured and esteemed so that the King or some of his Nobles caused draw his picture which is still to be seen in the privie Gallery at White Hall But touching his delivery some say that when he had stayed in England certain moneths he was with difficulty set at liberty after he had payed a great summe of money Others write that he was detained eight or nine yeares at least but that seems to be too much for this battell called Shrewesbury field was in the yeare 1403. in the fourth yeare of King Henry on Saint Magdalins day and Douglas was set free at the death or not long after of K. Robert the third of Scotland in the yeare 1406. When the Earle hard word of his death he made shift to agree for his ransome and so returned with all speed into Scotland It is said that George Earle of March did him very good Offices in England and was a chief mean and instrument of his delivery being reconciled to him during his imprisonment wherefore the â—…arle Douglas at his 〈◊〉 procured liberty for the Earle of March to come home into Scotland and to be received a free Liege again but upon condition that he should suffer the Castles of Lochmaban and Dumbarre to remaine with the Earle Douglas and his heires notwithstanding of any agreement made between them to the contrary in England And so in the yeare 1411 he was restored by the Governour aâ—…ter hee had remained fifteen yeares in England or thereby having done great hurt to his Countrey and much good service to the Kings of England but for all the service hee did hee could neither move the King to restore him and repossesse him again in his owne neither obtain competent means and allowance for his estate and quality A notable example for Subjects to learne hereby not to forsake their naturall King and native Countrey in hope to be supported or ayded by forrain Princes farre lesse thus to hurt and endammage their owne Countrey for the pleasure and advantage of strangers The black book of Scone ascribeth the restitution of the Earle of March to Walter Halyburton sonne in law to the Governour Gener Gubernatoris by marrying his daughter Isabell a widdow and Countesse of Rosse for which he got from March a fourty pound land in Birgeam and that the Earle Douglas got back Lochmaban and the Lordship of Annandale however it bee a yeare or two after the Earle Douglas was returned the Earle March was restored whereunto Hollinshed alâ—…o seemeth to agree for in another place after the death of King Robert which hee setteth in the yeare 1408. forgetting what hee had said before that the King dimitted Douglas frankly and freely hee writeth thus Archbald Earle of Douglas as yet remaining captive in England after hee had knowledge of King Roberts death to wit five yeare after this at least by his owne account made shift to agree â—…or his ransome and so being set at liberty returned with all speed now at length into Stotland Wherein he contradicts himself and casteth downe all that liberality and magâ—…nimity of his King in dismissing the Douglas freely and with so much the more blemish as in saying it was done he acknowledged it should have been done as it had indeed been most honourable and Princely and might perhaps have gained the heart of that worthy Nobleman But we find but â—…ew actions in that kind of full beneficence practised towards the Scots and it seems that his great worth hath extorted their admiration and some Offices of courtesie common humanity such as were the preservation of his life and curing of his wounds but the old grudge of Nationall quarrell remaining still in vigour did choake the fruit of true Princely dealing and kept â—…t that it came not to that full maturitie of beneficence which the party deserved and was suteable fot such a King Wherefore let him content himself with this honour that his valour was acknowledged abundantly and himself by the confession of King Henries owne Heraulds accounted one of tâ—…e chief Chivaliers and Champions in Albion and let him thanke his own prowesse more then their kindnesse for this testimony Wee will also adde a witnesse of these in our times onâ—… of their owne Poets Samuell Daniell who speaking of King Henries son who releeved his father in the battell of Shrewesbury from the Earle Douglas he writeth thus Lib. 3. Stanza 113. Hadst thou not here lent present speedie aid To thy endangered father neerely tired From fierce encountring Douglas overlaid That day had there his troubled life expired Heroicall couragious Blunt arrayed In habit like as was the King attired And deem'd for him excus'd the fault of his For he had what his Lord did hardly misse Taking Blunt for one of those that were apparelled like the King whereas others account him to have been the Kings Standard-bearer But in the warres between York and Lancaster it is more amply set downe in this sort Lib. 4. Stanza 49. Yet here had he not speedy succour lent To his endangered Father neare opprest That day had seen the full accomplishment Of all his travels and his finall rest For Mars-like Douglas all his forces bent T' encounter and to graple with the best As if disdaining any other thing To doe that day but to subdue a King Stanza 50. And there with fiery courage he assailes Three all as Kings adorn'd in Royall wise And each successive after other quails Stil wondring whence so many Kings should rise And doubting least his hands or eye sight fails With these confounded on the fourth he flies And him unhorses too whom had he sped He then all Kings in him had vanquished Stanza 51. For Henry had divided as it were The person of himself into foure parts To be lesse knowne and yet known every where The more to animate his peoples hearts Who cheared by his presence would not spare To execute their best and worthiest parts By which two speciall things effected are His safetie and his Subjects better care And in the 54. Stanza speaking of Hotspurre But he as Douglas with his fury led Rushing into the thickest woods of speares And brooks of swords still laying at the head Then a little after in the 56. upon the killing of Hotspurre Which thus mispent thy Army presently As if it could not stand when thou wert down Disperst in rout betakes them all to flee And Douglas faint with wounds and overthrowne Was taken Who yet wanne the enemy Which tooke him by his noble vertue showne In that dayes mighty worke and was preserved With all the grace and honour he deserved And that was all to be preserved and
accounted also just who does it byorder and modestie that hath patience to sute it and abide the delayes of a Court-sute it being a mean to purge blood out of the land Neither does either Philosophie or Religion forbid it but by the contrary commands allowes it Only the caution is that the minde of the pursuer be voide of malice and his eye set upon justice of which intention the searcher of hearts can only be the competent judge If some Imperfections and weaknesse of nature do mingle with the action we must not alwayes for that either utterly reject the action or condemne the authour But we must acknowledge that as right which is right and pardon the imperfection which none wantes We must not exclaime against it as if it were nothing but partialitie Nor against the doer as meerly vindictive cheifely in a fact so very enormous as the murthering of his Cosins was wherefore if we shall without partialitie in our selves consider this whole pursuit and give it the right name we shall call it kindnesse to his kinsmen equitie justice modestie and patience rather than wrong and malice and praise him for his kindnesse and faithfulnesse in friendship in revenging their quarrells which hath been his very inclination as will appeare hereafter yet not only this his just pursuite but every thing that fell out in the countrie is laid upon him to brand him as the slaughter of James Stuart by the Boydes and the like the taking of the castle of Hales by Patrick Dumbarre which he is said to have taken and killed the keeper thereof because the Lord Hales had then received the Queen mother into the castle of Dumbarre who had fled hither to eschew the troubles of the times The Earle Douglas within a few dayes after got the castle of Hales againe on condition to suffer the said Patrick Dumbar and his men to depart with their lives safe Likewise he is said to have constrained Sir James Stuart the blacke knight of Lorne who had maried the Queen mother to goe out of the countrie upon some speeches uttered by the said Sir James against the ill government of the affairs of the kingdom But neither is it set down what the words were neither what sort of constraint was used towards him This Sir James as he was sailing into France his ship was taken by the Flemings and he himself died soone after The next year which was 1448 there fell out warre with England and incursions made on both sides by the Borderers where the Earle Douglas began again after so long an intermission to wit from the entrie of King James the first in the yeare 1423. the space of twenty five years to take upon him the managing of the warre which his house had ever done and he now also discharging with honour and following the footsteps of his predecessours for Dumfreis being burnt by the Earle of Shreusburie or Salisburie Dumbar spoiled by the Earle of Northumberland James Douglas the Earles brother burnt Anwick in England where having gotten great store of bootie and many prisoners as the others had done in Scotland being almost equall the prisoners goods were changed byconsent agreement of the captains But this was onlya small assay before a greater matter which followed this same year as should seem yet there was some cessation for a while and truce taken for seven years In which time the Earle who as we see was so zealous in prosecuting the revenge of the wrong done to his Cosins showes another propertie no lesse commendable which is to be as kind and forward to advance his friends as he had been to quell his enemies For the same year James Dumbar Hollinshed calles him John Earle of Murray being dead first he obtaines the foresaid Earles daughter who was Neece to King Robert the second by his daughter for his third Brother Archbald then the title of Earl of Murray from the King notwithstanding that she whom his brother had married was but the youngest sister the elder being married before her fathers death unto James Creighton of whom the house of Fenderet is descended how it came that he was preferred before 〈◊〉 who married the elder sister whether because the titles of Earles do not go by succession unto the heirs of Line but by the pleasure of the Prince and that he had more court then Creighton or whether there was some respect also had to the kinred or what ever cause there were of it it gave matter of speech to his enviers and to our histories it hath furnished matter of Censure as a wrong done to the elder sister to whom they think it belonged he obtained also his fourth brother Hugh to be made Earle of Ormond and his fifth brother John to be Lord of Balvenie and Baron thereof with many rich and fruitfull lands In which actions of his when men can finde no ground of alledging that he did any wrong they blame him as immoderate in augmenting too much the greatnesse of his house Wherein I cannot but praise his kindnesse and carefulnesse in preferring of his friends by all lawfull meanes which is a dutie standeth with wisdom and a right wisdom neither was it ever or can it be ever justly discommended where there is no injurie committed Whereas not to do it if a man be able and not to seem to do so proceeds either of carelesnes or that which is worse wickednesse selfe love and in some envifulnesse and malignity even to their owne friends Which kind of doing deserves no commendation when it is but carelesnesse farre lesse when it is done of malice last of all when men doe not onely not labour to advance their friends but even endeavour to keep them under by a point of wisedome which they thinke very deep that they may remain servants to them fearing that if they come to any preferment they would not be so ready to serve them and might perhaps grow up above them This humour as it is malignant and an ill disposition so it is no great good wisedome whatsoever subtilty it may seem to have in it for they advert not that they hinder them who would stand them in stead and cut them short in power to be steadable to them and so cut down the props of their owne standing and such as would support them in their need necessity And while they feare that their friends out-strip them they give place and matter to their enemies to overtop them both Now the feare which they apprehend of their friends neglecting their duetie to them is very farre off and if ever it come to passe it should not be envied providing that kindnesse remain among them though they should grow greater then they and howbeit they answered not our expectation in kindnesse except it were joyned with extremitie of wickednesse and perhaps not then neither ought we to repent or repine it being much more tolerable then to bee overmatched by an
a few of those It is hard to beleeve this upon any mans word chiefly such a one as lived not in those times nor was an eyewitnesse as we say of things who by such speeches would have us to conceive more then he could or by any could be expressed in words But what one man could only gather out of Histories we might also â—…ve gathered by the same Historie if he had named his Authors or showne the way of his collecting of it from thence But there being no footsteps of such enormities in the Histories which we have that can lead us to this I know not if we be bound so to reverence any mans person as to receive it absolutely That which followes is of the same kinde wherein the evils of those times are amplified That it fell out well for Scotland that England had their owne civill warres in those dayes otherwise Scotland had sunke under the burden For first their civill warres from this time which was from 1444. untill 1448. were not great and but secret grudgings onely The commotion of Blue-beard was not untill 1449. and in Kent by John Cade in 1450. Then the forraine warres with England might have moved the discord at home as they have done often and men fit for warlike employment and given to arms should have had matter to exercise themselvs upon the common enemie who in time of peace for want of such employment as they are inclined to are the cause of much evill at home Last of all we finde the contrarie by experience for notwithstanding of these dissentions and disorders yet they obtained a notable victorie of the English by the same Douglasses who are accounted so disorderly in time of peace but have ever proved in the eyes of all men honourable and dutifull in warre their enemies not being able to detract from their manifest and evident worth The occasion of this victorie fell out thus Wee heard how after the burning of Anwicke by James Douglas younger brother to the Earle a Truce was taken for seven yeares notwithstanding of which in this yeare as would seeme or in the next at farthest the English without any regard of the Truce made inroades upon Scotland spoyled forrowed and burnt the Villages farre and wide where they went which the Scots would not suffer to passe unrevenged Wherefore to cry quit with them they entred England and returned unto them as much hurt as they had received and the storme fell chiefly upon Cumberland from whence the beginning of the troubles had arisen which was by this incursion almost redacted to a wildernesse When newes hereof were brought to London they gave order for levying of an Army of 40000. men as some write intending to bring Scotland under their subjection which they thought would not be hard to doe in respect the Countrey had beene so lately wasted and impoverished as also â—…or that they knew their divisions at home Therefore having made a levie of the best and choice souldiers the Earle of Northumberland is made Generall and there was joyned with him a certaine man called Magnus onely a Gentleman borne who had given good proofe of his valour many times in France where he had beene brought up and trained in the warres from his youth This man bearing great hatred to the Scots and being too confident of his owne sufficiency is said to have obtained of the King of England for the reward of his service whatever lands he could winne from them for himselfe and his heires in perpetuall inheritance He was remarkable by his long and red Beard and was therefore called by the English Magnus Red-beard and by the Scots in derision Magnus with the red Maine as though his beard had beene an horse Maine because of the length and thicknesse thereof The Manuscript calleth him Magnus with the red hand taking the word Maine for the French word which signifieth an hand but the attentive Reader may perceive the errour and how it was a word meerely Scottish and used by the Scots in derision The King of Scots hearing of this preparation in England caused also levie an Army wherein he made the Earle of Ormond George or rather Hugh Douglas Generall who immediately went into Annandale through which the English Army was to come Both sides being thus prepared the English having passed the Rivers of Solway and Annand pitch their Camp upon the brinke of the water of Sarke The Scots marched towards them and they hearing of their approach made themselves ready so that being come within sight one of another they ranged their men in order of battell In the right wing of the English Army was this Magnus with the red Maine In the left Sir John Pennington with the Welsh men The middle battle was led by the Earle of Northumberland himselfe On the Scots side was the Earle of Ormond in the middle battell over against Northumberland and William Wallace of Craiggie opposed Magnus and against Sir John Pennington was placed the Knight of Carlaverocke called Maxwell and Johnston of Johnston with many inland Gentlemen saith the Manuscript because they had no great confidence in their owne Annandale men who were more set upon spoile then victorie Ormond exhorted the Armie in few words telling them That they had great reason to hope for the victorie because they had taken armes being provoked thereto and that it could not be but that so just a cause should have a happy event Onely behave your selves valiantly abate the pride of the enemy with a notable defeat and so you shall reape a long lasting fruit of a short travell When the English Archers did annoy the Scots with their arrowes from afarre William Wallace cried out with a loud voice so as he was heard by his followers Why should we stand still thus to be wounded afarre off Follow me sayes he and let us joyne in hand stroakes where true valour is to be seene and so marching forward and the rest following his example they made so fierce an onset that they quite overthrew the right wing thereof Magnus perceiving that being more mindfull of his honour acquired in time past then of the present danger resolved either to restore the battell or lose his life with credit pressed forward against Craiggie Wallace to have encountred him and ere he could come at him he was encompassed about by the Scottishmen and slaine his death put the English in such a feare for they had great confidence in his valour and conduct that they without any further resistance turned their backs and fled in great disorder The Scots pursued so fiercely and eagerly that there was more of the enemies slaine in the chase than in the battell chiefly upon the brinke of the River of Solway where the tide being come in the river was not passable and such as adventured to take it were drowned There were slaine in this battell 3000. English and amongst those their great Magnus and the Scots deadly enemie who
owne default whatever life or fortune he should have thereafter he would owe it to the Kings clemencie These and such like speeches moved the Noblemen that were present especially the Gentlemen of Angus who although they had always followed the King yet were loath that so ancient and noble an house should perish chiefly Archbishop Kennedie howbeit he had received many injuries of Crawford or his sather yet considering of what importance it was to the King to have his owne forces increased by this accession and his enemies diminished and weakned by want of so great a man dealt earnestly with the King to receive him into his wonted place of honour and favour Neither was the King difficult to be entreated but graciously pardoned him and restored him to his former condition both of goods and honour onely admonishing him to doe his dutie in time to come It is reported that the King being desirous to performe his promise which was to raze the house of Phineavin the chiefe Mannour of the Earle Crawfords and to make the highest stone the lowest he went up to the top of the house and according to this promise threw down a little stone which was lying loose above the built worke to the ground which is to this day kept in an iron chaine for a Monument and memoriall of this action Some also write that the King tooke from him the lands of Badenoch and Loquhabre and gave them to Huntley for the lands which he had distributed at the field of Brighen as also the second place in Parliament and honour of bearing the Scepter Crawford died within six moneths of a burning feavour at Phineavin and was buried in the Gray Friers at Dundee in the Sepulchre of his Progenitors The Earle Douglas informed hereof and seeing his forces decay daily and the Kings daily growing greater he thought he would goe trie what succour or support he could have out of England and for that effect he sent James Hammiltoun of Cadyou to K. Henry to desiâ—…e his help in this estate King Henry considering and thinking the occasion fit for him to encroach upon Scotland perswading himselfe that the Earle Douglas his passion of revenge on the one part and the necessitie of his estate on the other two powerfull perswaders to move men should drive him to accept his help on whatever termes was content to aide him upon this condition that he should become his subject sweare himselfe English and so to continue for ever and for better assurance hereof should put into his hands such Strengths and Castles in Scotland as he had in his custodie Unto this Douglas replied very generously and honestly `` That hee 〈◊〉 would never leave such a blot upon his house and would rather choose to die by what ever hand then commit such a crime against his Countrey for a fault done by the Prince and some particular men onely whereof he hoped to be avenged without that shame This being so honest a part and testifying so honest a heart as some of them have not had the like even of those who pretended to be Kings themselves some of whom have not refused to render themselves and their Kingdomes to the English servitude to be avenged of their enemies and to obtaine the Crown for themselves is too lightly overpassed by our Writers without the due testimony approbation and praise that it well deserveth Besides there can hardly be a clearer argument of his not affecting or aiming at the Crowne which his brother and Predecessours were charged with and traâ—…uced to the King for had he beene that way set he would have accepted of the proffer of England and made use of their help which questionlesse these Kings would not have denied him according to their ordinary practice And how many are there that would have forborne in such power and upon such an occasion for although he seems to have no colour of title to the Crowne yet men that aspire to it doe seldome want their pretences when they have power to search it So that the greater is the pitie in so moderate prosecution of such a quarrell that the event should have beene so hard on his side which appeares yet better in that which followed So leâ—…t thus to himselfe by the instigation of his partners and namely of James Hammiltoun of Cadyou hee gathered together his friends and followers to raise the siege of Abercorne which the King had beset and lay before it in his owne person And when hee was come within five miles or as others say within sight of the besiegers they looked assuredly that he would and that hee had resolved to fight because he put his Army in order of battell and being very ready for their part and forward Cadyou also exhorting him thereto that he would end these warres with a notable victorie to his perpetuall praise or with an honourable death as became his house that he would vindicate himselfe from those miseries and contumelies he utterly refused to fight though he were more in number saying plainly his heart would not suffer him nor serve him to fight against his Soveraign Wherby it may be conjectured as saith the Manuscript that his meaning was only to have terrified the King and brought him to some reasonable conditions of peace But there wanted intercessours to deale betwixt them partly because all were ingaged to the one or other side partly for that they beleeved that he still persisted in his former opinion of distrust and indignation and so nothing was done therein by any Others interpret it to have bin cowardize or faint heartednesse and lack of courage for their words import so much a fault that was incident to few of that stock and we never finde it imputed to any of them against England or against any other private enemie neither to this man elsewhere but only at this time And we heard how after the killing of his brother his courage is commended together with his piety The reason of it hath been this then while his anger was recent and green against the authors thereof he could have done any thing to have been avenged now time having taken away the edge of that disposition when he considered it was his King he had to do with whose hand the Courtiers his enemies had onely borrowed his naturall affection and regard of a subject toward his Prince was returned and by peece-meal had taken possession of his heart again as the own proper lodging where it had been harboured ever before Certainly this refusall to fight now and his former rejecting the King of Englands disloyall conditions of help have proceeded from one and the same disposition of minde Wherefore seeing that ought highly to be praised I see not how this can be condemned at least how they can condemn it that do so highly respect that high place of Kings The word also will import not altogether flat cowardise but a natural sluggishnesse want of action whereof cowardise
favour of the Earle of Angus Other things remarkeable we have none untill about the time of the Field of Flowden which makes it seem to be probable which some allege that all this time he was confined in Arane The pretended cause as they say was secret intelligence with King Henry of England but the true cause they say was his taking Jean Kennedie daughter to the Earle of Cassils out of Galloway to whom the King bare affection and to whom the Earle gave infeftement and seizing of the Lands of Bothwel although he never married her As touching the pretended cause it hath no appearance at all seeing there was alwayes peace and friendship betwixt us and both the Henries the 7. and 8. untill the warre was denounced or a very short time before And concerning that of Jeane Kennedie we have a note of an Indenture betwixt Angus Chancellour and the Lord Kennedie but they have neglected to set down about what it hath been in the year 1496. So that we are uncertain what to think of it And contrary to this we finde that the Lands of Bothwel were not in the Earles hands but in his sonne Georges who got them from the Lord Bothwel in exchange for the Lordship of Liddisdale which for that cause he resigned into the Kings hands in favor of the Earle Bothwel in the year 1492. so that the Earle could not give her the Lands that belonged to his sonne Further our Histories tels us that when James Earle of Aran who was sent with the Navy which the King had prepared for a present to Queene Anne of France had turned in upon Ireland and having burnt Knockfergus was come to Air a Sea-port in Coile the King offended with his folly gave the charge of the Ships to Angus for prosecuting of the voyage But Aran having heard of it hoysed saile and was gone before Angus could come to the place where the Ships lay Now although it should seem by this that the King continued his favour toward him yet there are some apparant reasons to move us to think that it hath been somewhat diminished For Alexander Lord Hume was made Warden of all the three marches and that before Flowdon of which the east and middle march at least had continued under the government of the Earles of Angus for the space of three or foure generations descending from father to sonne by succession from Earle William in the persons of James and George to this present Archbald Other mention or monument of him we have none till the Warres betwixt King James the 4. and King Henry the 8. of England It is reported by some that the Queene and he did what they could to disswade the King from that Warre but when he could not prevaile with him he followed him into England There the King having wasted Northumberland and taken Norham with some few other Castles got a view of the wife of one Heron of the Foord and did so fancie her that he neglected the prosecuting of the warre and care of his Army and did nothing but dallie with her Whilest the Army lay there idle the English sent a Herauld to the King desiring that he would appoint a day for battell But the greatest part of the Nobility did dislike it And the Earle of Angus though he saw all this and many moe errours yet he held his peace all this while whereas the rest of the Nobilitie reasoned with the King but in vain For the King told them flatly he would fight them though they were a hundreth thousand more and that he would retire Then and not till then the Earle of Angus hearing his answer and knowing the danger of such resolution being the Chief man amongst them both for years and authoritie he went about to set before the King the reasons of the counsell given him hoping by that meane to break him of his determination in these words Sir said he your Majestie hath done abundantly to satisfie your friendship with the King of France in that ye have made the King of England withdraw the greater part of his Army out of France and have turned the danger of the War from him without endangering your self For they cannot keep the fields long in a Countrey that is so cold and wasted especially now when the Winter is so near Neither need your Majestie to wonder that the French Ambassadour is so instant with us to fight he being a stranger it is no strange thing to see him prodigall of other mens bloud who doth not regard the good of the parties but the benefite that will thereby redound to France Besides his request is altogether impudent and shamelesse For he requires us to do that which his master a man of great understanding thinks not fit to do for his own Kingdom Neither should the losse of this Army seem small because our number is few for all that are of worth excell either in wisedome or valour in Scotland are here and these being slain the vulgar will become a prey to the enemy Therefore as it is safest for the present to prolong the Warre so is it most profitable in generall For if Lewis would have either thè English exhausted with charges or wearied with delay what is more convenient then to compell him to divide his Forces by keeping one half thereof continually in readinesse against us who lye in wait to invade his Countrey upon every occasion so to ease the French of so much of their burden As for your honour and reputation which men pretend what can be more honourable than having razed so many Forts and Castles wasted and spoyled their Countrey with fire and sword to returne laden with such store of spoyle that they shall not be able to recover their losses nor their soile redeem the former beautie in many years though there should happen to be peace What greater commoditie can we expect to reap of the Warre than in such a tumultuous noise of Armes to have leisure to refresh our souldiers with ease and quietnesse to our credit and to our enemies shame Of all the victories that are acquired that which is obtained more by counsell than force of Armes is most properly the victory of man and the praise of it doth onely redound to the Commander and Generall for in it the Armie can claim no part or interest When the Earle had ended his speech all that were present shewed by their countenance that they did approve and assent unto his counsell But the King who had solemnely sworn to give battell heard him unwillingly and answered angerly bidding him if he were afraid go home Then Angus seeing the King obstinate and fore-seeing in his minde what would be the event of such headinesse burst forth in teares and after a while having gathered his spirits again when he was able to speak If my former life said he doth not free me from the imputation of fearfulnesse I know not by what other
a halt and not be so forward that the first successe is of great moment and might bring matters to a parley or such as craved audience of the King to get it that it was no hard matter to doe he being accompanied by such as cared not for his personall safety and had no tye to defend him with the hazard of their owne lives especially but would be glad to have a faire excuse and occasion to abandon such an one in such a quarrell especially if he were invaded in the night the darknesse would excuse and take away their shame of flying It was argued of the other side that night conflicts were subject to hazard errour and mistaking as well on their owne side as the enemies and that it could not be performed without bloud and that perhaps of the most innocent whereas he himselfe whom they chiefly aimed at might escape neither would the defeat of these few bring successe to the cause the enemies forces remaining whole and entire in Edinburgh which would guard and defend them besides by so doing they should be involved in a crime and made obnoxious to the lawes which as yet they were free of that it were better to suffer the guiltie to goe unpunished for a while then to spill the bloud of the guiltlesse and seeing they could not thereby accomplish what they had intended their best was to retire and withdraw themselves with as great innocencie and modestie as they could having done hurt to no man This advice prevailed with them and so they concluded to march in the night season toward Fawkirke but so soone as they were gone out of the towne of stirling to take the way that leadeth to Lanericke the which they did accordingly leaving the Castle of Stirling in the custodie of David Hume of Argatie Being in Lanerick as they were refreshing themselves and baiting their horses word was brought them that a Troup of horsemen did approach whereupon fearing that it was Colonell Stuart pursuing them they took horse and sent Archbald Douglas called the Constable because he had beene Constable of the Castle of Edinburgh in the Earle of Mortons time as hath beene shewed before to discover what they were Hee finding that it was Johnstoun who had beene sent for to Edinburgh to assist against the Lords and was dismist upon their retreat from Stirling went familiarly to him fearing no harme so much the rather because Johnstoun and Angus were brothers by their mother But Johnstoun either fearing that notice might be given to the Courtiers and he challenged thereof if he should let him goe or to get thankes and shew his forwardnesse to their service layes hold on him and carries him immediately backe to Edinburgh declaring what way he came into his hands and what way the Lords had taken delivering also Archbald their prisoner to be used at their pleasure not looking for such cruelty from them as â—…e found For they partly to seale the justice of their cause by bloud partly to make the greater alienation betwixt the brothers Johnstoun and Angus that being out of hope of reconciliation he might be necessitated to cleave to their side they thanke him in words for this his good office and hang Archbald The Earle of Angus and the rest that were with him being resolved to goe into England tooke their way through Tweddale toward Branxton from â—…hence passing through east Tiviotdale they entred England on that hand Calso where the Earle Bothwell remained was not farre out of their way wherefore as they passed by it it being now night hee came forth to them secretly and had conference with them Thereafter as if hee had come to pursue them there was a counterfeit chase made and a counterfeited fleeing for the space of a mile till they were on English ground The next day they came to Berwicke where they were received and remained a certaine space After their departure the King went to Stirling with his forces where the Castle was rendred by the Keepers who forced the Captain to yeeld it absolutely without condition of so much as their lives safe So hee and three more were executed by the Courtiers suggestion Here also the Earle of Gowrie was brought from Kenniel and arraigned of high Treason whereof being condemned by a Jurie hee was beheaded Neither did the forbearance of his friends to joyne with the Lords at Stirlin then in England procure him any favour whereas if they had joyned with them and so strengthened their party they might have terrified the Enemy and obtained better conditions for him Hee was executed the eight and twentieth day of April 1584. The points whereof he was convicted were the fact at Ruthven and the late enterprise at Stirlin His speech was short hee answered to the first That he had a remission for it and to the second That there was no intention there against the King onely they had purposed to remove those wicked men who abused him and whose thirst of bloud hee wished that his death might quench But they cared little for his speeches and as little for his alliance his Countesse being a Stuart of the house of Methven toward whom and her children they shewed no respect at all but used them with all incompassionate rigour and crueltie For she coming to intreat for her self and her children in the time of the Parliament and having fallen down upon her knees before the King shee was troden under foot and left lying in a sound From Stirlin they returned to Edinburgh and there kept a Parliament the two and twentieth day of May in which the Earle of Angus and 〈◊〉 the late Earle of Gowrie and the Master of Glames with divers Barons and others their associats were forfeited the fact of Ruthven conâ—…emned the order of Church-government by Presbyteries Synodes and Generall Assemblies which had been received and publickly allowed in Scotland all men swearing and subscribing thereto and the oath translated into divers languages with great approbation of 〈◊〉 reformed Churches and no small commendation of the King and Countrey forbidden and prohibited and termed unlawfull conventions And in place thereof the office of Bishops condemned by this Church as unlawfull as an invention of mans braine having no warrant of the word of God was reared up again and erected Also Master Robert Montgomerie who had been excommunicated for accepting such an office was now released and restored to his place There was strait inhibiting all men from speaking against these Acts against the Kings proceedings Counsellours or Courtiers under highest paines What shall the Ministers do here Shall they oppose That were to cast themselves into certain danger and to expose themselves to the crueltie of cruell men armed now with a colour oflaw Should they keep silence hear with patience that order blaspemed which they had approven received sworn to and the contrary which they had detested abominated condemned set up and allowed to
know our designes but wee are to receive some help of Moneyes for so it is promised Sir William Russell shall also joyne with us as a male-content having been of late ill used by that State in killing Sir Francis but not as having any command so to do If matters go on we minde to enter on both hands Hamilton and Maxwell shall enter on the West-borders Angus and Marre at the East with such as will joyne with them there Thus did it please him to speak of himself in the third person howbeit it was written all with his own hand But Sir William Russell did not joyn with them Angus Marre and the Master of Glames came to Calsoe and remained there with the Earle Bothwel two or three nights Thither came the Lord Hume Sir George Hume of Wedderburne and others of their friends and with common consent from thence they went to Jedbrugh where they made their coming known and professed their intentions Upon the report hereof Colonell Stuart was sent against them with such forces as he could get and came to Peebles but he found that he had not to doe with irresolute and lingering folks as the Earle of Gowrie nor with such deserted and abandoned men as had fled from Stirlin and therefore he retired in due time to tell tidings of the certainty of their coming They took their journey toward Hamilton and there joyned the Lord Hamilton and the Lord Maxwell and so altogether marched to Fawkirk They caused publish Declarations every where containing their intentions and justifying their proceedings which are set down word by word in the History of Scotland written by Holinshed an English-man who pleaseth may read it there The summe is not unlike to that which was made before at Stirlin when they fled to England onely such things were added thereto as had fallen out since then in the time of their abode there As namely First The proceeding by cruelty under the shadow of the Kings name whose Predecessours did commonly labour to winne the hearts of his Subjects by clemencie Secondly The executing imprisoning banishing by wrested Lawes the worthiest most ancient and the most faithfull to G O D and the King both Noblemen and Barons Thirdly Acts and Proclamations published inhibiting Presbyteries other exercises priviledges and immunities allowed by Parliament or practised and permitted by laudable custome of the Church without which purity of Doctrine the right form of Ecclesiastical discipline cannot continue Fourthly compelling forcing the most learned and most religious men and such as were of most entire life conversation of most sincere conscience to forsake their Countrey or inhibiting them to preach and defrauding them of their Stipend by violence Fifthly the entertaining of Jesuites and executers of the Decrees of the cruell Councell of Trent Sixthly obdurate Papists having place in Session and honest men removed an evident proof and presage of intention to root out the true Religion Seventhly the thrusting of Magistrates upon Burrows contrary to their priviledges which were neither free of the Townes nor fit to discharge the place in their persons Eighthly the secret practices of James Stuart and the Colonell to turne the love and amitie which hath been now of a long time entertained with England very happily into open hostility having had intelligence with such persons as sought the Queen of Englands destruction a point confessed by divers her Rebels executed in England and which appeared by the slaughtering of the Lord Russell a man noble in birth honourable by vertue zealous in Religion of great expectation and a speciall friend and lover of Scottish men notwithstanding that they had made shew of the contrary for certaine moneths and had pretended to enter into an offensive and defensive League with her The conclusion was Wee command and charge in our Soveraignâ—… Lords name as his born Counsellours who are bound in dutie to be carefull of his welfare honour and reputation for which we have our Lands and Inheritances all and sundry his subjects to further and assist this our godly enterprise to concurre with us and so to give testimony of their affection to the true Religion his Majesties welfare and publick peace and quietnesse of this Realme It contained also certification That such as should attempt any thing to their contrary yea that did not take plaine and open part with them should bee reputed as partakers of all vice and iniquitie as assisters of the said treasonable Conspiratours James and William Stuarts and enemies to Religion to his Majestie and Authoritie and to the publicke quietnesse of the two Realmes and should bee used as such in body and goods Commanding all Justices and Magistrates as well the Lords of the Session as others Sheriffes and whatsoever inferiour Judges to administer justice for the furtherance hereof as they would answer upon their allegeance and highest perils with the like certification to them also if they failed herein They staid at Fawlkirke that night being the second day of November and kept strong watch being within five miles of the enemy It was observed with great disdain that the Lord Maxwel who had the charge of the hired souldiers that were put on the watch and so the choyce of the watch-word gave it Saint Andrew as smelling of his superstitious disposition and which was a blemish and contradiction in a manner to their declaration wherein they professed to stand for the true Religion But it was rather privately grudged at than publickly reproved On the morrow there came a message from the Castle of Stirlin as from the King to the Earle Bothwell whereby he was desired to forsake that Company and either come to the King or returne to his own house which he pleased This was a trick to divide them and which did so work upon him that if the Earle of Angus had not partly by reason perswaded him and partly by his authoritie being a man greatly respected detained him and fixed his wavering minde he had forsaken them altogether not without great danger to have weakned the hands and hearts of the rest by such an untimely example On such moments many times do even the greatest businesse depend But God had determined to blesse that Work at that time in their hands That rub being removed they march forward and about the going down of the Sunne they shewed themselves at S. Ninians Kirk which is scarce a full mile from Stirlin and were seen from the Castle wall of friends and foes They lodged there-about as they could till near the dawning of the day and then upon a secret signe given to the Companies that had dispersed themselves into the neighbour Villages for better lodging and victuall without sound of Drumme or Trumpet they came to their Camp and Colours The way of assaulting the Town was laid down thus First one of the Commanders with a few Companies was directed to go and make shew as if hee meant to enter
abundance being in Autumne did so spoile the wayes and raise the waters and wet the Souldiers with their armour that they were forced to retire home again into Scotland In the mean time King Richard greatly moved that the Scots must bring in strangers to waste his Countrey entereth Scotland with an Army of 60000. foot and 8000. horse and used all sort of Hostilitie in the Merse and Lowthian not sparing the religious houses and persons such as Newbotle Melrosse and Dribrough with the Monkes thereof The French Admirall better remembring and more carefull of his Masters directions then considering what was fit to bee done dealt earnestly with the Earle of Douglas to give him battell But the Earle knowing better and regarding more the good of his Countrey and weighing with judgement the English power and forces would no wayes listen to him he told him it was not for want of affection to doe the King of France service that he refused to fight but in respect of the unequall number and appointment of the Armies at that time And that he might the better see the English forces he tooke him up to a hill from whence they might have a reasonable view of them as they passed by in order which when the Admirall had seen and considered thereof hee easily yeelded to the Earles opinion Hollinshed setteth downe the oddes saying that the Scots and French were not above 8000. speares and 30000. of all other sorts and the most part of those not well armed where he reckoneth of English 6000. horse and 60000. Archers which are 2000. horses fewer then our Histories do reckon In this inequalitie therefore being no lesse a wise Conductour then a valiant Warriour he resolved not to hazard a battell but determined to take another course which he did for he entered England on that quarter which was furthest distant from the English Army and wasted Cumberland and the adjacent Countrey neare to it The King of England being advertised hereof purposed to have followed him and forced him to fight but being better advised and put in mind no question of what had beâ—…allen his Grandfather Edward the third at Stanhope Parke against good Sir James he altered his purpose and marched the readiest way home And so both Armies having spoiled and wasted each others Countreyes they returned without encountring or fight of other In the return the Earle Douglas perswaded them to besiege Roxbrough Castle making full account that the King of England would not raise a new Army before the next Spring and so they sat downe before it but it did not continue eight dayes ere they raised the siege The cause was a reasonlesse demand of the Frenchmen who would needs have the Castle to bee given to them and to belong to the King of France when it were wonne from the enemy This demand did so offend the Scots that they could by no means heare of it and so the enterprise was deserted upon this occasion but chiefly by the Frenchmens insolent and licentious behaviour and carriage in the warres who rob and steal and use all manner of force and violence there arose many times great strife and many quarrells between the Country people and them for the Country people watched them when they were alone or but few together and sometimes robbed them of their horses sometimes of their valises and luggage sometimes they hurt and at other times slew of them The French Commanders complained to the Kings Councell and the common people answered that they had received more losse and hurt by the French who professed themselves to be friends then they had done by the English who were sworne enemies And therefore they said it were reason that the French should no wayes be suffered to goe home untill they had satisfied for the wrongs they had done The Earle Douglas in this hard case seeing they were strangers that came to aide Scotland was willing partly to bear with their faults as proceeding from an evill custome and form used at home in France and therefore interposed himself to have mitigated the people but could hardly pacifie them yet at last with great instancy and entreatie being greatly favoured and generally well beloved and popular hee obtained that the common Souldiers and the Army should be suffered to returne into France and that their Captains and Commanders should be retained still untill satisfaction were made for the losse they had sustained And so the King of Frances desire was satisfied who had then sent for them and withall order taken with the dammage done by them This was the aide and this was the successe of the help received from France now the second time It was very small before and it is now to very little purpose more hurtfull and troublesome to the Countrey then of importance against the enemy Aâ—…ter their embarking the Scots remained still in England the space of two moneths and then the English having withdrawne and conveighed all the victuall out of the way they returned into Scotland And hereby they did show clearly how little they leaned to forrain aid without which there greater enterprises were ever performed neither was there ever either by these or by others before or since though we looke over all Histories any great exploit atchieved All the help they ever got was onely in the besieging of some Townes at some happening times and some such trifles scarce worth the naming in respect of the whole power of the body and state of the Countrey which I remark again and commend to the Reader to be truely considered for vindicating the valour and worth of the inhabitants from that obloquie and unequall judgement of such as diminish and impair it who cannot but know that it was never forraine forces as is wrongfully surmised but the vertue and valour of their Predecessours that hath preserved the honour and liberty of their Countrey all manner of wayes and that any one man amongst diverse of the name of Douglas hath done more in that cause then the force of France if it were put all together did ever to this houre The yeare following the Earle of Douglas with Robert Stuart Earle of Fife and Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway his Uncle entered into England with an Army of three thousand men passing the water of Solway so secretly that they were at Cocket-mouth on such a sudden that the people had no leasure to convey their goods out of the way Wherefore having for the space of three dayes gathered together a rich bootie they returned home through Cumberland Westmerland and Northumberland into Scotland again without any encounter Not long after Archbald Lord of Galloway in company of the same Earle of Fife made a road into England in revenge whereof the King of England sent an Army into Scotland which did great harm in the Merse and occasioned that notable battell of Otterburn For the Scots irritated herewith boyled with deâ—…ire of revenge being at that time very flourishing
with strong youth and never better furnished with Commanders But King Robert a man by nature given to quietnesse farre stricken in yeares seaventy three yeares old was become slacker and seemed not to make so great account of the publique injuries His eldest sonne John was dull of nature and having received a hurt by a stroake of a horse which pertained to James Douglas Lord of Dalkeith was thereby lame of a legge and halted and so unfit for the travell of warre Therefore they have their recourse to the Kings next sonne the Earle of Fife and do easily agrâ—…e with him resolving to avenge the hurt and dammage they had lately received So every man promising his best endeavour appointment is made to conveen in August or as some say in July but so covertly as it should not come to the knowledge of either of the two Kings lest the King of Scotland should hinder them or the King of England prevent them yet when they had used all the expedition and secresie they could The English had notice of it and were informed of both the day and place of their meeting Wherefore that they might entrap them and take them at unawares they advertised one another and the Noblemen commanded the Commons to be in a readinesse against the next advertisement without appointing any certain day for feare that the Scots should heare of it These things thus ordered when they heard that the Scots were conveened in Tivedale not farre from the March to the number of 30000. or as Froysard saith 40000. men not daring to joyne battell with such a multitude they concluded not to stir or appeare before the coming of the enemy but that every man should ramain in his owne bounds till they saw on what coast and quarter the tempest would light and then to take the best course they could according as occasion should offer and if they could doe no more to invade Scotland on another hand farre from the enemy as the Scots had done to them the yeare before and so to recompense losse with losse In the mean time they sent a spie to the Scots camp who might bring them more certain report of all things desirous to know not onely their intention but even their particular speeches and actions Hee who was sent being nothing different from the rest in language apparell or armour did easily passe for a Scot and by that mean having been in the company undiscovered and having observed sufficiently all that was needfull to be knowne as he returned to his horse to be gone which he had bound to a tree he found that he was taken away whereupon taking him to his feet with his cloake boots and spurres and his other riding equipage he was perceived suspected taken and examined what he was whence he came and whither hee went and being found to vary in his answers hee was brought before the Generall of the Army where being threatned with the rack he confessed all and revealed the English mens intentions and purposes Upon this the Scots altered their purpose and whereas they were before minded to have gone all together in one Hoast they now divided themselves in two so that the greatest part of the Army should passe in at Carlile led by the Kings two sonnes the Earles of Fiâ—…e and Stratherne together with Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway Uncle to the Earle The other part of the Army was committed to the Earle of Douglas and with him George and John Dumbars Earles of March and Murray his Uncles William or James Lindsay Earle of Crawford the Earle of Arolle Constable the Lord Montgomry and Patrick Hepburn of Hales with his sonne the number of his company is not agreed upon Some say that he had the halfe of the Army 15000. others but 2000. foote and 300. horse with as many foote men waiting on the horse men who were lightly armed and able to fight and almost equalling the horse men in speedy expedition Some say they were foure thousand chosen horsemen in all which is most apparent by the great diligence and haste he made with his company he entred England on the East hand and crossing the river of Tine with great celerity hee was past Durham before ever the enemy was advertised or knew of his coming till he himselfe made it knowne by fire and smoake in burning the Countrey The Earle of Northumberland hearing of him himselfe being a man of great yeares sent his two sonnes Henrie and Ralph hardy and valiant young men to Newcastle commanding the rest of the Countrey also to resort thither that they might intercept the Earle of Douglas in his returne but hee having spoyled the Countrey about Durham and gotten a great bootie passeth Tine again about three miles above Newcastle and being desirous of glory and encouraged by this successe esteeming it but small honour for him to spoil the villages and not to dare to looke upon the townes marched towards Newcastle and did make offer to have assaulted it and as some write did assault it having first filled the ditches with hay and faggots hoping thereby to have drawne out the enemy to the open fields having stayed there two dayes there passed some light skirmishes amongst them every day And at last Henrie Percie eldest sonne to the Earle of Northumberland called Hotspurre being desirous to trie his valour either provoking the Earle Douglas or provoked by him the combate was offered and accepted betwixt them They mounted on two faire steeds and ran together with sharp ground spears at outrance in which encounter the Earle Douglas bore Percie out of his saddle But the English that were by did rescue him so that hee could not come at himself but he snatched away his spear with his guiddon or witter and holding it aloft and shaking it he cried out aloud that hee would carry that into Scotland as his spoil Hollinshed saith out of Fâ—…oysard that they did not runne on horseback but that in an assault at the Barriers without the gate Douglas by chance being matched hand to hand with Percie by force pluckt his Pennon from him and holding it up on high said he would carry it for his sake into Scotland There was then at Newcastle a great number of people for besides the indwellers there were all the choice men from York to the borders as the Writers relate Wherefore Earle Douglas in respect of his small number caused keep strait watch and on the morrow removing his Camp he marched toward Scotland a slow pace being loden with bootie Then sending it away before hee assaulted tooke and demolished a certain Castle and Towne that was in their way called Pouclane whereof Sir Aymer of Alpholl was Lord whom he tooke within the Castle and made him a prisoner Then marching forward they came to a place called Otterburn about twelve miles from Newcastle where they pitched downe their tents that the Souldiers might take some rest and refresh themselves after their great