her own Kingdome by strengthning the hands of Protestants abroad insomuch as she stood at last above the reach of any enemy by open warre and protected by God though often attempted by domestick Treasons and Assasinations till in the end she died in a good old age leaving to her Successor King JAMES the Kingdom of England in an happier condition then ever it was the Kingdome of Ireland wholly subdued and reduced to reap for himselfe the harvest of all her labour and expence and nothing to do for it but to propagate the true Faith in that Kingdome which she prevented by death could not performe and was in probability an easie taske for King JAMES at that time much conducing besides the honour of God to his owne Temporall strength and greatnesse if he had onely gone fairely on in that way which Queene ELIZABETH had made plaine for him The Prosperity of England seemed then at the height or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it pleases God that States many times shall decline from their happinesse without any apparent signes to us or reasons that we can give as a Heathen complaines Oh faciles dare summa Deos eademque tueri Difficiles Lucan How easie are the Gods to raise States high But not to keepe them so These things have made some high-reaching Writers impute the raising and declination of Kingdomes and Common-wealths to certaine aspects of heavenly Constellations to Conjunctions and Oppositions of Planets and various Ecclipses of Celestiall Luminaries others to an hidden strength and secret efficacy of Numbers themselves and most men to the perpetuall Rotation of fortune but the judgements of God in those things are past our finding out and they are too wise who are not content sometimes to wonder For King JAMES the Successour to Queene ELIZABETH was a wise and learned Prince of disposition mercifull and gracious excellently grounded in that Religion which he professed as the world may finde by his extant writings a Prince of whom England conceived wonderfull hope and received with great joy and Triumph but he did not beginne where his Predecessor left proceeding rather in a contrary way what the reasons of it were I will not at all presume to deliver my opinion though some have beene bold to write and publish of late yeeres that it was feare for his own Person that made him to temporize with Rome considering the boldnesse of Jesuiticall Assasines others more candidly conceived it might be his great desire of peace and union with other Princes though he might erre in the meanes of attaining that end for he was by nature a great seeker of Peace and abhorrer of bloodshed according to that Motto which he ever used Beati Pacifici I cannot search into mens thoughts but onely relate the Actions which appeared King JAMES at the beginning of his Reigne made a Peace with Spaine which was brought very low by Queene ELIZABETH and had beene neerer to ruine in all probability had she lived a few yeares longer the Estates of the united Provinces of the Netherlands those usefull Confederates to England began to be despised by the English Court under a vaine shadow in stead of a reason that they were an ill example for a Monarch to cherish Then began secret Treaties to passe betwixt Rome and the Court of England care to be taken about reconciliation of Religions the rigour of Penall Lawes against the Papists notwithstanding that odious plot of the Gunpowder Treason was abated the pompe of Prelacy and multitude of Ceremonies encreased daily in the Church of England and according to that were all Civill Affaires managed both at home and abroad Neither was it easie for the King to turne himselfe out of that way when he was once entred into it so that at last the Papists began by degrees to be admitted neerer to him in service and conversation Exceeding desirous he then was to match the Prince his Sonne to the Infanta of Spaine about which many and long Treaties passed wherein not onely the Spaniard but the Pope made many present advantages of the Kings earnest desires and many waies deluded him as it appeared plainely by his owne Letters to his Ambassadours there since found and published Thus was the King by degrees brought not onely to forsake but to oppose his owne interest both in civill and religious affaires which was most unhappily seene in that cause as the Duke of ROHAN observed wherein besides the interest of all Protestants and the honour of his Nation the estate and livelihood of his owne children were at the height concerned the Palatinate businesse From hence slowed a farther mischiefe for the King being loath perchance that the whole people should take notice of those waies in which he trod grew extremely dis-affected to Parliaments calling them for nothing but to supply his expences dissolving them when they began to meddle with State Affaires and divers times imprisoning the Members for Speeches made in Parliament against the fundamentall priviledges of that high Court Parliaments being thus despised and abused projects against the Lawes were found out to supply the Kings expences which were not small and the King whether to avoid the envy of those things or the trouble of them did in a manner put off all businesse of Government from himselfe into the hands of a young Favourite the Duke of BUCKINGHAM whom he had raised from a Knights fourth Sonne to that great height and entrusted with the chiefe Offices of the Kingdome besides the great power which he had by that extraordinary favour of confering all places and preferments both in Church and State This Duke not long before the death of King JAMES was growne into extraordinary favour and intirenesse with the Prince whom he afterward swayed no lesse then he had before his father like an unhappy vapour exhaled from the earth to so great an height as to cloud not only the rising but the setting Sunne King CHARLES with great hopes and expectation of the people and no lesse high expressions of love and duty from all in generall began his Reigne on the 27 of March 1624. and indeed that love which the people bare to his Person had been before testified whilest he was yet Prince at his returne from Spaine though the journey it selfe had not beene pleasing to the Kingdome for when the people saw him arrived in safety there needed no publike Edict for thanksgiving or joy every society and private family as if the hearts of all had beene in one did voluntarily assemble themselves together praising God with singing of Psalmes with joyfull feasting and charity to the poore insomuch that I suppose the like consent without any interposing authority hath not been often knowne The same affections followed him to his Throne the same hopes and faire presages of his future Government whilest they considered the temperance of his youth how cleare he had lived from personall vice being growne to the age of 23. how untainted of
I Have read over the first part of this History contained in three Books an impartiall Truth and judge it fit for publike view by the printing JO. LANGLEY May 7. 1647. THE HISTORY OF THE PARLIAMENT Of England Which began November the third M.DC.XL With a short and necessary view of some precedent yeares Written by THOMAS MAY Esquire Secretary for the Parliament Published by Authority Tempora mutantur Mutantur Homines Veritas eadem manet Imprinted at London by Moses Bell for George Thomason at the Signe of the Rose and Crown in St. Pauls Church Yard M. DC.XL.VII The Preface THe use of History and the just Rules for composure of it have been so well and fully described heretofore by judicious Writers that it were lost labour and a needlesse extention of the present work to insist by way of Introduction upon either of them I could rather wish my abilities were such as that the Reader to whose judgement it is left might finde those Rules observed in the Narration it self then told him in the Preface by a vaine Anticipation I will only professe to follow that one Rule Truth to which all the rest like the rest of Morall Vertues to that of Justice may be reduced against which there are many waies besides plaine falshood whereby a Writer may offend Some Historians who seeme to abhorre direct falshood have notwithstanding dressed Truth in such improper Vestments as if they brought her forth to act the same part that falshood would and taught her by Rhetoricall disguises partiall concealements and invective expressions instead of informing to seduce a Reader and carry the judgement of Posterity after that Byas which themselves have made It was the opinion of a learned Bishop of England not long ago deceased that Cardinall Baronius his Annals did more wound the Protestant Cause then the Controversies of Bellarmine And it may well be true For against the unexpected stroke of partiall History the ward is not so ready as against that Polemike writing where Hostility is professed with open face This fault I have indeavoured to avoid But it is my misfortune to undertake such a subject in which to avoid partiality is not very easie But to escape the suspition or censure of it is almost impossible for the cleerest integrity that ever wrote Others I suppose will handle this Theame and because that none perchance may perfectly please I shall in the behalfe of all intreat a Reader that in his censure he would deale with the Writings of men as with mankinde it selfe to call that the best which is least bad The Subject of this work is a Civill War a War indeed as much more then Civill and as full of miracle both in the causes and effects of it as was ever observed in any Age a Warre as cruell as unnaturall that has produced as much rage of Swords as much bitternesse of Pens both publike and private as was ever knowne and divided the understandings of men as well as their affections in so high a degree that scarce could any vertue gaine due applause any reason give satisfaction or any Relation obtaine credit unlesse amongst men of the same side It were therefore a presumptuous madnesse to think that this poore and weake Discourse which can deserve no applause from either side should obtaine from both so much as pardon or that they should here meet in censure which in nothing else have concurred I cannot therefore be so stupid as not at all to be sensible of the taske imposed on me or the great envy which attends it which other men who have written Histories upon farre lesse occasion have discoursed of at large in their Prefaces And Tacitus himselfe complaining of those ill times which were the unhappy subject of his Annals though he wrote not in the time of the same Princes under whom those things were acted yet because the Families of many men who had then been ignominious were yet in being could not but discourse how much happier those Writers were who had taken more ancient and prosperous times for their Argument such as he there expresses in which the great and glorious actions of the old Romans their honourable Atchievements and exemplary Vertues are recorded And I could have wished more then my life being my self inconsiderable that for the Publike sake my Theame could rather have been the prosperity of these Nations the Honour and happinesse of this King and such a blessed Condition of both as might have reached all the ends for which Government was first ordained in the world Then the description of Shipwracks Ruines and Desolations Yet these things truly recorded and observed may be of good Use and benefit Posterity in divers kinds For though the present Actions or rather sufferings of these once happy Nations are of so high a marke and consideration as might perchance throw themselves into the knowledge of Posterity by Tradition and the weight of their owne Fame Yet it may much conduce to the benefit of that knowledge to have the true causes originall and growth of them represented by an honnest Pen. For the truth of this plaine and naked Discourse which is here presented to the publike view containing a briefe Narration of those Distractions which have fallen amongst us during the sitting of this present Parliament as also some Passages and visible Actions of the former Government whether probably conducing to these present calamities or not of which let the Reader judge I appeale only to the memory of any English man whose yeares have been enow to make him know the Actions that were done and whose conversation has been enough publike to let him heare the Common Voice and Discourses of People upon those Actions to his memory I say do I appeale whether such Actions were not done and such Judgements made upon them as are here related In which perchance some Readers may be put in minde of their owne thoughts heretofore which thoughts have since like Nebuchadnezzars dreame departed from them An English Gentleman who went to travell when this Parliament was called and returned when these differences were growne among us hearing what Discourses were daily made affirmed That the Parliament of England in his opinion was more mis-understood in England then at Rome And that there was greater need to remember our own Countrymen then to informe strangers of what was past So much said he have they seemed to forget the things themselves and their own Nations concerning them But where Warre continues people are inforced to make their residence in severall Quarters and therefore severall according to the places where they converse must their information be concerning the condition and state of things From whence arises not onely a variety but a great discrepancy for the most part in the Writings of those who record the passages of such times And therefore it has seldome happened but that in such times of calamity and Warre Historians have much dissented from each other
those licentious extravagances which unto that age and foâ—tune are not only incident but almost thought excusable But some men suspended their hopes as doubting what to finde of a Prince so much and so long reserved for he had never declared himselfe of any Faction or scarse interposed in any State affaires though some things had been managed in his fathers Reigne with much detriment to his owne present and future fortunes Yet that by the people in generall was well censured as an effect of his piety and obedience to the King his father and happy presages gathered from it That so good an obeyer would prove a just Ruler They wondered also to see him suddenly linked in such an intire friendship with the Duke of BUCKINGHAM for extraordinary Favourites do usually eclipse and much depresse the Heire apparent of a Crowne or else they are conceived so to do and upon that reason hated and ruined by the succeeding Prince in which kinde all ancient and moderne Stories are full of examples In the beginning of King CHARLES his Reigne a Parliament was called and adjourned to Oxford the plague raging extremely at London where the Duke of BUCKINGHAM was highly questioned but by the King not without the griefe and sad presage of many people that private affections would too much prevaile in him against the publike he was protected against the Parliament which for that onely purpose was dissolved after two Subsidies had been given and before the Kingdome received reliefe in any one grievance as is expressed in the first and generall Remonstrance of this present Parliament where many other unhappy passages of those times are briefly touched as that the King immediately after the dissolution of that Parliament contrived a Warre against Spaine in which the designe was unhappily laid and contrary to the advice which at that time had been given by wise men who perswaded him to invade the West Indies a way no doubt farre more easie and hopefull for England to prevaile against Spaine then any other instead of that the King with great expence of Treasure raised an Army and Fleet to assault Cales the Duke of BUCKINGHAM bearing the Title both of Admirall and Generall though he went not himselfe in person but the matter was so ordered that the expedition proved altogether successelesse and as dishonourable as expensive They complained likewise of another designe which indeed was much lamented by the people of England in generall about that time put in practice a thing destructive to the highest interest of the Nation the maintenance of Protestant Religion a Fleet of English Ships were set forth and delivered over to the French by whose strength all the Sea forces of Rochell were scattered and destroyed a losse to them irrecoverable and the first step to their ruine Neither was this loane of Ships from England for such was the peoples complaint and suspition against those who at that time stood at the Helme supposed to proceed so much from friendship to the State of France as from designe against Religion for immediately upon it the King by what advice the people understood not made a breach with France by taking their Ships to a great value without making any recompence to the English whose Goods were thereupon imbarr'd and confiscate in that Kingdome In revenge of this a brave Army was raised in England and commanded by the Duke of BUCKINGHAM in person who landing at the Isle of Rhea was at the first encounter victorious against the French but after few Moneths stay there the matter was so unhappily carried the Generall being unexperienced in Warlike affaires that the French prevailed and gave a great defeat where many gallant Gentlemen lost their lives and the Nation much of their ancient Honour From thence proceeded another step to the ruine of Rochell the sick and wounded English were sent into that City and relieved by the besieged Rochellers out of that little provision which they then had upon faithfull promise of supplies from England in the same kinde The provisions of Rochell were little enough for their owne reliefe at that time if we consider what ability the French King had to continue that siege when to the proper wealth and greatnesse of his Crowne was added that reputation and strength which his late successe against all the other Protestant Garrisons in France had brought The besieged Rochellers not doubting at all of the due and necessary supply of Victuall from England sent their Ships thither for that purpose but those Ships whose returne with bread was so earnestly expected were stayed in England by an Imbargo and so long stayed till that unhappy Towne was enforced to yeeld by famine the sharpest of all Enemies But in the meane time whilest these Ships with Victuall were detained a great Army was raised in England for reliefe of Rochell but too great was the delay of those preparations till time was past and that Army in the end disbanded by the sad death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM their Generall who was stabbed at Portsmouth by a private Gentleman JOHN FELTON This FELTON was a Souldier of a low stature and no promising aspect of disposition serious and melancholly but religious in the whole course of his life and conversation which last I do not mention out of purpose to countenance his unlawfull act as supposing him to have had as some did then talke any inspiration or calling of God to it His confessions to his friends both publike and private were That he had often secret motions to that purpose which he had resisted and prayed against and had almost overcome untill he was at last confirmed in it by reading the late dissolved Parliaments Remonstrance against the Duke That then his conscience told him it was just and laudable to be the executioner of that man whom the highest Court of Judicature the representative body of the Kingdome had condemned as a Traytor But let Posterity censure it as they please certain it is that FELTON did much repent him of the unlawfulnesse of the fact out of no feare of death or punishment here for he wished his hand cut off before the execution which his Jugdes could not doome by the Lawes of England The King had not long before broken off another Parliament called in the second yeare of his Reigne in which the Petition of Right was granted to the great rejoycing of the people But it proved immediately to be no reliefe at all to them for the Parliament presently dissolved the King acted over the same things which formerly he had done and that grant instead of fortifying the Kingdomes Liberty made it appeare to be more defencelesse then before that Lawes themselves were no barre against the Kings will The Parliament in hope of gracious Acts had declared an intent to give his Majesty five Subsidies the full proportion of which five Subsidies was after the dissolution of that Parliament exacted by Commission of Loane from the people and those
imprisoned which refused the payment of that Loane Great summes of money were required and raised by privy Scales A Commission for squeezing the Subject by way of Excize Souldiers were billited upon them And a designe laid to inslave the Nation by a force of German Horse with many other things of that nature Those affaires of State which concerned Conâ—ederates abroad had been managed with as much disadvantage and infelicity to them as dishonour to the English Nation and prejudice to the Cause of Religion it selfe Peace was made with Spaine without consent of Parliament by which all hope was utterly lost of re-establishing the Kings neerest kinred in their just Dominion and the Protestant Religion much weakened in Germany What Counsells had then influence upon the Court of England might be the amazement of a wise man to consider and the plaine truth must needs seeme a paradox to posterity as that the Protestant Religion both at home and abroad should suffer much by the Government of two Kings of whom the former in his own person wrote more learnedly in defence of it and the latter in his owne person lived more conformably to the Rules of it then any of their Contemporary Princes in Europe But the Civill Affaires of State were too ill managed to protect or at least to propagate true Religion or else the neglect of Religion was the cause that Civill Affaires were blessed with no more honour and prosperity The right waies of Queen ELIZABETH who advanced both had been long ago forsaken and the deviation grew daily farther and more fatall to the Kingdom Which appeared in a direct contrariety to all particulars of her Reigne Titles of Honour were made more honourable by her in being conferred sparingly and therefore probably upon great desert which afterwards were become of lesse esteem by being not onely too frequently conferred but put to open sale and made too often the purchase of Mechannicks or the reward of vitious persons At the death of that Duke the people were possessed with an unusuall joy which they openly testified by such expressions as indeed were not thought fit nor decent by wise men upon so tragicall and sad an accident which in a christian consideration might move compassion whatsoever the offences of the man were To such people that distick of Seneca might give answer Res est sacra miser noli mea tangere fata Sacrilegae Bustis abstinuere manus Sacred is woe touch not my death with scorne Even sacrilegious hands have Tombs forborne And it may be that God was offended at the excesse of their joy in that he quickly let them see the benefit was not so great to them as they expected by it but his judgements are too high for men to search True it is that the people in generall loving the Kings Person and very unwilling to harbour the least opinion of ill in him looked upon the Duke as the onely hinderance of the Kingdomes happinesse supposing that though other Statesmen might afterwards arise of as bad or worse intentions then the Duke yet none would have so great a power for execution of them nor any other Genius be ever found to have so great a mastery over the Kings Genius But it is certaine that men did much therefore rejoyce at the death of this Duke because they did before much feare what mischiefe might befall a Kingdome where that man who knew himselfe extreamly hated by the people had all the keyes of the Kingdome in his hand as being Lord Admirall and Warden of the Cinque-Ports having the command of all the Souldiers and the onely power to reward and raise them These joyes and hopes of men lasted not long for in the same yeer being the fourth of King CHARLES and after the death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM another Parliament was dissolved and then the Priviledges of that high Court more broken then ever before Six Members of the House of Commons who had been forward in vindicating the Priviledges of Parliament were committed close Prisoners for many moneths together without the liberty of using books pen inke and paper while they were detained in this condition and not admitted Bayle according to Law They were also vexed with informations in inferiour Courts where they were sentenced and fined for matters done in Parliament and the payment of such Fines extorted from them Some were enforced to put in security of good behaviour before they could be released The rest who refused to be bound were detained divers yeares after in custody of whom one Sir JOHN ELLIOT a Gentleman of able parts that had been forwardest in expression of himselfe for the freedome of his Country and taxing the unjust actions of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM while that Duke lived though the truth be that the 〈◊〉 of his were no other then what carried 〈◊〉 consent in them dyed by the harshnesse of his imprisonment which would admit of no relaxation though for healths sake he petitioned for it often and his Physitian gave in testimony to the same purpose The freedome that Sir JOHN Eâ—â—OT used in Parliament was by the people in generall applauded though much taxed by the Courtiers and censur'd by some of a more politike reserve considering the times in that kind that TACITUS censures THRASEAS POETUS as thinking such freedom a needlesse and therefore a foolish thing where no cure could be hoped by it Sibi periculum nec aliis libertatem After the breaking off this Parliament as the Historian speaketh of Roman liberty after the battell of PHILIPPI nunquam post hoc praelium c. the people of England for many years never looked back to their ancient liberty A Declaration was published by the king wherein aspertions were laid upon some Members but indeed the Court of Parliament it selfe was declared against All which the dejected people were forced to read with patience and allow against the dictate of their own reason The people of England from that time were deprived of the hope of Parliaments and all things so managed by publike Officers as if never such a day of account were to come I shall for methods sake first of all make a short enumeration of some of the chiefe grievances of the Subjects which shall be truly and plainly related as likewise some vices of the Nation in generall that the Reader may the better judge of the causes of succeeding troubles during the space of seven or eight yeares after the dissolution of that Parliament and then give some account concerning the severall dispositions of the people of ENGLAND and their different censures of the Kings government during those years touching by thâ—â—â—â—â—mewhat of 〈◊〉 manners and customs of the 〈◊〉 ENGLAND and then briefly of the condition of Ecclesiasticall affaires and the censures of men concerning that CHAP. II. A briefe Relation of some grievances of the Kingdome The various opinions of men concerning the present Government The condition of the Court and Clergy of England Some
of the Nation though a number considerable enough to make a Reformation hard compared with those Gentlemen who were sensible of their birth-rights and the true interest of the Kingdome on which side the common people in the generality and Country Freeholders stood who would rationally argue of their owne Rights and those oppressions that were layed upon them But the sins of the English Nation were too great to let them hope for an easie or speedy redresse of such grievances and the manners of the people so much corrupted as by degrees they became of that temper which the Historian speakes of his Romans ut nec mala nec remedia ferre possent they could neither suffer those pressures patiently nor quietly endure the cure of them Prophannesse too much abounded every where and which is most strange where there was no Religion yet there was Superstition Luxury in diet and excesse both in meat and drinke was crept into the Kingdome in an high degree not only in the quantity but in the wanton curiosity And in abuse of those good creatures which God had bestowed upon this plentifull Land they mixed the vices of divers Nations catching at every thing that was new and forraigne Non vulgo not a placebant Petronius Gaudia non usu plebejo trita voluptas Old knowne delight They scorne and vulgar bare-worne pleasure sleight As much pride and excesse was in Apparell almost among all degrees of people in new fangled and various fashioned attire they not only imitated but excelled their forraigne patternes and in fantasticall gestures and behaviour the petulancy of most Nations in Europe Et laxi crines tot nova nomina vestis Petr. Loose haire and many new found names of clothes The serious men groaned for a Parliament but the great Statesmen plyed it the harder to compleat that worke they had begun of setting up Prerogative above all Lawes The Lord WENTWORTH afterward created Earle of STRAFFORD for his service in that kinde was then labouring to oppresse Ireland of which he was Deputy and to begin that worke in a conquered Kingdome which was intended to be afterward wrought by degrees in England And indeed he had gone very farre and prosperously in those waies of Tyranny though very much to the end ammaging and setting backe of that newly established Kingdome He was a man of great parts of a deepe reach subtle wit of spirit and industry to carry on his businesse and such a conscience as was fit for that worke he was designed to He understood the right way and the Liberty of his Country as well as any man for which in former Parliaments he stood up stiffely and seemed an excellent Patriot For those abilities he was soone taken off by the King and raised in honour to be imployed in a contrary way for inslaving of his Country which his ambition easily drew him to undertake To this man in my opinion that character which LUCAN bestowes upon the Roman Curio in some sort may suit Haud alium tauta civem tulit indole Roma Aut â— ui plus Leges deberent recta sequenâ—i Perdita tune urbi nocuerunt secula postquam Ambitus Luxus opum metuenda facultas Transverso mentem dubiam Torrente tulerunt Momentumque fuit mutatus curio rerum A man of abler parts Rome never bore Nor one to whom whilest right the Lawes ow'd more Our State it selfe then suffer'd when the tide Of Avarice Ambition factious pride To turne his wavering minde quite crosse began Of such high moment was one changed man The Court of England during this long vacancy of Parliaments enjoyed it selfe in as much pleasure and splendour as ever any Court did The Revels Triumphs and Princely Pastims were for those many yeares kept up at so great a height that any stranger which travelled into England would verily believe a Kingdom that looked so cheerefully in the face could not be sick in any part The Queene was fruitfull and now growne of such an age as might seeme to give her priviledge of a farther society with the King then bed and board and make her a partner of his affaires and businesse which his extreme affection did more encourage her to challenge That conjugall love as an extraordinary vertue of a King in midst of so many temptations the people did admire and honour But the Queenes power did by degrees give priviledge to Papists and among them the most witty and Jesuited to converse under the name of civility and Courtship not only with inferiour Courtiers but the King himselfe and to sowe their seed in what ground they thought best and by degrees as in complement to the Queene Nuntio's from the Pope were received in the Court of England PANZANI CON and ROSETTI the King himselfe maintaining in discourse That he saw no reason why he might not receive an Embassadour from the Pope being a Temporall Prince But those Nuntio's were not entertained with publike Ceremony so that the people in generall tooke no great notice of them and the Courtiers were confident of the Kings Religion by his due frequenting Prayers and Sermons The Clergy whose dependance was meerely upon the King were wholly taken up in admiration of his happy Government which they never concealed from himselfe as often as the Pulpit gave them accesse to his eare and not onely there but at all meetings they discoursed with joy upon that Theam affirming confidently that no Prince in Europe was so great a friend to the Church as King CHARLES That Religion flourished no where but in England and no reformed Church retained the face and dignity of a Church but that Many of them used to deliver their opinion That God had therefore so severely punished the Palatinate because their Sacriledge had beene so great in taking away the endowments of Bishopricks Queene ELIZABETH her selfe who had reformed Religion was but coldly praised and all her vertues forgotten when they remembred how she cut short the Bishoprick of Ely HENRY the eight was much condemned by them for seizing upon the Abbies and taking so much out of the severall Bishopricksâ— as he did in the 37 yeer of his Reigne To maintaine therefore that splendour of a Church which so much pleased them was become their highest endeavour especially after they had gotten in the yeare 1633. an Archbishop after their owne heart Doctor LAUD who had before for divers yeares ruled the Clergy in the secession of Archbishop ABBOT a man of better temper and discretion which discretion or vertue to conceale would be an injury to that Archbishop he was a man who wholly followed the true interest of England and that of the Reformed Churches in Europe so farre as that in his time the Clergy was not much envied here in England nor the Government of Episcopacy much dis-favoured by Protestants beyond the Seas Not onely the pompe of Ceremonies were daily increased and innovations of great scandall brought into the Church but in point of
Doctrine many faire approaches made towards Rome as he that pleaseth to search may finde in the Books of Bishop LAUD MOUNTAGUE HELYN POCKLINGTON and the rest or in briefe collected by a Scottish Minister Master BAILY And as their friendship to Rome encreased so did their scorne to the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas whom instead of lending that reliefe and succour to them which God had enabled this rich Island to do they failed in their greatest extremities and in stead of harbours became rocks to split them Archbishop LAUD who was now growne into great favour with the King made use of it especially to adâ—vnce the pompe and temporall honour of the Clergy procuring the Lord Treasurers place for Doctor JUCKSON Bishop of London and indeavouring as the generall report went to fix the greatest temporall preferments upon others of that Coat insomuch as the people merrily when they saw that Treasurer with the other Bishops riding to Westminster called it the Church Triumphant Doctors and Parsons of Parishes were made every where Justices of Peace to the great grievance of the Country in civill affaires and depriving them of their spirituall edification The Archbishop by the same meanes which he used to preserve his Clergy from contempt exposed them to envy and as the wisest could then prophecy to a more then probability of losing all As we reade of some men who being fore-doomed by an Oracle to a bad fortune have runne into it by the same meanes they used to prevent it The like unhappy course did the Clergy then take to depresse Puritanisme which was to set up irreligion it selfe against it the worst weapon which they could have chosen to beat it downe which appeared especially in point of keeping the Lords day when not only books were written to shake the morality of it as that of Sunday no Sabbath but sports and pastims of jollity and lightnesse permitted to the Country people upon that day by publike Authority and the Warrant commanded to be read in Churches which in stead of producing the intended effect may credibly be thought to have been one motive to a stricter observance of that day in that part of the Kingdome which before had been well devoted And many men who had before been loose and carelesse began upon that occasion to enter into a more serious consideration of it and were ashamed to be invited by the authority of Church-men to that which themselves at the best could but have pardoned in themselves as a thing of infirmity The example of the Court where Playes were usually presented on Sundaies did not so much draw the Country to imitation as reflect with disadvantage upon the Court it selfe and sowre those other Court pastims and jollities which would have relished better without that in the eyes of all the people as things ever allowed to the delights of great Princes The countenancing of loosenesse and irreligion was no doubt a good preparative to the introducing of another Religion And the power of godlinesse being beaten downe Popery might more easily by degrees enter men quickly leave that of which they never took fast hold And though it were questionable whether the Bishops and great Clergy of England aimed at Popery it is too apparent such was the designe of Romish Agents and the English Clergy if they did not their owne worke did theirs A stranger of that Religion a Venetian Gentleman out of his owne observations in England will tell you how farre they were going in this kinde his words are THe Vniversities Bishops and Divines of England do daily imbrace Catholike opinions though they professe it not with open mouth for feare of the Puritans For example They hold that the Church of Rome is a true Church That the Pope is superiour to all Bishops That to him it appertaines to call generall Counsels That it is lawfull to pray for soules departed That Altars ought to be erected in summe they believe all that is taught by the Church but not by the Court of Rome The Archbishop of Canterbury was much against the Court of Rome though not against that Church in so high a kinde For the Doctrine of the Roman Church was no enemy to the pompe of Prelacy but the Doctrine of the Court of Rome would have swallowed up all under the Popes Supremacy and have made all greatnesse dependant upon him Which the Archbishop conceived would derogate too much from the King in Temporalls and therefore hardly to be accepted by the Court as it would from himselfe in Spiritualls and make his Metropoliticall power subordinate which he desired to hold absolute and independent within the Realme of England It is certaine that the Archbishop of Canterbury as an English Gentleman observes would often professe against those Tridentine Papists whom only he hated as Papists properly so called For at the Councell of Trent all matters concerning the Court of Rome which are of themselves but disputable were determined as points of faith to be believed upon paine of damnation But matters of faith indeed concerning the Church of Rome were left disputable and no Anathema annexed to them But that Venetian Gentleman whom before we cited declares in what state for matter of Religion England at that time stood and how divided namely into Papists Protestants and Puritans Papists are well knowne The Protestant party saith he consists of the King the Court Lords and Gentlemen with all that are raised by favour to any honour Besides almost all the Prelates and both the Vniversities What the Protestants are he farther declares viz. They hate Puritans more then they hate Papists That they easily combine with Papists to extirpate Puritans and are not so farre engaged to the Reformed Religion but that they can reduce themselves againe to the old practise of their fore-fathers That they are very opinionative in excluding the Popes Supremacy He speaks then concerning the Puritans and saies That they consist of some Bishops of almost all the Gentry and Communalty and therefore are far the most potent party And further declares what they are viz. They are such as received the Discipline of the French and Netherlanders and hold not the English Reformation to be so perfect as that which CALVIN instituted at Geneva That they hate Papists far more then they hate Protestants c. Thus farre of this strangers observation concerning England CHAP. III. The condition of the Scottish State and Clergy when the new Booke of Lyturgy was sent unto them how it was received with some effects which followed The Kings Proclamation sent by the Earle of TRAQUARE against which the Lords make a Protestation IN this condition stood the Kingdome of England about the yeare 1636. when the first coale was blowne which kindled since into so great a combustion as to deface and almost ruine three flourishing Kingdomes Neither was this coale blowne by the grieved party of England the Communalty and those religious men that prayed for Reformation but by
superstitious Ceremonies or such as they conceived so upon them put downe accustomed Lectures and deprived many Ministers much beloved and reverenced among them By which rigour he grew accidentally guilty of a wonderfull crime against the wealth and prosperity of the State For many Tradesmen with whom those parts abounded were so afflicted and troubled with his Ecclesiasticall censures and vexations that in great numbers to avoid misery they departed the Kingdome some into new England and other parts of America others into Holland whether they transported their Manufactures of Cloth not onely a losse by diminishing the present stock of the Kingdome but a great mischiefe by impairing and indangering the losse of that peculiar Trade of Clothing which hath been a plentifull fountaine of Wealth and Honour to the Kingdome of England as it was expressed in the Parliament Remonstrance but more particular crimes were laid against the Bishop which there may be occasion to discourse of hereafter in the proccedings against him The day before Bishop WRENNE was accused being the 18. of December a greater man both in Church and State WILLIAM LAUD Archbishop of Canterbury was voted in the House of Commons guilty of High Treason Master DENZILL HOLLIS a Member of that House was sent up to the Lords to appeach him there upon which he was sequestred and confined to the Black Rod. He was also charged by the Scottish Commissioners together with the Earle of Strafford as a chiefe Incendiary in the late Warre betweene both Nations and divers Articles laid against him which to examine and discusse further a Committee was appointed Upon the 23. of February Master PYMME made report to the House of Commons what hainous and capitall crimes were objected against him Upon which the House fell into a serious debate and a Charge of High Treason in fourteene Articles was drawne up against him which Charge two daies after was sent from the House of Commons by Master PYMME up to the Lords The Archbishop was that day brought before the Lords to heare that Charge read and it was there voted That he should immediately be sent to the Tower but upon his earnest suit for some speciall reasons he was two daies longer suffered to abide under the Black Rod and then accordingly sent to the Tower where we will leave himâ— till the course of this Narration bring him to further triall upon those Articles Civill offendors as well as Ecclesiasticall must needs be many in so long a corruption of Government of whom one as he was first in time and soone leâ—t the Stage besides his chiefe Crime concerning matters of Church and Religion so he shall first be named Sir FRANCIS WINDEBANKE Principall Secretary of Estate a great Favourite and friend to the Archbishop of Canterbury and by his friendship as was thought advanced to that place of Honour was upon the 12 of November questioned in an high kinde concerning Popish Priests of whom in that seven or eight yeares that he had been Secretary he had bayled a great number and released many by his power contrary to the Lawes made and then in force against them which being examined by a Committee and certaine to prove foule against him as it did afterward for upon examination there were proved against him 74. Letters of grace to Recusants within foure yeares signed with his owne hand 64 Priests discharged from the Gate-House 29 discharged by a verball Warrant from him he thought it his best course before triall to fly the Land so that upon the fourth of December newes was brought to the House that Secretary WINDEBANKE with Master READ his chiefe Clarke was fled and soone after notice was given that he arrived in France where he long continued About that time came the great businesse of Ship-Money into debate in Parliament and was voted by both Houses to be a most illegall Taxation and unsufferable grievance in reference to which case almost all the Judges were made Delinquents for their extrajudiciall opinions in it as more particularly will afterward appeare As for other petty grievances such as were the multitude of Monopolies upon all things and Commodities of greatest and most familiar use the House daily condemned them and the Delinquents of meaner note in that kinde were examined and censured too many to be here named Nay so impartiall was the House of Commons in that case that many of their owne Members who had been guilty of such Monopolies were daily turned out of the House for that offence But the businesse of Ship-money did reflect with a deeper staine of guilt upon the then Lord Keeper FINCH then upon any of the other Judges whatsoever for his great activity and labouring in it by threats and promises working upon the other Judges as we finde alleadged against him Sir JOHN FINCH in the yeare 1636. when that Taxation of Ship-money was first plotted and set on foot was newly made Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas a man in favour with the King and many of the greatest Lords in Court having before been the Queenes Attorney a Gentleman of good birth of an high and Imperious spirit eloquent in speech though in the knowledge of the Law not very deepe Upon the death of the Lord Keeper COVENTRY about December 1639. the King was pleased to conferre that high Trust of keeping the Great Seale upon him which Office at this time he held Upon the seventh of December when Ship-money was fully debated and absolutely damned by the House of Commons and the offence of the Judges began to be scanned sixteene Gentlemen of that House were chosen to examine those Judges that had given their extrajudiciall opinions for it for three gave their opinions otherwise The arguments of two Judge CROOKE and Judge HUTTON were very famous Baron DENHAM by reason of sicknesse could not declare his opinion in so large a manner what threats or promises had been used to them and by what persons Upon which examination and further light given the next day a Committee was named to draw up Charges against the Judges and against the Lord FINCH then Lord Keeper a Charge of High Treason He not many daies after became an humble Suâ—tor to the House of Commons That before the Charge of High Treason were delivered against him they would be pleased to heare him Ore Tenus in their owne House His suit was granted and the next day save one in a long Oration he endeavoured to cleare himselfe but all in vaine was that endeavour though his deportment were very humble and submissive and his Speech full of perswasive Rhetorick it could not prevaile to divert the Judgement though many in the House were moved to a kinde of Compassion He either secretly informed by friends or himself perceiving by evident signes how things were likely to go with him conceived it best to use a timely prevention and the next day disguised fled and soone crossed the Seas into Holland After his flight he was voted
he could not allow of the disbanding of the Irish Army for divers reasons best knowne to himselfe The Conspiracy being in some part detected PERCY JERMYN and SUCKLING fled the day before they should have been examined being the sixth of May and passed into France where SUCKLING not long after dyed But afterwards upon the reading of a Letter in the House upon the 14. of Iune sent by Master PERCY out of France to his Brother the Earle of Northumberland WILMOT ASHBURNNAM and POLLARD three Members of the House of Commons mentioned in that Letter as privy to this Conspiracy were commanded to withdraw and then called in severally examined and committed WILMOT to the Tower ASHBURNHAM to the Kings Bench and POLLARD to the Gate-House from whence they were not long after released upon Bayle as being found guilty not in so high a degree as others were GORING upon his Examination dealt so cleerly with them and so farre purged himselfe from evill intentions that he was not at all committed by the Parliament ONEALE who proved most guilty of that part of the Conspiracy for bringing up the English Army against the Parliament was presently after apprehended and committed to the Tower whence it was generally thought he would be brought to Tryall for his life and suffer but he made an escape The Parliament considering what great disturbance they began to finde in setling the State what conspiracies had been on foot and doubtfull of the Kings sincere affection towards them considering also what great disbursements of money were to be made for payment of two Armies and other charges for setling the State to which purpose money was to be borrowed upon the Publike Faith by a joint consent of both Houâ—â— moved the King to signe a Bill for continuance of this present Parliament That it should never be dissolved till both Houses did consent and agree that publike grievances were fully redrest A Bill was drawne up to that purpose and the King the same day that he signed the Bill for execution of the Earle of Strafford being the 10. of May 1641. signed that also for continuance of the present Parliament But in this place it is sit to insert what had past before in this kinde The King upon the 15. of February before had signed a Bill presented to him by both Houses for a Parliament to be held in England every third yeare That the Lord Keeper and Chancellor of the Dutchy for the time being should be sworne to issue forth the Writs and upon default to lose their places The same day in the afternoone there was a Conference betweene the two Houses to returne the King thankes upon which it was concluded that the whole House should go to the King to White-Hall and that the Lord Keeper in the name of both Houses should returne their thankfulnesse to his Majesty which was accordingly done Expressions of joy by Order from the Parliament were that night made about London with ringing of Bells making of Bonesires with such usuall things It is observable in the course of Histories how much Kings in such limited Monarchies as that of England do in time by degrees gaine upon the peoples Rights and Priviledges That those things which by constitution of the Government the people may challenge as due from the Prince having been long forborne become at last to be esteemed such Acts of extraordinary grace as that the Prince is highly thanked for granting of them Such was the case of this Trienniall Parliament as both Houses afterward when the unhappy division began and the King upbraided them with this favour could plainly answer That it was not so much as by Law they might require there being two Statutes then in force for a Parliament once a yeere The King himselfe also at the time when he granted that Trienniall Parliament could not forbeare to tell them That he put an obligation upon them in doing it which they had scarse deserved For hitherto said he to speake freely I have had no great incouragement to grant it if I should looke to the outward face of your actions or proceedings and not to the inward intentions of your hearts I might make question of doing it But that Grant which the King since passed upon the tenth of May for continuance of the present Parliament not onely afterward by himselfe was much upbraided to them but by many Gentlemen who were not well affected to their Parliament and all the Faction of Prelaticall Clergy in their ordinary discourse was censured a greater grace then was fit for the King to grant To such men their discourses and writings afterward when the great distraction happened and the Warre was breaking out the Parliament in many of their Declarations answered That though there were in it some seeming restraint of the Regall Power in dissolving Parliaments yet really it was no taking that Power from the Crowne but sus-spending the execution of it for this time and occasion only Which was so necessary for the Publike Peace that without it they could not have undertaken any of those great Charges but must have left both the Armies to disorder and confusion and the whole Kingdome to blood and ruine For to pay the Armies and defray other necessary charges money was to be borrowed upon the Publike Faith which had been nothing worth if that Parliament could have been dissolved at the Kings pleasure And where it was objected That no King ever granted the like before they answered It was evident that no King before ever made so great a necessity for a Parliament to require it And besides that in the constitution of Englands Government it was never the meaning of the Law-givers that the King should dissolve any Parliament whilest the great Affaires of the Kingdome were depending and though the King had used to do so it was neverthelesse unlawfull The Scots in their Remonstrance 1640. told the King That he had broken their Lawes in dissolving the Parliament there against the consent of their House And it is very well understood by those that are skilfull in Lawes of both Nations that English Parliaments have originally the same freedome It was neverthelesse probably then thought by all that the King would not have assented to that Act if at that time the freshnesse of those fore-mentioned grievances in the peoples hearts and the present discovery of that odious Treason of bringing an Army against the Parliament had not made it unsafe for him to deny That opinion was more confirmed by the following Actions since time and the unconstancy of some Lords and Gentlemen had raised him a Party When that knot which by Law he could not againe untie he indeavoâ—â—â—â— to cut a sunder by the Sword as was afterwards observed in the Parliaments Declarations CHAP. IX Allowance of money from the English Parliament to the Scots The vast Charge of disbanding the two Armies The great Taxations for that purpose and the manner of Poll money The
discontent if they remembred how much he had done this Parliament as his granting that the Iudges hereafter should hold their places quam diù se benè gesserint bounding the Forrest Lawes taking away Ship-money establishing the Subjects property in Tonnage and Poundage granting the Trienniall Parliament free Iustice against Delinquents With other things Concluding graciously That He would omit nothing which might give them just content And when he had signed the forenamed Bills after a short mention of the journey which he intended speedily to take into Scotland he propounded to them a thing very acceptable concerning his Nephew the Prince Elector Palatine that he could not but at the desire of that Prince send an Ambassadour to assist him at the Dyet at Ratisbone with the Emperour and fearing that he should not receive so good an Answer as might in justice be expected For the better countenancing that businesse he intended to publish a Manifesto in his owne name but would not do it but by consent and advice of Parliament without which he conceived it would be a thing of no validity Which Manifesto was afterwards made by the full consent of both Houses and Sir THOMAS ROE a Member of the House and a Gentleman of great abilities was sent to the Emperour at Ratisbone about it but without any good successe At the same time the Queene Mother of France as was before desired by the Parliament was to take her leave of England The King consented to her departure but Money wanting for the Provision of her Journey the Parliament allotted ten thousand pounds to her out of the Poll-Money This great Lady had arrived in England almost three yeares before and so long been entertained by the King her Sonne in Law with great respect and an allowance answerable to support her State 100. l. per diem It was her mis-fortune how farre her crime I cannot tell that during her abode here the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland were imbroyled in great troubles which the People were apt to impute in some measure to her counsels knowing what power the Queene her Daughter had with the King Others taxed her not at all but looked upon other causes the same counsells which long before her arrivall had distempered England but the people made their judgement upon it from her actions or successes in other places But however it were the Queene was fearefull of the people here and had not long before desired to have a guard allowed her pretending feare of her life by reason of some attempts which she conceived made against her upon which a Guard was set about her house Her Regency in France had not beene happy nor according to the interest of that Kingdome though that perchance may be accounted a fault not so particular to her as commonly incident to the Regency of Queene Mothers in that Land In so much as THUANUS commends the saying of CHARLES the ninth a Prince whom otherwise he doth not praise upon his death bed That since he must dye at that age being foure and twenty he thanked God he had no Sonne least France should fall under a Regency of which he had found the sad effects His Mother was KATHERINE DE MEDICIS of the same Family with this Queene After the time of her Regency her actions had been such that the King her Sonne would not harbour her in his owne Kingdome nor was she welcome into the Territories of her Sonne in Law the King of Spaine But the people there were no lesse desirous of her departure then afterward in England Insomuch as she became a strange example of the instability of humane fortunes that so great a Queen and Mother to so many mighty Princes should want a quiet Harbour for her age Not long after her departure from England she died at Culleine and might seeme a parallel in some things to the same Empresse who founded that City and there planted a Roman Colony AGRIPINA wife to CLAUDIUS CESAR and Mother to NERO They both had tasted of power been active in it but not pleasing to the people They were both taught that the greatnesse of their Sonnes was not so much advantage to their Power as they had hoped and had learned that all power dependent upon another is of small validity and lesse stability as TACITUS observes speaking of the same AGRIPINA Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile fluxum est quam fama potentiae non sua vi nixa About two Moneths before the departure of this Queene the Princesse MARY eldest daughter to the King not yet ten yeares of age was married with great triumph at White-Hall to the young Prince of Orange WILLIAM Bishop WRENNE being then Deane of the Kings Chappell performed the solemnity on Sunday the second of May 1641. The Marriage had been before debated of in Parliament and consented to The King himselfe upon the ninth of February having declared to the Lords what large Propositions the Ambassadours of the States had made to him upon that purpose The people in generall were pleased with this Marriage and glad the King had chosen out a Protestant Prince and servant to a State which had beene long confederate with England and whose interest carried them the same way Professors of the same Religion and in that kinde of Discipline to which the greatest part of Parliament and People were inclined and hoped though at that time it was not so fully declared as afterward to reforme the Church of England to as that of Scotland already was By this Match of the Kings owne chusing they began to hope that the Spanish Faction in Court was not now at all prevalent but that things might hereafter be carried according to the right English way In this hope they were the more confirmed seeing the Parliament go on without any opposition from the King no dissention having yet happened nor likely to happen as they conceived for that Conspiracy of bringing up the Army against the Parliament which we touched before was not yet discovered nor at all thought of though within few daies after it broke out But some there were who suspended their joy and were not much confident that this Marriage would bring happinesse to England unlesse the King were perfectly right with his People and wished the same thing they did considering at one side the condition of the Prince of Orange and that he might be ambitious of more then was due to him and for that reason ingage himselfe in a reciprocall way for the King against his People if occasion served On the other side they considered the States as Polititians of this world and men who had other interests then that of Religion and if dissention should in England happen betweene Prince and People which was never but feared in some degree might be apt to side with the King against the just freedome of the Subject which must needs depresse the strength of England and keepe it from so much greatnesse
the people tired with expectation of such a cure do usually by degrees forget the sharpnesse of those diseases which before required it or else in the redressing of many and long disorders and to secure them for the future there being for the most part a necessity of laying heavy Taxes and draining of much Money from the people they grow extreamly sensible of that present smart feeling more paine by the Cure for a time then they did by the lingring disease before not considering that the causes of all which they now indure were precedent and their present suffering is for their future security It was the generall opinion of all Gentlemen at that time That a Parliament so much and long desired as this was after so great and constant a violation of the Lawes and Liberties of England in the Kings former Government could scarce in possibility ever grow into the dislike of the people or at least so great a part of the people as might be able which within one yeare was after seene to make a Warre against it and indanger the utter ruine and subversion of it But I have spoken before of some causes which might seeme strong enough to ingage a part of the people against the Parliament whose particular interests and livelihoods were neerely touched how farre any proceeding might distaste others who were uninterested in their private fortunes or callings I cannot tell any certaine reason But I remember within the compasse of a yeare after when this Civill Warre began to breake out over all the Kingdom and men in all companies began to vent their opinions in an argumentative way either opposing or defending the Parliament Cause and Treatises were printed on both sides Many Gentlemen who forsooke the Parliament were very bitter against it for the proceedings in Religion in countenancing or not suppressing the rudenesse of people in Churches which I related before acting those things which seemed to be against the Discipline of the English Church and might introduce all kindes of Sects and Schismes Neither did those of the Parliament side agree in opinions concerning that point some said it was wisely done of the Parliament not to proceed against any such persons for feare of losing a considerable party as is said before Others thought and said That by so doing they would lose a farre more considerable party of Gentlemen then could be gained of the other They also affirmed That Lawes and Liberties having been so much violated by the King if the Parliament had not so farre drawne Religion also into their cause it might have sped better for the Parliament frequently at that time in all their expressions whensoever they charged the corrupt Statesmen of injustice and Tyranny would put Popery or a suspition of it into the first place against them I remember when the Warre was begun among those little Treatises which were then published as many there were without any names to them I found one in which the case is thus expressed to recite the words of it Perchance saith he too much insisting upon Religion and taxing the King for affecting Popery hath by accident weakened the Parliament and brought Parties to the King It may seeme a great Paradox that the best and onely necessary of all things Religion being added into the scale of Lawes and Liberties should make the scale lighter then before Neither can it be true but by accident as thus The strange intercourse betwixt Rome and the English Court The Kings owne Letters to the Pope His favouring of Priests and such things though they may give a State just cause of susspition that their Religion is undermining Yet because it cannot be so absolutely proved to the sight of all the people that the King favoured Popery as that he violated the Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome which latter was visible to all the former concerning Religion remaines in the peoples reason as a controverted question the King still protesting for Religion and the disputes about that amusing the People make them by degrees forget that crime of the Kings which was without controversie and evident the violation of Lawes and Liberties And more then so for some supposing that the Parliament unjustly taxed him in Religion did in time believe that he was not so guilty of the other as they would make him which I have heard some of late maintaine From whence may follow a strange conclusion That the Kings dealing so much with Rome to the disadvantage of the Protestant Religion should now turne to his owne advantage in a Protestant Kingdome And we may make this as paradoxicall a supposition That if the King had never done any thing prejudiciall to the Protestant Religion he would have found fewer Protestants this Parliament to take his part For then there being no dispute at all about Religion the crimes of his State mis-government had plainly and inexcusably appeared to all as we have seene that some of our former Kings for the like violation of Lawes and Liberties when there was but one Religion and therefore no dispute about it have been heavily censured in Parliament no man appearing in their justification And why should not a Parliament thinke that such things are cause enough to be stood upon and to justifie their quarrell before God as if the Almighty did not adhorre Injustice Oppression Tyranny and the like in any Kingdome unlesse the prâ—fession of Religion were also depraved Nay he abhorreth it more in that place where the purest profession of Religion is Besides that frequent naming of Religion as if it were the onely quarrell hath caused a great mistake of the question in some by reason of ignorance in others of subtilty whilest they wilfully mistake to abuse the Parliaments Cause writing whole Volumes in a wrong stated case as instead of disputing whether the Parliament of England lawfully assembled where the King virtually is may by Armes defend the Religion established by the same power together with the Lawes and Liberties of the Nation against Delinquents detaining with them the Kings seduced Person They make it the question Whether Subjects taken in a generall notion may make Warre against their King for Religions sake Such was the sense of many Gentlemen at that time which adhered to the Parliament But to proceed in the Narration The Parliament had been of late sensible of the losse of some from them and having detected divers Conspiracies and Machinations of dis-affected people against them and fearing more had in May last â—ramed a Protestation which was solemnly taken by all the Members of both Houses and sent thorow England to be taken by the people the forme of it was in these words I A.B. in the presence of Almighty God promise vow and protest to maintaine and desend as farre as lawfully I may with my life power and estate the true Reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England against all Popery and Popish Innovotions within this
coming to the House of Commons to surprise those Members by all which they endeavour to prove their fears and jealousies grounded upon true substantial reasons and necessary for the safety the Common-wealth entrusted to them and that the Kings fear to reside neer London is altogether without ground and pretended for nothing but to perplex the Common-wealth proceeding from evil and traiterous Counsels affirming that His Majesties absence would cause men to believe that it was out of designe to discourage the undertakers and hinder the other provisions for relieving Ireland that it would hearten the Rebels there and all dis-affected persons in this Kingdom The King expressed much indignation when he received this Remonstrance complaining of the manner of it that it was onely an upbraiding not an invitation or perswasion of him to return to the Parliament and told them that in all ARISTOTLE'S Rhetoricks there was no such argument of Perswasion and that he would answer it in another Declaration which within few days after was drawn up and published wherein with deep protestations he vindicates the truth of his Religion and justifies his other proceedings denying those Warrants for transporting Master JERMYN and others in that manner which they urge them taxes them with their needlesse fears and uncertain expressions of advertisements from Rome Venice Paris and other places recites the many gracious Acts which he had already passed this Parliament to satisfie his People and protests in conclusion that he is most desirous to reside neer his Parliament and would immediately return to London if he could see or hear of any provisions made for his security The King sent them another Message from Huntingdon on the 15 of March being then upon his removal to the City of York wherein he expresses his care of Ireland and not to break the Priviledge of Parliament but chiefly to let them know that he understands his own Rights forbidding them to presume upon any pretence of Order or Ordinance to which he is no party concerning the Militia or any other thing to do or execute what is not warranted by those Laws and withal recommending to them the substance of his Message of the twentieth of Ianuary last that they compose and digest with all speed such Acts as they shall think fit for the present and future establishment of their Priviledges These were the heads of some Declarations Petitions and Answers for about this time and for three months after such Messages Remonstrances Petitions and Answers grew so voluminous upon all occasions as might recited verbatim make a large History Thus is the King gone to York while the Parliament sit at London declaring in vain and voting as they did upon receipt of his last Message by consent of both Houses 1. That the King's absence so far remote from his Parliament is not onely an obstruction but may be a destruction to the affairs of Ireland 2. That when the Lords and Commons in Parliament shall declare what the Law of the Land is to have this not onely questioned and controverted but contradicted and a Command that it should not be obeyed is an high breach of the Priviledge of Parliament 3. That they which advised the King to absent himself from the Parliament are enemies to the peace of this Kingdom and justly to be suspected as favourers of the Rebellion in Ireland It may seem strange to a Reader that the King without any but such bootlesse opposition as Pen and Paper can make against him even in the sight and notice of a Parliament whilst they not onely beheld his actions but seemed to discern the designes and foresee the effects which would flow from them could be able to carry the work on so clearly and so far until the whole Kingdom were thereby involved in a most calamitous and destructive War I will not presume to publish any opinion of mine own how or when this ruine of the Kingdom should have been prevented but onely relate what was then done that posterity hereafter may judge of it It was not unknown to the Parliament at least not unsuspected for it was usually talked among the people of that time that the Queen when she passed into Holland carried with her the Crown-Jewels to pawn or sell there which if she did they could not be ignorant what the intention was or what the effect was like to prove nor could it be unknown to them how unlawful the act was and therefore how fit to be prevented for they indicted her asterwards of high Treason for that fact and were able to tell the world in a Declaration how great a crime it is in a King himself to make away the Ornaments of the Crown and in particular the Jewels of it yea in such Kings as did it onely to spend or give away not to maintain War against their own People for whose preservation not onely those but whatsoever they possesse was first bestowed on them They seemed to oppose the Prince his departure from Hampton-Court to attend the King his Father into the North because it might increase fears and jealousies in the People but the King carried him away Above all the rest they were not ignorant how wonderful an obstruction to all businesse of Parliament and to the setling of England or relieving of Ireland that far removal of the Kings Person from the Parliament must needs prove and which themselves sufficiently expressed That the very Journey it self though no worse designe were in it was in no kinde excusable as most inconvenient for the reasons aforesaid and convenient in nothing that was ever alleadged for it Yet the King passed quietly thither One designe of the King which indeed was thought the chief of that his Northern Expedition was prevented by the Parliament by an open and forcible way which was the seizing upon the strong Town and Fort of Hull with all that Magazine of Arms which was there deposited But it was very remarkable what means had been used on both sides to prevent if it had been possible that open denial of the King's entrance into Hull and that the matter should not have come so far Which the King conceived so great an affront to him that it grew the subject of many large and voluminous Declarations afterward from either Part. For the prevention of that before it happened the King from York had sent a Message to the Parliament upon the eighth of April 1642 that he intended to go in Person over into Ireland to chastise by force of Arms those barbarous and bloodie Rebels and to that purpose he thought fit to advertise the Parliament that he intended to raise forthwith by his Commissions in the Counties neer Westchester a Guard for his own Person when he should come into Ireland consisting of two thousand Foot and two hundred Horse which he would arm at Westchester from his Magazine of Hull But at the same time the Lords and Commons in Parliament had sent a Petition to the King