fragrant sepulture all honour is performed He which is emperour of the seuen climats and of the foure parts of the world the inuincible king of Graecia Agiamia Hungaria Tartaria Valachia Rossia Turchia Arabia Bagdet Caramania Abessis Giouasir Siruan Barbaria Alger Franchia Coruacia Belgrade c. alwayes most happy and possessour of the crowne from twelue of his ancestours and of the seed of Adam at this present emperour the sonne of an emperour preserued by the diuine prouidence a king woorthy of all glory and honour Sultan Murad whose forces the Lord God alwayes increase and father of him to whom the imperiall crowne is to descend the paradise and woonderfull call cypresse worthy of the royall throne and true heire of the imperiall authority most woorthy Mehemet Can the sonne of Sultan Murad Can whose enterprises God vouchsafe to accomplish and to prolong his happy dayes on the behalfe of whose mother this present letter is written to the most gracious and most glorious the wisest among women and chosen among those which triumph vnder the standard of Iesus Christ the most mighty and most rich gouernour and most rare among womankinde in the world the most gracious Queene of England which follow the steps of the virgine Mary whose end be prosperous and perfect according to your hearts desire I send your Maiesty so honorable and sweet a salutation of peace that al the flocke of Nightingales with their melody cannot attaine to y e like much lesse this simple letter of mine The singular loue which we haue conceiued one toward the other is like to a garden of pleasant birds and the Lord God vouchsafe to saue and keepe you and send your Maiesty an happy end both in this world and in the world to come After the arriuall of your honourable presents from the Court of your Maiesty your Highnesse shall vnderstand that they came in such a season that euery minute ministred occasion of long coÌ„solation by reason of the comming of your Maiesties Ambassadour to the triumphant Court of the Emperour to our so great contentment as we could possibly wish who brought a letter from your Maiesty which with great honour was presented vnto vs by our eunuks the paper whereof did smell most fragrantly of camfor and ambargriese and the incke of perfect muske the contents whereof we haue heard very attentiuely from point to point I thinke it therefore expedient that according to our mutuall affection in any thing whatsoeuer may concerne the countreys which are subiect to your Maiesty I neuer faile hauing information giuen vnto me in whatsoeuer occasion shall be ministred to gratiue your Maiesty to my power in any reasonable and conuenient matter that all your subiects businesses and affaires may haue a wished and happy end For I will alwayes be a sollicitour to the most mighty Emperour for your Maiesties afaires that your Maiesty at all times may be fully satisfied Peace be to your Maiesty and to all such as follow rightly the way of God Written the first day of the Moone of Rabie Liuol in the yere of the Prophet 1002. THE SECOND PART OF THIS Second volume containing the principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English nation made to the South and Southeast quarters of the world without the Straights of Gibraltar namely to the Ilands of Madera and of the Canaries to the kingdome of Barbarie to the Iles of Capo Verde to the riuer of Senega to the coast of Ghinea and Benin about the cape of Buona Esperansa and so to Goa in the East Indies and likewise beyond cape Comori to the Iles of Nicubar to Sumatra to the chanell of Sincapura ouer against the city of Malacca and to diuers other places The voyage of Macham an English man wherein he first of any man discouered the Iland of Madera recorded verbatim in the Portugall history written by Antonio Galuano IN the yeere 1344 King Peter the fourth of that name reigning in Aragon the Chronicles of his age write that about this time the Iland of Madera standing in 32 degrees was discouered by an English man which was named Macham who sailing out of England into Spaine with a woman that he had stollen arriued by tempest in that Iland and did cast anker in that hauen or bay which now is called Machico after the name of Macham And because his louer was sea-sicke he went on land with some of his company and the shippe with a good winde made saile away and the woman died for thought Macham which loued her dearely built a chapell or hermitage to bury her in calling it by the name of Iesus and caused his name and hers to be written or grauen vpon the stone of her tombe and the occasion of their arriuall there And afterward he ordeined a boat made of one tree for there be trees of a great compasse about and went to sea in it with those men that he had and were left behinde with him and came vpon the coast of Afrike without saile or oare And the Moores which saw it tooke it to be a maruellous thing and presented him vnto the king of that countrey for a woonder and that king also sent him and his companions for a miracle vnto the king of Castile In the yeere 1395 King Henry the third of that name reigning in Castile the information which Macham gaue of this Iland and also the ship of his company mooued many of France and Castile to go and discouer it and also the great Canaria c. In the yeere 1417 King Iohn the second reigning in Castile and his mother Lady Katherine being Regent one Monsieur Ruben of Bracamont which was Admirall of France demanding the conquest of the Ilands of the Canaries with the title of King for a kinsman of his named Monsieur Iohn Betancourt after that the Queene had giuen him them and holpen him he departed from Siuil with a good army And they affirme also that the principall cause which moued him to this was to discouer the Iland of Madera which Macham had found c. ibidem pag. 2. of Anthonio Galuano This note following concerning the ayde and assistance of the English Marchants giuen to King Iohn the first of Portugall for the winning of Ceuta in Barbarie which was the first occasion of all the Portugall discoueries is taken out of Thomas Walsingham his Latine Chronicle Anno 1415. HOc anno Ioannes primus Rex Portugalliae fretus auxilio Mercatorum Angliae quà m maximè Alemannorum vicit Agarenos in terra Regis Betinarinorum multis eorum millibus ad generum Cereris destinatis cepÃtque ciuitatem eorum quà m amplissimam supra mare sitam vocatam Ceut eorum lingua The same in English THis yere Iohn the first king of Portugall being principally assisted by the helpe of the English Marchants and Almaines ouercame the Moores in the dominion of the king of Barbary putting many thousands of them to the
best shewe and with some warme Shube of furre vnder it in the winter time But in the sommer nothing but her two shirts for so they call them one ouer the other whether they be within doores or without On their heads they weare caps of some coloured stuffe many of veluet or of cloth of gold but for the most part kerchiefs Without earings of siluer or some other mettall and her crosse about her necke you shall see no Russe woman be she wife or maide The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the Right Honorable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. BY the grace of God the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich great Lord King and great Duke of all Russia of Volodemer Mosco and Nouogorod king of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Tuer Vghori Permi Viatsko Bolgorie and other places Lorde and great Duke of Nouogrod in the Lowe Countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotsky Rostoue Yeroslaue Bealozera and Lâ—efland of Oudorski Obdorski Condinski and commander of all Sibierland and the North coasts great Lorde ouer the Countrey of Iuerski Grisinski Emperor of Kabardinski and of the Countrey Charchaski and the Countrey of Gorsky and Lord of many other regions From Boris Pheodorowich his Maiesties brother in law master of his horses gouernour of the territories of Cazan and Astracan to William Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer to the most vertuous Ladie Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland and other dominions I receiued your Lordships letters wherein you write that you haue receiued very ioyfully my letters sent vnto you and aduisedly read them and imparted the same vnto her Maiestie and that your Merchants finde themselues agreeued that when they approch these parts and are arriued here they are not permitted to enter into a free and liberall course of barter traffike and exchange of their commodities as heretofore they haue done but are compelled before they can enter into any traffike to accept the Emperours waxe and other goods at high rates farre aboue their value to their great losse and that they are by reason of this restraint long holden vpon these coasts to the danger of wintering by the way Hereafter there shal be no cause of offence giuen to the Marchants of the Queenes Maiestie Queene Elizabeth they shall not be forced to any thing neither are there or shall be any demands made of custome or debts Such things as haue beene heretofore demaunded all such things haue beene already vpon their petition and supplication commaunded to be discharged I haue sollicited his Maiestie for them that they be not troubled hereafter for those matters and that a fauourable hand be caried ouer them And according to your request I will be a meane to the Emperour for them in all their occasions and will my selfe shew them my fauorable countenance And I pray you William Burghley to signifie to her Maiesties Merchants that I promise to haue a care of them and for the Queenes Maiestie of Englands sake I will take her Merchants into my protection and will defend them as the Emperours selected people vnder the Emperors commission and by mine appointment all his Maiesties officers and authorized people shall be carefull ouer them The Emperors gracious fauor towards them was neuer such as it is now And where you write that at the port the Emperors Officers sell their waxe by commission at a set rate giuen them farre aboue the value and that they enforce your Marchants to accept it they deny that they take any such course but say they barter their waxe for other wares and also put their waxe to sale for readie money to your Merchants according to the worth thereof and as the price goeth in the custome house here It hath beene heretofore deare and now is sold as good cheape as in any other place and as they can best agree they enforce no man to buy it but rather kepe it therefore your Marchants haue no iust cause to make any such report I haue expressely giuen order that there shall be no such course vsed to enforce them but to buy according to their owne willes and to tarrie at the port or to depart at their pleasure And as touching the customes alreadie past and debts demanded at your Merchants hands whereof you write Our Lord great Emperour and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia of famous memory hath shewed his Maiesties especial fauour and loue for the great loue of his welbeloued sister Queene of England and by my petition and mediation whereas there was commandement giuen to take Marshes whole debt of your Merchants and factors it is moderated to the halfe and for the other halfe commandement giuen it should not be taken and the Merchants billes to be deliuered them And to the end hereafter that her Maiesties Marchants moue no contention betwixt our Lord the Emperor and great Duke of Russia and his welbeloued sister Queene Elizabeth his Maiestie desireth order to be giuen that your Marchants doe deale iustly in their traffike and plainely without fraud or guile And I will be a fauourer of them aboue all others vnder his Maiesties authoritie themselues shall see it Written in our great Lorde the Emperours citie of Mosco in the moneth of Iuly 7099. The Queenes Maiesties letter to Theodore Iuanouich Emperour of Russia 1591. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. to the right high mighty and right noble prince Theodore Iuanouich great Lord King and great Duke of all Russia Volodemer Mosco Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensko Otuer Vghory Perme Viatski Bolgory and other places Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotsky Rostoue Yeraslaue Bealozero and Lifland of Oudorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and commander of all Sibierland and the North coasts great Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky Grisinsky Emperor of Kabardinsky and of the countrey of Charkasky and of the countrey of Gorsky and Lord of many other countreys our most deare and louing brother greeting Right noble and excellent prince we haue receiued your Maiesties letters brought ouer by our merchants in their returne of their last voyage from your port of S. Nicholas which letters we haue aduisedly read and considered and thereby perceiue that your Maiesty doth greatly mislike of our late imployment of Ierome Horsey into your dominions as our messenger with our Highnesse letters and also that your Maiesty doth thinke that we in our letters sent by the sayd messenger haue not obserued that due order or respect which apperteined to your princely maiesty in the forme of the same letter aswel touching the inlargement of your Maiesties stile and titles of honor which your Maiesty expected to haue bene therein more particularly expressed as also in the adding of our greatest seale or
he saith were so sicke and diseased that he iudgâ—th them to be long before this time dead The escape of the Primrose a tall ship of London from before the towne of Bilbao in Biscay which ship the Corrigidor of the same Prouince accompanied with 97 Spaniards offered violently to arrest and was defeated of his purpose and brought prisoner into England Whereunto is added the Kings Commission for a generall imbargment or arrest of all English Netherlandish and Easterlings ships written in Barcelona the 19 of May 1585. IT is not vnknowen vnto the world what danger our English shippes haue lately escaped how sharpely they haue beene intreated and howe hardly they haue beene assaulted so that the valiancie of those that mannaged them is worâ—hy remembrance And therefore in respect of the couragious attempt and valiant enterprise of the ship called the Primrose of London which hath obteined renowne I haue taken in hande to publish the trueth thereof to the intent that it may be generally knowen to the rest of the English ships that by the good example of this the rest may in time of extremitie aduenture to doe the like to the honour of the Realme and the perpetuall remembrance of themselues The maner whereof was as followeth VUon Wednesday being the sixe and twentieth day of May 1585 the shippe called the Primrose being of one hundred and fiftie tunnes lying without the bay of Bilbao hauing beene there two dayes there came a Spanish pinnesse to them wherein was the Corrigidor and sixe others with him these came aboord the Primrose seeming to be Marchantes of Biscay or such like bringing Cherries with them and spake very friendly to the Maister of the ship whose name was Foster and he in courteous wise bad them welcome making them the best cheere that he could with beere beefe and bisket wherewith that ship was well furnished and while they were thus in hanquetting with the Maister foure of the seuen departed in the sayd Pinnesse and went backe againe to Bilbao the other three stayed and were very pleasant for the time But Master Foster misdoubting some danger secretly gaue speech that he was doubtfull of these men what their intent was neuerthelesse he sayd nothing nor seemed in any outward wise to mistrust them at all Foorthwith there came a ship-boate wherein were seuentie persons being Marchants and such like of Biscay and besides this boate there came also the Pinnesse which before had brought the other three in which Pinnesse there came foure and twentie as the Spaniards themselues since confessed These made towards the Primrose and being come thither there came aboord the Corrigidor with three or foure of his men but Master Foster seeing this great multitude desired that there might no more come aboord but that the rest should stay in their boates which was grunted neuerthelesse they tooke small heede of these wordes for on a suddaine they came foorth of the boate entring the shippe euery Spaniarde taking him to his Rapier which they brought in the boate with other weapons and a drumme wherewith to triumph ouer them Thus did the Spaniards enter the shippe plunging in fiercely vpon them some planting themselues vnder the dâ—cke some entring the Cabbeâ—s and a multitude attending their pray Then the Corrigidor hauing an officer with him which bare a white wand in his hand sayd to the master of the ship Yeeld your selfe for you are the kings prisoner whereat the Maister sayd to his men We are betrayed Then some of them set daggers to his breast and seemed in furious manner as though they would haue slaine him meaning nothing lesse then to doe any such act for all that they sought was to bring him and his men safe aliue to â—hore Whereat the Maister was amazed and his men greatly discomfited to see themselues readie to be conueyed euen to the slaughter notwithstanding some of them respecting the daunger of the Maister and seeing how with themselues there was no way but present death if they were once landed among the Spaniards they resolued themselues eyther to defend the Maister and generally to shunne that daunger or else to die and be buried in the middest of the sea rather then to suffer themselues to come into the tormentors hands and therefore in very bold and manly sort some â—ooke them to their iauelings lances bore-speares and shot which they had set in readinesse before and hauing fiue Calieuers readie charged which was all the small shot they had those that were under the hatches or the grate did shoote vp at the Spaniards that were ouer their heads which shot so amazed the Spaniards on the suddaine as they could hardly tell which way to escape the daunger fearing this their small shot to be of greater number then it was others in very manlike sort dealt about among them shewing themselues of that courage with bore-speares and lances that they dismayed at euery stroke two or three Spaniards Then some of them desired the Maister to commaund his men to cease and holde their handes but hee answered â—hat such was the courage of the English Nation in defence of their owne liues that they would stay them and him also and therefore it lay not in him to doe it Now did their blood runne about the ship in great quantitie some of them being shot in betweene the legges the bullets issuing foorth at their breasts some cut in the head some thrust into the bodie and many of them very sore wounded so that they came not so fast in on the one side but now they tumbled as fast ouer boord on both sides with their weapons in their handes some falling into the sea and some getting into their boates making haste towardes the Citie And this is to be noted that although they came very thâ—cke thither there returned but a small companie of them neither is it knowen as yet how many of them were slaine or drowned onely one English man was then slaine whose name was Iohn Tristram and sixe other hurt It was great pitie to behold how the Spaniards lay swimming in the sea and were not able to saue their liues Foure of them taking holde of the shippe were for pities sake taken vp againe by Maister Foster and his men not knowing what they were all the Spaniards bosomes were stuft with paper to defend them from the shot and these foure hauing some wounds were drest by the surgion of the shippe One of them was the Corrigidor himselfe who is gouernour of a hundred Townes and Cities in Spaine his liuing by his office being better then sixe hundred pound yerely This skirmish happened in the euening about sixe of the clocke after they had laden twentie Tunne of goods and better out of the sayd ship which goods were deliuered by two of the same ship whose names were Iohn Burrell and Iohn Brodbanke who being on shore were apprehended and stayed After this valiant enterprise of eight and twentie English men against 97 Spaniardes
granted vnto Iohn Cabot and his 3. sonnes Lewis Sebastian and Sancius for the discouery of new and vnknowen lands Anno 1495. pag. 4 The signed bill of K. Henry the 7. on the behalfe of Iohn Cabot pag. 5â— 6 A briefe extract concerning the discouery of Newfoundland pag. 10 The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota constituting him Grand pilote of England Anno 1549. pag. 10 A discourse written by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight to proue a passage by the Northwest to Cataya and the East Indies pag. 11 Experiences and reasons of the Sphere to prooue all parts of the worlde habitable and thereby to â—onfute the position of the fiue Zones pag. 48 A letter of M. Martin Frobisher to certaine Englishmen which were trecherously taken by the Saluages of Meta incognita in his first voyage pag. 70 Articles and orders prescribed by M. Martin Frobisher to the Captaines and company of euery ship which accompanied him in his last Northwestern voyage pag. 75 A generall and briefe description of the country and condition of the people which are founde in Meta incognita pag. 93 The letters patents of her Maiesty graunted to M. Adrian Gilbert and others for the search and discouery of a Northwest passage to China pag. 96 A letter of M. I. Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his second voyage p. 108 A letter of M. Iohn Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his 3. voyage p. 114 A trauerse-booke of M. Iohn Dauis contayning all the principall notes and obseruations taken in his third and last voyage to the Northwest pag. 115 A report of M. Iohn Dauis concerning his three voyages made for the discouery of the Northwest passage taken out of a treatise of his intituled The worlds hydrographical description pag. 119 A testimony of Ortelius for the credit of the history of M. Nicolas M. Antonio Zeni p. 128. A catalogue of sundry voyages made to Newfoundland to the isles of Ramea and the isle of Assumption otherwise called Natiscotec as also to the coasts of Cape Briton and Arambec THe voyage of two ships whereof the one was called The Dominus vobiscum set out the 20 of May 1527 for the discouery of the North parts pag. 129 The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen to Newfoundland and Cape Briton in the yere 1536. pag. 129 The voyage of Sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfoundland An. 1583. pag. 143,165 The first discouery of the isle of Ramea made by for Monsieur de la court pre Rauillon grandpre with the ship called The Bonauenture to kill and make trane-oile of the beasts called The Morses with great teeth Anno 1591. pag. 189 The voyage of the ship called The Marigolde of M. Hill of Redriffe vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and a halfe Anno 1593. pag. 191 The voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to the isle of Ramea in the yere 1593. pag. 193 The voyage of The Grace of Bristoll vp into the gulfe of S. Laurence to the Northwest of Newfoundland as far as the isle of Assumption or Natiscotec Anno 1594. pag. 194 The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the isle of Ramea 1597. pag. 195 The patents discourses letters aduertisements and other obseruations incident to the voyages vnto Newfoundland next before rehearsed An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffique into Newfoundland and Iseland made Anno 2. Edwardi sexti pag. 131 A letter written to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Midle Temple contayning a report of the true state and commodities of Newfoundland by M. Antony Parkhurt 1578. pag. 133 The letters patents granted by her Maiestie to sir Humfrey Gilbert knight for inhabiting some part of America 1578. pag. 135 A learned and stately Poeme written in Latine Hexamiters by Stephanus Parmenius Budeius concerning the voyage of sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfound-landâ— for the planting of an English colonie there containing also a briefe remembrance of certaine of our principal English captâ—ines by sea pag. 138 Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Masters to bee obserued by the fleete of sir Humfrey Gilbert pag. 147 A briefe relation of Newfound-land and the commodities thereof pag. 152 Reckonings of the Master and Masters mate of the Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilbert in their course from cape Rase to cape Briton and to the Isle of Sablon pag. 155 The maner how the sayd Admirall was lost pag. 156 A letter of the learned Hungarian Stephanus Parmenius Budeius to master Richard Hakluyt the collectour of these voyages pag. 161. 16â— A relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth master of the ship called The Delight which went as Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilberts fleete for the discouerie of Norumbega 1583 written in excuse of the casting away the sayd ship and the men imputed to his ouersight pag. 163 A discourse of the necessitie and commoditie of planting English colonies vpon the North paâ—tes of America pag. 165 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Richard Hakluyt then of Christ-church in Oxford incouraging him in the studie of Cosmography and furthering of new discoueries 1582. pag. 181 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Thomas Aldworth marchant and at that time Mayor of the citie of Bristol concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie 1582. pag. 182 A letter written from master Aldworth marchant and mayor of the citie of Bristol to the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham concerning a voyage intended for the discouerie of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of cape Briton 1583. pag. 182 A briefe and summarie discourse vpon a voyage intended to the hithermost parts of America written by master Christopher Carlile 1583. pag. 182 Articles set downe by the committies appointed on the behalfe of the company of the Moscouian marchants to conferre with master Carlile vpon his intended discouery of the hithermost partes of America pag. 188 A letter sent to the right honourable sir William Cecil Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. from master Thomas Iames of Bristol concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea 1591. pag. 19â— A briefe note of the Morse and of the vse thereof pag. 191 Certaine obseruations touching the countries and places where master Charles Leigh touched in his voyage to cape Briton and to the Isle of Ramea anno 1597. pag. 200 A catalogue of certaine voyages made for the discouery of the gulfe of Saint Laurence to the West of Newfound-land and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places THe first voyage of Iaques Cartier of Saint Malo to Newfound-land the gulfe of Saint Laurence and the Grand Bay Anno 1534. pag. 201 The second voyage of Iaques Cartier by the Grand bay vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Anno 1535. pag. 212
sotto scritioni dell Ammiraglio primo che acquistasse lo stato ou ' egli si sotto scriueua Columbus de Terra Rubra Ma tornando al Re d' Inghilterra dico che da lui il mappamondo veduto cio che l' Ammiraglio gli offeriua con allegro volto accettò la sua offetia mandolo a chiamare Ma percioche Dio l' haueua per Casâ—iglia serbaâ—a gial ' Ammiraglio in quel tempo era andato tornato con la viâ—toria della sua impresa secondo che per ordine si racconâ—erà Lasciarò hora di raccontar ciò che Bartolomeo Colon haueua negociato in Inghilterra tornarò all' Ammiraglio c. The same in English CHristopher Columbus fearing least if the king of Castile in like maner as the king of Portugall had done should not condescend vnto his enterprise he should be inforced to offer the same againe to some other prince so much time should be spent therein sent into England a certaine brother of his which he had with him whose name was Bartholomew Columbus who albeit he had not the Latine tongue yet neuerthelesse was a man of experience and skilfull in Sea causes and could very wel make sea cards globes and other instruments belonging to that profession as he was instructed by his brother Wherfore after that Bartholomew Columbus was departed for England his lucke was to fall into the hands of pirats which spoiled him with the rest of them which were in the ship which he went in Upon which occasion and by reason of his pouerty and sicknesse which cruelly assaulted him in a countrey so farre distant from his friends he deferred his ambassage for a long while vntill such time as he had gotten somewhat handsome about him with making of Sea cards At length he began to deale with king Henry the seuenth the father of Henry the eight which reigneth at this present vnto whom he presented a mappe of the world wherein these verses were written which I found among his papers and I will here set them downe rather for their antiquity then for their goodnesse Thou which desirest easily the coasts of lands to know This comely mappe right learnedly the same to thee will shew Which Strabo Plinie Ptolomew and Isodore maintaine Yet for all that they do not all in one accord remaine Here also is set downe the late discouered burning Zone By Portingals vnto the world which whilom was vnknowen Whereof the knowledge now at length thorow all the world is blowen And a little vnder he added For the Authour of the Drawer He whose deare natiue soile hight stately Genua Euen he whose name is Bartholomew Colon de Terra Rubra The yeere of Grace a thousand and foure hundred and fourescore Aâ—d eight and on the thirteenth day of February more In London published this worke To Christ all laud therefore And because some peraduenture may obserue that he calleth himselfe Columbus de Terra Rubra I say that in like maner I haue seene some subscriptions of my father Christopher Columbus before he had the degree of Admirall wherein he signed his name thus Columbus de Terra Rubra But to returne to the king of England I say that after he had seene the map and that which my father Christopher Columbus offered vnto him he accepted the offer with ioyfull countenance and sent to call him into England But because God had reserued the sayd offer for Castile Columbus was gone in the meane space and also returned with the performance of his enterprise as hereafter in order shall be rehearsed Now will I leaue off from making any farther mention of that which Bartholomew Colon had negotiated in England and I will returne vnto the Admirall c. Another testimony taken out of the 60 chapter of the foresayd history of Ferdinando Columbus concerning the offer that Bartholomew Columbus made to king Henry the seuenth on the behalfe of his brother Christopher TOrnato adunque l' Ammiraglio dallo scoprimento di Cuba di Giamaica trouò nella Spagâ—uola Bartolomeo Colon suo fratello quello che era già andato a trattare accordo col Re d' Inghilterra sopra lo scoprimento delle Indie come di sopra habiam detto Questo poi ritornandosenâ— verso Castiglia con capitoli conceduti haueua inteso a Parigi dal re Carlo di Francia l' Ammiraglio suo fratello hauer gia scoperte l' Indie per che gli souenne perpoter far il Viag gio di cento scuds Et Auengache per cotal nuoua egli si fosse molto affrettato per arriâ—ar l' Ammiraglio in Spagna quando non dimeno giunse a Siuiglia egli era gia tornato alle Indie co ' 17 nauigli Perche per esseguir quanto ei gli hauea lasciato di subito al principio dell ' anno del 1494 sen ' ando ai Re Catholici menando seco Don Diego Colon mio fratello me ancora accioche seruissimo di paggial serenissimo principe Don Giouanni il qual viua in gloria si come haue a commandato la Catholica Reina donna Isabella che alhora era in Vagliadolid Tosto adunque che noi giungemmo i Re chiamarono Don Bartolomeo mandaronlo alla Spagnuola contre naui c. The same in English CHristopher Columbus the Admirall being returned from the discouery of Cuba and Iamayca found in Hispaniola his brother Bartholomew Columbus who before had beene sent to intreat of an agreement with the king of England for the discouery of the Indies as we haue sayd before This Bartholomew therefore returning vnto Castile with the capitulations granted by the king of England to his brother vnderstood at Paris by Charles the king of France that the Admirall his brother had already performed that discouery whereupon the French king gone vnto the sayd Bartholomew an hundred French crownes to beare his charges into Spaine And albeit he made great haste vpon this good newes to meet with the Admirall in Spaine yet at his comming to Siuil his brother was already returned to the Indies with seuenteene saile of shipps Wherefore to fulfill that which he had left him in charge in the beginning of the yeere 1494 he repaired to the Catholike princes taking with him Diego Colon my brother and me also which were to be preferred as Pages to the most excellent Prince Don Iohn who now is with God according to the commandement of the Catholike Queene Lady Isabell which was then in Validolid Assoone therefore as we came to the Court the princes called for Don Bartholomew and sent him to Hispaniola with three ships c. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES NAVIGATIONS and Discoueries intended for the finding of a Northwest passage to the North parts of America to Meta incognita and the backeside of Gronland as farre as 72 degrees and 12 minuts performed first by Sebastian Cabota and since by Sir Martin Frobisher and M. Iohn Davis with
England I must needes conclude with learned Baptista Ramusius and diuers other learned men who said that this discouery hath bene reserued for some noble prince or woorthie man thereby to make himselfe rich and the world happieâ— desiring you to accept in good part this briefe and simple discourse written in haste which if I may perceiue that it shall not sufficiently satisfie you in this behalfe I will then impart vnto you a large discourse which I haue written onely of this discouery And further because it sufficeth not only to know that such a thing there is without abilitie to performe the same I wil at leasure make you partaker of another simple discourse of nauigation wherein I haue not a litle trauelled to make my selfe as sufficient to bring these things to effect as I haue bene readie to offer my selfe therein And therein I haue deuised to amend the errors of vsuall sea cards whose common fault is to make the degrees of longitude in euery latitude of one like bignesse And haue alâ—o deuised therein a Spherical instrument with a compasse of variation for the perfect knowing of the longitude And a precise order to pricke the sea card together with certaine infallible rules for the shortning of any discouery to know at the first â—ntring of any fret whether it lie open to the Ocean more wayes then one how farre soeuer the sea stretcheth it selfe into the land Desiring you hereafter neuer to mislike with me for the taking in hande of any laudable and honest enterprise for if through pleasure or idlenesse we purchase shame the pleasure vanisheth but the shame remaineth for euer And therefore to giue me leaue without offence alwayes to liue and die in this mind That he is not worthy to liue at all that for feare or danger of death shunneth his countries seruice and his owne honour seeing death is ineuitable and the fame of vertue immortall Wherefore in this behalfe Mutare vel timere sperno Certaine other reasons or arguments to prooue a passage by the Northwest learnedly written by M. Richard Willes Gentleman FOure famous wayes there be spoken of to those fruitfull and wealthie Islands which wee doe vsually call Moluccaes continually haunted for gaine and dayly trauelled for riches therein growing These Ilands although they stand East from the Meridian distant almost halfe the length of the worlde in extreame heate vnder the Equinoctiall line possessed of Infidels and Barbarians yet by our neighbours great abundance of wealth there is painefully sought in respect of the voyage deerely bought and from thence dangerously brought home vnto vs. Our neighbours I call the Portugals in comparison of the Molucchians for neerenesse vnto vs for like situation Westward as we haue for their vsuall trade with vs for that the farre Southeasterlings doe knowe this part of Europe by no other name then Portugall not greatly acquainted as yet with the other Nations thereof Their voyage is very well vnderstood of all men and the Southeasterne way round about Afrike by the Cape of Good hope more spoken of better knowen and trauelled then that it may seeme needfull to discourse thereof any further The second way lyeth Southwest betweene the West India or South America and the South continent through that narrow straight where Magellan first of all men that euer we doe read of passed these latter yeeres leauing thereunto therefore his name This way no doubt the Spaniardes would commodiously take for that it lyeth neere vnto their dominions there could the Easterne current and leuanâ— windes as easily suffer them to returne as speedily therwith they may be carried thither for the which difficultie or rather impossibility of striuing against the force both of winde and streame this passage is litle or nothing vsed although it be very well knowen The third way by the Northeast beyond all Europe and Asia that worthy and renowmed knight sir Hugh Willoughbie sought to his perill enforced there to ende his life for colde congealed and frozen to death And truely this way consisteth rather in the imagination of Geographers then allowable either in reason or approued by experience as well it may appeare by the dangerous trending of the Scythish Cape set by Ortelius vnder the 80 degree North by the vnlikely sailing in that Northerne sea alwayes clad with yce and snow or at the least continually pestred therewith if happily it be at any time dissolued besides bayes and shelfes the water waxing more shallow toward the East that we say nothing of the foule mists and darke fogs in the cold clime of the litle power of the Sunne to cleare the aire of the vncomfortable nights so neere the Pole fiue moneths long A fourth way to go vnto these aforesaid happy Ilands Moluccae sir Humfrey Gilbert a learned and valiant knight discourseth of at large in his new passage to Cathayo The enterprise of it selfe being vertuous the fact must doubtlesse deserue high praise and whensoeuer it shal be finished the fruits thereof cannot be smal where vertue is guide there is fame a follower fortune a companion But the way is dangerous the passage doubtfull the voiage not throughly knowen and therefore gainesaid by many after this maner First who can assure vs of any passage rather by the Northwest then by the Northeast doe not both wayes lye in equall distance from the North Pole Stand not the North Capes of eyther continent vnder like eleuation Is not the Ocean sea beyond America farther distant from our Meridian by 30. or 40. degrees West then the extreame poyntes of Cathayo Eastward if Ortelius generall Carde of the world be true In the Northeast that noble Knight Syr Hugh Willoughbie perished for colde and can you then promise a passenger any better happe by the Northwest Who hath gone for triall sake at any time this way out of Europe to Cathayo If you seeke the aduise herein of such as make profession in Cosmographie Ptolome the father of Geographie and his eldest children will answere by their mappes with a negatiue concluding most of the Sea within the land and making an ende of the world Northward neere the 63. degree The same opinion when learning chiefly florished was receiued in the Romanes time as by their Poets writings it may appeare tibi seruiat vltima Thyle said Virgil being of opinion that Island was the extreme part of the world habitable toward the North. Ioseph Moletius an Italian and Mercator a Germaine for knowledge men able to be compared with the best Geographers of our time the one in his halfe Spheres of the whole world the other in some of his great globes haue continued the West Indies land euen to the North Pole and consequently cut off all passage by sea that way The same doctors Mercator in other of his globes and mappes Moletius in his sea Carde neuerthelesse doubting of so great continuance of the former continent haue
Russia to Boghar in Bactria Anno 1558. 324. 24 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson through Russia and ouer the Caspian sea into Persia Anno 1561. 343. 25 The voyage of Thomas Alcock George Wrenne and Richard Cheyney seruants vnto the Company of Moscouy Merchants in London into Persia Anno 1563. 353. 26 The voyage of Richard Iohnson Alexander Kitchin and Arthur Edwards seruants to the foresaid company into Persia Anno 1565. 354. 27 The voyage of Thomas Southam and Iohn Sparke by land and riuer from Colmogro to Nouogrod in Russia Anno 1566. 365. 28 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the third time Anno 1566. 372. 29 The voyage of Arthur Edwards Agent for the Moscouy company Iohn Sparke Laurence Chapman Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle seruants into Persia An. 1568. 389. 30 The voyage of Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket Agents for the Moscouy Company into Persia the fift time Anno 1569. 394. 31 The voyage of William Burrough Captaine of 13. English ships to the Narue in Liefland Anno 1570. 401. 32 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the fourth time Anno 1571. 402. 33 The voyage of Christopher Burrough into Persia the sixt time Anno 1579. 419. 34 The voyage of Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman sent to discouer the Northeast seas beyond the Iland of Vaigats Anno 1580. 445. 35 The voyage of Master Ierome Horsey ouer land from Mosco in Russia to England Anno 1584. 469,470 36 A voyage to the Northeast performed by certaine Russes and translated out of Sigismundus ab Herberstein 492. 37 A voyage to Sibier and the Riuer of Ob by land declared in a letter written to Gerardus Mercator 510,511 512. 38 The vanquishing of the Spanish Armada Anno 1588. 591. 39 The honourable voyage to Cadiz Anno 1596. 607. ¶ The Ambassages Treatises Priuiledges Letters and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages of this first Volume 1 TWo testimonies of Galfridus Monumetensis in his history of the Kings of Brittaine concerning the conquests of King Arthur pagina 1. 2 A testimony of M. Lambard in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 touching the right and appendances of the Crowne of the kingdome of Britaine pag. 2. 3 A Chronicle of the Kings of Man taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie 10. 4 The ancient state of the shipping of the Cinque Ports 17. 5 Libellus historicus Iohannis de Plano Carpini 21. 6 Part of the great Charter graunted by King Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque Ports 117. 7 The rolle of the huge Fleete of Edward the thirde before Caleis 118. 8 The summe of expences layde out in the siege of Caleis 121. 9 A note of Thomas Walsingham touching King Edward the thirde his huge Fleete of 1100. ships wherewith he passed ouer vnto Caleis Anno 1359. 121. 10 Certaine verses of Geffrey Chaucer concerning the long Voyages and valiant exploits of the English knights in his dayes 124. 11 A testimonie out of Cornelius Tacitus prouing London to haue bene a famous Mart-towne in the raigne of Nero the Emperour 124. 12 A testimony out of venerable Beda proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffique in his time 125. 13 The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning the safe trade of English Merchants 125. 14 An ancient testimony translated out of the olde Saxon Lawes conteyning the aduancement of Merchants for their thrice crossing the wide seas 120. 15 A testimony of certaine Priuileges obteined for the English and Danish Merchants by Canutus the King of England 126. 16 The flourâ—shing state of Merchandise in the City of London in the dayes of Wilhelmus Malmesburiensis 227. 17 A testimony of the said Wil. of Malmesbury concerning traffique to Bristow in his time 127. 18 The league betweene Henry the second and Frederick Barbarossa Emperour of Germany partly touching trade of Merchandise 128. 19 A generall safe conduct granted by King Iohn to all forreine Merchants 129. 20 The letters of King Henry the thirdâ— vnto Haquinus king of Norwey 129,130 21 A mandate for the king of Norway his ship called The Cog. 130. 22 A Charter granted for the behalfe of the Merchants of Colen in the 20. yeere of Henry the thirde 131. 23 The Charter of Lubeck granted for seuen yeeres in the time of Henry the third 131,132 24 A Charter of the Merchants of Almaine or the Stilyard-merchants 132. 25 A mandate of King Edward the first concerning outlandish Merchants 133. 26 King Edw. the first his great Charter granted to forreine Merchants Anno Dom. 1303. 133. 27 The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus King of Norway concerning certain English Merchants arrested in Norway 138. 28 Another letter of Edw. the second vnto the said Haquinus for the merchants aforesaid 139. 29 A third letter of King Edward the second to the said Haquinus in the behalfe of our English merchants 140. 30 An Ordinance for the Staple to be holden at one certaine place 142,143 31 A Catalogue of the great Masters of Prussia 144. 32 The Oration or speach of the Ambassadours sent from Conradus de Zolner Master generall of the land of Prussia vnto Richard the second king of England 148. 33 An agreement made by the Ambassadours of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second 150. 34 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia vnto Rich. the second 153. 35 A briefe relation of William Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their Ambassages into Prussia and to the Hans-townes 154. 36 Certaine Articles of complaint exhibited by the Liuonians 156. 37 Other complaints exhibited by the Cities of the Hans 156. 38 Compositions and Ordinances concluded betweene the Ambassadours of Prussia and the Chanceller and Treasurer of England Anno 1403. 157. 39 The letters of the Chanceller and Treasurer of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 158. 40 The letters of king Henry the fourth vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master generall of Prussia for entercourse of traffique 159. 41 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen vnto king Henry the fourth 160. 42 An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen 161. 43 An agreement betweene king Henry the fourth and the Hans-townes 164. 44 A testimonie out of Albertus Krantzius concerning the surprise of Bergen in Norway wherein 21. houses of the English merchants were burnt 169. 45 The grieuances and offences whereat the merchants of the Hans found themselues agrieued 171. 46 A letter of Henry the fourth king of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia 175. 47 A letter of Werneherus de Tettingen commander in Elbing vnto sir William Sturmy Ambassadour vnto king Henry the fourth Together with an other letter of king Henry the fourth vnto Vlricus de Iungingen master of Prussia 176. 48 The letters of Vlricus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia signifying vnto king Henry the 4. that he was contented
English lawes that the people and the lawes were in reputation and then were the wisest of the people worship-worthy euery one after his degree Earle and Churle Thein and vnder-Thein And if a churle thriued so that hee had fully five hides of his owne land a Church and a Kitchin a Belhouse and a gate a seate and a seuerall office in the Kings hall then was he thenceforth the Theins right worthy And if a Thein so thriued that he serued the king and on his message rid in his houshold if he then had a Thein that followed him the which to the kings iourney fiue hides had and in the kings seate his Lord serued and thrise with his errand had gone to the king he might afterward with his forâ—oth his lords part play at any great neede And if a Thein did thriue so that he became an Earle then was he afterward an Earles right worthie And if a Marchant so thriued that he passed thrise ouer the wide seas of his owne craft he was thencefoorth a Theins right worthie And if a scholar so prospered thorow learning that he degree had and serued Christ he was then afterward of dignitie and peace so much worthie as thereunto belonged vnlesse he forfaited so that he the vse of his degree vse ne might A testimonie of certaine priuiledges obtained for the English and Danish Marchants of Conradus the Emperour and Iohn the Bishop of Rome by Canutus the King of England in his iourney to Rome extracted out of a letter of his written vnto the Cleargie of England SIt vobis notum quia magna congregatio nobilum in ipsa solemnitate Pascali Romae cum Domino Papa Ioanne imperatore Conrado erat scilicet omnes principes gentium a monte Gargano vsque ad iâ—tum proximum Marâ—â— qui omnes me honorifice suscepere magnificis donis honorauere Maxime autem ab imperatore donis varijs muneribus pretiosis honoratus sum tam in vasis aureis argenteis quam in pallijs vestibus valde pretiosis Locutus sum igitur cum ipso imperatore Domino Papa principibus qui ibi erant de necessitatibus totius populi mei tam Angli quam Dani vt eis concederetur lex aequior pax securior in via RomaÌ„ adeundi ne tot clausuris per viam arcerentur propter iniustum teloneuÌ„ fatigarentur Annuitque postulatis Imperator Rodulphus Rex qui maxime ipsarum clausurarum dominatur cunctique principes edictis firmarunt vt homines mei tam Mercatores quà m alij orandi gratia viatores absque omni anguria clausurarum teloneaâ—iorum cum firma pace Romam eant redeant The same in English YOu are to vnderstand that at the feast of Easter there was a great company of Nobles with Pope Iohn and Conradus the Emperour assembled at Rome namely all the princes of the nations from mount Garganus vnto the West Ocean sea Who all of them honourably interteined me and welcomed mee with rich and magnificent gifts but especially the Emperour bestowed diuers costly presents and rewards vpon mee both in vessels of golde and siluer and also in cloakes and garments of great value Wherefore I conferred with the Emperour himselfe and the Pope and with the other Princes who were there present concerning the necessities of all my subiects both Englishmen and Danes that a more fauourable law secure peace in their way to Rome might bee graunted vnto them and that they might not bee hindered by so many stops impediments in their iourney and wearied by reason of iniust exactions And the Emperour condescended vnto my request and king Rodulphus also who hath greatest authoritie ouer the foresaid stops and streights and all the other princes confirmed by their Edicts that my subiects as well Marchants as others who trauailed for deuotions sake should without all hinderance and restraint of the foresaid stops and customers goe vnto Rome in peace and returne from thence in safetie The flourishing state of Marchandise in the Citie of London in the dayes of Willielmus Malmesburiensis which died in the yeere 1142. in the reigne of K. Stephen HAud longe a Rofa quasi viginti quinque milliarijs est Londonia Ciuitas nobilis opima ciuium diuitijs constipata negociatorum ex omni terra maxime ex Germania venientium commercijs Vnde fit vt cum vbique in Anglia caritas victualium pro sterili prouentu messium sit ibi necessaria distrahantur emantur minore quà m alibi vel vendentium compendio vel ementium dispendio Peregrinas inuehit merces Ciuitatis sinibus Tamesis fluuius famosus qui citra vrbem ad ' 80. milliaria fonticulo fusus vltra plus 70. nomen profert The same in English NOt farre from Rochester about the distance of fiue and twenty miles standeth the Noble Citie of London abounding with the riches of the inhabitants and being frequented with the traffique of Marchants resorting thither out of all nations and especially out of Germanie Whereupon it commeth to passe that when any generall dearth of victuals falleth out in England by reason of the scarcitie of corne things necessary may there be prouided and bought with lesse gaine vnto the sellers and with lesse hinderance and losse vnto the buyers then in any other place of the Realme Outlandish wares are conueighed into the same Citie by the famous riuer of Thames which riuer springing out of a fountaine 80. miles beyond the Citie is called by one and the selfe same name .70 miles beneath it The aforesaid William of Malmesburie writeth of traffike in his time to Bristowe in his fourth booke degestis pontificum Anglorum after this maner IN eadem valle est vicus celeberrimus Bristow nomine in quo est nauium portus ab Hibernia Norwegia caeteris transinarinis terris venientium receptaculum ne scilicet genitalibus diuitijs tam fortunata regio peregrinarum opum frauderetur commercio The same in English IN the same valley stands the famous Towne of Bristow with an Hauen belonging thereunto which is a commodious and safe receptacle for all ships directing their course for the same from Ireland Norway and other outlandish and foren countreys namely that a region so fortunate and blessed with the riches that nature hath vouchsafed thereupon should not bee destitute of the wealth and commodities of other lands The league betweene Henry the second and Fredericke Barbarossa Emperour of Germanie wherein is mention of friendly traffike betweene the Marchants of the Empire and England confirmed in the yeere of our Lord 1157. recorded in the first Booke and seuenteenth Chapter of Radeuicus Canonicus Frisingensis being an appendix to Otto Frisingensis IBidem tunc affuere etiam Henrici Regis Angliae missi varia preciosa donaria multo lepore verborum adornata praestantes Inter quae papilionem vnum quantitate maximum qualitate optimum perspeximus
Giuen in our castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our Lord 1398 and vpon the 22. day of February Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital at Ierusalem A briefe relation of VVilliam Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their ambassages into Prussia and the Hans-townes IN primis that in the moueth of Iuly and in the yeare of our Lord 1403 and the fift yeare of the reigne of our souereigne Lord the king that nowe is there came into England the ambassadours of the mighty lord Fr Conradus de lungingen being then Master general of Prussia with his letters directed vnto our foresayd souereigne lord the king requiring amends and recompense for certaine iniuries vniustly offered by English men vnto the subiects of the sayd Master generall written in 20. articles which amounted vnto the summe of 19120. nobles and a halfe c. Item that the third day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our Lord aboue written and in the fift yere of the reigne of our soueraigne lord the king between the reuerend father in God Henrie then bishop of Lincolne lord chancelor and William lord de Roos high treasurer of England on the one party and the sayd ambassadours on the other party it was according to their petition amongst other things ordayned namely that the liege people of our soueraigne lord the king should freely he permitted vntill the feast of Easter then next after ensuing to remaine in the land of Prussia and from thence with their goods marchandises to returne vnto their own home and also that the subiects of the sayd Master generall in the kingdome of England should haue licence and liberty to doe the like Prouided alwayes that after the time aboue limitted neither the English marchants in the land of Prussia nor the Prussian marchaÌ„ts in the realme of England should vse any traffique of marchandise at all vnlesse in the meane space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the sayd king and the sayd Master general Item immediately after our sayd soueraigne lord the king sent his letters by Iohn Browne marchant of Lin vnto the foresayd Master generall for to haue mutuall conuersation and intercourse of dealing to continue some certain space betweene the marchants of England and of Prussia promising in the same letters that he would in the meane season send vnto the foresayd Master his ambassadors to intreat about the pretended iniuries aforesaid which letters the foresayd Master for diuers causes refused to yeelde vnto as in his letters sent vnto our lord the king bearing date the 16. day of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare of our lord 1404. more plainely appeareth Item that after the receit of the letters of the Master aforesaid which are next aboue mentioned our sayd king according to his promise sent William Esturmy knight M. Iohn Kington câ—erke and William Brampton citizen of London from his court of parliament holden at Couentrie very slightly informed as his ambassadours into Prussia Item before the arriuall of the sayd ambassadours in Prussia all intercourse of traffique betweene the English and the Prussians in the realme of England and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited and in the same land it was ordayned and put in practise that in whatsoeuer porte of the land of Prussia any English marchant had arriued with his goods he was not permitted to conueigh the sayd goods out of that porte vnto any other place of the land of Prussia either by water or by lande vnder the payne of the forfeiting of the same but was enioyned to sell them in the very same porte vnto the Prussians onely and to none other to the great preiudice of our English marchants Item that after the arriuall of the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia it was ordayned that from the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our lord 1405 all English marchants whatsoeuer should haue free liberty to arriue with all kindes of their marchandise in whatsoeuer port of the land of Prussia and to make sale of them in the said land as hath heretofore from auncient times bene accustomed Also sundry other commodious priuiledges vnto the realme of England were then ordayned and established as in the indentures made for this purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item the said English ambassadours being arriued in the land of Prussia demanded of the â—aid Master generall a reformation and amends for the damages and iniuries offered by the Prussians vnto the liege people of our souereigne lord and king written in fifteene articles which losses amounted vnto the summe of 4535. nobles Item the said Master generall besides the articles exhibited vnto our soueraigne lord the king as it is aboue mentioned deliuered vnto the sayd ambassadours diuers other articles of certaine iniuries offered as he â—ayth vniustly by English men vnto his subiects which amounted vnto the summe of 5100. nobles Item it was afterward concluded that vpon the first of May next then insuing namely in the yeere of our Lord 1406 or within the space of one yeare immediatly following there should bee made a conuenâ—ent iust and reasonable satisfaction for all molestatious vniustly ofâ—â—red on both partes as well on the behalfe of our soueraigne lord the king as of the foresayd Master general Which satisfaction not being performed the Prussians with their goods marchandises within three moneths after the end of the sayd yere next following were without molestation or impediment enioined to depart out of the realme of England with their ships and goods and the English men likewise out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general both of them without any further admonition to abstaine separate themselues from both the countreis aforesayd For the performance of which premisses the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed were appointed to meete the first day of May at the towne of Dordract in Holland Item that the sayd William Esturmy and Iohn Kington in their returne homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chiefe cities of the Hans and treated in such sorte with the Burgomasters of them that there were sent messengers and agents in the behalfe of the common society of the Hans marchants vnto the towne of Dordract to conferre with the ambassadors of England about the redressing of iniuries attempted on both parts where diuers agreements were set downe betweene the sayd ambassadors and messengers as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item that the meeting appointed at the towne of Dordract vpon the first of May was by the letters of the foresayd ambassadors proroged vnto the first of August then next ensuing and afterward by vertue of the kings letters vnto the first day of March next following and there was another day of prorogation also Item that after the prorogations aforesayd
the ambassadors of England and the messengers commissioners of Prussia met together at the towne of Hage in Holland the 28. day of August in the yere of our lord 1407. And there was a treaty between theÌ„ concerning the summe 25934. nobles and an halfe demanded on the behalfe of the sayd Master generall for amends and recompense in consideration of wrongs offered vnto himselfe and vnto his subiects of Prussia as is aforesayd Also the sayd Master and his Prussians besides the summe not yet declared in the articles which is very small are to rest contented and satisfied with the summe of 8957. nobles in lieu of al the damages aforesaid no times of paâ—ment being then assigned or limited but afterward to be reasonably limited and assigned by our sayd soueraigne lord the king Insomuch that our said soueraigne lord the king is to write his ful intention determination concerning this matter in his letters to be deliuered the 16. day of March vnto the aldermen of the marchants of the Hans residing at Bruges Otherwise that from thenceforth all league of friendship shall bee dissolued betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia Also it is farther to be noted that in the appointment of the summe next before written to be disbursed out of England this condition was added in writing namely that if by lawful testimonies it may sufficiently and effectually be prooued concerning the chiefe articles aboue written or any part of them that satisfaction was made vnto any of those parties to whom it was due or that the goods of and for the which complaint was made on the the behalfe of Prussia in the sayd articles did or doe pertayne vnto others or that any other iust true or reasonable cause may lawfully be proued alledged why the foresaid sums or any of them ought not to be payed that theÌ„ in the summes contained in the articles abouementioned so much only must be cut off or stopped as shal be found either to haue bene payd already or to appertaine vnto others or by any true iust and reasonable cause alleaged not to be due Neither is it to be doubted but for the greater part of the summe due vnto the Prussians that not our lord the king but others which will in time be nominated are by all equity and iustice to be compelled to make satisfaction Also at the day and place aboue mentioned it was appointed and agreed vpon that our lord the king and his liege subiects for the said 4535. nobles demanded of the Engliâ—h in consideration of recompense to be made for iniuries offered vnto the Prussians are to discharge pay the summe of 764. nobles which are not as yet disbursed but they haue reserued a petition to them vnto whom the sayd summe is due or if they please there shal be made satisfaction which will be very hard and extreme dealing Item that in the last assembly of the sayd ambassadors of England and messengers of Prussia holden at Hage made as is aforesayd for the behalfe of England there were exhibited anew certaine articles of iniuries against the Prussians The value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 1825. nobles and three shillings Item on the contrary part for the behalfe of the Prussians the summe of 1355. nobles eight shillings and sixe pence Item forasmuch as diuers articles propounded as well on the behalfe of England as of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans both heretofore and also at the last conuention holden at Hage were so obscure that in regard of their obscurity there could no resolute answere bee made vnto them and other of the sayd articles exhibited for want of sufficient proofes could not clearely be determined vpon it was appointed and concluded that all obscure articles giuen vp by any of the foresayd parties whatsoeuer ought before the end of Easter then next ensuing and within one whole yeare after to be declared before the Chancelour of England for the time being and other articles euidently exhibited but not sufficiently proued to be proued vnder paine of perpetuall exclusion Which being done accordingly complete iustice shall be administred on both parts Item as concerning the eleuenth article for the behalfe of the Prussians first exhibited which conteined losses amounting vnto the summe of 2445. nobles as touching the first article on the behalfe of England exhibited in the land of Prussia conteining losses which amouÌ„ted to the summe of 900. nobles after many things alleadged on both parts relation thereof shall be made in the audience of the king and of the Master generall so that they shall set downe ordaine and determine such an ende and conclusion of those matters as shall seeme most expedient vnto them Now concerning the Liuonians who are subiect vnto the great Master of Prussia IN primis that the Master of Prussia demaunded of the sayd English ambassadours at their being in Prussia on the behalfe of them of Liuonia who are the sayd Master his liege people to haue restitution of their losses vniustly as he sayth offered vnto them by the English namely for the robbing and rifling of three ships The value of which ships and of the goods contained in them according to the computation of the Liuonian marchants doeth amount vnto the summe of 8037. pound 12. shillings 7. pence Howbeit afterward the trueth being inquired by the sayd ambassadors of England the losse of the Liuonians exceedeth not the summe of 7498. pound 13. shillings 10. pence halfepeny farthing Item forasmuch as in the sayd ships on the behalfe of the sayd Master and of certaine cities of the Hans there are alleadged aboue 250. men very barbarously to be drowned of whome some were noble and others honourable personages and the rest common marchants mariners there was demaunded in the first dyet or conuention holden at Dordract a recompense at the handes of the sayd English ambassadors albeit this complaint was exhibited in the very latter end of al the negotiations informe of a scedule the tenor whereof is in writing at this present beginneth in maner following Cum vita hominum c. Howbeit in the last conuention holden at Hage as is aforesaid it was concluded betweene the ambassadours of England and the messengers and commissioners of the land of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans that our sayd soueraigne lord the king should of his great pietie vouchsafe effectually to deuise some conuenient and wholesome remedie for the soules of such persons as were drowned Item that our sayd soueraigne lord the king will signifie in writing his full purpose intention as touching this matter vnto the aldermen of the Hans marchants residing at Bruges vpon the sixteenth day of March next following Otherwise that from hencefoorth all amity and friendship betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia shall be dissolued Neither is it to be doubted but that a great part of the sayd goods for the which they of
right honorable William lord de Roos high treasurer of England both of them counsellers vnto the sayd soueraigne king on the one party and the right worshipfull Iohn Godeke and Henrie Moneke sent as messengers by the right reuerend and religious personage Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party it was at the request and instancie of the sayd messengers appoynted and mutually agreed vpon that all the liege people and subiects of the sayd soueraigne lord and king shall haue free licence and liberty vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing safely to trauel vnto the land of Prussia aforesayd there to remaine and thence with their ships marchandises other their goods whatsoeuer to returne vnto their owne home which on the other side all the subiects of the sayd Master general may within the terme prefixed likewise doe in the foresaid realme of England Prouided alwaies that after the time aboue limited neither the sayd marchants of the realme of England may in the land of Prussia nor the marchants of that land in the realme of England exercise any traffique at al vnles it be otherwise ordained by some composition betweene the foresaid king of England the said Master general in the meane time concluded In witnesse wherof one part of this present Indenture is to remaine in the custodie of the foresaid messengers Giuen in the Chapter-house of the Church of S. Paul at London the day and yere aboue written The letters of the chancelor and treasurer of England vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 1403. RIght reuerend and mighty lord your honorable messengers Iohn Godeke and Henry Moneke the bearers hereof comming of late before the presence of our most souereigne lord the king of England and of France and being welcomed by our said lord with a chearefull and fauourable countenance they presented certaine letters on your behalfe vnto the kings Maiestie with that reuerence which be seemed them expounding vnto his highnes sundry piracies molestations offered of late vpon the sea by his liege people subiects vnto yours contrary to the leagues of peace and amitie which hitherto by Gods grace haue bene maintained and continued on both parts In consideration of which piracies and molestations your messengers demanded full restitution and recompeâ—se to be made either vnto the damnified parties or vnto their procurators We therefore at that time especially being in the presence of our soueraigne who with his puissant army tooke his progresse towards the remote part of Wales being subiect vnto his dominion to see iustice executed vpon his people of those parts who very rashly haue presumed to rebell against him their souereigne contrary to their allegeance right well perceiued that it was his hignesse intention that euery one should haue due iustice faithfully administred vnto him especially your subiects and that with all fauour whom he hath alwayes in times past right graciously intreated as if they had bene his owne liege subiects and natiue countrey men whome also hee purposeth hereafter friendly to protect insomuch that betweene him and his subiects on the one party and betweene you and yours on the other party great abundance and perfection of mutuall amity may increase And therefore we offered vnto your foresayd messengers after they had particularly declared vnto vs such piracies and wrongs to sende the kings letters vnto them of whom complaint was made firmely inioyning them vnder grieuous penalties that without delay they restore or cause to bee restored vnto the parties damnified or vnto their procuratours all ships marchandises wares and goods by them taken or violently stolne from your subiects And that your said messengers may partly attaine their desire we haue commaunded certaine ships marchandises wares and goods found in certaine hauens to be deliuered vnto them Howbeit as touching other goods which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortunate dissipation or destruction and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made vnto them within a certain time by vs limited may it please your honor to vnderstand that in the absence of our sayd souereigne lord the king being as yet farre distant from vs wee can in no wise limit or set downe any such terme of time Notwithstanding at the prosperous returne of our soueraigne we are determined to commune with him about this matter Of whose answere so soone as we be certified we purpose to signifie his intention vnto you by our letters Sithens also right reuerend and mighty lord your sayd messengers are contented for the present to accept of our offer aforesayde as indeede by all reason they ought thereat to rest content especially whereas by this meanes they shall the more speedily attaine vnto the effect of their purposes to the shorte and wished execution and performance of which offer we will by Gods helpe endeuour to the vtmost of our ability may it be your will and pleasure that as in the kingdome of England your marchants and subiects are courteously intreated euen so the marchants and liege people of our soueraigne lord the king and of his kingdomes peaceably frequenting your parts either in regard of traffique or of any other iust occasion may there in like manner friendly bee vsed and with your marchants and subiects suffered to communicate and to haue intercourse of traffique inioying the commodities of the ancient league By this also the feruent zeale and affection which you beare vnto the royall crowne of England shall vndoubtedly appeare albeit betweene the famous houses of England and of Prussia the bandes of vnfained loue and friendship haue bin successiuely confirmed and kept inuiolable in times past And thus right reuerend and mighty lord wishing vnto you increase of honour and prosperity wee take our leaues Written at London the fift of October in the yeare of our lord 1403 By the chancelor the treasurer and other lords of the hono counsell of the king of England and France being personally present at London The letters of king Henry the 4. vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master general of Prussia for mutual conuersation and intercourse of traffique to continue between the marchants of England and of Prussia for a certaine terme of time HEnry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland to the noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare and welbeloued friend greeting and continuall increase of our auncient and sincere amity By the grieuous complaynts of our liege subiects concerning traffique as it were circular wise too fro both our dominions we haue often bene aduertised that in regard of diuers iniuries and damages which as well our as your marchants who by their dealings in marchandise were woont peaceably to vse mutual conuersation together
aforesaid in his kingdome of England it is concluded and agreed about the sayd 20. articles by the aforesaid ambassadors commissioners and procurators as in the acts pleas had and made before the sayd ambassadors commissioners and procurators and in the records made and written of and about the examination of such articles it is more at large contayned vnto the which the sayd ambassadors commissioners and messengers doe here in this place referre themselues of the which articles also some are receiued by the commissioners aforesayd and others are proroged vnto a certaine time vnder written euen as in the foresayd registers it is more fully contayned and put downe in writing As touching certaine other articles also exhibited a newe vnto the sayd English ambassadors in the land of Prussia being 16 in number whereof one is admitted the rest are proroged vntil a terme vnderwritten the same course is to be taken and obserued which was before appoynted and agreed vpon about the articles deliuered and exhibited vnto our foresayd souraigne lorde the king as is aforesayd Moreouer as touching the articles exhibited by the English ambassadours in the name and behalfe of their sayd soueraigne lord the king of England vnto the procuratours and commissioners of the foresayd lord the Master generall of the which some are declared already and the declaration of the rest is proroged vntill a certayne terme vndernamed euen as in the registers made of and vpon the examination of the sayd articles it is more manifestly prouided the same course is to be taken which must be obserued about the articles of the sayd lord the Master generall exhibited as well vnto the foresayd soueraigne prince in England as vnto his ambassadors in the land of Prussia euen as about the sayd articles it is before concluded And whereas on the behalfe of the citizens and marchants of the cities of Rij and Dorp and of other townes in the land of Liuonia many and great complaints haue beneâ— by way of articles exhibited and deliuered vnto the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia which for diuers causes could not as then be ended therefore it is concluded and agreed vpon betweene the ambassadours and the commissioners aforesayd that the saide citizens and marchants may in the towne of Dordâ—act in Holland vpon the first day of the moneth of May next ensuing at the which time and place the continuation and prorogation of all other articles not fully declared in the partes of Prussia shall be put in vre by themselues or their lawfull procurators make their appearance for the obtayning of a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation of all iniuries attempted against them then or at some other times within one whole yere next following and not afterward being effectually set downe and limited at the place aforesaid by the consent of the ambassadours and commissioners of either parte all lawfull impediments ceasing Prouided alwayes that the value and price of all wares goods and marchandises whereof the said citizens and marchants of Liuonia in their articles receiued by the sayde English ambassadours as is aforesayd doe make mention shall be iustly esteemed prized and approoued not by any of England or of Prussia or of Liuonia but by some other indifferent marchants of good credite valuing them at the true rate of marchants which such like marchandise would haue amounted vnto if at the time when they were taken they had bene to be solde at the town of Bruges in Flanders Forasmuch also as diuers and sundry Prussians who exhibited manifolde Articles of complaints being receiued by the said English Ambassadours at their abode in Prussia made not their personall appearance before the saide English Ambassadours in the lande of Prussia aforesaide The prorogation aboue-mentioned was made vnto the first day of the moneth of May and also it was agreed vpon vy the saide Ambassadours Procurators and Commissioners that the saide parties which had not appeared before shall haue libertie graunted them lawfully to make their appearance vpon the first of May aforesaide at the towne of Dordract either by themselues or by their Procurators and also to bring with them the letters testimonial and patents sealed with the seale of the saide Lord the Master generall he hauing first of all receiued sound and sufficient information from the cities whereof the parties plaintife are citizens of the damages and grieuances any way vniustly inflicted vpon them or any of them by the English to the end that they may there by articles conueniently declare and proue before the Ambassadours Procurators messengers and Commissioners of both partes the rate and value of their saide goods and that in so doing they may obtaine conuenient iust and reasonable restitution for all acts vniustly attempted against them then or at some other times effectually to bee set downe and limited at the foresaid place by the consent of the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parts euen as it was aboue promised vnto the marchants of Liuonia But if they of Prussia last aboue-mentioned shall not vpon the first of May and at the place appointed for some cause make their appearance that then it shal be lawfull for them at anytime within one whole yeere next following to repaire vnto the lord Chancelor of England at the citie of London and to insinuate and declare vnto him their complaints before exhibited vnto the saide English Ambassadours in the land of Prussia or which complaints should haue bene deliuered at the foresaid terme and place or els the which were not then and there fully finished and dispatched and also by articles as is aforesaide to declare and proue the true worth and estimation of all damages and grieuances any wayes vniustly offered by the English vnto them or any of them to the ende that they may as it is aboue mentioned effectually receiue and also speedily and easily obtaine conuenient iust and reasonable reformation and satisfaction for al acts vniustly attempted against them which are contained in the complaints not as yet fully declared and finished Moreouer it is appointed and agreed vpon betweene the foresaide Ambassadours and Commissioners that the forenamed souereign Lord the said lord the Master general are to send and set forward their Ambassadours messengers and Commissioners vpon the first of May vnto the place appointed to treate parle agree and conclude about those affaires which shal then and there happen to be treated of and handled among them Furthermore betweene the often mentioned Ambassadours Procurators and Commissioners it is enacted and concluded that vnto all and singular lawfull statutes ordinations and prohibitions framed made and ordained by the saide lorde the Master generall in his land of Prussia or by his Proconsuls and Consuls and his gouernours of cities townes villages and of other places in the land of Prussia vnto the obseruation whereof aswell the subiectes of the said Master general as foreners and strangers are tyed and bound vnto the very same
statutes ordinations and prohibitions al English marchants whatsoeuer resorting vnto the land of Prussia must be firmely bounden and subiect Also it is ordained that whatsoeuer sale-clothes are already transported or at any time hereafter to bee transported out of England into Prussia by the English marchants and shall there be offered to bee solde whether they be whole cloathes or halfe cloathes they must containe both their endes Lastly that the matters aboue-mentioned fall not short and voyde of their wished effect the treaty and conference about all and singular damages and grieuances whereof there is not as yet done but there must be by the vertue of these presents performed a reformation and amendment must be continued and proroged vntill the first of May next ensuing as by these presents they are continued and proroged with the continuation of the dayes then immediately following at the towne of Dordract aforesaide at the which time and place or at other times and places in the meane space as occasion shall serue by both parties to be limited and assigned or else within oue yeere after the said first day of the moneth of May next ensuing bee expired the hurt and damaged parties generally before-mentioned shall haue performed vuto them a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation on both partes Prouided alwayes if within the terme of the saide yeere some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation bee not performed vnto the parties iniuried and endamaged which are generally aboue mentioned that then within three whole moneths after the foresaid yere shall expired the Prussians shall depart out of the realmes and dominions of the saide Soueraigne Lorde the king of England together with their marchandize and with other goods which they shal haue gotten or bought within the space of the foresaide three moneths and that the English men also are likewise in all respects bounden to auoid and no lawfull impediment hindering them to withdrawe themselues and to depart out of the territories and dominions of the saide Master generall without all molestation◠perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this regard Howbeit least that by the robberies and piracies of some insolent and peruerse people matter should be ministred vnto the said lord the Master generall of swaruing from the faithfull obseruation of the foresaide agreements or which God forbid any occasion bee giuen him of not obseruing them it is also decreed by the often aboue mentioned Ambassadours and messengers that if the goods and marchandize of any of the saide lorde Master generall his subiectes whatsoeuer shall be from hencefoorth vniustly taken vpon the Sea by any English Pirates and shal be caried into the realme of England and there receiued that the Gouernours and keepers of portes and of other places with whatsoeuer names they be called at the which portes and places such marchandises and goods shall chaunce to arriue beeing onely informed of the saide goods and marchandises by sole report or other proofes wanting by probable suspition are bound to arrest and to keep them in safe custodie fauourably to be restored vnto the owners therof whensoeuer they shall be lawfully demaunded which if they shall omit or deny to performe from thenceforth the saide gouernours and keepers are bound to make vnto the parties endamaged a recompease of their losses And for fault of iustice to be executed by the said gouernours and keepers our soueraign lord the king aboue named after he shall conueniently be requested by the parties damnified is bound within three moneths next ensuing all lawfull impediments being excepted to make correspondent iust and reasonable satisfaction vnto the saide parties endamaged Otherwise that it shal be right lawfull for the saide lorde the Master generall to arrest and after the arrest to keepe in safe custodie the goods of the English marchants being in the land of Prussia to the condigne satisfaction of such iniuries as haue bene offered vnto his subiects vntill his said subiects be iustly and reasonably contented Likewise also in all respects the same iustice is to be done vnto the English by the said Lord the Master generall and his subiects in Prussia euen as it hath bene enacted and decreed in the aboue written clause beginning Caeterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. for the said Master general and his subiects by the foresaide ambassadors of England and the commissioners of the said lord the Master generall that in like cases iustice ought to be administred on the behalfe of himselfe and of his subiects in the realme of England And that all and singular the couenants aboue written may in time to come by the parties whom they concerne firmly and inuiolably be obserued the forenamed ambassadors messengers and commissioners all and euery of them for the full credite probation and testimonie of all the premisses haue vnto these present Indentures made for the same purpose caused euerie one of their seales with their owne hands to be put One part of the which indentures remaineth in the custodie of the English ambassadors and the other part in the hands of the commissioners of Prussia Giuen at the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. vpon the 8. day of the moneth of October An agreement made betweene King Henrie the fourth and the common societie of the Marchants of the Hans THis Indenture made betweene the honourable Sir William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington clearke procurators messengers and commissioners sufficiently deputed and authorized by the most mighty Prince Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland for the performation of y e things vnder written on the one part the hon personages M. Henry Vredeland M. Riman Salum chief notaries Thederic Knesuolt secretary M. Simō Clouesten chief notary and Iohn Zotebotter citizen being sufficiently made and ordained procurators and messengers on the behalfe of the cities of Lubec Bremen Hamburg Sund and Gripeswold for the demanding obtaining seuerally of due reformation and recompense at the hands of our saide souereigne lord the king and of his messengers and commissioners aforesayde for all iniuries damages grieuances and manslaughters any wayes vniustly done and offred seuerally by the liege people and subiects of our soueraigne lord the king vnto the common societie of the marchants of the Hans and vnto any of the Citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide whatsoeuer on the other part Witnesseth That betweene all and euery of the saide Procurators messengers and Commissioners by vertue of the authoritie committed vnto them it hath bene and is appointed concluded and decreed that the liege marchants and subiects of our said soueraigne lord the king and the marchants of the common societie of the Dutch Hans aforesaide from hencefoorth for one whole yeere and seuen moneths immediately next ensuing and following shal be permitted and licenced friendly freely and securely to exercise mutual traffike
diuers goods to the value of 440 lib Item from Andrew Purser one farnell of cloth and one chest with diuers commodities therein to the value of ten pounds Item the aboue-named marchants complaine saying that certaine malefactors of Wismer Rostok and others of the Hans namely Godekin Mighel Henrie van Hall de Stertebeker with other of their confederates in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly and vniustly took from Iohn Priour of Lenne out of the ship of Michael van Buâ—gh namely â—60 nests of maseâ—s worth 100 lib.13.s.4.d Item 30. furres rigges of Kaleber woorth 13 s.4.d a piâ—ce the summe totall amounting to 20 li Item 20. furres wombys of Kalebre worth c. Item one girdle of siluer and one dagger adorned with siluer worth 30 s Item two coates and one long iacket and other goods to the value of 30 s Item he paide for his ransome 4 lib.13.s.4.d Unto all and singular the articles aboue-written the ambassadors of England aforesaid do further adde that the doers and authors of the damages iniuries and robberies set down in the articles aboue written of whom some are named in particular and others in general performed and committed all those outrages being hired thereunto at the expenses and charges of the common societies of the cities aforesaid And that the inhabitants of euery houshold in the foresaide cities ech man according to his ability wittingly purposely set foorth one two or more menâ— for the very same expedition wherein all and singular the foresaid trespasses were committed The foresaid English ambassadors doe exhibite the articles aboue written vnto the procurators of the cities of Wismer and Rostok aforesaid leaue and libertie being alwayes reserued vnto the said ambassadors to enlarge or to diminish or to expound all or euery or any of the said Articles whatsoeuer so often as it shall â—eeme expedient vnto them These be the grieuances and offences whereat the marchants of the Hans of Almaine comming vnto and residing in the Realme of England doe finde themselues aggrieued contrarie to the Articles and priuileges of the Charter graunted vnto them by the worthy Progenitors of the king of England that now is and also by the saide soueraigne Lord the King ratified and confirmed IMprimis whereas the foresaide marchants haue a priuilege graunted vnto them by Charter that they may in cities boroughs and in other towns and villages throughout the whole realme of England exercise traffique in grosse as wel with the natural inhabitants of the kingdome â—s with strangers and priuate personâ— of late those that are free deâ—izens in the cities boroughs and villages within the foresaid kingdome do hinder and restrain all others that be strangers foreners and aliens that they neither câ—n nor dare buy and sel with the marchants of the Hans aforesaid to their great hinderance and losse Item the foresaid marchants by vertue of their charter were wont to haue and to hold Innes and mansions for the reposing of themselues and of their goods wheresoeuer they pleased in any cities boroughs or villages throughout the whole kingdome howbeit of late the foresaide marchants are not suffered to take vp their mansions contrary to the tenoâ—r of their charter Item the foresaid marchants are priuileged not to vndergoe any other burthens or impositions but onely to pay certaine customs as it doeth by their charter manifestly appeare Notwithstanding at y e same time when Simon de Moreden was maior of London the foresaid marchants were constrained in the ward of Doue-gate at London to pay fifteenths tallages and other subsidies contrary to the liberties of their charter Whereupon the saide marchants prosecuâ—ed the matter before the Councel of our soueraign lord the king insomuch that they were released from paying afterward any such tallages fifteenths and subsidies Which marchants a while after of their owne accord and free will gaue vnto the gild-hall of London an hundreth markes sterling conditionally that they of the citie aforesaide should not at any time after exact or demaund of the said marchants or of their successors any tallages fifteenths or subsidies contrary to the tâ—nor of their charter as by records in the foresaid gild-hall it doth more plainly appeare Howbeit of late the officers of our lord the king in the foresaid ward of Doue-gate constrained the marchants aforesaid to pay tallages fifteenths other subsidies And because the saide marchants murmured and refused to pay any such contributions alleaging their priuileges the foresaid officers arrested the goods of those said marchants which are as yet detained vpon the arâ—est notwithstanding that they were released before the councel of our soueraigne lord the king also that they gaue vnto the said gild-hall one hundreth marks to be released as it is aforesaid And also the foresaid marchants were constrained to pay 12.d in the pound and of late 6.d and other subsidies more then their ancient customes to the great damage of those marchants Item the foresaid marchants are priuileged as touching customs of wols by theÌ„ bought within the realm of England y t they are not bound to pay ouer besides their ancient cusâ—oms but onely xl.d. more then the homeborn marchants of England were wont to pay But now y e foresaid marchants are compelled to pay for euery sack of wool besides y e ancient custom the 40.d aforesaid a certain impositioÌ„ called Pence for the town of Cales namely for euery sack of wool 19.d more then the marchants of England doe pay to their great losse against the liberty of their charter Item the foresaid marchants are priuileged by their charter that concerning the quantity of their marchandize brought into the realme of England in regard whereof they are bound to pay 3.d for the worth of euery pound of siluer credit is to be giuen vnto them for the letters of their masters and of their companies if they were able to shew them And if so be they had no letters in this behalfe to shew that then credite should bee giuen vnto themselues and that their othe or the othe of their atturney should be taken without any other proof as touching the value of their marchandize so brought in that thereupon they should be bound to pay customs namely the customes of 3.d iustly for that cause to be paid But nowe the customers of our soueraigne lorde the king put their goods to an higher rate then they ought or were woont to be and heereupon they compell them to pay custome for their goods at their pleasure scanning about their fraight and expenses particularly disbursed in regard of the said goods and marchandize to the great hinderance of the said marchants and against the teâ—or of their charter Item the foresaid marchants by way of pitiful complaint do alleage that whereas the worthy progenitors of our Lord the king that now is by vertue of the saide great charter gâ—aunted libertie vnto them to pay the customes of certain
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
countries greeting Before all right great and worthy of honour Edward King of England c. according to our most hearty and good zeale with good intent and friendly desire according to our holy Christian faith great gouernance being in the light of great vnderstāding our answere by this our honourable writing vnto your kingly gouernance at the request of your faithfull seruant Richard Chancelour with his company as they shall let you wisely know is this In the strength of the twentieth yeere of our gouernance be it knowen that at our sea coastes arriued a shippe with one Richard and his companie and sayd that hee was desirous to come into our dominions and according to his request hath seene our Maiestie and our eyes and hath declared vnto vs your Maiesties desire as that we should grant vnto your subiects to goe and come and in our dominions and among our subiects to frequent free Marts with all sortes of marchandizes and vpon the same to haue wares for their returne And they haue also deliuered vs your letters which declare the same request And hereupon we haue giuen order that wheresoeuer your faithful seruant Hugh Willoughbie land or touch in our dominions to be wel entertained who as yet is not arriued as your seruant Richard can declare And we with Christian beliefe and faithfulnes and according to your honourable request and my honourable commandement will not leaue it vndone and are furthermore willing that you send vnto vs your ships and vessels when and as often as they may haue passage with good assurance on our part to see them harmelesse And if you send one of your maiesties counsel to treate with vs whereby your countrey marchants may with all kinds of wares and where they will make their market in our dominions they shall haue their free Marte with all free liberties through my whole dominions with all kinde of wares to come and goe at their pleasure without any let damage or impediment according to this our letter our word and our seale which we haue commaunded to be vnder sealed Written in our dominion in our citie and our palace in the castle of Mosco in the yeare 7060 the second moneth of February This letter was written in the Moscouian tongue in letters much like to the Greeke letters very faire written in paper with a broad seale hanging at the same sealed in paper vpon waxe This seale was much like y e broad scale of England hauing on the one side the image of a man on horseback in complete harnesse fighting with a dragon Under this letter was another paper written in the Dutch tongue which was the interpretation of the other written in the Moscouian letters These letters were sent the next yere after the date of king Edwards letters 1554. The coines weights and measures vsed in Russia written by Iohn Hasse in the yere 1554. FOrasmuch as it is most necessary for al marchants which seeke to haue traffique in any strange regions first to acquaint thēselues with the coines of those lands with which they do intend to ioyne in traffique and how they are called from the valuation of the highest piece to the lowest and in what sort they make their paiments as also what their common weights and measures be for these causes I haue thought good to write some thing thereof according to mine owne knowledge and experience to the end that the marchants of that new aduenture may the better vnderstand how the wealth of that new frequented trade will arise First it is to be noted that the Emperour of Russia hath no other coines then siluer in all his land which goeth for paiment amongst merchants yet notwithstanding there is a coine of copper which serueth for the reliefe of the poore in Mosco no where els and that is but only for quasse water and fruit as nuts apples and such other like The name of which money is called Pole or Poles of which Poles there goe to the least of the siluer coines 18. But I will not stand vpon this because it is no currant money among merchants Of siluer coines there be three sortes of pieces the least is a Poledenga the second a Denga the third Nowgrote which is as much to say in English as halfepenie penie and twopence and for other valued money then this there is none there are oftentimes there coines of gold but they come out of forrein countreys whereof there is no ordinarie valuation but they passe according to the agreement of merchants Their order in summing of money is this as we say in England halfpenie penie shilling and pound so say they Poledenga Denga Altine and Rubble There goeth two Poledengas to a Denga six Dengaes to an Altine and 23 Altines and two Dengaes to a Rubble Concerning the weights of Russia they are these There are two sorts of pounds in vse amōgst them the one great y e other small the great pound is iust two small pounds they call the great weight by the name of Beasemar and the smal they call the Skalla weight with this smal weight they weigh their siluer coines of the which the Emperor hath commanded to put to euery small pound three Rubbles of siluer and with the same weight they weigh all Grocerie wares and almost al other wares which come into the land except those which they weigh by the Pode as hops salt iron lead tinne batrie with diuers others notwithstanding they vse to weigh batrie more often by the small weight then by the great Whensoeuer you find the prices of your wares rated by the Pode consider that to be the great weight and the pound to be the small Also they diuide the small pound into 48 parts and they call the eight and fortieth part a Slotnike by the which Slotnike the retailers sell their wares out of their shops as Goldsmiths Grocers Silkesellers and such other like as we doe vse to retaile by the ounce and as for their great weight which they cal the Beasemar they sel by pode or shippond The pode doth containe of the great weight 40 pounds and of the smal 80 there goe 10. podes to a shippond Yet you must consider that their great weight is not full with ours for I take not their great pound to be full 13 ounces but aboue 12 I thinke it be But for your iust proofe weigh 6 Rubbles of Russia money with our pound weight and then shal you see what it lacketh for 6 Rubbles of Russia is by the Emperors standerd the great pound so that I thinke it the next way to know the iust waight as well of the great pound as of the small There is another weight needfull to be knowen which is the weight of Wardhouse for so much as they weigh all their drie fish by weight which weight is the Beasemar as they of Russia doe vse not withstanding there is another sorte in it the names
whose highnesse arriuing the one and twentie of March the same Ambassadour the fiue and twentieth of March being the Annunciation of our Ladie the day tweluemoneth he tooke his leaue from the Emperour his master was most honourably brought to the King and Queenes maiesties court at Westminster where accompanied first with the said Uiscount and other notable personages and the merchants hee arriuing at Westminster bridge was there receiued with sixe lords conducted into a stately chamber where by the lords Chancellor Treasurer Priuie seale Admirall bishop of Elie and other Counsellers hee was visited and saluted and consequently was brought vnto the Kings and Queenes maiesties presence sitting vnder a stately cloth of honour the chamber most richly decked and furnished and most honourably presented Where after that hee had deliuered his letters made his Oration giuen two timber of Sables and the report of the same made both in English and Spanish in most louing maner embraced was with much honour and high entertainement in sight of a great confluence of people Lordes and Ladies eftsoones remitted by water to his former lodging to the which within two dayes after by the assignement of the King and Queenes maiesties repaired and conferred with him secretly two graue Counsellers that is the lord Bishop of Elie and Sir William Peter Knight chiefe Secretary to their Highnesse who after diuers secret talkes and conferences reported to their highnesse their proceedings the grauitie wisedome and stately behauiour of the sayd Ambassadour in such sort as was much to their maiesties contentations Finally concluding vpon such treaties and articles of amitie as the letters of the Kings and Queenes maiesties most graciously vnder the great seale of England to him by the sayd counsellers deliuered doth appeare The three and twentieth of April being the feast of S. George wherein was celebrated the solemnitie of the Noble order of the Garter at Westminster the same lord ambassadour was eftsoones required to haue audience and therefore conducted from the sayd lodging to the court by the right Noble the lords Talbot and Lumley to their maiesties presence where after his Oration made and thanks both giuen and receiued hee most honourably tooke his leaue with commendations to the Emperour Which being done he was with special honour led into the chappell where before the Kings and Queens maiesties in the sight of the whole Order of the Garter was prepared for him a stately seate wherein he accompanied with the Duke of Norfolke the lords last aboue mentioned and many other honorable personages was present at the whole seruice in ceremonies which were to him most acceptable the diuine seruice ended he eftsoones was remitted and reduced to his barge and so repaired to his lodging in like order and gratulation of the people vniuersally as before The time of the yeere hasting the profection and departure of the Ambassador the merchants hauing prepared foure goodly and well trimmed shippes laden with all kinds of merchandises apt for Russia the same Ambassadour making prouision for such things as him pleased the same ships in good order valed downe the Riuer of Thames from London to Grauesend where the same Ambassadour with his traine and furniture was imbarked towards his voyage homeward which God prosper in all felicitie It is also to be remembred that during the whole abode of the sayd Ambassadour in England the Agents of the sayde marchants did not onely prosecute and pursue the matter of restitution in Scotland and caused such things to be laden in an English shippe hired purposely to conuey the Ambassadours goods to London there to be deliuered to him but also during his abode in London did both inuite him to the Maior and diuers worshipfull mens houses feasting and banquetting him right friendly shewing vnto him the most notable and commendable sights of London as the kings palace and house the Churches of Westminster and Powles the Tower and Guild hall of London and such like memorable spectacles And also the said 29. day of April the said merchants assembling themselues together in the house of the Drapers hal of London exhibited and gaue vnto y e said Ambassador a notable supper garnished with musicke Enterludes and bankets in the which a cup of wine being drunke to him in the name and â—lieu of the whole companie it was signified to him that the whole company with most liberal and friendly hearts did frankly giue to him and his all maner of costs and charges in victuals riding from Scotland to London during his abode there and vntill setting of saile aboord the ship requesting him to accept the same in good part as a testimonie and witnes of their good hearts zeale and tendernesse towards him and his countrey It is to be considered that of the Bona Speranza no word nor knowledge was had at this present day nor yet of the arriuall of the ships or goods from Scotland The third of May the Ambassadour departed from London to Grauesend accompanied with diuers Aldermen and merchants who in good gard set him aboord the noble shippe the Primrose Admiral to the Fleete where leaue was taken on both sides and parts after many imbracements and diuers farewels not without expressing of teares Memorandum that the first day of May the Counsellers videlicet the Bishop of Elye and Sir William Peter on the behalfe of the Kings and Queenes Maiesties repairing to the lorde Ambassadour did not onely deliuer vnto him their highnes letters of recommendations vnder the great seale of England to the Emperour very tenderly and friendly written but also on their maiesties behalfe gaue and deliuered certaine notable presents to the Emperours person and also gifts for the lord Ambassadours proper vse and behoofe as by the particulars vnder written appeareth with such further good wordes and commendations as the more friendly haue not bin heard whereby it appeareth how well affected their hoâ—ours be to haue and continue amitie and traffique betweene their honours and their subiects which thing as the kings and Queenes maiesties haue shewed of their princely munificences liberalities so haue likewise the merchants and fellowship of the Aduenturers for and to Russia manifested to the world their good willes mindes and zeales â—orne to this new commensed voyage as by the discourse aboue mentioned and other the notable actes ouer long to be recited in this present memoriall doeth and may most clearely appeare the like whereof is not in any president or historie to bee shewed Forasmuch as it may bee doubted how the ship named the Edward Bonauenture suffered shipwracke what became of the goods howe much they were spoiled and deteined how little restored what charges and expenses ensued what personages were drowned how the rest of the ships either arriued or perished or howe the disposition of almightie God hath wrought his pleasure in them how the same ambassadour hath bene after the miserable case of shipwracke in Scotland vnreuerently abused and consequently into
shoulde be taken off but no worde I could heare when I should be deliuered out of captiuitie till it was Saint George his day on which day I was had before the Marshall who declared vnto me that the Kings Maiestie had shewed his mercie and goodnesse towardes mee for his pleasure was that I should be deliuered out of prison to depart into England but no way else So after I had giuen thankes for the Kings Maiesties goodnesse shewed vnto me I desired him that he woulde be a meane that I might haue the remaynder of such thinges as were taken from me restored vnto me againe Hee made me answere that I might thanke God that I escaped with my head and that if euer there came any more of vs through the land they should not so doe The weeke before Easter they deliuered mee my Corobia againe with all thinges that were therein They tooke from mee in money nine Hungers gylderns in golde fiue shillings foure pence in Lettoes money fourtie Altines in Russe money whereof twentie and more were for tokens halfe an angell and a quarter of Master Doctour Standishes with his golde ring Your two pieces of money Master Gray that you sent to your wife and daughter with my two pieces of Boghary money Of all this I had eight Hungers gilderns deliuered mee the thirde weeke of mine imprisonment to paye for my charges which stoode mee in a Doller a weeke So that at the day of my deliuerie I had but three gyldernes left me For the rest I made a supplication to the Captaine and had the like answere giuen mee as the Marshall gaue me So that all the rest of the thinges before written are lost and no recouerie to bee had which grieueth me more for the tokens â—akes then doeth mine eight weeks imprisonment They haue also my sword my bootes my bowe and arrowes that I bought at Smolensco which cost me foure marks my sled my felt the comhold a booke of the Flowres of godly prayers and my booke wherein my charges were written Of all these I can get nothing againe not so much as my two bookes After I had remayned there fiue and thirtie dayes I was had before the Captaine vp into a great chamber to bee examined for letters and of the cause of my comming through the Countrey In the Captaines companie was one of the Lordes of Danske They demaunded of mee where my letters were I declared vnto them that I had none your Officers sayd I tooke me when I was in my bedde they searched mee and tooke all that I had from mee if there be any they shall finde them among my stuffe which they haue They asked mee then for what cause I went home ouer lande I declared vnto them that the Winter beeing a warme season and hauing intelligence that The frozen Sea was not much frozen and supposing this Sommer it would be nauigable I was onely sent to prouide a Shippe to bee sent to passe the sayde Seas to discouer Cataia which if God graunted wee might doe it woulde not onely bee a commoditie to the Realme of Englande but vnto all Christian landes by the riches that might bee brought from thence if the histories bee true that are written thereof Much other communication I had with them concerning the same voyage Then he demaunded of mee what wares wee brought into Russia and what wee carried from thence I declared the same vnto them Then they burdened mee that wee brought thither thousandes of ordinance as also of harneis swordes with other munitions of warre artificers copper with many other things I made them answere that wee had brought thither about one hundred shirtes of mayle such olde thinges newe scowred as no man in Englande woulde weare Other talke they had with mee concerning the trade of Moscouia too long to commit to writing At my comming hither heere were Ambassadours from the townes of Danske Lubeck and Hamburgh as also out of Liefland to desire this king to bee their Captaine and head in their intended voyage which was to stoppe all such shippes as shoulde goe out of England for Moscouia Whereunto the King graunted and immediatly they departed to prepare their shippes So that I am afraide that either these our enemies or the great warres that we haue with France and Scotland will be an occasion that you shall haue no shippes at Colmogro this yeere To conclude although I haue no tokens to deliuer them that the tokens token from me were sent vnto yet I will declare vnto them that I had tokens for them with the mischance And thus I commit you to Amightie God with the rest of the companie who keepe you in health to his holy will and pleasure By yours to commaund THOMAS ALCOCKE A Letter of Master Anthonie Ienkinson vpon his returne from Boghar to the worshipful Master Henrie Lane Agent for the Moscouie companie resident in Vologda written in the Mosco the 18. of September 1559. VVOrshipfull Sir after my heartie commendations prâ—mised with most desire to God of your welfare and prosperous successe in all your affaires It may please you to bee aduertised that the fourth of this present I arriued with Richard Iohnson and Robert Iohnson all in health thankes bee to God Wee haue bene as farre as Boghar and had proceeded farther on our voyage toward the lande of Cathay had it not bene for the vncessant and continuall warres which are in all these brutall and wilde countreys that it is at this present impossible to passe neither went thâ—re any Carauan of people from Boghar that way these three yeeres And although our iourney hath bene so miserable dangerous and chargeable with losses charges and expenses as my penne is not able to expresse the same yet shall wee bee able to satisfie the woorshipfull Companies mindes as touching the discouerie of The Caspian Sea with the trade of merchandise to bee had in such landes and counteyes as bee thereabout adiacent and haue brought of the wares and commodities of those Countries able to answere the principall with profite wishing that there were vtterance for as great a quantitie of kersies and other wares as there is profite to bee had in the sales of a small quantitie all such euill fortunes beeing escaped as to vs haue chaunced this present voyage for then it woulde be a trade woorthie to bee followed Sir for that I trust you will be here shortly which I much desire I will deferre the discourse with you at large vntill your comming as well touching my trauel as of other things Sir Iohn Lucke departed from hence toward England the seuenth of this present and intendeth to passe by the way of Sweden by whom I sent a letter to the worshipfull Companie and haue written that I intend to come downe vnto Colmogro to be readie there at the next shipping to imbarke my selfe for England declaring that my seruice shal not be needfull here for that you
the Tartarian tongue Cara-calmack inhabited with blacke people but in Cathay the most part therof stretching to the sunne rising are people white and of faire complexion Their religion also as the Tartars report is christian or after the maner of Christians and their language peculiar differing from the Tartarian tongue There are no great and furious Beares in trauelling through the waies aforesaid but wolues white and blacke And because that woods are not of such quantitie there as in these parts of Russia but in maner rather scant then plentiful as is reported the Beares breed not that way but some other beasts as namely one in Russe called Barse are in those coasts This Barse appeareth by a skinne of one seene here to sell to be nere so great as a big lion spotted very faire and therefore we here take it to be a Leopard or Tiger Note that 20 daies iourney from Cathay is a countrey named Angrim where liueth the beast that beareth the best Muske the principall therof is cut out of the knee of the male The people are taunie for that the men are not bearded nor differ in complexion from women they haue certaine tokens of iron that is to say the men weare the sunne round like a bosse vpon their shoulders and women on their priuie parts Their feeding is raw flesh in the same land and in another called Titay the Duke there is called Can. They worship the fire and it is 34 dayes iourney from great Cathay and in the way lyeth the beautifull people eating with kniues of golde and are called Comorom and the land of small people is neerer the Mosko then Cathay The instructions of one of Permia who reporteth he had bene at Cathay the way before written and also another way neere the sea coast as foloweth which note was sent out of Russia from Giles Holmes FIrst from the prouince of Dwina is knowen the way to Pechora and from Pechora traueiling with Olens or harts is sixe dayes iourney by land and in the Sommer as much by water to the riuer of Ob. The Ob is a riuer full of flats the mouth of it is 70. Russe miles ouer And from thence three dayes iourney on the right hand is a place called Chorno-lese to say in English blacke woods and from thence neere hand is a people called Pechey-cony wearing their haire by his description after the Irish fashion From Pechey-cony to Ioult Calmachey three dayes iourney from thence to Chorno Callachay three dayes tending to the Southeast These two people are of the Tartarian faith and tributaries to the great Can. Here follow certaine countreys of the Samoeds which dwell vpon the riuer Ob and vpon the sea coasts beyond the same taken out of the Russe tongue word by word and trauailed by a Russe borne in Colmogro whose name was Pheodor Towtigin who by report was slaine in his second voyage in one of the said countreys VPon the East part beyond the countrey of Vgori the riuer Ob is the most Westermost part thereof Upon the sea coast dwell Samoeds and their countrey is called Molgomsey whose meate is flesh of Olens or Harts and Fish and doe eate one another sometimes among themselues And if any Marchants come vnto them then they kill one of their children for their sakes to feast them withall And if a Marchant chance to die with them they burie him not but eate him and so doe they eate them of their owne countrey likewise They be euill of sight and haue small noses but they be swift and shoote very well and they trauaile on Harts and on dogges and their apparell is Sables and Harts skinnes They haue no Marchandise but Sables onely 2 Item on the same coast or quarter beyond those people and by the sea side also doth dwell another kinde of Samoeds in like maner hauing another language One moneth in the yeere they liue in the sea and doe not come or dwell on the dry land for that moneth 3 Item beyond these people on the sea coast there is another kinde of Samoeds their meate is flesh and fish and their merchandise are Sables white and blacke Foxes which the Rusles call Pselts and Harts skinnes and Fawnes skinnes The relation of Chaggi Memet a Persian Marchant to Baptista Ramusius and other notable citizens of Venice touching the way from Tauris the chiefe citie of Persia to Campion a citie of Cathay ouer land in which voyage he himselfe had passed before with the Carauans dayes iourney FRom Tauris to Soltania 6 From Soltania to Casbin 4 From Casbin to Veremi 6 From Veremi to Eri. 15 From Eri to Boghara 20 Frō Boghara to Samarchand 5 From Samarchand to Cascar 25 From Cascar to Acsu 20 From Acsu to Cuchi 20 From Cuchi to Chialis 10 From Chialis to Turfon 10 From Turfon to Camul 13 From Camul to Succuir 15 From Succuir to Gauta 5 From Gauta to Campion 6 Which Campion is a citie of the Empire of Cathay in the prouince of Tangut from whence the greatest quantitie of Rubarbe commeth A letter of Sigismond king of Polonia written in the 39. yeere of his reigne to Elizabeth the Queenes most excellent Maiestie of England c. SIgismudus Augustus by the grace of God king of Polonia great Duke of Lituania Russia Prussia Massouia and Samogetia c. Lord and heire c. to the most Noble Princesse Ladie Elizabeth by the same grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland c. our deare sister and kinsewoman greeting and increase of all felicitie Whereas your Maiestie writeth to vs that you haue receiued two of our letters wee haue looked that you should haue answered to them both First to the one in which we intreated more at large in forbidding the voyage to Narue which if it had bene done we had bene vnburdened of so often writing of one matter and might haue answered your Maiestie much better to the purpose Now we thus answere to your Maiestie to those matters of the which you writte to vs the 3 of October from Windsore First forasmuch as your Maiestie at the request of our letters hath discharged the arrest of Marchants goods and of the names of the men of Danske our subiects which was set vpon them by the commandement of your Maiestie and also haue restored the olde and ancient libertie of traffique we acknowledge great pleasure done vnto vs in the same and also thinke it to bee done according to common agreement made in times past Neither were we euer at any time of any other opinion touching your Maiestie but that wee should obtaine right and reason at your hands Forasmuch as we likewise shall at all times be ready to grant to your Maiestie making any request for your subiects so farre as shall stand with iustice yet neither will we yeeld any thing to your Maiestie in contention of loue beneuolence and mutuall office
to the saide fellowship and company nor to any of them to cary and transport or cause to be caried and transported any commodie of this Realme to their newe trade but onely in English ships and to be sailed for the most part with English Mariners nor also to bring into this Realme nor into Flanders from their saide new trade any merchandizes or other commodities but in English ships and sailed for the most part by the English Mariners on paine to forfeit for euery such offence two hundred pounds whereof the one moitie shall be to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other moitie to the head officers of any port towne hauing any hauen or harborough decayed by what name soeuer they bee incorporate to the reparation of such harborough that will sue for the same in any Court of Record by action bill plaint or information wherein no essoine protection or wager of lawe for the defendant shall be admitted or allowed Prouided also and be it enacted that no maner of person or persons shall from hence forth carrie or transport or cause to bee carried or transported out of this Realme of England any maner of clothes or karsies into any of the partes where the said fellowship and societie is priuiledged to trade by this Act before the same clothes and karsies shall be all dressed and for the most part died within this Realme vpon paine of forfeiture for euery such cloth and karsie otherwise caried and transported fiue pounds the one halfe thereof to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other halfe to the Master and Wardens of the Clothworkers in the Citie of London for the time being by what name soeuer they be incorporate that wil sue for the same Prouided also that whensoeuer the said societie or company shall willingly withdraw and discontinue wholy by the space of three yeeres in time of peace the discharging of their marchandizes at the road of S. Nicholas bay in Russia and doe not discharge their said merchandizes at some other port or roade lying on that North coast of Russia or other territorie nowe subiect to the saide mightie prince of Russia c. hitherto by the subiects of this realme not commonly frequented that then during the time of any such discontinuance and withdrawing as is aforesaid it shal be lawful to all the subiects of this realme to trade to the Narue onely in English bottoms any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding Prouided also that euery of the Queenes Maiesties Subiects inhabiting within the Citie of Yorke the townes of Newcastle vpon Tine Hull and of Boston hauing continually traded the course of merchandize by the space of ten yeeres and which before the 25. of December that shal be in Anno D. 1567. shal contribute ioyne and put in stocke to with and amongst the said company such summe summes of money as any of the said company which hath throughly continued and contributed to the saide newe trade from the yeere 1552. hath done and before the saide 25. of December 1567. shall do for the furniture of one ordinary full and intire portion or share and do in all things behaue himselfe as others of the said societie be bound to doe and hereafter shall bee bound to do by the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company shall from the same 25. day of December 1567. be and be accompted free and as one of the saide societie and company and subiect to the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company reasonably made and to be made any thing in this present Act to the contrary notwithstanding A very briefe remembrance of a voyage made by M. Anthony Ienkinson from London to Moscouia sent from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour in the yeere 1566. THe fourth day of May in the yere aforesaid I imbarked my selfe at Grauesend in the good ship called the Harry of London and hauing had a prosperous voyage arriued at the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia the 10. day of Iuly following and immediatly I sent in post to the Emperor to aduertise of my comming and traueiling then thorowe the countrey I with my company came to the Mosco where the Emperour kept his court the 23. of August and foorthwith gaue the Secretarie to vâ—derstand of my arriuall who aduertised the Emperours Maiestie of it and the first day of September being a solemne feast among the Russes I came before the Emperours Maiestie sitting in his seate of honour and hauing kissed his hand and done the Queenes Maiesties commendations and deliuered her Graces letters and present he â—ad me to dinner which I accepted and had much honour done vnto me both then and all the time of my abode in Russia The Priuiledges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants of that company obteined the 22. of September Anno 1567. by M. Anthony Ienkinson ONe onely strengthener of all things and God without beginning which was before the world the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost our onely God in Trinitie and maker of all things whom we worship in all things and in all places the doer and fulfiller of all things which is the perfect knowledge giuer of the true God our Lorde Iesus Christ with the comforter the holy Spirit and thou which art the strengthener of our faith keepe vs together giue vs health to preserue our kingdome thou giuer of all good fruites and helper of all Christian beleeuers We great lord by the grace of God and great duke Iohn Vasiliwich of all Russia Volodimer Mosco Nouogrod Cazan Astracan Plesco Smolensko Tweria Yougorie Vadika Bulgar Sybier and others Emperour and great duke of Nouogrod of the lower land of Chernygo Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yereslaue Bealozera Oudoria Obdoria Condensa and lord of many other lands and of all the North parts commander and lord of Liffe-land Whereas our sister Queene Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland hath written to vs her letters that wee would graunt her merchants William Gerrard William Chester Rowland Heyward Lawrence Hussie Iohn Marsh Anthony Ienkinson William Rowly and their company of England to come in ships into this kingdome and those merchants William Gerrard and his company haue required of vs that we would graunt and licence them to come into our countrey of Dwina with all kind of wares at wil to our city of Mosco and to all our castles in our kingdomes we for our sisters sake Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland haue licenced her merchants William Gerrard and his company to passe in ships to our kingdome of Colmogro and to the land of Dwina and to all other our inheritances in the North parts with all kind of wares to our city of Mosco and to all castles and townes in our kingdome And sir William Garrard his company desired of vs that we would grant them licence to passe to
Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith hath written vnto vs her letters for her merchants who hath made sute that we should grant our goodnesse to the merchants which are of one Company and giue them free leaue to come to traffike in our kingdome to Colmogro and to the countrey of Dwina and to our great citie of Moscouia and to all the cities in our dominions and thorow our countrey to Boghar to Persia Casbin and Charday and to all other countreys 1 We Iohn Vasiliwich Emperour and great duke of all Russia for our sister Elizabeths sake Queene of England haue giuen and granted to the English merchants the Gouernours Consuls Assistants felloship sir Wil. Garrard Knight Rowland Haiward Alderman Ioh. Thamworth Esquire Iohn Riuers Alderman Henry Beecher Alderman Consuls Sir Wil. Chester Knight Edward Iackman Alderman Lionel Ducket Alderman Edward Gilbert Laurence Huse Francis Walsingham Clement Throgmorton Iohn Quarles Nicholas Wheeler Thomas Banister Iohn Harrison Francis Burnham Anthony Gamage Iohn Somers Richard Wilkinson Ioh. Sparke Richard Barne Robert Woolman Thomas Browne Thomas Smith Thomas Allen Thomas More William Bully Richard Yong Thomas Atkinson Assistants Iohn Mersh Esquire Geofrey Ducket Francis Robinson Matthew Field all the rest of their company and fellowship and to their successours and deputies to come with ships and other vessels into our Countrey at Colmogorod Dwina and to all the North parts now being ours or that hereafter shall at any time be in our possession by sea riuer or land euen to our great Citie of Mosco in all the townes of our Countrey to Cazan and Astracan to Nouogorod the great to Plesko Leifland Vriagorod to Narue and all other townes of Leifland 2 And to passe through our land to Boghar Persia Casbin Charday and other Countreyes And wheresoeuer they come there to be and abide freely and to barter and bargaine freely all wares of sale without custome of all people and Marchants strangers whatsoeuer And if so be they bring any fine wares out of Englande or any other Countrey from Boghar Persia Casbin or from any other place those their wares that come by the way of Narue or any other part into our Dominion to bring the same wares into our treasure and our Treasurers to view the same wares and to take into our Treasurie of the same such as shal be needfull for vs. And all such wares as we shal not need our Chancellour to redeliuer y e same And after the view of our Chancellours to barter it freely to whom they will not selling any of their wares needful for vs before our Chancellour haue seene the same And all other grosse and heauy wares that shall be needfull to our vse not being brought to Mosco to declare tell our Chancellour of the same wares And to giue a note thereof by name and how much they leaue there not brought to Mosco and then if we neede not the said wares the English Marchants their seruants Factors to conuey their wares the neerest way to Vstiug the great and so to Colmogorod or elsewhere at their pleasure thâ—re to barter and sell the same But those wares that shal be needfull for our Treasurie they shall not hide from vs in any case And when our Chauncellours shall send our aduenture with the said Marchants or their Factors they to take our aduentures with them and to sell to barter for such wares as shal be meete for our Treasurie and to returne it into our Treasurie And when we shall sende any aduenture into England then our Chauncellour to giue them a yeeres warning that their ships may be prouided thereafter that by taking in of our wares they leaue not their owne behind them And to take our aduenture yeerely when they goe into Persia. Neither shall the English marchants receiue or colour any of our peoples goods nor barter nor sell it in any wise likewise our people not to barter for the sayd English marchants or occupy for them 3 And when they shall come into our Empire of Casan and Astracan and other places of our Dominions thâ—n our Captaines of Casan and Astracan and our authorised people quietly to let them passe not taking any toll or custome of their wares nor once to make search thereof And when we shal send no aduenture with them yet to suffer them freely to passe not viewing their wares nor taking any kinde of custome And whatsoeuer English marchant will bargaine with our Marchants or Factors ware for ware to barter the same at their pleasure And whatsoeuer their Marchant or Factors will sell their wares at their house at Mosco which house I granted them at S. Maxims at the Mosco they to sel the ware to our people either strangers as they may best vtter it keeping within their house arshines measures and waights vnder seales 4 We haue granted them the saide house at S. Maxims in the halfe free and without standing renâ— as heretofore we did graunt it the said English Marchants sir Wil. Garrard and the Company maintayning in the said house one housekeeper a Russe and two Russe seruants or some of their owne countrey men and none other Russes besides the aforesayde And the said housekeepers that shal liue at their house with the English marchants neither to buy nor sel any wares for them but that the said marchants themselues or their factors shall buy sell and barter their owne wares And our Moscouie marchants not to take the said Englishmens wares to sell them in our townes nor to buy any wares for them neither the English marchant to colour any Russes wares at any towne 5 And whatsoeuer English marchant will sell his wares at Colmogorod Dwyna Vologda Yeraslaue Castran Nouogorod the lower Casan Astracan Nouogrod the great Vopsko the Narue Vriagorod or at any other townes they to sel their wares there at their pleasure And of all wares aswell of other countreis as of Russia no officer or other to take any custome neither in any place to stay them in any wise neither take any kinde of toll of them for their wares whatsoeuer 6 And whatsoeuer marchant shall bargaine or buy any wares of English marchants The said Russe not to returne those wares vpon the marchants hands againe but to giue ready money for the said wares otherwise they to craue the Iustice to giue right and to execute the lawe vpon the same with all expedition And when the English marchants or factors shal trauaile from Moscouie after the dispatch of their wares and businesse then to shew themselues vnto our Chancellours whatsoeuer wares of theirs shall goe from Mosco they not to shew the â—ame wares to any our officersâ— nor pay no custome nor toll in any place 7 If it so happen the English marchants haue any wracke and the shippes be brought to any port of our Dominions we to command the said goods to be enquired and
all our Townes Captaines and authorised men to defende and garde the said Marchants from all theeues robbers and euill disposed persons 23 If in comming or going to and fro our dominions the Marchants the factors or seruants be spoyled on the sea our Counsell shall send our letters and will them to be sought out and where they shall finde the goods cause it to be restored againe and the offender to be punished according to our commandement 24 Also of our goodnes we haue granted the saide Merchants to take vp Brokers Packers Wayers and such like labourers as shall be needefull for them paying for their hier as the labourers and they shall agree 25 We likewise of our goodnes haue licensed the English Marchants in our Townes of Mosco Nouogorod the great and Plesko that the Coiners of the said Townes shall melt Dollers and coine money for them without custome allowing for coales and other necessaries with the workemanship 26 Also of our goodnes we haue granted to the sayd English Merchants to take poste horse at needfull times leauing with our officers a note how many they take and not else in no case hindering or diminishing our treasurie 27 Also for our sister Queene Elizabeths sake we of our goodnes haue granted to the merchants within written this our letter and to their successors that no Englishman nor any other stranger come without the Queenes leaue to Colmogorode the riuer of Vob Vasiagy Pechora Cola Mezena Pechingo Zeleuetskyes Island the riuer of Shame nor to no other hauen of Dwina nor to any part of the northside of Dwina by hetherward of Wardhouse to any hauen with shippe Busse or any other vessell nor to occupie in any kind of waies but only the said English companie and their successors to whom we of our goodnes haue granted this priuiledge 28 Also that no English Merchant without the Queenes leaue shall come with any wares to the Narue or Vriogorod 29 And whatsoeuer English Merchant stranger or other of whatsoeuer Countrey he be shall come with any shippe Busse or any other vessel to any of the said hauens of the north side to any part of Dwina by North the Narue or Vriogorod without the Queenes leaue or knowledge not being of the company aboue written we to apprehende and take the same vessell from those strangers and Merchants the one halfe to vs the Emperour and great Duke and the other halfe to the company of English Merchants 30 Also of our goodnes we haue granted the said company of English merchants that no English merchants or strangers shall passe through our dominions to Boghar Persia Casbin Charday or other Countreys saue onely the company of English merchants and our owne messengers 31 Also whatsoeuer Englishman comming out of England or any other Countrey into our dominions without the Queenes leaue and knowledge not being of the sayd company written within those our letters mind and purpose to abide in our realme contrary to the Queenes will and pleasure or any way abuse himselfe the Agent shall freely send him home to the Queene his Soueraigne which if the Agent of himselfe be vnable to do let him pray for ayd of the captaines and officers of our townes there being and so send him to prison and will the sayd captaines not to hinder the sayd Agent from sending home such euill persons into England 32 And if any man within our countrey runne away to any other towne or place the English merchants and factours to haue free libertie to apprehend him and take their goods from him againe 33 And as for our priuilege giuen to Thomas Glouer Ralfe Rutter Christopher Bennet Iohn Chappell and their adherents we haue commanded the same priuileges to be taken from them 34 Aâ—so we of our goodnesse haue granted the sayd company of English merchants their successours seruants and deputies that doe or shall remaine at Mosco or elsewhere within our dominions freely to keepe their owne law and in any wise none of ours to force them to our law or faith against their will Moreouer besides and with the company of English merchants we permit all strangers to trade to our towne of Narue Iuanogorod other our townes of Liefland as they haue done beforetime Giuen from the beginning of the world 7077 in the moneth of Iune 20 Indiction 12 the yere of our lordship and reign 35 and of our Empire of Rusland 23 Cazan 17 Astracan 15. Other speciall grants by his Maiesties priuate letters at the sute of M. Randolfe Ambassadour REleasement out of prison of Fitzherbert that was accused for writing of letters against the Emperour Liberty giuen to Thomas Greene that was accused and troubled vpon suspition of his dealing with the Ambassadour and licence giuen to him to trafficke as he was accustomed Andrew Atherton and his sureties released at the Narue and his seruant at the Mosco that were in trouble for sending the merchants letters into England A letter granted to Thomas Southam to the Councell for iustice against them that stole the pearles His Maiesties fauor promised to the Artificers and liuings to be appointed them as they can best dâ—serue A letter to the merchants that went into Persia to passe freely without impeachment in his dominions as also letters of fauour to the great Shaugh of Persia. A grant vnto the company that at what time soeuer they send to the discouery of Cataya they shal be licenced to repaire vnto this countrey and haue such conducts and guides mariners vessels men and victuals as they shall stand in need of It is also promised by Knez Alfanas and Peter Gregoriwich in the Emperours name that if Benet Butler or any English man complaine deface hinder in way of traffike or otherwise go about to discredit the worshipfull company and their doings that therein they shall not be heard and the doers to be punished as in such cases they shal be iudged to haue deserued Certaine persons granted to be sent home into England that serued the company and were practisers against them in that countrey A Commission giuen by vs Thomas Randolfe Ambassadour for the Queenes Maiestie in Russia and Thomas Bannister c. vnto Iames Bassendine Iames Woodcocke and Richard Browne the which Bassendine Woodcocke and Browne we appoint ioyntly together and aiders the one of them to the other in a voyage of discouery to be made by the grace of God by them for searching of the sea and border of the coast from the riuer Pechora to the Eastwards as hereafter followeth Anno 1588. The first of August IN primis when your barke with all furniture is ready you shall at the beginning of the yere assoone as you possibly may make your repaire to the Easterne part of the riuer Pechora where is an Island called Dolgoieue and from thence you shall passe to the Eastwards alongst by the Sea coast of Hugorie or the maine land of Pechora and sailing alongst by the same coast you shall passe within
Astracan William Cecill Lord Burghley Knight of the noble Order of the Garter and Lord high Treasurer of England sendeth greeting RIght honourable my very good Lord vpon the last returne of our merchants shippes out of Russia there was brought vnto my handes by one Francis Cherrie an English merchant a letter directed to the Queenes Maiestie from the great and mightie Emperour of Russia and another letter from your Lordship directed to me which sayd letter written from the Emperor to her Maiesty hath beene considerately and aduisedly by her Highnesse read and perused and the matter of complaint against Ierome Horsey therein comprised thorowly examined which hath turned the same Horsey to some great displeasure I did also acquaâ—nt our Maiesty with the contents of your Lordships letters written to mee and enformed her of your Lordships honourable fauour shewed to her Highnesse merchants from time to time who tooke the same in most gracious part and confessed her selfe infinitly beholding vnto your Lordship for many honourable offices done for her sake the which she meant to acknowledge by her letters to be written to your Lordship vnder her princely hand and seale And forasmuch as it hath pleased your good Lordshippe to take into your handes the protection of her Maiesties merchants and the redresse of such iniuries as are or shall be offered vnto them contrary to the meaning of the priuiledges and the free liberty of the entercourse wherein in some points your Lordship hath already vsed a reformation as appeareth by your sayd letters yet the continuance of traffique moouing new occasions and other accidents tending to the losse of the sayd merchants whereof some particulars haue beene offered vnto me to treat with your Lordship vpon I thought it good to referre them to your honourable consideration that order might be taken in the same for that they are apparantly repugnant to the Emperours letters written to her Maiestie and doe much restraine the liberty of the trade one is that at the last comming of our merchants to the port of Saint Michael the Archangel where the mart is holden their goods were taken by the Emperours officers for his Highnesse seruice at such rates as the sayd officers were disposed to set vpon them so farre vnder their value that the merchants could not assent to accept of those prices which being denied the sayd officers restrained them of all further traffique for the space of three weekes by which meanes they were compelled to yeeld vnto their demaund how vnwillingly soeuer Another is that our sayd merchants are driuen to pay the Emperours officers custome for all such Russe money as they bring downe from the Mosco to the Sea side to employ there at the Mart within the Emperours owne land which seemeth strange vnto me considering the same money is brought from one place of the Countrey to another and there imployed without any transport ouer of the sayd money These interruptions and impositions seeme not to stand with the liberties of the Emperours priuileges and freedome of the entercourse which should be restrained neither to times or conditions but to be free and absolute whereof it may please your Lordship to be aduised and to continue your honourable course holden betweene the Emperour and her Maiesty to reconcile such differences as any occasion doth offer to their league or trafficke Thus not doubting of your Lordships furtherance herein I humbly take my leaue of your good Lordship From her Maiesties royall palace of Whitehall this 15 of Ianuary 1591. A Letter from the Emperour of Russia Theodore Iuanouich to the Queenes Maiestie THrough the tender merrie of our God whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited vs thereby to guide our feet into the way of peace Euen this our God by mercy we glorifie in Trinitie We the great Lord King and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich gouernour of all Russia of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke also of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Yeroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Siberia and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. To our louing sister Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland c. Louing sister your letters sent by your seruant Thomas Lind we haue receiued and read what you haue written in the same touching our title and touching your order holden in your letters heretofore sent vs by your seruant Ierome Horsey wherein you haue answered vs sufficiently and most graciously And whereas your Maiestie hath written in your letter concerning the goods of William Turnebull late deceased in our kingdome that your subiects for whom he was factour should haue debts growing vnto them from him by account we at your Maiesties request haue caused not onely order to be taken but for your Highnesse sake louing sister we haue caused the goods to be sought out and deliuered to your merchants Agent and his company together with his stuffe bookes billes and writings as also money to the value of sixe hundred rubbles which Christopher Holmes and Francis Cherry are to pay for yâ—arie and we haue set at libertie the sayd Turnebulles kinseman Raynold Kitchin and his fellowes and deliuered them to your merchants Agent And further where you write vnto vs for such your subiects as haue departed out of your maiesties Realme secretly without licence that we should giue order to send them home concerning such your subiects for which you haue written vnto our Maiestie by letters we will cause search to be made and such as are willing to goe home into your kingdome we will command forthwith to be deliuered vnto your merchants Agent and so to passe And such of your Maiesties people as haue giuen themselues vnder our gouernment as subiects we thinke it not requisite to grant to let them passe And further where you haue written vnto vs concerning the goods of Iohn Chappell we haue written heretofore the whole discourse thereof not once but sundry times and therefore it is not needfull to write any more thereof And such goods as were found out of the goods of the sayd Chappell the money thereof was restored to your Maiesties people William Turnbull and his fellowes Your Maiesties seruant Thomas Lind we haue sent with our letters the same way whereby he came into our kingdome The long abiding heere of your Maiesties seruant in our kingdome was for the comming of your people from the Sea port Written in our princely court and royall seat in the city of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuary To
of honour yea though they be suspected or conuicted of crimes and dishonestie or be protectours or vniust fauourers of such persons as are suspected and conuicted then what will be thy state oh Island What wil be thy outward shew or condition Doubtlesse most miserable Neither shalt thou by any other meanes more suddenly approch to thy ruine and destruction then if thou committest thy selfe to the gouernment of such men who to the vttermost of their power although they be of thine owne brood dayly seeke thine ouerthrow for their owne priuate aduantage and secret malice Wherefore to be short let these be to aduertise my deare Country how behouefull it is that the matters aforesaid be put in practise But whilest I am speaking these things vnto thee my Countrey oh that my deepe and dolefull sighes which lie hid in the former speach might pierce the eares of our Kings most excellent Maiestie before whom on thy behalfe I doe bewaile the publique miseries which in this respect especially doe arise because wee are so farre distant from the seate and royall presence of our King that many therefore take more libertie and promise more securitie of offending vnto themselues But we will commit all these matters to the most iust Iudge of heauen and earth who beholdeth all things in equitie Nowe it remaineth my beloued Countrey that thou wouldest take in good part these my labours employed in thy seruice and accept them with that fauourable and courteous minde which I haue expected And although they be not of such worth as I could wish yet sith a willing minde is worth all I would not therefore giue ouer because I mistrusted my selfe as one insufficient to contend for thine innocencie for thy reputation and thine honour my deare Countrey But rather whatsoeuer it be if it be ought and how mickle-soeuer which for my slender abilitie I was able to afford in thy defence I thought good not to suppresse it for I esteeme not those men worthy of commendation who despairing To ouergrow the limmes of Lyco stoute Neglect to cure their bodies of the goute And in very deed it doeth no whit repent me of my labour if this little treatise shall tend neither to thine nor to mine owne disgrace But if it shall any thing auaile to thine honour or defence I will thinke my trauaile right well bestowed Yea if by this my slender attempt I may but onely excite other of thy children and my natiue Countreymen being farre my superiours both in learning and industrie to take thy cause in hand either nowe or hereafter what reason is there why any man should say that it is not worth my labour Nowe if they addresse themselues to write howsoeuer my fame shal be obscured yet will I comfort my selfe with their excellencie who are like to impaire my credite for albeit a man ought to haue speciall regard of his name and fame yet is he to haue more of his Countrey whose dignitie being safe and sound we also must needes esteeme our selues to be in safetie Written at Holen Hialtedale in Island the yeere of our Lord 1592. the 17. of the Kalends of May. A letter written by the graue and learned Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Holen in Island concerning the ancient state of Island and Gronland c. Reuerendissimo viro eruditione virtute conspicuo D. Hugoni Branham Ecclesiae Hareuicensis in Anglia pastori vigilantissimo fratri symmystae obseruando MIrabar equidem vt conjicis reuerende domine pastor primo literarum tuarum intuitu ignotum me ab ignoto scriptis salutari Caeterùm cum vlterius progrederer comperime si non aliter certè nomine tenùs tibi quae tua est humanitas innotuisse Simulabque quòd te nominis Islandorum studiosum experirer exanimo gauisus sum Vndè etiam faciam vt tua pietas tuúmque nomen de Euangelio Iesu Christi nobis congratulantis déque gente nostra tà m benignè támque honorificè sentientis scribentis apud nos ignotum este desinat Quòd verò ad antiquitatis monimeÌ„ta attinet quae hic extare creduntur nihil sanè est preter illa quorum in Commentario isto de Islandia quem vidissete scribis fit mentio de hac nostra insula lectu scriptuuè dignum quod cum humanitate tua communicem De vicinis itidem terris pauca praeter historiam Regum Noruegiae seu veriùs eiusdem historiae fragmenta que alijs alitèr descripta sunt sunt tamen talia quae Krantzius non attigerit aut eorum certè pauca De vicina quoque Gronlandia id veterum opinione habemus eam magno circuitu ab extrema Noruegia vbi Biarmlandia nuncupatur à qua haud vasto interuallo sita sit circum quasi Islandiam exporrigi Illic nostrates aliquando commercia exercuisse eam terram tempore Pontificiorum suos Episcopos habuisse annales nostri testantur Cetera nobis incognita At hodiè sama est vestris Britannis quos ego propè maris dominos appellarim quotannis esse in Gronlandia negotiationes de qua re si me certiorem feceris non erit iniucundum Etiam velim quaecun que noua erunt de rebus vestratium aut vicinorum regnorum ea non omittas Vale foeliciter reuerende Dom. pastor Deo musis commisso gregi quà m diutissime superstes Amen Ex Islandia in festo visitationis D. Mariae Anno 1595 Human. tuae studiosus Gudbrandus Thorlacius Episcopus Holensis in Islandia The same in English To the reuerend learned and vertuous Master Hugh Branham minister of the Church of Harewich in England his brother and felow-pastour c. I Much marueiled euen as your selfe reuerend sir coniectured that I would at the first sight of your letters that being a stranger I should be saluted in writing by one altogether vnknowen vnto mee Howbeit reading a litle further I found my selfe if not otherwise yet by name at least which proceedeth of your courtesie knowen vnto you And also for that I sawe you desirous of the credite and honest report of vs Islanders I greatly reioyced Wherefore I my selfe will be a meane that your vertue and good name because you congratulâ—te with vs for the Gospel of Christ here published and doe thinke and write so louingly and honourably of our nation may cease hereafter to be vnknowen amongst vs. As touching the monuments of antiquitie which are here thought to be extant there is in very deede nothing except those particulars whereof mention is made in the Commentary of Island which you write vnto me that you haue seene worthy to be read or written which I may communicate with you And as concerning our neighbour Countreys we haue litle to shewe besides the history of the Kings of Norway or rather some fragments of the same history which others haue otherwise described howbeit they are all in a maner such things as Crantzius neuer mentioned vnlesse
the English Nation made without the Streight of Gibraltar to the Islands of the Açores of Porto Santo Madera and the Canaries to the kingdomes of Barbary to the Isles of Capo Verde to the Riuers of Senega Gambra Madrabumba and Sierra Leona to the coast of Guinea and Benin to the Isles of S. Thomé and Santa Helena to the parts about the Cape of Buona Esperanza to Quitangone neere Mozambique to the Isles of Comoro and Zanzibar to the citie of Goa beyond Cape Comori to the Isles of Nicubar Gomes Polo and Pulo Pinaom to the maine land of Malacca and to the kingdome of Iunsalaon ¶ By RICHARD HACKLVYT Preacher and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford Imprinted at London by George Bishop Ralph Newbery and Robert Barker ANNO 1599. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE Sir Robert Cecil Knight principall Secretarie to her Maiestie master of the Court of Wardes and Liueries and one of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Counsell RIght honorable hauing newly finished a Treatise of the long Voyages of our Nation made into the Leuant within the Streight of Gibraltar from thence ouer-land to the South and Southeast parts of the world all circumstances considered I found none to whom I thought it fitter to bee presented then to your selfe wherein hauing begun at the highest Antiquities of this realme vnder the gouernment of the Romans next vnder the Saxons and thirdly since the conquest vnder the Normans I haue continued the histories vnto these our dayes The time of the Romans affoordeth small matter But after that they were called hence by â—orren inuasions of their Empire and the Saxons by degrees became lords in this Iland and shortly after receiued the Christian faith they did not onely trauell to Rome but passed further vnto Ierusalem and therewith not contented Sigelmus bishop of Shireburne in Dorcetshire caried the almes of king Alfred euen to the Sepulcher of S. Thomas in India which place at this day is called Maliapor and brought from thence most fragrant spices and rich iewels into England which iewels as William of Malmesburie in two sundry treatises writeth were remaining in the aforesayd Cathedrall Church to be seene euen in his time And this most memorable voyage into India is not onely mentioned by the aforesayd Malmesburie but also by Florentius Wigorniensis a graue and woorthy Author which liued before him and by many others since and euen by M. Foxe in his first volume of his Acts and Monuments in the life of king Alfred To omit diuers other of the Saxon nation the trauels of Alured bishop of Worcester through Hungarie to Constantinople and so by Asia the lesse into Phoenicia and Syria and the like course of Ingulphus not long afterward Abbot of Croiland set downe particularly by himselfe are things in mine opinion right worthy of memorie After the comming in of the Normans in the yeere 1096 in the reigne of William Rufus and so downward for the space of aboue 300 yeeres such was the ardent desire of our nation to visite the Holy land and to expell the Saracens and Mahumetans that not only great numbers of Erles Bishops Barons and Knights but euen Kings Princes and Peeres of the blood Roiall with incredible deuotion courage and alacritie intruded themselues into this glorious expedition A sufficient proofe hereof are the voiages of prince Edgar the nephew of Edmund Ironside of Robert Curtois brother of William Rufus the great beneuolence of king Henry the 2. and his vowe to haue gone in person to the succour of Ierusalem the personall going into Palestina of his sonne king Richard the first with the chiualrie wealth and shipping of this realme the large contribution of king Iohn and the trauels of Oliuer Fitz-Roy his sonne as is supposed with Ranulph Glanuile Erle of Chester to the siege of Damiata in AEgypt the prosperous voyage of Richard Erle of Cornwall elected afterward king of the Romans and brother to Henry the 3 the famous expedition of prince Edward the first king of the Norman race of that name the iourney of Henry Erle of Derbie duke of Hereford and afterward king of this realme by the name of Henry the 4 against the citie of Tunis in Africa and his preparation of ships and gallies to go himselfe into the Holy land if he had not on the sudden bene preuented by death the trauel of Iohn of Holland brother by the mothers side to king Richard the 2 into those parts All these either Kings Kings sonnes or Kings brothers exposed themselues with inuincible courages to the manifest hazard of their persons liues and liuings leauing their ease their countries wiâ—es and children induced with a Zelous deuotion and ardent desire to protect and dilate the Christian faith These memorable enterprises in part concealed in part scattered and for the most part vnlooked after I haue brought together in the best Method and breuitie that I could deuise Whereunto I haue annexed the losse of Rhodes which although it were originally written in French yet maketh it as honourable and often mention of the English natioÌ„ as of any other Christians that serued in that most violent siege After which ensueth the princely promise of the bountifull aide of king Henry the 8 to Ferdinando newly elected king of Hungarie against Solyman the mortall enemie of Christendome These and the like Heroicall intents and attempts of our Princes our Nobilitie our Clergie our Chiualry I haue in the first place exposed and set foorth to the view of this age with the same intention that the old Romans set vp in wax in their palaces the Statuas or images of their worthy ancestors whereof Salust in his treatise of the warre of Iugurtha writeth in this maner Saepe audiui ego Quintum maximum Publium Scipionem praeterea ciuitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere cum maiorum imagines intuerentur vehementissimè animum sibi ad virtutem accendi Scilicet non ceram illam neque figuram tantam vim in sese habere sed memoria rerum gestarum flammam eam egregijs viris in pectore crescere neque prius sedari quà m virtus eorum famam gloriam adaequauerit I haue often heard quoth he how Quintus maximus Publius Scipio and many other worthy men of our citie were woont to say when they beheld the images and portraitures of their ancestors that they were most vehemently inflamed vnto vertue Not that the sayd wax or portraiture had any such force at all in it selfe but that by the remembring of their woorthy actes that flame was kindled in their noble breasts and could neuer be quenched vntill such time as their owne valure had equalled the fame and glory of their progenitors So though not in wax yet in record of writing haue I presented to the noble courages of this English Monarchie the like images of their famous predecessors with hope of like effect in their posteritie And here by the way if any man shall think
their weapons as thicke as hailestones against vs slew diuers of our men and horses Hereupon the slaughter of our people still encreasing our maiestie imperiall deemed it requisite to stay behind and to succour our bands in the rereward and so expecting them we sustained the fierce encounter of many thousand Persians What exploits out Imperiall person atchieued in the same skirmish I hold it needlesse at this time to recount your maiestie may perhaps vnderstand more of this matter by them which were there present Howbeit our Imperiall highnesse being in the middest of this conflict and enduring the fight with so great danger all our hindermost troups both Greekes Latines and other nations retiring themselues close together and not being able to suffer the violence of their enemies weapons pressed on so hard and were caried with such maine force that hastening to ascend the next hill for their better safegard they vrged on them which went before whether they would or no. Whereupon much dust being raised which stopped our eyes and vtterly depriued vs of sight and our mē and horses pressing so sore one vpon the necke of another plunged themselues on the sudden into such a steepe and dangerous valley that treading one vpon another they quelled to death not onely a multitude of the common souldiours but diuers most honourable personages some of our neere kinsmen For who could restraine the irresistable throng of so huge a multitude Howbeit our Imperiall highnesse being enuironed with such swarmes of Infidels and giuing and receiuing wounds insomuch that the miscreants were greatly dismaied at our constancie we gaue not ouer but by Gods assistance wonne the field Neither did we permit the enemie to ascend vnto that place from whence we skirmished with him Neither yet spurred wee on our horse any faster for all their assaults But marshalling all our troupes together and deliuering them out of danger we disposed them about our Imperial person and so we ouertooke the foremost and marched in good order with our whole army Nowe the Soldan perceiuing that notwithstanding the great damages which we had sustained our Imperial highnes prouided to giue him a fresh encounter humbly submitting himselfe vnto vs and vsing submisse speaches made suite to haue peace at our hands and promised to fulfill the pleasure of our maiestie Imperiall to doe vs seruice against all commers to release all our subiects which were captiues in his realme and to rest wholy at our commaund Here therefore we remained two dayes with great authoritie and considering that wee could attempt nought against the citie of Iconium hauing lost all our warrelike engines both for defence and for batterie for that the oxen which drew them were slaine with the enemies weapons falling as thicke as hailestones and also for because all our beasts in a maner were most grieuously diseased our maiestie Imperial accepted of the Soldans petition league and oath being made and taken vnder our ensignes and granted our peace vnto him Then returned we into our owne dominions being greatly grieued for the losse of our deere kinsmen and yeelding vnto God most humble thanks who of his goodnesse had euen now giuen vs the victory We are right glad likewise that some of your maiesties princes and nobles accompanied vs in this action who are able to report vnto you all things which haue happened And albeit we were exceedingly grieued for the losse of our people yet thought it we expedient to signifie vnto you the successe of our affaires as vnto our welbeloued friend one who is very neerly allied vnto our highnesse Imperial by reason of the consanguinitie of our children Farewell Giuen in the moneth of Nouember and vpon the tenth Indiction ¶ The woorthy voiage of Richard the first K. of England into Asia for the recouerie of Ierusalem out of the hands of the Saracens drawen out of the booke of Acts and Monuments of the Church of England written by M. Iohn Foxe KIng Richard the first of that name for his great valure surnamed Ceur de Lion the sonne of Henry the second after the death of his father remembring the rebellions that he had vndutifully raised against him sought for absolution of his trespasse and in part of satisfaction for the same agreed with Philip the French king to take his voiage with him for the recouerie of Christes patrimonie which they called the Holy land whereupon the sayd king Richard immediately after his Coronation to prepare himselfe the better towards his iourney vsed diuers meanes to take vp summes of money and exacted a tenth of the whole Realme the Christians to make threescore and ten thousand pounds and the Iewes which then dwelt in the Realme threescore thousand Hauing thus gotten sufficient money for the exploite he sent certaine Earles and Barons to Philip the French king in the time of his Parliament at S. Denis to put him in mind of his promise made for the recouerie of Christs holy patrimonie out of the Saracens hands To whom he sent word againe in the moneth of December that he had bound himselfe by solemne othe deposing vpon the Euangelists that he the yeere next following about the time of Easler had certainly prefixed to addresse himselfe toward that iourney requiring him likewise not to faile but to bee ready at the terme aboue limited appointing also the place where both the Kings should meéte together In the yeere therfore 1190. King Richard hauing committed the gouernment of this realme in his absence to the bishop of Ely then Chancellor of England aduanced forward his iourney and came to Turon to meet with Philip the French king after that went to Vizeliac where the French king he ioyning together for the more continuance of their iourney assured themselues by solemne othe swearing fidelitie one to the other the forme of whose oth was this That either of them should defend and maintaine the honour of the other and beare true fidelitie vnto him of life members worldly honor and that neither of them should faile one the other in their affaires but the French King should aide the King of England in defending his land and dominions as he would himselfe defend his owne Citie of Paris if it were besieged and that Richard king of England likewise should aide the French king in defending his land and Dominions no otherwise then he would defend his owne Citie of Roan if it were besieged c. Concerning the lawes and ordinances appointed by K. Richard for his Nauie the forme therof was this 1. That who so killed any person on shipboord should be tied with him that was slaine and throwen into the sea 2. And if he killed him on the land he should in like maner be tied with the partie slaine and be buried with him in the earth 3. He that shal be conuicted by lawfull witnes to draw out his knife or weapon to the intent to strike any man or that hath
of Egypt in the yeere 1218. And then Henry the king vpon the motion of Honorius the third bishop of Rome sent thither this earle Ranulph with a great power of armed souldiers to further the enterprise of the Christians whose valure in that warre by the testimonie of Polidor Virgil was marueilously commended of all men After the end of which businesse he being returned into his countrey wrote a booke of the lawes of England It is also reported that he wrote other books but time the destroyer of many memorials hath taken them from vs. He flourished in the yeere after the natiuity of Christ 1230 being very aged and in the reigne of K. Henry the third The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the yere of grace 1231 and in the 15 of Henry the third ANno gratiae 1231 mense verò Iulio Petrus Wintoniensis episcopus completo in terra sancta iam sere per quinquennium magnificè peregrinationis voto reuersus est in Angliam Kalendis Augusti Wintoniam veniens susceptus est cum processione solenni in sua ecclesia cathedrali The same in English IN the yere of grace 1231 and in the moneth of Iuly Peter bishop of Winchester hauing spent almost fiue whole yeres in fulfilling his vow of pilgrimage in the Holy land with great pompe returned into England about the Kalends of August and comming vnto Winchester was receiued with solemne procession into his cathedrall church The honourable and prosperous voyage of Richard earle of Cornewall brother to king Henry the third accompanied with William Longespee earle of Sarisburie and many other noble men into Syria IN the 24 yeere of king Henry the third Richard earle of Cornwall the kings brother with a nauy of ships sailed into Syria where in the warres against the Saracens he greatly aduanced the part of the Christians There went ouer with him the earle of Sarisburie William Longspee and William Basset Iohn Beauchampe Geoffrey de Lucie Iohn Neuel Geoffrey Beauchampe Peter de Brense and William Furniuall Simon Montfort earle of Leicester went ouer also the same time but whereas the earle of Cornwall tooke the sea at Marseils the earle of Leicester passed thorow Italy and tooke shipping at Brindize in Apulia and with him went these persons of name Thomas de Furniual with his brother Gerard de Furniuall Hugh Wake Almerike de S. Aumond Wiscard Ledet Punchard de Dewin and William de Dewin that were brethren Gerard Pesmes Fouke de Baugie and Peter de Chauntenay Shortly after also Iohn earle of Albemarle William Fortis and Peter de Mallow a Poictouin men for their valiancy greatly renowmed went thither leading with them a great number of Christian souldiers Matth. Paris Matth. West Holensh pag. 225. col 2. The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople called Baldwine into England in the yere 1247 out of Matthâ— Paris Holensh pag. 239. vol. 2. ABout the same time Baldwine naming himselfe emperour of Constantinople came againe into England to procure some new ayd of the king towards the recouery of his empire out of the which he was expelled by the Greeks The voyage of VVilliam Longespee Earle of Sarisburie into Asia in the yeere 1248 and in the 32 yeere of the reigne of Henry the third king of England LEwis the French king being recouered of his sickenesse which he fell into in the yere 1234 vowed thereupon for a free will sacriâ—ice to God that he if the Councell of his realme would suffer him would in his owne person visit the Holy land which matter was opened and debated in the Parliament of France held in the yeere 1247. Where at length it was concluded that the king according to his vow should take his iourney into Asia and the time thereof was also prefixed which should be after the feast of S. Iohn Baptist the next yeere ensuing At which time William Longespee a worthie warrior with the bishop of Worcester and certaine other great men in the Realme of England mooued with the example of the Frenchmen prepared themselues likewise to the same iourney It fell out in this enterprise that about the beginning of October the French king assaulted and tooke Damiata being the principall fort or hold of the Saracens in all Egypt Anno 1249. and hauing fortified the Citie with an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundie he remooued his tents from thence to goe Eastward In whose armie followed William Longespee accompanied with a piked number of English warriors retaining vnto him But such was the disdaine of the Frenchmen against this William Longespee and the Englishmen that they could not abide them but flouted them after an opprobrious maner with English tailes insomuch that the French king himselfe had much adoe to keepe peace betweene them The originall cause of this grudge betweene them began thus There was not farre from Alexandria in Egypt a strong fort or castle replenished with great Ladies and rich treasure of the Saracens which hold it chanced the sayd William Longespee with his company of English soldiers to get more by politique dexteritie then by open force of armes wherwith he his retinue were greatly enriched When the â—renchmen had knowledge hereof they not being made priuie hereto began to conceiue an heart burning against the English souldiers could not speake well of them after that It hapned againe not long after that the sayd William had intelligence of a company of rich merchants among the Saracens going to a certaine Faire about the parts of Alexandria hauing their camels asses and mules richly loden with silkes precious iewels spices gold siluer with cart loades of other wares beside victuall and other furniture whereof the souldiers then stood in great need he hauing secret knowledge hereof gathered all the power of Englishmen vnto him that he could and so by night falling vpon the merchants some he slew with their guides and conducters some hee tooke some hee put to flight the carts with the driuers and with the oxen camels asses and mules with the whole cariage and victuals he tooke brought with him loosing in all the skirmish but one souldier and eight of his seruitors of whom notwithstanding some he brought home wounded to be cured This being knowen in the Campe foorth came the Frenchmen which all this while loytered in their pauillions and meeting this cariage by the way tooke all the foresayd praie whole to themselues rating the said William and the Englishmen for aduenturing and issuing out of the Campe without leaue or knowledge of their Generall contrary to the discipline of warre William said againe he had done nothing but he would answere to it whose purpose was to haue the spoyle deuided to the behoofe of the whole armie When this would not serue hee being sore grieued in his minde so cowardly to be spoyled of that which he so aduenturously had trauailed for went to the
marching forward till they came to a castle named Castrum peregrinorum situate vpon the sea coast and taried there that night and the next day they returned againe toward Acra In the meane season the king of Ierusalem sent vnto the noble men of Cyprus desiring them to come with speed to ayd the Christians but they would not come saying they would keepe their owne land and go no further Then prince Edward sent vnto them desiring that at hiâ—â—equest they would come and ioyne in ayd with him who immediatly thereupon came vnto him with great preparation furniture for the warres saying that at his commandement they were bound to do no lesse for that his predecessors were sometimes the gouernors of that their land and that they ought alwayes to shew their fidelity to the kings of England Then the Christians being herewith animated made a third voyage or roadâ— and came as farre as the fort called Vincula sancti Petri and to S. Georgius and when they had slain certaine there not finding any to make resistance against them they reâ—ired againe from whence they came when thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies and that they began to stand in doubt of him they deuised among themselues how by some pollicy they might circumuent him and betray him Whereupon the prince and admirall of Ioppa sent vnto him faining himselfe vnder great deceit willing to become a Christian and that he would draw with him a great number besides so that they might be honorably entertained and vsed of the Christians This talke pleased the prince well and perswaded him to finish the thing he had so well begun by writing againe who also by the same messenger sent and wrote backe vnto him diuers times about the sâ—me matter whereby no mistrust should spring This messenger sayth mine author was one ex caute nutritis one of the stony hearted that neither feared God nor dreaded death The fift time when this messenger came and was of the princes sâ—ruants searched according to the maner and custome what weapon and armour he had about him as also his purse that not so much as a knife could be seene about him he was had vp into the princes chamber and after his reuerence done he pulled out certaine letters which he deliuered the prince from his lord as he had done others before This was about eight dayes after Whitsuntide vpon a Tuesday somewhat before night at which time the prince was layed vpon his bed bare headed in his ierkin for the great heat and intemperature of the weather When the prince had read the letters it appeared by them that vpon the Saturday next following his lord would be there ready to accomplish all that he had written and promised The report of these newes by the prince to the standers by liked them well who drew somewhat backe to consult thereof amongst themselues In the meane time the mâ—ssenger kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince questioning further with him put his hand to his belt as though he would haue pulled out sâ—me secret letters and suddenly he pulled out an inuenomed knife thinking to haue stroken the prince into the belly therewith as he lay but the price lifting vp his hand to defend the blow was striken a great wound into the arme and being abouâ— to fetch another stroke at him the prince againe with his foot tooke him such a blow that he feld him to the ground with that the prince gate him by the hand and with such violence wrasted the knife from him that he hurt himselfe therewith on the forehead and immediatly thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker and slew him The princes seruants being in the next chamber not farre off hearing the bussing came with great haste running in and finding the messenger lying dead in the floore one of them tooke vp a stoole and beat out his braines whereat the prince was wroth for that he stroke a dead man and one that was killed before But the rumour of this accident as it was strange so it went soone thorowout all the Court and from thence among the common people for which they were very heauy and greatly discouraged To him came also the Captaine of the Temple and brought him a costly and precious drinke against poison least the venime of the knife should penetrate the liuely blood and in blaming wise sayd vnto him did I not tell your Grace before of the deceit and subtilty of this people Notwithstanding sayd he let your Grace take a good heart you shall not die of this wound my life for yours But straight way the Surgions and Physicians were sent for and the prince was dressed and within few dayes after the wound began to putrifie and the flesh to looke dead and blacke whereupon they that were about the prince began to mutter among themselues and were very sad and heauy Which thing he himself perceiuing said vnto them why mutter you thus among your selues what see you in me can I not be healed tell me the trueth be ye not afrayd Whereupon one sayd vnto him and it like your Grace you may be healed we mistrust not but yet it will be very painfull for you to suffer May suffering sayd he againe restore health yea sayth the other on paine of losing my head Then sayd the prince I commit my selfe vnto you doe with me what you thinke good Then sayd one of the Physicians is there any of your Nobles in whom your Grace reposeth special trust to whom the prince answered Yea naming certeine of the Noble men that stood about him Then sayd the Physician to the two whom the prince first named the Lord Edmund and the lord Iohn Voisie And doe you also faithfully loue your Lord and Prince Who answered both Yea vndoubtedly Then sayth he take you away this gentlewoman and lady meaning his wife and let her not see her lord and husband till such time as I will you thereunto Whereupon they tooke her from the princes presence crying out and wringing her hands Then sayd they vnto her Be you contented good Lady Madame it is better that one woman should weepe a little while then that all the realme of England should weepe a great season Then on the morrow they cut out all the dead and inuenimed flesh out of the princes arme and threw it from them and sayd vnto him how cheereth your Grace we promise you within these fifteene dayes you shall shew your selfe abroad if God permit vpon your horsebacke whole and well as euer you were And according to the promise he made the prince it came to passe to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subiects When the great Souldan heard hereof and that the prince was yet aliue he could scarsely beleeue the same and sending vnto him three of his Nobles and Princes excused himselfe by them calling his god to witnesse
will graunt my desire and that hee will not enter into the sea till I come againe to him Wherefore sirs I pray you in the instance of loue and peace to conuey me to speake with the King for I desire greatly to see him or else yee that be his Uncles if ye haue authoritie to giue me answere to all my demaunds Then the Earle of Buckingham sayd syr king of Armenia we be ordayned here to keepe and defend this passage and the frontiers of England by the King and his Counsell and wee haue no charge to meddle any further with the businesse of the Realme without we be otherwise commanded by the King But sith ye be come for a good inâ—ent into this Countrey ye be right welcome but sir as for any firme answere ye can haue none of vs for as now we be noâ— of the Councell but we shall conuey you to the king without perill or danger The king thanked them and said I desire nothing else but to see the king and to speake with him How the King of Armenia returned out of England and of the answere that was made to him WHen the king of Armenia was refreshed at Douer a day and had spoken with the kings Uncles at good leasure then he departed towards London with a good conduct that the Lords appointed to him for feare of any recounters so long he rode that he came to London and in his ryding through London he was well regarded because he was a stranger and he had good cheare made him and so was brought to the king who lay at the Royall at the Queenes wardrobe and his Councell were in London at their lodgings The Londoners were sore fortefying of their citie When the comming of the king of Armenia was knowen the kings Councell drew to the King to heare what tydings the King brought in that troublous season When the king of Armenia was come into the kings presence he made his salutation and then beganne his processe to the states how he was come out of France principally to see the king of England whoÌ„ he had neuer seene before said how he was right ioyous to be in his presence trusting that some goodnesse might come thereby And there he shewed by his words that to withstande the great pestilence that was likely to be in England therefore he was come of his owne goodwill to doe good therein if he might not sent from the French king willing to set some accorde and peace betweene the two Realmes England and France Many faire pleasant words the king of Armenia spake to the king of England and to his Counsell then he was shortly answered thus Syr king ye be welcome into this Realme for the king our Soueraigne lord and all we are glad to see you here but sir we say that the king hath not here all his Councell but shortly they shall be here and then ye shall be answered The king of Armenia was content therewith and so returned to his lodging Within foure dayes after the king was counselled and I thinke he had sent to his Uncles to know their intents but they were not present at the answere giuing to goe to the pallace at Westminster and his Councell with him such as were about him and to send for the king of Armenia to come thither And when he was come into the presence of the king of England and his Councell the king sate downe and the king of Armenia by him and then the Prelates and other of his Councell There the king of Armenia rehearsed againe his requestes that he made and also shewed wisely how all Christendome was sore decayed and feeblished by occasion of the warres betweene England and France And how that all the knights and Squires of both Realmes entended nothing else but alwayes to be on the one part or of the other whereby the Empire of Constantinople leeseth and is like to leese for before this warre the Knights and Squires were wont to aduenture themselues And also the king of Armenia shewed that by occasion of this warre he had lost his Realme of Armenia therefore he desired for Gods sake that there might be some treaty of peace had betweene the two Realmes England and France To these wordes answered the Archbishop of Canterburie for he had charge so to doe And he sayd Sir king of Armenia it is not the manner nor neuer was seene betweene two such enemies as the king of England and the French king that the king my Souereigne lorde should be required of peace and he to enter his land with a puissant army wherefore sir we say to you that if it please you ye may returne to the French king and cause him and all his puissance to returne backe into their owne countreys And when euery man be at home then if it please you ye may returne againe hither and then we shall gladly intende to your treatie This was all the answere the king of Armenia could get there and so he dined with the king of England and had as great honour as could bee deuised and the king offered him many great gifts of golde and siluer but he would take none though he had neede thereof but alonely a ring to the value of a hundreth Frankes After dinner he tooke his leaue and returned vnto his lodging and the next day departed and was two dayes at Douer and there he tooke his leaue of such lords as were there and so tooke the sea in a passager and arriued at Calais and from thence went to Sluce and there he spake with the French king and with his Uncles and shewed them how he had bene in England and what answere he had the French king and his Uncles tooke no regard of his saying but sent him backe againe into France for their full intention was to enter into England as soone as they might haue winde and weather and the Duke of Berrie and the Constable came to them The winde was sore contrary to them for therewith they could neuer enter into England but the winde was good to goe into Scotland The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England to Tunis in Barbarie with an army of Englishmen written by Polidore Virgill pag. 1389. FRranci interim per inducias nacti ocium ac simul Genuensium precibus defatigari bellum in Afros qui omnem oram insulasque Italiae latrocinijs infestas reddebant suscipiunt Richardus quoque rex Angliae rogatus auxilium mittit Henricum comitem Derbiensem cum electa Anglicae pubis manu ad id bellum faciendum Igitur Franci Anglique viribus animis consociatis in AfricaÌ„ traijciunt qui vbi littus attigere eatenùs à Barbaris desceÌ„sione prohibiti sunt quoad Anglorum sagittariorum virtute factum est vt aditus pateret in terram egressi recta Tunetam vrbem regiam petunt ac obsident Barbari timore affecti
honorable presents And a litle afterward Upon the hearing of these newes the emperor departed with great ioy out of England whom the king honoured with many precious gifts The Voiage of the bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the sixe yeere of the reigne of Henry the fift which was the yeere of our Lord 1417. Thomas Walsing VLtimo die mensis Octobris episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium Constanciense peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electioneÌ„ summi pontificis celebratam vbi tantum valuit elus facunda persuasio vâ— excitaret dominos Cardinales ad concordiam ad electionem summi pontificis se ocyâ—s praepararent The same in English THe last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Councell of Constance which after the chusing of the Pope determined to take his iourney to Ierusalem where his eloquent perswasion so much preuailed that he both perswaded my lords the Cardinals to vnity and concord and also moued them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope A preparation of a voyage of King Henrie the fourth to the Holy land against the infidels in the yere 1413 being the last yere of his reigne wherein he was preuented by death written by Walsingham Fabian Polydore Virgile and Holenshed IN this foureteenth and last yere of king Henries reigne a councell was holden in the White friets in London at the which among other things order was taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made ready and all other things necessary to be prouided for a voyage which he meant to make into the Holy land there to recouer the city of Ierusalem from the infidels for it grieued him to consider the great malice of Christian princes that were bent vpon a mischieuous purpose to destroy one another to the perill of their owne soules rather then to make warre against the enemies of the Christian faith as in conscience it seemed to him they were bound We finde sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle that he was taken with his last sickenesse while he was making his prayers at Saint Edwards shrine there as it were to take his leaue and so to proceede foorth on his iourney He was so suddenly and grieuously taken that such as were about him feared least he would haue died presently wherefore to relieâ—e him if it were possible they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand belonging to the Abbot of Westminster where they layd him on a pallet before the fire and vsed all remedies to reuiue him At length he recouered his speech and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not he willed to knowe if the chamber had any particular name whereunto answere was made that it was called Ierusalem Then sayde the king Laâ—des be giuen to the father of heauen for now I knowe that I shall die here in this chamber according to the prophesie of mee declared that I should depart this life in Ierusalem Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following POst haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse entiquius quà m ad officium iustiâ—iae quae ad hominum vellitatem perâ—inet omne suum studium conferre protinùs omisso ciuili bello quo pudebat videre Christianos omni tempore turpitèr occupari de republica Anglica benè gubernanda de bello in hostes communes sumendo de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis plura destinabat classemque iam parabat cum ei talia agenti atque meditanti casus mortem attulit subito enim morbo tentatus nulla medicina subleuari potuit Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium annum agens quadragesimum sextum qui fuit annus salutis humanae 1413. The same in English AFterward King Henry calling to minde that nothing ought to be more highly esteemed by any man then to doe the vtmost of his indâ—uour for the performance of iustice which â—endeth to the good and benefite of mankinde altogether abandoning ciuill warre wherewith he was ashamed to see how Christians at all times were dishonourably busied cutered into a more derye consideration of well gouerning his Realme of England of waging warre against the common enemie and of recouering in processe of time the citie of Ierusalem yea and was prouiding a nauie for the same purpose whenas in the very midst of this his heroâ—call action and enterprise he was surprised with death for falling into a sudden disease he could not be cured by any kinde of phisicke He deceased at Westminster in the 46 yeare of his age which was in the yeere of our Lord 1413. A briefe relation of the siege and taking of the Citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke translated out of French into English at the motion of the Reuerend Lord Thomas Dockwray great Prior of the order of Ierusalem in England in the yeere 1524. WIlling faithfully to write and reduce in veritie Historiall the great siege cruel oppugnation and piteous taking of the noble and renowmed citie of Rhodes the key of Christendome the hope of many poore Christian men withholden in Turkie to saue and keepe them in their faith the rest and yeerely solace of noble pilgrimes of the holy supulchre of Iesu Christ and other holy places the refuge and refreshing of all Christian people hauing course of marchandise in the parties of Leuant I promise to all estates that shall see this present booke that I haue left nothing for feare of any person nor preferred it for fauour And first I shall shewe the occasions that mooued this cruell bloodshedder enemie of our holy Christian faith Sultan Soliman now being great Turke to come with a great hoste by sea and by lande to besiege and assayle the space of sixe moneths night and day the noble and mightie citie of Rhodes The yere of the incarnation of our Lord Iesu Christ 1522. The occasions why the great Turke came to besiege the Citie of Rhodes THe first and principall cause was that he did consider and sawe by experience that there was none other Towne nor place in Leuant that warred against him nor kept him in doubt but this poore rocke of Rhodes And hearing the continuall complaintes of his subiectes aswell of Syria as of Turkie for the domages and prises dayly done of their bodies and goods by Christian men of warre receiued into Rhodes And also of the shippes and gallies of the religion he tooke conclusion in himselfe that if he might put the sayde Towne in his power and subiection that then he should be peaceable lord of all the parties of Leuant and that his subiects should complaine no more to him The second that he might followe the doings of his noble predecessouâ—s and shewe himselfe very heire of the mightie and victorious lord Sultan Selim his father willing to put in execution the enterprise by him left the yeere one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The which Selim the great Turke put in all
Turke as hee is And they saide that they would not yeeld thereunto during life But it fell out that within a moneth after the kings sonne went home to Gerbi againe being sixe score miles from Tripolis and caried our two foresaid yong men with him which were Richard Burges and Iames Smith and after their departure from vs they sent vs a letter signifying that there was no violence shewed vnto them as yet but within three dayes after they were violenâ—ly vsed for that the kings sonne demaunded of them againe if that they would turne Turke Then answered Richard Burges a Christian I am and so I will remaine Then the kings sonne very angerly said vnto him By Mahomet thou shalt presently be made Turke Then called he for his men and commanded them to make him Turke and they did so and circumcised him and would haue had him speake the wordes that thereunto belonged but he answered them stoutly that he would not and although they had put on him the habite of a Turke yet sayd he A Christian I was borne and so I will remaine though you force me to doe otherwise And then he called for the other and commaunded him to be made Turke perforce also but he was very strong for it was so much as eight of the kings sonnes men could doe to holde him so in the ende they circumcised him and made him Turke Now to passe ouer a litle and so to shewe â—he maner of our deliuerance out of that miserable captiuitie In May aforesaid shortly after our apprehension I wrote a letter into England vnto my father dwelling in Eauistoke in Deuonshire signifying vnto him the whole estate of our calamities and I wrote also to Constantinople to the English Embassadour both which letters were faithfully deliuered But when my father had receiued my letter and vnderstood the trueth of our mishap and the occasion thereof and what had happened to the offenders he certified the right honourable the earle of Bedford thereof who in short space acquainted her highnesse with the whole cause thereof and her Maiestie like a most mercifull princesse tendering her Subiects presently tooke order for our deliuerance Whereupon the right worshipful sir Edward Osborne knight directed his letters with all speed to the English Embassadour in Constantinople to procure our deliuery and he obteined the great Turkes Commission and sent it foorthwith to Tripolis by one Master Edward Barton together with a Iustice of the great Turkes and one souldiour and another Turke and a Greeke which was his interpretour which could speake besides Greeke Turkish Italian Spanish and English And when they came to Tripolis they were well interteined And the first night they did lie in a Captaines house in the towne all our company that were in Tripolis came that night for ioy to Master Barton and the other Commissioners to see them Then master Barton said vnto vs welcome my good countreymen and louingly interteined vs and at our departure from him he gaue vs two shillings and said Serue God for to morrow I hope you shall be as free as euer you were We all gaue him thankes and so departed The next day in the morning very early the King hauing intelligence of their comming sent word to the keeper that none of the Englishmen meaning our company should goe to worke Then he sent for Master Barton and the other Commissioners and demaunded of the saide Master Barton his message the Iustice answered that the great Turke his Souereigne had sent them vnto him signifying that he was informed that a certaine English shippe called the Iesus was by him the saide king confiscated about twelue moneths since and nowe my saide Souereigne hath here sent his especiall commission by vs vnto you for the deliuerance of the saide shippe and goods and also the free libertie and deliuerance of the Englishmen of the same shippe whom you haue taken and kept in captiuitie And further the same Iustice saide I am authorized by my said soueraigne the great Turke to see it done And therefore I commaund you by vertue of this commission presently to make restitution of the premisses or the value thereof and so did the Iustices deliuer vnto the King the great Turkes commission to the effect aforesaide which commission the king with all obedience receiued and after the perusing of the same he foorthwith commanded all the English captiues to be brought before him and then willed the keeper to strike off all our yrons which done the king said You Englishmen for that you did offend the lawes of this place by the same lawes therefore some of your company were condemned to die as you knowe and you to bee perpetuall captiues during your liues notwithstanding seeing it hath pleased my soueraigne lord the great Turke to pardon your said offences and to giue you your freedome and libertie beholde here I make deliuery of you to this English Gentleman so hee deliuered vs all that were there being thirteene in number to Master Barton who required also those two yong men which the Kings sonne had taken with him Then the king answered that it was against their lawe to deliuer them for that they were turned Turkes and touching the ship and goods the king said that he had solde her but would make restitution of the value and as much of the goods as came vnto his hands and so the king arose and went to dinner and commaunded a Iew to goe with Master Barton and the other commissioners to shew them their lodging which was a house prouided and appointed them by the said king And because I had the Italian Spanish tongues by which their most trafique in that countrey is Master Barton made me his Cater to buy his victuals for him and his company and deliuered me money needfull for the same Thus were wee set at libertie the 28. day of April 1585. Nowe to returne to the kings plagues and punishments which Almighty God at his will and pleasure sendeth vpon men in the sight of the worlde and likewise of the plagues that befell his children and others aforesaide First when wee were made bondmen being the second day of May 1584. the king had 300. captiues and before the moneth was expired there died of them of the plague 150. And whereas there were 26. men of our company of whom two were hanged and one died the same day that wee were made bondslaues that present moneth there died nine more of our company of the plague and other two were forced to turne Turkes as before is rehearsed and on the fourth day of Iune next following the king lost 150. camels which were taken from him by the wilde Moores and on the 28. day of the saide moneth of Iune one Geffrey Maltese a renegado of Malta ranne away to his countrey and stole a Brigandine which the king had builded for to take the Christians withall and caried with him twelue Christians more which were
of the city they must enter their names in a booke and when they goe out at night they must put out their names They may not lie in the towne all night but must lie in their boats without the towne And their dayes being expired if any man remaine there they are euill vsed and imprisoned The Chinians are very suspicious and doe not trust strangers It is thought that the king doth not know that any strangers come into his countrey And further it is credibly reported that the common people see their king very seldome or not at all nor may not looke vp to that place where he sitteth And when he rideth abroad he is caried vpon a great chaire or serrion gilded very faire wherein there is made a little house with a latise to looke out at so that he may sâ—e them but they may not looke vp at him and all the time that he passeth by them they heaue vp their hands to their heads lay their heads on the ground and looke not vp vntill he be passed The order of China is when they mourne that they weare white thread shâ—es and haâ—s of straw The man doth mourne for his wife two yeeres the wife for her husband three yeeres the sonne for his father a yeere and for his mother two yeres And all the time which they mourne they keepe the dead in the house the bowels being taken out and filled with chownam or lime and cosfined and when the time is expired they carry them out playing and piping and burne them And when they returne they pull off their mourning weeds and marry at their pleasure A man may keepe as many concubines as he will but one wife onely All the Chineans Iaponians and Cauchin Chineans do write right downwards and they do write with a fine pensill made of dogs or cats haire Laban is an Iland among the Iauas from whence come the diamants of the New water And they finde them in the riuers for the king will not suffer them to digge the rocke Iamba is an Iland among the Iauas also from whence come diamants And the king hath a masse of earth which is golde it groweth in the middle of a riuer and when the king doth lacke gold they cut part of the earth and melt it where of commeth golde This masse of earth doth appeare but once in a yere which is when the water is low and this is in the moneth of April Bima is another Iland among the Iauas where the women trauell and labour as our men do in England and the men keepe house and go where they will The 29 of March 1588 I returned from Malacca to Martauan and so to Pegu where I remained the second time vntill the 17 of September and then I went to Cosmin and there tooke shipping and passing many dangers by reason of contrary windes it pleased God that we arriued in Bengala in Nouember following where I stayed for want of passage vntill the third of February 1589 and then I shipped my selfe for Cochin In which voyage we endured great extremity for lacke of fresh water for the weather was extreme hote and we were many marchants and passengers and we had very many calmes and hote weather Yet it pleased God that we arriued in Ceylon the sixth of March where we stayed fiue dayes to water and to furnish our selues with other necessary prouision This Ceylon is a braue Iland very fruitfull faire but by reason of continuall warres with the king thereof all things are very deare for he will not suffer any thing to be brought to the castle where the Portugals be wherefore often times they haue great want of victuals Their prouision of victuals commeth out of Bengala euery yere The king is called Raia and is of great force for he commeth to Columbo which is the place where the Portugals haue their fort with an hundred thousand men and many elephants But they be naked people all of them yet many of them be good with their pieces which be muskets When the king talketh with any man be standeth vpon one legge and setteth the other foot vpon his knee with his sword in his hand it is not their order for the king to sit but to stand His apparell is a fine painted cloth made of cotton wooll about his middle his haire is long and bound vp with a little fine cloth about his head all the rest of his body is naked His guard are a thousand men which stand round about him and he in the middle and when he marcheth many of them goe before him and the rest come after him They are of the race of the Chingalayes which they say are the best kinde of all the Malabars Their eares are very large for the greater they are the more honourable they are accounted Some of them are a spanne long The wood which they burne is Cinamem wood and it smelleth very sweet There is great store of rubies sâ—phires and spinelles in this Iland the best kinde of all be here but the king will not suffer the inhabitants to digge for them left his enemies should know of them and make warres against him and so driue him out of his countrey for them They haue no horses in all the countrey The elephants be not so great as those of Pegu which be monstrous huge but they say all other elephants do feare them and none dare fight with them though they be very small Their wâ—men haue a cloth bound about them from their middle to their knee and all the rest is bare All of them be blacke and but little both men and women Their houses are very little made of the branches of the palmer or coco-tree and couered with the leaues of the same tree The eleuenth of March we sailed from Ceylon and so doubled the cape of Comori Not far from thence betweene Ceylon and the maine land of Negapatan they fish for pearles And there is fished euery yere very much which doth serue all India Cambaia and Bengala it is not so orient as the pearle of Baharim in the gulfe of Persia. From cape de Comori we passed by Coulam which is a fort of the Portugals from whence commeth great store of pepper which commeth for Portugall for oftentimes there ladeth one of the caracks of Portugall Thus passing the coast we arriued in Cochin the 22 of March where we found the weather warme but scarsity of victuals for here groweth neither corne nor rice and the greatest part commeth from Bengala They haue here very bad water for the riuer is farre off This bad water causâ—th many of the people to be like lepers and many of them haue their legs swollen as bigge as a man in the waste many of them are scant able to go These people here be Malabars and of the race of the Naires of Calicut and they differ much
quae omnes supplices exaudite dignata est supplicatione Regis Polonie non accepta iterùm in regem Polonie exercitum suum mittere Creatoris omnipotentis auxilio regnum eius subuertere constituerat Verum Legato Serenitatis vestre in porta beata fulgida Caesareae celsitudinis residente sese interponente Et quòd Serenitati vestre ex partibus Poloniae fruges puluis arbores nauiuÌ„ tormenta alia necessaria suppeditarentur significante pacem pro regno rege Poloniae petente neuâ— regnum Poloniae ex parte Caesareae celsitudinis turbaretur vel infestaretur intercedente Serenitatisque vestrae hane singularem esse voluntatem exponente Legati serenitatis vestrae significatio intercessio cùm Caesaree celsitudini â—ignificata fuisset In â—auorem serenitatis vestrae cui omnis honos gratia debetur iuxta modum predictum vt Cosacifacinorosi exquirantur poena perfecta puniantur aut ratione muneris aliquantuli eorum delicta coÌ„donentur hac inquam conditione literae Cesareae celsitudinis ad Regem Poloniae sunt datae Si autem ex parte Serenitatis vestre foedus pax sollicitata non fuisset nulla ratione Caesarea celsitudo foedus cum regno Polonie inijsset In fauorem autem Serenitatis vestrae regno Regi Poloniae singularem gratiam Caesarea celsitudo exhibuit Quod tà m Serenitas vestra quà m etiam Rex regnum Polonie sibi certò persuadere debent Serenitatem vestram benè foelicissiméque valere cupimus Datum Constantinopoli in fine mensis Sabaum nuncupati Anno prophetae nostri sacrati Maâ—umedi nongentesimo nonagesimo octauo IESV vero Anno millesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo die duodecimo mensis Iunij The same in English MOst glorious and the most resplendent of women most select Princesse most gratious Elizabeth Queene of the valiant followers of Iesus in the famous kingdom of England most wise gouernesse of all the affaires and businesses of the people and family of the Nazarens most sweet fountaine of brightnesse and glory most acceptable cloud of raine inheritresse Ladie of the blessednesse and glory of the renowmed kingdome of England to whom in humble wise all men offer their petitions wishing of the almightie Creator most happie increase and prosperous successe vnto all your Maiesties affaires and actions and offering vp mutuall perpetuall vowes worthy of our familiarity with eternall prayses In most friendly manner we signifie vnto your princely Highnesse that certaine yeeres past the most mightie Cesarlike maiestie of the Grand Signor waged vnspeakeable warres with Casul-bas the Prince of the Persians in regarde of which warres he would not goe in battell against any other places and for that cause certaine theeues in the partes of Polonia called Cosacks and other notorious persons liuing in the same partes ceased not to trouble and molest the subiects of our most mightie Emperour But now hauing finished and brought to some good issue his affaires in Persia determining to punish the saide malefactors of Poland and for that purpose committing an army vnto the Beglerbeg of Grecia and the yeere last past sending his imperiall commaundement vnto the Prince of the Tartars he hath forraged molested and layed waste some part of the kingdome of Poland and the Cosacks and other notorious offenders haue receiued condigue punishment Which the king of Poland perceiuing sent two Embassadours to his imperiall Highnesse signifying that he would hunt out the said malefactors and inflict most seuere punishments vpon them and also that he would better his gift which he hath for many yeeres heretofore ordinarily sent vnto the porch of his imperiall Highnesse Howbeit his imperiall maiestie vpon whom the almightie creator hath bestowed so great power and who vouchsafeth to giue eare vnto all humble suppliants reiecting the supplication of the King of Poland determined againe to send his armie against the said king and by the helpe of the Almightie creator vtterly to subuert and ouerthrowe his kingdome But your Maiesties Embassadour resident in the blessed and glorious porch of his imperiall Highnesse interposing himselfe as a mediatour signifying that from the partes of Poland you were furnished with corne gun-powder mastes of ships guns and other necessaries and crauing peace on the behalfe of the kingdome and king of Poland and making intercession that the said king might not be molested nor troubled by the meanes of the Grand Signor declaring that this was your Maiesties most earnest desire so soone as the report and intercession of your Maiesties Embassadour was signified vnto the Grand Signor for your sake vnto whom all honour and fauourable regard is due vpon the condition aforesaid namely that the wicked Cosacks might be sought out and grieuously punished or that their offences might be remitted for the value of some small gift vpon this condition I say the letters of his imperiall Highnesse were sent vnto the king of Poland Howbeit had not this conclusion of league and amitie beene sollicited on the behalfe of your Maiestie his imperiall Highnesse would neuer haue vouchsafed the same vnto the kingdome of Poland But for your Maiesties sake his imperiall Highnesse hath exhibited this so singular a fauour vnto the said king and kingdome of Poland And hereof your Maiestie and the king of Poland ought certainely to be perswaded We wish your Maiestie most happily and well to fare Giuen at Constantinople in the ende of the moneth called SabauÌ„ in the yeare of our sacred prophet Mahomet 998 and in the yeere of Iesus 1590 the 12 of Iune The second letters Patents graunted by the Queenes Maiestie to the Right worshipfull companie of the English Marchants for the Leuant the seuenth of Ianuarie 1592. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Irelande defender of the faith c. To all our Officers ministers and subiects and to all other people aswell within this our Realme of England as else where vnder our obeysance and iurisdiction or otherwise vnto whom these our letters shal be seene shewed or read greeting Where our welbeloued subiects Edward Osborne knight Alderman of our citie of London William Hareborne Esquire and Richard Staper of our saide citie Marchant haue by great aduenture and industrie with their great cost and charges by the space of sundry late yeeres trauelled and caused trauell to be taken aswell by secrete and good meanes as by daungerous wayes and passages both by lande and sea to finde out and set open a trade of marchandize and traffike into the landes Ilandes Dominions and territories of the great Turke commonly called the Grand Signor not before that time in the memorie of any man now liuing knowen to be commonly vsed and frequented by way of marchandize by any the marâ—hantes or other subiectes of vs or our progenitors And also haue by their like good meanes and industrie and great charges procured of the sayde Grand Signor in our name amitie safetie and freedome for trade and traffike of
and onely libertie vse and priuiledge of trading and traffiking and vsing feate of marchandise by and through the Leuant seas otherwise called the Mediterran seas into and from the sayd dominions of the Grand Signor and dominions of the state of Venice and by and through the sayd Grand Signiors dominions to and from such other places in the East Indies discouered as aforesayd And that they the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and euery particular and seuerall person of that companie their and euery one of their seruants factors and deputies shall haue full and free authoritie libertie facultie licence and power to trade and trafficke by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all and euery the sayd dominions of the sayde Grand Signor and the dominions of the state of Venice and the sayde Indies and into and from all places where by occasion of the sayd trade they shall happen to arriue or come whither they be Christians Turkes Gentiles or others And by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all other seas riuers portes regions territories dominions coastes and places with their ships barkes pinases and other vessels and with such mariners and men as they will leade or haue with them or sende for the sayde trade as they shall thinke good at their owne proper costes and expenses And for that the shippes sayling into the sayde Countreyes must take their due and proper times to proceede in these voyages which otherwise as wee well perceiue can not be performed in the rest of the yeere following Therefore we of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion for vs our heyres and successors doe graunt to and with the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant that foure good shippes well furnished with ordinance and other munition for their defence and two hundred marriners English men to guide and sayle in the same foure shippes at all times during the sayde twelue yeeres shall quietly bee permitted and suffered to depart and goe in the sayde voyages according to the purport of these presents without any stay or contradiction by vs our heyres and successors or by the Lorde high Admirall or any other officer or subiect of vs our heires or successours in any wise Any restraint lawe statuâ—e vsage or matter whatsoeuer to the contrarie notwithstanding Prouided neuerthelesse that if wee shall at any time within the sayde twelue yeeres haue iust cause to arme our Nauie in warrelike manner in defence of our Realme or for offence of our enemies and that it shall be founde needefull and conuenient for vs to ioyne to our Nauie the shippes of our subiects to be also armed for warres to such number as cannot bee supplied if the sayd foure shippes should be permitted to depart as aboue is mentioned then vpon knowledge giuen by vs or our Admirall to the sayde Gouernour or companie about the fifteenth day of the moneth of March or three monethes before the saide companie shall beginne to make readie the same foure shippes that we may not spare the sayd foure ships and the marriners requisite for them to be out of our Realme during the time that our Nauie shall be vpon the seas that then the sayde compâ—nie shall forbeare to send such foure shippes for their trade of marchandise vntill that we shall retake our sayd Nauie from the sayd seruice And further our will and pleasure is and wee doe by these presentes graunt that it shall be lawfull to and for the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant to haue and vse in and about the affaires of the sayde companie a common seale for matters concerning the sayde companie and trade And that also it shall be lawfull for the Marchants Mariners and Sea-men which shall be vsed and imployed in the sayde trade and voyage to set and place in the toppes of their ships or other vessels the Armes of England with the redde-crosse in white ouer the same as heretofore they haue vsed And we of our further Royall fauour and of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents for vs our heyres and successors doe graunt to the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchants of the Leuant that the sayde landes territories and dominions of the sayde Grand Signor or the dominions of the Signiorie of Venice or any of them within the sayde Leuant or Mediterran seas shall not be visited frequented or haunted by the sayde Leuant sea by way of marchandize by any other our subiects during the saide terme of twelue yeeres contrarie to the true meaning of these presentes And by vertue of our prerogatiue Royall which wee will not in that behalfe haue argued or brought in question wee straightly charge commaunde and prohibite for vs our heyres and successours all our subiects of what degree or qualitie soeuer they bee that none of them directly or indirectly doe visite haunt frequent trade trafike or aduenture by way of marchandise into or from any of the sayd dominions of the sayd Grand Signor or the dominions of the saide Segniorie of Venice by or through the sayde Leuant sea other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and such particular persons as be or shall be of that companie their factors agents seruants and assignes And further for that wee plainely vnderstande that the States and Gouernours of the citie and Segniorie of Venice haue of late time set and raysed a newe impost and charge ouer and besides their auncient impost custome and charge of and vpou all manner of marchandize of our Realme brought into their dominions and also of and vpon all marchandise caried or laden from their sayd Countrey or dominions by our subiects or in the ships or bottoms of any of our subiectes to the great and intollerable charge and hinderance of our sayd subiects trading thither wee therefore minding the redresse thereof doe also by these presents for vs our heires and successors further straightly prohibite and forbid not onely the subiects of the sayde State and Segniorie of Venice but also of all other Nations or Countries whatsoeuer other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and such onely as be or shall be of that companie their factors agents seruantes and assignes That they or any of them during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres shall bring or cause to be brought into this our Realme of Englande or any part thereof anie manner of small fruites called corrants being the raysins of Corinth or wine of Candie vnlesse it be by and with the licence consent and agreement of the sayde Gouernour and companie in writing vnder their sayd common seale first had and obteyned vpon paine vnto euery such person and persons that shall trade and traffike into any the sayde dominions of the State and Segniorie of Venice by sea or that shall bring or cause to be brought into our saide
together as they haue sinned together to receiue iudgement and therfore the soule alone cannot Their seuen precepts which they keepe so strictly are not for any hope of reward they haue after this life but onely that they may be blessed in this world for they thinke that he which breaketh them shall haue ill successe in all his businesse They say the three chiefe religions in the world be of the Christians Iewes Turks yet but one of them true but being in doubt which is the truest of the three they will be of none for they hold that all these three shall be iudged and but few of them which be of the true shall be saued the examination shall be so straight and therefore as I haue sayd before to preuent this iudgement they burne their bodies to ashes They say these three religions haue too many precepts to keepe them all wel therfore wonderful hard it wil be to make account because so few doe obserue all their religion aright And thus passing the time for the space of three moneths in this sea voyage we arriued at Venice the tenth of Iune and after I had seene Padua with other English men I came the ordinary way ouer the Alpes by Augusta Noremberg and so for England where to the praise of God I safely arriued the ninth of August 1595. A letter written by the most high and mighty Empresse the wife of the Grand Signior Sultan Murad Can to the Queenes Maiesty of England in the yeere of our Lord 1594. IL principio del ragionamento nostro sia scrittura perfetta nelle quatro parte del mondo in nome di quello che ha creato indifferentemente tante infinite creature che non haueâ—ano anima ni persona di quello che fagirar gli noue cieli che la terra sette volte vna sopra l' altra fa firmar Signor Re senza vicere che non ha comparacion alla sua creatione ne opera vno senza precio adorato incomparabilmente l' altissimo Dio creatore che non ha similitudine si â—ome e descrito dalli propheti ala cui grandessa non si arriue alla perfettione sua compiuta non si oppone quel omnipotente creatore cooperatore alla grandessa del quale inchinano tutti li propheti fra quali il maggior che ha ottenuâ—o gracia horto del paradiso ragi dal sole amato del altissimo Dio è Mahomet Mustaffa al qual suoi adherenti imitatori sia perpetua pace alla cui sepultura odorifera si fa ogni honore Quello che è imperator de sette climati delle quatro parti del mondo inuincibile Re di Graecia Agiamia Vngeria Tartaria Valachia Rossia Turchia Arabia Bagdet Caramania Abessis Giouasir Siruan Barbaria Algieri Franchia Coruacia Belgrado c. sempre felicissimo de dodeci Auoli possessor della corona della stirpe di Adam fin bora Imperator figliolo del ' Imperatore conseruato de la diuina prouidenza Re di ognâ— dignita honore Sultan Murat cha Il Signor Dio sempre augmentile sue forzze padre di quello a cui aspettala corona imperiale horto cypresso mirabile degno della sediâ— regale vero herede del comando imperiale dignissimo Mehemet Can filiol de Sultan Murat Can che dio compisca lâ— suoi dissegni alunga li suoi giorni feliâ—i Dalla parte della madre del qual si scâ—â—ue la presente alla serenissima gloriosissima fra le prudentissime Donne eletta fra li triomfâ—nti soâ—toâ—il standardo di Iesu Christo potentissima ricâ—hissiâ—aregiâ—râ—â—â— al mondo singularissima fra il feminil sesso la serenissima Regina d' Ingilterraâ— che â—egue â—e vestigie de Maria virgine il fine della quale sia con bene perfettione secondo il suâ— desidâ—â—â—oâ— Le mando vna salutâ—â—ion di pace cosi honorata che non basta tutta la copia di rosignoli con le lâ—romusiche ariuare non che con quosta carta l' amore singulare che e conciputo fra noi esimiâ—â—â—a â—n horto di Vccelli vagi che il Signor Diola faci degna di saluacione il fine suo siâ— tale che in questo mondo nel ' futuro sia con pace Doppo comparsi li suoi honorati presenti da la sedia de la Serenita vostra sapera che sono capitati in vna hora che ogni punto e stato vna consolation dâ— lungo tempo per occasione del Ambassadore di vostra serenita venuto alla felice porta del Imperatore contanto nostro contento quanto si posso desiderare con quello vna lettera di vostra serenetà châ— ci estata presentata dalli nostri Eunuchi con gran honore la carta de la quale odoraua di camfora ambracano â—â—inchiostro di musco perfetto quella peruenuta in nostro mano tutta la continenza di essa a parte ho ascolâ—ato intentamente Quello che hora si conuiene e â—he correspondente alla nostra affecione in tutto quello che si aspetta alle cose attenente alli paesi che sono sotto il commando di vostra serenità lei non manchi dâ— sempre tenermi dato noticia che in tutto quello che li occorerà Io possi compiacerla de quello che fra le nostre serenità e conueniente accioche quelle cose che si interprenderano habino il desiderato buon finâ— perche Io saro sempre ricordeuole al altissimo Imperatore delle occorenze di vostra serenita per che sia in ogni occasione compiaciâ—ta La pace sia con vostra serenita câ—n quelli che seguitano dreâ—amente la via di Dio. Sâ—ritta all primi dell luna di Rabie Liâ—ol anno del profeâ—a 1002 di Iesu 1594. The same in English LEt the beginning of our discourse be a perfect writing in the foure parts of the world in the name of him which hath indifferently created such infinite numbers of creatures which had neither soule nor body and of him which mooueth the nine heauens and stablisheth the earth seuen times one aboue another which is Lord and king without any deputy who hath no comparison to his creation and worke and is one inestimable worshipped without all comparison the most high God the creator which hath nothing like vnto him according as he is described by the Prophets to whose power no man can attaine and whose absolute perfection no man may controll and that omnipotent creatour and fellow-worker to whose Maiesty all the Prophets submit themselues among whom the greatest and which hath obtained greatest fauour the garden of Paradise the beame of the Sunne the beloued of the most high God is Mahomet Mustaffa to whom and to his adherents and followers be perpetuall peace to whose
voyages The one was when I was master in the great Barke Aucher for the Leuant in which voyage I went not but the causes they did not know of my let from the same nor of the other But first the very trueth is that I was from the same voyage letted by the Princes letters which my Master Sebastian Gabota had obtained for that purpose to my great griefe And as touching the second voyage which I inuented for the trade of Barbarie the liuing God knoweth that I say most true that when the great sweate was whereon the chiefe of those with whom I ioyned in that voyage died that is to say Sir Iohn Lutterell Iohn Fletcher Henry Ostrich and others I my selfe was also taken with the same sweate in London and after it whether with euill diet in keeping or how I know not I was cast into such an extreame feuer as I was neither able to ride nor goe and the shippe being at Portesmouth Thomas Windam had her away from thence before I was able to stand vpon my legges by whom I lost at that instant fourescore pound Besides I was appointed by them that died if they had liued to haue had the whole gouernment both of shippe and goods because I was to them the sole inuenter of that trade In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moores being noble men whereof one was of the Kings blood conuayed by the said Master Thomas Windham into their Countrey out of England Yours humble at your commandement Iames Alday The second voyage to Barbary in the yeere 1552. Set foorth by the right worshipfull Sir Iohn Yorke Sir William Gerard Sir Thomas Wroth Master Frances Lambert Master Cole and others Written by the relation of Master Iames Thomas then Page to Master Thomas Windham chiefe Captaine of this voyage THe shippes that went on this voyage were three whereof two were of the Riuer of Thames That is to say the Lyon of London whereof Master Thomas Windham was Captaine and part owner of about an hundred fiftie tunnes The other was the Buttolfe about fourescore tunnes and a Portugall Carauel bought of certaine Portugals in Newport in Wales and fraighted for this voyage of summe sixtie tunnes The number of men in the Fleete were an hundred and twentie The Master of the Lyon was one Iohn Kerry of Mynhed in Somersetshire his Mate was Dauâ—i Landman The chiefe Captaine of this small Fleete was Master Thomas Windham a Norffolke gentleman borne but dwelling at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire This Fleete departed out of King-rode neere Bristoll about the beginning of May 1552. being on a Munday in the morning and the Munday fortnight next ensuing in the euening came to an ancker at their first port in the roade of Zafia or Asafion the coast of Barbarie standing in 32. degrees of latitude and there put on land part of our marchandise to be conueicd by land to the citie of Marocco which being done and hauing refreshed our selues with victuals and water we went to the second port called Santa Cruz where we discharged the rest of our goods being good quantitie of linnen and woosten cloth corall amber Iet and diuers other things well accepted of the Moores In which road we found a French ship which not knowing whether it were warre or peace betweene England and France drewe her selfe as neere vnder the towne wals as she could possible crauing aide of the towne for her defence if need were which in deed seeing vs draw neere shot at vs a piece from the wals which came ouer the Lion our Admirall between the maine maste her foremast Whereupon we comming to an anker presently came a pinnes aboord vs to know what we were who vnderstanding that we had bene there the yere before came with the good leaue of their king in marchant wise were fully satisfied and gaue vs good leaue to bring our goods peaceably on shore where the Uiceroy whose name was Sibill Manache within short time after came to visite vs and vsed vs with all curtesie But by diuers occasions we spent here very neere three moneths before we could get in our lading which was Sugar Dates Almonds and Malassos or sugar Syrrope And for all our being here in the heate of the Sommer yet none of our company perished by sicknesse Our ships being laden wee drew into the Sea for a Westerne wind for England But being at sea a great leake fell vpon the Lion so that we were driuen to Lancerota and Forteuentura where betweene the two Ilands we came to a road whence wee put on land out of our sayd ship 70. chestes of Sugar vpon Lancerota with some dozen or sixteene of our company where the inhabitants supposing we had made a wrongfull prize of our carauell suddenly came with force vpon our people among whom I my selfe was one tooke vs prisoners and spoiled the sugars which thing being perceiued from our ships they manned out three boates thinking to rescue vs and draue the Spaniards to flight whereof they slew eighteene and tooke their gouernour of the Iland prisoner who was a very aged gentleman about 70. yeeres of age But chasing the enemie so farre for our recouerie as pouder and arrowes wanted the Spaniardes perceiuing this returned and in our mens retire they flew sixe of them Then a Parle grew in the which it was agreed that we the prisoners should be by them restored and they receiue their olde gouernour giuing vs a testimonie vnder his and their hands what damages wee had there receiued the which damages were here restored and made good by the king of Spaine his marchants vpon our returne into England After wee had searched and mended our leake being returned aboord we came vnder saile and as wee were going to the sea on the one side of the Iland the Cacafuego and other ships of the king of Portugals Armada entered at the other and came to anker in the road from whence we were but newly departed and shot off their great ordinance in our hearing And here by the way it is to bee vnderstood that the Portugals were much offended with this our new trade into Barbarie and both in our voiage the yeere before as also in this they gaue out in England by their marchants that if they tooke vs in those partes they would vse vs as their mortall enemies with great threates and menaces But by God and good prouidence wee escaped their handes From this Iland shaping our course for England we were seuen or eight weekes before we could reach the coast of England The first port wee entered into was the hauen of Plimmouth from whence within short time wee came into the Thames and landed our marchandise at London about the ende of the moneth of October 1552. A voiage made out of England vnto Guinea and Benin in Affrike at the charges of certaine marchants Aduenturers of of the Citie of London in the yeere of our Lord 1553.
Then desired he them to giue him the ship-boate with as much of an old saile as might serue for the same promising them therwith to bring Nicholas Lambert and the rest into England but all was in vaine Then wrote he a letter to the court to the marchants informing them of all the matter and promising them if God would lend him life to returne with all haste to fetch theÌ„ And thus was Pinteado kept a shipboord against his will thrust among the boyes of the ship not vsed like a man nor yet like an honest boy but glad to find fauour at the cookes hand Then deparâ—ed they leauing one of their ships behind them which they sunke for lacke of men to cary her After this within 6 or 7 dayes sayling dyed also Pinteado for uery pensiuenesse thought that stroke him to the heart A man worthy to serue any prince and most vilely vsed And of seuenscore men came home to Plimmouth scarcely forâ—y and of them many died And that no man should suspect these words which I haue saide in commendation of Pinteado to be spoken vpon fauour otherwise then trueth I haue thought good to adde hereunto the copie of the letters which the king of Portugall and the infant his brother wrote vnto him to reconcile him at such time as vpon the king his masters displeasure and not for any other crime or offence as may appeare by the said letters he was only for pouertie inforced to come into England where he first perswaded our marchants to attempt the said voyages to Guinea But as the king of Portugall too late repented him that he had so punished Pinteado vpon malicious informations of such as enuied the mans good fortune euen so may it hereby appeare that in some cases euen Lions themselues may either be hindered by the contempt or aided by the help of the poore mise according vnto the fable of Esope The copie of Anthonie Anes Pinteado his letters patents whereby the king of Portugall made him knight of his house after all his troubles and imprisonment which by wrong information made to the king he had susteined of long time being at the last deliuered his cause knowen and manifested to the king by a gray Frier the kings Confessor I The king doe giue you to vnderstand lord Francis Desseaso one of my counsell and ouerseer of my house that in coÌ„sideration of the good seruice which Anthony Anes Pinteado the sonne of Iohn Anes dwelling in the towne called the Port hath done vnto me my will and pleasure is to make him knight of my house allowing to him in pension seuen hundred reis monethly and euery day one alcayre of barly as long as he keepeth a horse to be paid according to the ordinaÌ„ce of my house Prouiding alwaies that he shall receiue but one marriage gift And this also in such coÌ„dition that the time which is accepted in our ordinance forbidding such men to marry for getting such children as might succeede them in this allowance which is 6 yeres after the making of this patent shal be first expired before he do marry I therfore command you to cause this to be entred in the booke called the Matricula of our houshold vnder the title of knightsâ— And when it is so entred let the clarke of the Matricula for the certeintie therof write on the backside of this Aluala or patent the number of the leafe wherein this our grant is entred Which done let him returne this writing vnto the said Anthonie Anes Pinteado for his warrant I Diego Henriques haue written this in Almarin the two and twentie day of September in the yeere of our Lord 1551. And this beneuolence the king gaue vnto Anthonie Anes Pinteado the fiue and twentie day of Iuly this present yeere Rey. The Secretaries declaration written vnder the kings grant YOur Maiestie hath vouchsafed in respect and consideration of the good seruice of Anthony Anes Pinteado dwelling in the port and sonne of Iohn Anes to make him knight of your house with ordinarie allowance of seuen hundred reis pension by the moneth and one alcaire of barley by the day as long as he keepeth a horse and to be paide according to the ordinance of your house with condition that hee shall haue but one marriage gift and that not within the space of sixe yeres after the making of these letters Patents The Secretaries note Entred in the booke of the Matricula Fol. 683. Francisco de Siquera The copie of the letter of Don Lewes the infant and brother to the king of Portugall sent into England to Anthonie Anes Pinteado ANthony Anes Pinteado I the infant brother to the king haue me heartily commended vnto you Peter Gonsalues is gone to seeke you desiring to bring you home again into your countrey And for that purpose he hath with him a safe coÌ„duct for you granted by the king that therby you may freely and without all feare come home And although the weather be foule and stormie yet faile not to come for in the time that his Maiestie hath giuen you you may doe many things to your contentation and gratifying the king whereof I would be right glad and to bring the same to passe I will do all that lieth in me for your profite But forasmuch as Peter Gonsalues will make further declaration hereof vnto you I say no more at this present Written in Lisbone the eight day of December Anno 1552. The infant Don Lewes ALl these foresaid writings I saw vnder seale in the house of my friend Nicholas Liese with whom Pinteado left them at his vnfortunate departing to Guinea But notwithstanding all these friendly letters and faire promises Pinteado durst not attempt to goe home neither to keepe companie with the Portugals his countrey men without the presence of other forasmuch as he had secrete admonitions that they intended to slay him if time and place might haue serued their wicked intent The second voyage to Guinea set out by Sir George Barne Sir Iohn Yorke Thomas Lok Anthonie Hickman and Edward Castelin in the yere 1554. The Captaine whereof was M. Iohn Lok AS in the first voiage I haue declared rather the order of the history then the course of the nauigation whereof at that time I could haue no perfect information so in the description of this second voyage my chiefe intent hath beene to shew the course of the same according to the obseruation and ordinarie custome of the mariners and as I receiued it at the handes of an expert Pilot being one of the chiefe in this voyage who also with his owne hands wrote a briefe declaration of the same as he found and tried all things not by coniecture but by the art of sayling and instruments perteining to the mariners facultie Not therefore assuming to my selfe the commendations due vnto other neither so bold as in any part to change or otherwise dispose the order of this voyage so
Angle of the Sunne beames heateth and what encrease the Sunnes continuance doeth adde thereunto it might expresly be set downe what force of heat and cold is in all regions Thus you partly see by comparing a Climate to vs well knowen and familiarly acquainted by like height of the Sunne in both places that vnder the Equinoctiall in Iune is no excessiue heat but a temperate aire rather tending to cold For as they haue there for the most part a continuall moderate heat so yet sometime they are a little pinched with colde and vse the benefite of fire as well as we especially in the euening when they goe to bed for as they lye in hanging beds tied fast in the vpper part of the house so will they haue fires made on both sides their bed of which two fires the one they deuise superstitiously to driue away spirits and the other to keepe away from them the coldnesse of the nights Also in many places of Torrida Zona especially in the higher landes somewhat mountainous the people a litle shrincke at the cold and are often forced to prouide themselues clothing so that the Spaniards haue found in the West Indies many people clothed especially in Winter whereby appeareth that with their heat there is colde intermingled else would they neuer prouide this remedy of clothing which to them is rather a griefe and trouble then otherwise For when they goe to warres they will put off all their apparell thinking it to be combersome and will alwayes goe naked that they thereby might be more nimble in their sight Some there be that thinke the middle zone extreme hot because the people of the countrey can and doe liue without clothing wherein they childishly are deceiued for our Clime rather tendeth to extremitie of colde because wee cannot liue without clothing for this our double lining furring and wearing so many clothes is a remedy against extremitie and argueth not the goodnesse of the habitation but inconuenience and iniury of colde and that is rather the moderate temperate and delectable habitation where none of these troublesome things are required but that we may liue naked and bare as nature bringeth vs foorth Others againe imagine the middle zone to be extreme hot because the people of Africa especially the Ethiopians are so cole blacke and their haire like wooll curled short which blacknesse and curled haire they suppose to come onely by the parching heat of the Sunne which how it should be possible I cannot see for euen vnder the Equinoctiall in America and in the East Indies and in the Ilands Moluccae the people are not blacke but tauney and white with long haire vncurled as wee haue so that if the Ethiopians blacknesse came by the heat of the Sunne why should not those Americans and Indians also be as blacke as they seeing the Sunne is equally distant from them both they abiding in one Parallel for the concaue and conuere Superficies of the Orbe of the Sunne is concentrike and equidistant to the earth except any man should imagine somewhat of Aux Solis and Oppositum which indifferently may be applied aswel to the one place as to the other But the Sunne is thought to giue no otherwise heat but by way of Angle in reflection and not by his neerenesse to the earth for throughout all Africa yea in the middest of the middle Zone and in all other places vpon the tops of mountaines there lyeth continuall snow which is neerer to the Orbe of the Sunne then the people are in the valley by so much as the height of these mountaines amount vnto and yet the Sunne notwithstanding his neerenesse can not melt the snow for want of conuenient place of reflections Also the middle region of the aire where all the haile frost and snow is engendred is neerer vnto the Sunne then the earth is and yet there continueth perpetuall cold because there is nothing that the Sunne beames may reflect against whereby appeareth that the neerenesse of the body of the Sunne worketh nothing Therefore to returne againe to the blacke Moores I my selfe haue seene an Ethiopian as blacke as a cole brought into England who taking a faire English woman to wife begat a sonne in all respects as blacke as the father was although England were his natiue countrey and an English woman his mother whereby it seemeth this blacknes procceedeth rather of some natural infection of that man which was so strong that neither the nature of the Clime neither the good complexion of the mother concurring coulde any thing alter and therefore wee cannot impute it to the nature of the Clime And for a more fresh example our people of Meta Incognita of whom and for whom this discourse is taken in hande that were brought this last yeere into England were all generally of the same colour that many nations be lying in the middest of the middle Zone And this their colour was not onely in the face which was subiect to Sunne and aire but also in their bodies which were stil couered with garments as ours are yea the very sucking childe of twelue moneths age had his skinne of the very same colour that most haue vnder the Equinoctiall which thing cannot proceed by reason of the Clime for that they are at least ten degrees more towardes the North then wee in England are No the Sunne neuer commeth neere their Zenith by fourtie degrees for in effect they are within three or foure degrees of that which they call the frosen Zone and as I saide fourtie degrees from the burning Zone whereby it followeth that there is some other cause then the Climate or the Sonnes perpendicular reflexion that should cause the Ethiopians great blacknesse And the most probable cause to my iudgement is that this blackenesse proceedeth of some naturall infection of the first inhabitants of that Countrey and so all the whole progenie of them descended are still polluted with the same blot of infection Therefore it shall not bee farre from our purpose to examine the first originall of these blacke men and howe by a lineall discent they haue hitherto continued thus blacke It manifestly and plainely appeareth by holy Scripture that after the generall inundation and ouerflowing of the earth there remained no moe men aliue but Noe and his three sonnes Sem Cham and Iaphet who onely were left to possesse and inhabite the whole face of the earth therefore all the sundry discents that vntil this present day haue inhabited the whole earth must needes come of the off-spring either of Sem Cham or Iaphet as the onely sonnes of Noe who all three being white and their wiues also by course of nature should haue begotten and brought foorth white children But the enuie of our great and continuall enemie the wicked Spirite is such that as hee coulde not suffer our olde father Adam to liue in the felicitie and Angelike state wherein hee
the next morning early being the seuenth of August they called againe for the letter which being deliuered vnto them they speedily departed making signes with three fingers and pointing to the Sunne that they meant to returne within 3 dayes vntill which time we heard no more of them about the time appointed they returned in such sort as you shal afterwards heare This night because the people were very neere vnto vs the Lieutenant caused the Trumpet to sound a call and euery man in the Island repayring to the Ensigne he put them in minde of the place so farre from their countrey wherein they liued and the danger of a great multitude which they were subiect vnto if good watch and warde were not kept for at euery low water the enimie might come almost dryfoot from the mayne vnto vs wherefore he willed euery man to prepare him in good readinesse vpon all sudden occasions and so giuing the watch their charge the company departed to rest I thought the Captaines letter well worth the remembring not for the circumstance of curious enditing but for the substance and good meaning therein contained and therefore haue repeated here the same as by himselfe it was hastily written The forme of M. Martin Frobishers letter to the English captiues IN the name of God in whom we all beleeue who I trust hath preserued your bodies and soules amongst these Infidels I commend me vnto you I will be glad to seeke by al means you can deuise for your deliuerance either with force or with any commodities within my ships which I will not spare for your sakes or any thing else I can doe for you I haue aboord of theirs a man a woman and a child which I am contented to deliuer for you but the man which I caried away from hence the last yeere is dead in England Moreouer you may declare vnto them that if they deliuer you not I will not leaue a man aliue in their countrey And thus if one of you can come to speake with mee they shall haue either the man woman or childe in pawne for you And thus vnto God whom I trust you doe serue in hast I leaue you and to him wee will dayly pray for you This Tuesday morning the seuenth of August Anno 1577. Yours to the vttermost of my power MARTIN FROBISHER I haue sent you by these bearers penne ynke and paper to write backe vnto me againe if personally you cannot come to certifie me of your estate Now had the Generall altered his determination for going any further into the Streites at this time for any further discouery of the passage hauing taken a man and a woman of that countrey which he thought sufficient for the vse of language hauing also met with these people here which intercepted his men the last yere as the apparell and English furniture which was found in their tents very well declared he knew it was but a labour lost to seeke them further off when he had found them there at hand And considering also the short time he had in hand he thought it best to bend his whole endeuour for the getting of Myne and to leaue the passage further to be discouered hereafter For his commission directed him in this voyage onely for the searching of the Ore and to deferre the further discouery of the passage vntill another time On Thursday the ninth of August we began to make a smal Fort for our defence in the Countesses Island and entrenched a corner of a cliffe which on three parts like a wall of good heigth was compassed and well fenced with the sea and we finished the rest with caskes of the earth to good purpose and this was called Bests bulwarke after the Lieutenants name who first deuised the same This was done for that wee suspected more lest the desperate men might oppresse vs with multitude then any feare we had of their force weapons or policie of battel but as wisedome would vs in such place so farre from home not to be of our selues altogether carelesse so the signes which our captiue made vnto vs of the comming downe of his Gouernour or Prince which he called Catchoe gaue vs occasion to foresee what might ensue thereof for he shewed by signes that this Catchoe was a man of higher statute farre then any of our nation is and he is accustomed to be caried vpon mens shoulders About midnight the Lieutenant caused a false Alarme to be giuen in the Island to proue as well the readines of the company there ashore as also what help might be hoped for vpon the sudden frō the ships if need so required euery part was found in good readines vpon such a sudden Saturday the eleuenth of August the people shewed themselues againe called vnto vs from the side of a hil ouer against vs. The General with good hope to heare of his men and to haue answere of his letter went ouer vnto them where they presented themselues not aboue three in sight but were hidden indeede in greater numbers behind the rockes and making signes of delay with vs to intrappe some of vs to redeeme their owne did onely seeke aduantage to traine our boat about a point of land from sight of our companie whereupon our men iustly suspecting them kept aloofe without their danger and yet set one of our company ashore which tooke vp a great bladder which one of them offered vs and leauing a looking glasse in the place came into the boate againe In the meane while our men which stood in the Countesses Island to beholde who might better discerne them then those of the boate by reason they were on higher ground made a great outcrie vnto our men in the boate for that they saw diuers of the Sauages creeping behind the rockes towards our men wherupon the Generall presently returned without tidings of his men Concerning this bladder which we receiued our Captiue made signes that it was giuen him to keepe water and drinke in but we suspected rather it was giuen him to swimme and shift away withall for he and the woman sought diuers tunes to escape hauing loosed our boates from asterne our ships and we neuer a boate left to pursue them withall and had preuailed very farre had they not bene very timely espied and preuented therein After our Generals comming away from them they mustred themselues in our sight vpon the top of a hill to the number of twenty in a rancke all holding hands ouer their heads and dancing with great noise and songs together we supposed they made this dance and shew for vs to vnderstand that we might take view of their whole companies and force meaning belike that we should doe the same And thus they continued vpon the hill tops vntill night when hearing a piece of our great Ordinance which thundred in the hollownesse of the high hilles it made vnto them so
at fiue a clocke in the afternoone we ankered in a very good road among great store of Isles the countrey low land pleasant and very full of fayre woods To the North of this place eight leagues we had a perfect hope of the passage finding a mightie great sea passing betweene two lands West The South land to our iudgement being nothing but Isles we greatly desired to goe into this sea but the winde was directly against vs. We ankered in foure fathome fine sand In this place is foule and fish mightie store The sixt of September hauing a faire Northnorthwest winde hauing trimmed our Barke we purposed to depart and sent fiue of our sailers yong men a shore to an Island to fetch certaine fish which we purposed to weather and therefore left it al night couered vpon the Isle the brutish people of this countrey lay secretly lucking in the wood and vpon the sudden assaulted our men which when we perceiued we presently let slip our cables vpon the halâ—e and vnder our foresaile bare into the shoare and with all expedition discharged a double musket vpon them twise at the noyse whereof they fled notwithstanding to our very great griefe two of our men were slaine with their arrowes and two grieuously wounded of whom at this present we stand in very great doubt onely one escaped by swimming with an arrow shot thorow his arme These wicked miscreants neuer offered parly or speech but presently executed their cursed fury This present euening it pleased God further to increase our sorowes with a mighty tempestuous storme the winde being Northnortheast which lasted vnto the tenth of this moneth very extreme We vnrigged our ship and purposed to cut downe our masts the cable of our shut-anker brake so that we onely expected to be driuen on shoare among these Canibals for their pray Yet in this deepe distresse the mightie mercie of God when hope was past gaue vs succour and sent vs a faire lee so as we recouered our anker againe and newe mored our ship where we saw that God manifestly deliuered vs for the straines of one of our cables were broken and we only roade by an olde iurke Thus being freshly mored a new storme arose the winde being Westnorthwest very forcible which lasted vnto the tenth day at night The eleuenth day with a faire Westnorthwest winde we departed with trust in Gods mercie shaping our course for England and arriued in the West countrey in the beginning of October Master Dauis being arriued wrote his letter to M. VVilliam Sanderson of London concerning his voyage as followeth SIr the Sunneshine came into Dartmouth the fourth of this moneth she hath bene at Island and from thence to Groenland and so to Estoriland from thence to Desolation and to our Marchants where she made trade with the people staying in the countrey twentie dayes They haue brought home fiue hundred seale skinnes and an hundred and fortie halfe skinnes and pieces of skinnes I stand in great doubt of the pinnesse God be mercifull vnto the proore men and preserue them if it be his blessed will I haue now experience of much of the Northwest part of the world haue brought the passage to that likelihood as that I am assured it must bee in one of soure places or els not at all And further I can assure you vpon the perill of my life that this voyage may be performed without further charge nay with certaine profite to the aduenturers if I may haue but your fauour in the action I hope I shall finde fauour with you to see your Card. I pray God it be so true as the Card shal be which I will bring you and I hope in God that your skill in Nauigation shall be gaineful vnto you although at the first it hath not proued so And thus with my humble commendations I commit you to God desiring no longer to liue then I shall be yours most faithfully to command Exon this fourteenth of October 1586. Yours to command IOHN DAVIS The relation of the course which the Sunshine a barke of fiftie tunnes and the Northstarre a small pinnesse being two vessels of the fleete of M. Iohn Dauis helde after hee had sent them from him to discouer the passage betweene Groneland and Island written by Henry Morgan seruant to M. William Sanderson of London THe seuenth day of May 1586. wee departed out of Dartmouth hauen foure sailes to wit the Mermaid the Sunshine the Mooneshine the Northstarre In the Sunshine were sixteene men whose names were these Richard Pope Master Marke Carter Masters mate Henry Morgan Purser George Draward Iohn Mandie Hugh Broken Philip Iane Hugh Hempson Richard Borden Iohn Philpe Andrew Madock William Wolcome Robert Wag carpenter Iohn Bruskome William Ashe Simon Ellis Our course was Westnorthwest the seuenth and eight dayes and the ninth day in the morning we were on head of the Tarrose of Silley Thus coasting along the South part of Ireland the 11. day we were on head of the Dorses and our course was Southsouthwest vntill sixe of the clocke the 12. day The 13. day our course was Northwest We remained in the company of the Mermaid and the Mooneshine vntil we came to the latitude yf 60. degrees and there it seemed best to our Generall M. Dauis to diuide his fleete himselfe sayling to the Northwest and to direct the Sunshine wherein I was and the pinnesse called the Northstarre to secke a passage Northward betweene Groenland and Island to the latitude of 80. degrees if land did not let vs. So the seuenth day of Iune wee departed from them and the ninth of the same we came to a firme land of yce which we coasted along the ninth the tenth and the eleuenth dayes of Iune and the eleuenth day at sixe of the clocke at night we saw land which was very high which afterward we knew to be Island and the twelft day we harboured there and found many people the land lyeth East and and by North in 66. degrees Their commodities were greene fish and Island lings and stockfish and a fish which is called Scatefish of all which they had great store They had also kine sheep and horses and hay for their cattell and for their horses Wee saw also of their dogs Their dwelling houses were made on both sides with stones and wood layd crosse ouer them which was couered ouer with turfes of earth and they are flat on the tops and many of these stood hard by the shore Their boates were made with wood and yron all along the keele like our English boates and they had nayles for to naile them withall and fish-hookes and other things for to catch fish as we haue here in England They had also brasen kettles and girdles and purses made of leather and knoppes on them of copper and hatchets and other small tooles as necessary as we haue They drie their fish in the Sun and
shares of fish or any other reward benefit or aduantage whatsoeuer it be for any licence to passe this Realme to the sayd voyages or any of them nor vpon any respect concerning the said voyages nor any of them vpon paine to forfeit for the first offence treble the summe or treble the value of the reward benefite or aduantage that any such officer or minister shall hereafter haue or take of any such Marchants or fishermen For the which forfâ—â—â—â—re the party gâ—ieued and euery other person or persons whatsoeuer he or they be shall and may sue for the same by information bill plaint or action of debt in any of the kings courts of recorde The king to haue the one moitie and the party complaining the other moitie in which suite no essoigne protection or wager of law shall be allowed And for the second offence the party so offending not only to lose and forfeite his or their office or offices in the Admiraltie but also to make fine and ransome at the kings will and pleasure By this acte it appeareth that the trade out of England to Newfound land was common and frequented about the beginning of the raigne of Edward the 6. namely in the yeere 1548. and it is much to be marueiled that by the negligence of our men the countrey in all this time hath bene no better searched A letter written to M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple conteining a report of the true state and commodities of Newfoundland by M. Anthonie Parkhurst Gentleman 1578. MAster Hakluyt after most heartie commendations with like thankes for your manifold kindnesse to me shewed not for any merits that hitherto haue beene mine but wholly proceeding I must needs confesse of your owne good nature which is so ready prest to benefit your countrey and all such poore men as haue any sparke in them of good desires that you do not onely become their friend but also humble your selfe as a seruaunt in their affaires for which I would to God I were once in place where I might cause your burning zeale to bee knowen to those that haue authoritie power and abilitie to recompense your trauelling mind and pen wherewith you cease not day nor night to labour and trauell to bring your good and godly desires to some passe though not possibly to that happy ende that you most thirst for for such is the malice of wicked men the deuils instruments in this our age that they cannot suffer any thing or at least few to proceed and prosper that tendeth to the setting forth of Gods glory and the amplifying of the Christian faith wherein hitherto princes haue not bene so diligent as their calling required Alas the labourers as yet are few the haruest great I trust God hath made you an instrument to increase the number and to mooue men of power to redeeme the people of Newfoundland and those parts from out of the captiuitie of that spirituall Pharao the deuill Now to answer some part of your letter touching the sundry nauies that come to Newfoundland or Terra noua for fish you shal vnderstand that some fish not neere the other by 200. leagues and therefore the certaintie is not knowen and some yeres come many more then other some as I see the like among vs who since my first trauell being but 4. yeeres are increased from 30. sayle to 50. which commeth to passe chiefly by the imagination of the Westerne men who thinke their neighbours haue had greater gaines then in very deed they haue for that they see me to take such paines yeerely to go in proper person they also suppose that I find some secret commoditie by reason that I doe search the harbors creekes and hauens and also the land much more then euer any Englishman hath done Surely I am glad that it so increaseth whereof soeuer it springeth But to let this passe you shall vnderstand that I am informed that there are aboue 100. saile of Spaniards that come to take God who make all wet and do drie it when they come home besides 20. or 30. more that come from Biskaie to kill Whale for Traine These be better appoynted for shipping and furniture of munition then any nation sauing the Englishmen who commonly are loâ—ds of the harbors where they fish and do vse all strangers helpe in fishing is need require according to an old custome of the countrey which thing they do willingly so that you take nothing srom them more then a boat or twaine of salt in respect of your protection of them against â—ouers or other violent intruders who do often put them from good harbor c. As touching their tunnage I thinke it may be neere fiue or sixe thousand tunne But of Portugals there are not lightly aboue 50. saile and they make all wet in like sorte whose tunnage may amount to three thousand tuns and not vpwaâ—de Of the French nation and Britons are about one hundred and fiftie sailes the most of their shipping is very small not past fortie tunnes among which some are great and reasonaâ—ly well appointed better then the Portugals and not so well as the Spaniards and the burden of them may be some 7000. tunne Their shipping is from all parts of France and Britaine and the Spaniards from most parts of Spaine the Portugals from Auiero and Viana and from 2. or 3. ports more The trade that our nation hath to Island maketh that the English are not there in such numbers as other nations Now to certifie you of the fertilitie and goodnesse of the countrey you shall vnderstand that I haue in sundry places sowen Wheate Barlie Rie Oates Beanes Pâ—ase and seedes of herbes kernels Plumstones nuts all which haue prospered as in England The countrey yeeldeth many good trees of fruit as Filberds in some places but in all places Cherie trees and a kind of Peare-tree meet to graffe on As for Roses they are as common as brambles here Strawberies Dâ—wberies and Raspis as common as grasse The timber is most Firrâ— yet plentie of Pineapple trees fewe of these two kinds meete to maste a ship of threescore and ten but neere Cape Briton and to the Southward big and sufficient for any ship There be also Okes thornes there is in all the countrey plentie of Birch and Alder which be the meetest wood for cole and also Willow which will serue for many other pâ—â—â—oses As touching the kindes of Fish beside Cod there are Herrings Sahnons Thornebacke Plase or rather wee should call them Flounders Dog fish and another most excellent of taste called of vs a Cat Oisters and Muskles in which I haue found pearles aboue 40. in one Muskle and generally all haue some great or small I heard of a Portugall that found one woorth 300. duckets There are also other kinds of Shel-fish as â—â—â—mpets cockles wilkes lobsters and crabs also a fish like a Smelt which commeth on shore and
the weaknesse of our company the small number of the same the carying away of our first appointed barke with those two especiall Masters with our principall prouisions in the same by the very hand of God as it seemed stretched out to take vs from thence considering also that his second offer though most honourable of his part yet of ours not to be taken insomuch as there was no possibility for her with any safety to be brought into the harbour seeing furthermore our hope for supply with Sir Richard Greenuill so vndoubtedly promised vs before Easter not yet come neither then likely to come this yeere considering the doings in England for Flanders and also for America that therefore I would resolue my selfe with my company to goe into England in that fleet and accordingly to make request to the Generall in all our names that he would be pleased to giue vs present passage with him Which request of ours by my selfe deliuered vnto him hee most readily assented vnto and so he sending immediatly his pinnesseâ— onto our Island for the fetching away of a few that there were left with our baggage the weather was so Boisterous the pinnesses so often on ground that the most of all we had with all our Cards Books and writings were by the Sailers cast ouerboord the greater number of the fleet being much agriâ—ued with their long and dangerous abode in that miserable road From whence the Generall in the name of the Almighty weying his ankers hauing bestowed vs among his fleet for the reliefe of whom hee had in that storme susteined more perill of wracke then in all his former most honourable actions against the Spanyards with praises vnto God for all set saile the nineteenth of Iune 1586 and arriued in Portsmouth the seuen and twentieth of Iuly the same yeere The third voyage made by a ship sent in the yeere 1586 to the reliefe of the Colony planted in Virginia at the sole charges of Sir Walter Ralegh IN the yeere of our Lord 1586 Sir Walter Ralegh at his owne charge prepared a ship of an hundred tunne fraighted with all maner of things in most plentifull maner for the supply and reliefe of his Colony then remaining in Virginia but before they set saile from England it was after Easter so that our Colony halfe despaired of the comming of any supply wherefore euery man prepared for himselfe determining resolutely to spend the residue of their life time in that countrey And for the better performance of this their determination they sowed planted and set such things as were necessary for their reliefe in so plentifull a maner as might haue sufficed them two yeeres without any further labour Thus trusting to their owne haruest they passed the Summer till the tenth of Iune at which time their corne which they had sowed was within one fortnight of reaping but then it happened that Sir Francis Drake in his prosperous returne from the sacking of Sant Domingo Cartagena and Saint Augustine determined in his way homeward to visit his countreymen the English Colony then remaining in Virginia So passing along the coasts of Florida he fell with the parts where our English Colony inhabited and hauing espied some of that company there be ankered and went aland where hee conferred with them of their state and welfare and how things had past with them They answered him that they liued all but hitherto in some scarsity and as yet could heare of no supply out of England therefore they requested him that hee would leaue with them some two or three ships that if in some reasonable time they heard not out of England they might then returne themselues Which hee agreed to Whilest some were then writing their letters to send into England and some others making reports of the accidents of their trauels ech to other some on land some on boord a great storme arose and droue the most of their fleet from their ankers to Sea in which ships at that instant were the chiefest of the English Colony the rest on land perceiuing this hasted to those three sailes which were appointed to be left there and for feare they should be left behinde they left all things confusedly as if they had bene chased from thence by a mighty army and no doubt so they were for the hand of God come vpon them for the cruelty and outrages committed by some of them against the natiue inhabitants of that countrey Immediatly after the departing of our English Colony out of this paradise of the world the ship abouementioned sent and set forth at the charges of Sir Walter Ralegh and his direction arriued at Hatorask who after some time spent in seeking our Colony vp in the countrey and not finding them returned with all the aforesayd prouision into England About foureteene or fifteene dayes after the departure of the aforesayd shippe Sir Richard Grinuile Generall of Virginia accompanied with three shippes well appointed for the same voyage arriued there who not finding the aforesayd shippe according to his expectation nor hearing any newes of our English Colony there seated and left by him anno 1585 himselfe trauelling vp into diuers places of the countrey as well â—o see if he could heare any newes of the Colony left there by him the yeere before vnder the charge of Master Lane his deputy as also to discouer some places of the countrey but after some time spent therein not hearing any newes of them and finding the places which they inhabited desolate yet vnwilling to loose the possession of the countrey which Englishmen had so loug held after good deliberation hee determined to leaue some men behinde to reteine possession of the countrey whereupon he landed fifteene men in the Isle of Roanoak furnished plentifully with all maner of prouision for two yeeres and so departed for England Not long after he fell with the Isles of Açores on some of which Islands he landed and spoiled the townes of all such things as were woorth cariage where also he tooke diuers Spanyards With these and many other exploits done by him in this voyage aswell outward as homeward he returned into England A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia of the commodities there found and to be raised aswell merchantable as others Written by Thomas Heriot seruant to Sir Walter Ralegh a member of the Colony and there imployed in discouering a full tweluemoneth Rafe Lane one of her Maiesties Esquiers and Gouernour of the Colony in Virginia aboue mentioned for the time there resident to the gentle Reader wisheth all happinesse in the Lord. ALbeit gentle Reader the credit of the râ—ports in this Treatise contained can little be furthered by the testimony of one as my selfe through affection iudged partiall though without desert neuerthelesse for somuch as I haue bene requested by some my particular friends who conceiue more rightly of me to deliuer freely my knowledge of the same not
friendly taking our leaue and came aboord the fleete at Hatorask The eight of August the Gouernour hauing long expected the comming of the Wiroanses of Pomeiok Aquascogoc Secota and Dasamonguepeuk seeing that the seuen dayes were past within which they promised to come in or to send their answeres by the men of Croatoan and no tidings of them heard being certainly also informed by those men of Croatoan that the remnant of Wingina his men which were left aliue who dwelt at Dasamonquepeuk were they which had slaine George Howe and were also at the driuing of our eleuen Englishmen from Roanoak hee thought to deferre the reuenge thereof no longer Wherefore the same night about midnight he passed ouer the water accompanied with Captaine Stafford and 24 men wherof Manteo was one whom we tooke with vs to be our guide to the place where those Sauages dwelt where he behaued himselfe toward vs as a most faithfull Englishman The next day being the 9 of August in the morning so early that it was yet darke we landed neere the dwelling place of our enemies very secretly conueyed our selues through the woods to that side where we had their houses betweene vs and the water and hauing espied their fire and some sitting about it we presently set on them the miserable soules herewith amazed fled into a place of thicke reedes growing fast by where our men perceiuing them shot one of them through the bodie with a bullet and therewith we entred the reedes among which we hoped to acquite their euill doing towards vs but we were deceiued for those Sauages were our friends and were come from Croatoan to gather the corne fruit of that place because they vnderstood our enemies were fled immediatly after they had slaine George Howe and for haste had left all their corne Tabacco and Pompions standing in such sort that al had bene deuoured of the birds and Deere if it had not bene gathered in time but they had like to haue payd deerely for it for it was so darke that they being naked and their men and women apparelled â—ll so like others weâ— knew not but that they were al men and if that one of them which was a Wiroanceâ— wife had not had a child at her backe shee had bene slaine in stead of a man and as hap was another Sauage knew Master Stafford and ran to him calling him by his name whereby hee was saued Finding our selues thus disappointed of our purpose we gathered al the corne Pease Pompions and Tabacco that we found ripe leauing the rest vnspoyled and tooke Menatoan his wife with the yong child and the other Sauages with vs ouer the water to Roanoak Although the mistaking of these Sauages somewhat grieued Manteo yet he imputed their harme to their owne folly saying to them that if their Wiroances had kept their promise in comming to the Gâ—uernour at the day appointed they had not knowen that mischance The 13 of August our Sauage Manteo by the commandement of Sir Walter Ralegh was â—hristened in Roanoak and called Lord thereof and of Dasamonguepeuk in reward of his faithfull seruice The 18 Elenor daughter to the Gouernour and wife to Ananias Dare one of the Assistants was deliuered of a daughter in Roanoak and the same was christened there the Sonday following and because this child was the first Christian borne in Virginia shee was named Virginia By this time our ships had vnlâ—den the goods and victuals of the planters and began to take in wood and fresh water and to new calke and trimme them for England the planters also prepared their letters and tokens to send backe into England Our two ships the Lion and the Flyboat almost ready to depart the 21 of August there arose such a tempest at Northeast that our Admirall then riding out of the harbour was forced to cut his cables and put to sea where he lay beating off and on sixe dayes before he could come to vs againe so that we feared he had bene cast away and the rather for that at the time that the storme tooke them the most and best of their sailors were left aland At this time some controuersies arose betweene the Gouernour and Assistants about choosing two out of the twelue Assistants which should goe backe as factors for the company into England for euery one of them refused saue onely one which all other thought not sufficient but at length by much perswading of the Gouernour Christopher Cooper only agreed to gâ—e for England but the next day through the perswasion of diuers of his familiar friends hee changed his minde so that now the matter stood as at the first The next day the 22 of August the whole company both of the Assistanâ—s and planters came to the Gouernour and with one voice requested him to returne himselfe into England for the better and sooner obtaining of supplies and other necessaries for them but he refused it and alleaged many sufficient causes why he would not the one was that he could not so suddenly returne backe againe without his great discredite leauing the action and so many whome hee partly had procured through his perswasions to leaue their natiue countrey and vndertake that voyage and that some enemies to him and the action at his returne into England would not spare to slander falsly both him and the action by saying hee went to Virginia but politikely and to no other enâ— but to leade so many into a countrey in which hee neuer meant to stay himselfe and there to leaue them behind him Also he alleaged that seeing they intended to remoue 50 miles further vp into the maine presently he being then absent his stuffe and goods might be both spoiled most of them pilfered away in the cariage so that at his returne he should be either forced to prouide himselfe of all such things againe or else at his comming againe to Virginia find himselfe vtterly vnfurnished whereof already he had found some proofe being but once from them but three dayes Wherefore he concluded that he would not goe himselfe The next day not onely the Assistants but diuers others as well women as men began to renew their requests to the Gouernour againe to take vpon him to returne into England for the supply and dispatch of all such things as there were to be done promising to make him their bond vnder all their handes and seales for the safe preseruing of all his goods for him at his returne to Virginia so that if any part thereof were spoyled or lost they would see it restored to him or his Assignes whensoeuer the same should be missed and demanded which bond with a testimony vnder their hands and seales they foorthwith made and deliuered into his hands The copie of the testimony I thought good to set downe May it please you her Maiesties subiects of England we your friends and countrey-men the planters in Virginia doe by these presents let you and euery
which is the maistresse of all sciences taught them the way to build it After that it was finished they thought of nothing else sauing how to furnish it with all things necessarie to vndertake the voyage But they wanted those things that of all other were most needefull as cordage and sayles without which the enterprise coulde not come to effect Hauing no meanes to recouer these things they were in worse case then at the first and almost ready to fall into despayre But that good God which neuer forsaketh the aflicted did succour them in their necessitie As they were in these perplexities king Audusta and Maccou came to them accompained with two hundred Indians at the least whom our Frenchmen went forth to meete withall and shewed the king in what neede of cordage they stood who promised them to returne within two dayes and to bring so much as should suffice to furnish the Pinnesse with tackling Our men being pleased with these good newes promises bestowed vpon them certaine cutting hookes and shirtes After their departure our men sought all meanes to recouer rosen in the woodes wherin they cut the Pine trees round about out of which they drew sufficient reasonable quantitie to bray the vessell Also they gathered a kind of mosse which groweth on the trees of this countrey to serue to calke the same withall There now wanted nothing but sayles which they made of their owne shirtes aud of their sheetes Within few dayes after the Iudian kings returned to Charles forewith so good store of cordage that there was found sufficient for tackling of the small Pinnesse Our men as glad as might be vsed great liberalitie towards them and at their leauing of the countrey left them all the marchandise that remained leauing them thereby so fully satisfied that they departed from them with all the contentation of the worlde They went forward therefore to finish the Brigandine vsed so speedie diligence that within a short time afterward they made it ready furnished with all things In the meane season the winde came so fit for their purpose that it seemed to invite them to put to the Sea which they did without delay after they had set all their things in order But before they departed they embarked their artillerie their forge and other munitions of warre which Captaine Ribault had left them and then as much mill as they could gather together But being drunken with the too excessiue ioy which they had conceiued for their returning into France or rather depriued of all foresight consideration without regarding the inconstancie of the winds which change in a moment they put themselues to sea and with so slender victuals that the end of their interprise became vnluckly and vnfortunate For after they had sayled the third part of their way they were surprized with calmes which did so much hinder them that in three weekes they sailed not aboue fiue and twentie leagues During this time their victuals consumed and became so short that euery man was constrained to eate not past twelue graines of mill by the day which may be in value as much as twelue peason Yea and this felicitie lasted not long for their victuals failed them altogether at once and they had nothing for their more assured refuge but their shooes and leather ierkins which they did eat Touching their beuerage some of them dranke the sea water others did drink their owne vrine and they remained in such desperate necessitie a very long space during the which part of them died for hunger Beside this extreme famine which did so grieuously oppresse them they fell euery minute of an houre out of all hope euer to see France againe insomuch that they were constrained to cast the water continually out that on alsides entred into their Barke And euery day they fared worse and worse for after they had eaten vp their shooes and their leather ierkins there arose so boystrous a winde and so contrary to their course that in the turning of a hande the waues filled their vessell halfe full of water and brused it vpon the one side Being now more out of hope theÌ„ euer to escape out of this extreme peril they cared not for casting out of the water which now was almost ready to drowne them And as men resolued to die euery one fell downe backewarde and gaue themselues ouer altogether vnto the will of the waues When as one of them a little hauing taken heart vnto him declared vnto them how litle way they had to sayle assuring them that if the winde held they should see land within three dayes This man did so incourage them that after they had throwne the water out of the Pinnesse they remained three dayes without eating or drinking except it were of the sea water When the time of his promise was expired they were more troubled then they were before seeing they could not discry any land Wherefore in this extreme despaire certaine among them made this motion that it was better that one man should dye then that so many men should perish they agreed therefore that one should die to sustaine the others Which thing was executed in the person of La Chere of whom we haue spoken heretofore whose flesh was deuided equally among his fellowes a thing so pitifull to recite that my pen is loth to write it After so long time and tedious trauels God of his goodnesse vsing his accustomed fauour changed their sorow into ioy and shewed vnto them the sight of land Whereof they were so exceeding glad that the pleasure caused them to remaine a long time as men without sence whereby they let the Pinnesse flote this and that way without holding any right way or course But a small English barke boarded the vessell in the which there was a Frenchman which had bene in the first voyage into Florida who easily knew them and spake vnto them and afterward gaue them meat and drinke Incontinently they recouered their naturall courages and declared vnto him at large all their nauigation The Englishmen consulted a long while what were best to be done and in fiâ—e they resolued to put on land those that were most feeble and to cary the rest vnto the Queene of England which purposed at that time to send into Florida Thus you see in briefe that which happened to them which Captaine Iohn Ribault had left in Florida And now will I go forward with the discourse of mine owne voyage The second voyage vnto Florida made and written by Captaine Laudonniere which fortified and inhabited there two Summers and one whole Winter AFter our arriuall at Diepe at our comming home from our first voyage which was the twentieth of Iuly 1562 we found the ciuil warres begun which was in part the cause why our men were not succoured as Captaine Iohn Ribault had promised them whereof it followed that Captaine Albert was killed by his
the richest and most plentifull in all the world For here are great store of golde mynes siluer mynes and pearle great store of coâ—tâ—n cloth for the countrey people weareth nothing else but fine cotten cloth which is more accepted then silkes For here is great store of silkes they are good châ—ape Al kinde of victuals as bread slesh wines and hennes and all kindes of foules are very plentifull Here are great store of freâ—h riuers The pâ—ople are very louing Here are very faire cities and townes with cosâ—ly buildings better then those in Spaine And the countrey pâ—ople go very richly apparelled both in sâ—â—kes and gold But here wâ— haue order from the king of Spaine that a Spaniaâ—d may not dwell in China aboue 3 yeres and afterwaâ—ds they must returne again into Nueua Espanna and other souldiers must come in their places The countrey is very vnwholesome for vs Spaniardes For within these 20 yeres of 14000 which haue gone to the Philippinas there are 13000 of them dead and not past 1000 of them left aliue There is a place in China which is an harbour called Macaran which the king hath giuen to the Spaniards freely which shall be the placâ— where the ships shall come and trafficke For in this harbour there is a great riuer which goeth vp into the maine land vnto diuers townes and cities which are neere to this riuer And thus â—râ—nbling you no farther I rest From Mexico the 20 of Iune 1590. Your obedient sonne SEBASTIAN BISCAINO A Letter of Bartholomew Cano to Peter de Tapia in Siuill from Mexico the 30 of May 1590 touching the state of Nueua Espanna and the Fleet of that yeere BEcause I haue answered your letters which I haue receiued in the last Fleet as touching that matter I haue no more to say The occasâ—on of my writing vnto you at this time is to giue you to vnderstand that those commodiâ—ies which came in the last Fleet were sold at the fiâ—st good cheape and those that bought them got much by them For now at this instant â—hite Roan cloth is solde for 8 or 9 reals a vare The cause of this was by reason â—here came a carauel of Aduise from Hauana which brought vs nâ—wes how the armie that his maiâ—stie did sâ—nd for England was all spoiled and cast away and therefore thâ—y of Spaine did write that thâ—râ— would come no Fleet from Spaine hither this yeâ—re And this is the cause that all linnen cloth is very deâ—re in these parts Wines also are very deere for they are sold â—or 90 â—nd 100 deminas a pipe When the Frigats departed from hence in August last 1589. Cochinilla was sold at that instant for 50 pesâ—s the quintall and now it is sold for 55 pesoâ—s And since that nâ—wes came from Spaine in a carauâ—l of S. Lucar that it was solde there for 72 ducates the quintall there are laden in this Fleet 14000 Arouas of Cochinilla and 7000 Arouas more were laden in the Frigats which departed before the Fleet. There is laden in the Fleet great quantitie of treasure more then hath bene sent to Spaine these many yeres both for the Kings and the Uice-royes account And the marchants and gentlemen of all these prouinces doe send great quantitie to supply the Kings wants for that his maiestie hath written to the Uice-roy and to the gentlemen of these countreyes to ayde him with much money towardes the maintenance of his warres against France and other places therefore they haue sent good store God send it well to Spaine There are likâ—wise laden aboord the Fleet to the number of 100000â— hides and great store of other kindes of this countrey commodities So that the the Fleet goeth very richly laden Quicke siluer is here very deere for here is almost none to bee had for any money to worke in the gold mynes for without Quicke siluer wee cannot refine our gold And no man vpon paine of death may bring any from Spaine hither but all must come for the Kings account and so the King doeth sell it here there is exceeding great gaine thâ—rein And thus I rest From Mexico the 30 of May 1590. BARTHOLOMEVV CANO A letter of Frier Alonso new elected Bishop of Mechuacan to the king of Spaine written in Peru in the citie de los Reyes the first of March 1590 touching the state of Arica a chiefe Hauen in Peru. VPon Christmas euen the yere 1589 I receiued your maiesties commission in Potossi For which I am and shall be continually bound to pray for your maiesties long health for the great benefits which your maiestie hath bestowed vpon me in â—ending me to Mechuacan whereby my great trauell and paines may be recompenced which I haue taken with that vngrateful and despâ—rate people of the riuer of Plate which they haue â—ene the occasion of in dealing so badly with me their Pastour which haue counselled thâ—m that they should haue a great care to serue God and be dutifull to your maiestie according as euery good and true subiect ought to do Now for this gift which your maiestie hath bestowed on me I most humbly kisse your maiesties handes a thousand times Thus presently I departed from Potossi somewhat sickely to accomplish that which your maiâ—stie hath commanded me So I arriued at Lima in safetie the first of February by the way of Arica which is an hauen towne where they imbarke all the barres of siluer And there I haue seenâ— whaâ— is done what they haue prouided against the Englishmâ—n in that hauen which is That there is a litle fort made hard by the waters side with certaine small pieces of ordinance in the said fort to offend the enemie if occasion should serue that they should offer to come into the harbour and offer any violence But the principall thing of all that we want is to haue souldiâ—rs foote men and horsemen For according as I am informed here want 100 men which should keepe the coast if they should offer to land and march vp into the countrey And likewise the people of this countrey haue told me that if vpon an high mount which is hâ—re in the harbour neere to the hauâ—ns mouth on the Southside of the harbour where the sea doth beat ther were two or three great Canons planted on the top of the hill where very good watch is continually kept from that place they may reach to doe the enemie great hurt a league into the sea The new Uice-roy Don Garcia Vrtado de Mendoça worthy of that dignitie is in great fauour with al those of these realmes for that he is a great solliciter both by sea and land in all kinde of diligence not loosing one houre in your seruice and that which he hath in charge With as much speed as may be I will depart from hence to Mechuacan to serue that church and your maiesty and there I will remaine according to your maiesties commandement
weather quarter but dared not to come roome with vs although our Admirall stayed for them Assoone as we had cleered our selues of the Cape 3 of their best saylers came roome with the Salomon which was so neere the land â—hat she could not double the Cape but tacked about to the Eastward so was both a sterne and also to leeward of all our fleete But when we saw the Spaniards working the Defiance tacked about to rescue her which the Spaniâ—rds seeing hauing not forgotten the fight which she made the night before they loofed vp into the middest of their fleeâ—e againe and then all the fleete stayed vntill the Salomon came vp and so stood along for Cape S. Antonio which wee came in sight of by two in the after noone being a low cape also and to the Southwest a white sandie bay where 3 or 4 ships may very well water There is a good road to North Easterly windes there the Spaniardes began to fall a sterne That night wee stood away a glasse or two Northwest and Northnorthwest and Northeast and in the morning-watch South and in the morning had sight of Cuba about the East part of the Organes which are dangerous rocks lying 8 leagues off vpon the North part of Cuba presently assoone as you passe Cape S. Anthonie then we stood to the Eastward of the land the winde at Southsouthwest and at 6 at night had foule weather but after were becalmed all night The 5 the winde came scant The 7 we sawe a hie land like a crowne which appeareth so 13 or 14 leagues to the Westward of Hauana and another place in Cuba called The Table 8 leagues to the Eastward of the crowne The land ouer Hauana maketh two small mountaines like a womans breasts or paps Here we found no great current vntill we came to the Gulfe of Bahama The 10 we saw the Cape of Florida being but a reasonable low land and broken Ilands to the Southward of the Cape And at two in the afternoone we lost sight of the land 12 leagues to the Northward of the Cape After we had disemboqued we stood West till midnight and were in 28 degrees and then stood Northeast till the 13 at night when we were in 31 degrees And after the wind scanted with a great storme in which we lost the Bonauenture and the Little Iohn they bearing on head Then we stood with our larbord tacked Eastsoutheast The 19 we were in 29 degrees our course Eastnortheast The 21 we had a great stormie gale of winde and much raine but large And then all the rest of our fleete fell a sterne except the Hope which bare a head so that there kept no more with the Admirall but the Defiance the Aduenture and the Phenix The 28 we were in 39 degrees and stood away for Flores which the 8 of Aprill we saw and the 9 came to an anker on the Southside where we watered because the Defiance when we came in had but two buts of water We bartered with the Portugals for some fresh victuals and set here on shore at our comming away out of the Admirall our two Portugall Pilots which sir Francis Drake caried out of England with him The 10 bâ—ing Easter-â—ue at night we set saile the winde seruing vs to lie some slent in our course That night and Easter day we had much raine the winde came vp at Northeast wee beaâ—e it by some 30 lâ—agues to the Eastward then about to the West and so againe to the East and tryed and the next boord to the West On Thursday towards night being the 16 wee had sight of Coruo againe we tryed all that night and on Friday towards night we came to an anker to the Westward of the point of Santa Cruz vnder Flores but before midnight we draue and set saile the next day standing away Northeast About three of the clocke in the afternoone the winde came vp againe at North. On sunday the 19 by two of the clocke in the afternoone we had made 20 leaguâ—s an East way and then the winde came vp a good gale at Northwest and so Northeast with a flowne sheete we made the best way we could but being dispersed by bad weather we arriued about the beginning of May in the West parts of England And the last ships which came in together to Plimmouth were the Defiance the Garland the Aduenture and the Phenix A Libell of Spanish lies written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the king of Spaines Armada concerning some part of the last voyage of Sir Francis Drake together with a confutation of the most notorious falsehoods therein contained and a declaration of the truth by M. Henrie Sauile Esquire and also an approbation of both by sir Thomas Baskeruil Generall of her Maiesties Armada after the decease of sir Francis Drake To the courteous Reader WHereas Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the Spanish fleete hath by his printed letters published to the world diuerse vntruthes concerning our fleete and the Commanders thereof seeking thereby his owne glorie and our disgrace I haue taken vpon me though of many least able to confute the same the rather for that the printed copie came fiâ—st into my hands hauing my selfe bene Captaine of one of her Maiesties ships in the same voyage Take this therefore gentle Reader as a token of my dutie and loue to my countrey and countrey-men and expect onely a plaine truth as from the pen of a souldier and Nauigator Which if you take in good part you may draw me hereafter to publish some greater labour HENRY SAVILE THe true copie of a letter found at the sacking of Cadiz written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the king of Spaine his Nauie in the West Indies sent vnto Doctor Peter Florez President of the contractation house for the Indies and by him put in print with priuilege wherein are declared many vntruthes and false reports tending to the disgrace of the seruice of her Maiesties Nauie and the commanders thereof lately sent to the West Indies vnder the command of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins Generals at the sea and sir Thomas Baskeruill Generall at land with a confutation of diuers grosse lies and vntruthes contayned in the same letter together with a short relation of the fight according to the truth Copia de vna carta que embio Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellanedaâ— General de la Armada de su Magestad embiada al Doctor Pedro Florez Presidente de la casa de la Contratacion de las Indias en que trata del sucesso de la Armada de Ynglatterra despues que partio de Panama de que fue por General Francisco Draque y de su muerte DE Cartagena di cuenta a vuestra Merced como sali del puerto de la ciudad de Lisbona en busca de la armada Ynglesa aunque por
times with all their ships yet would they not set againe vpon vs and those of our men which were farthest off cryâ—d to them â—maine being both within shot of artillerie muskets and caliuers whereby they receiued euident hurt by vs They plyed their great ordinance according to their manner and especially their Uâ—ceadmirall and seeing our resolution how sharpe we were bent towards them they with all expedition and speedâ— possible prepared to flieâ— way hoysing sailes and leâ—uing their boates for haite in the sea but I followed them with nine ships all the night following and with foure more the next day till I made thâ—m double the Cape of S. Antonie and to take the course towards the Câ—anell of Bahama according to the instructions from his Maiestie It little auailed vs to be seene with lesse number of ships neither yet all the diligence we could vse could câ—use them to stay or come neere vs nor to shoot off one harquebuze or peece of artillerie for they fled away as fast as they could and their shippes wâ—re halfe diminished and that the best part of them the cost they repaired in Puerto Bello whereas they were about fortie dayes and so by that meanes they were all wâ—ll repayred and our shippes were very soule because the time would not peâ—mit vs to â—rim them I haue sayled 2 moneths and a halfe in the Admirall since we departed from Cartagena we haue not repaired their pumpes nor clensed them and the same day I departed tâ—enâ—e there câ—me vnto me a small Pinnesse in the like distresse our Uiceadmirall and the rest of our ships haue the like impediment but no great hinderance vnto vs for ought I could perceiue by our enemies It is manifest what aduantage they had of vs and by no meanes was it possible for vs to take them vnlesseâ— we could haue come to haue found them at an anker Neuerthelesse they left vs one good shippe behinde for our share well manned which tolde me that Drake died in Nombre de Dios and that they haue made for Generall of the English fleete the Colonel Quebraran and also by meanes of the small time being straightly followed by vs they had no opportunitie to take either water wood or flesh and they are also in such bad case that I know not how they will be able to arriue in England The number of men we haue taken are about an hundred and fortie and fifteene noble captaines of their best sort and some of them rich as well may appeare by their behauiour I haue no other thing to write at this time Our Lord keepe you who best can and as I desire From Hauaua the 30 of March 1596. DON BERNALDINO DELGADILLO DE AVELLANEDA THe Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa Lieutenant of the Assistants of the citie of Siuill and the Prouince thereof who doth supply the office of the Assistant in the absence of the Right honourable the Earle of Priego giueth licence to Roderigo de Cabriera to imprint the Relation of the death of Francis Drake which onely he may do for two moneths and no other to imprint the same within the said terme vpon paine of tenne thousand Marauedis for his Maiesties chamber Giuen in Siuill the 15 of May 1596. The Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa By his Assigne Gregorie Gutierez Notarie THis letter of the Generall Don Bernaldino sent into Spaine declaring the death of Sir Francis Drake and their supposed victorie was altogether receiued for an vndoubted trueth and so pleasing was this newes vnto the Spaniarde that there was present commandement giuen to publish the letter in print that all the people of Spaine might be pertakers of this common ioy the which letter printed in Siuill bearing date the 15 of May 1596 came to the hands of Henrie Sauile Esquire who being employed in that seruice for the West Indies and Captaine of her Maiesties good shippe the Aduenture vnder the conduct of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins hath caused the said printed letter to be translated into English And that the impudencie of the Spanish Generall may the more plainely appeare the sayde Henrie Sauile doth answere particularly to euery vntrueth in the same letter contayned as hereafter followeth The answere to the Spanish letter First the Generall doth say that Francis Drake died at Nombre de Dios as he had intelligence by an Indian THe Generall sent this newes into his countrey confirmed with his hand and seale of Armes It is the first newes in his letter and it was the best newes that he could send into Spaine For it did ease the stomackes of the timorous Spaniards greatly to heare of the death of him whose life was a scourge and continuall plague vnto them But it was a point of great simplicitie and scarcely befeeming a Generall to tie the credite of his report locally to any place vpon the report of a silly Indian slaue For it had bene sufficient to haue sayd that Francis Drake was certainly dead without publishing the lie in print by naming Nombre de Dios for it is most certaine sir Francis Drake died twixt the Iland of Escudo and Puerto Bello but the Generall being rauished with the suddaine ioy of this report as a man that hath escaped a great danger of the enemie doth breake out into an insolent kinde of bragging of his valour at Sea and heaping one lie vpon another doth not cease vntill he hath drawen them into sequences and so doth commende them vnto Peter the Doctor as censor of his learned worke Secondly The Generall doth write vnto the Doctor that Francis Drake died for very griefe that he had lost so many barkes and men A Thing very strange that the Generall or the Indian whom hee doth vouch for his lie should haue such speculation in the bodie of him whom they neuer saw as to deliuer for truth vnto his countrie the very cause or disease whereof hee died and this second report of his is more grosse then the first For admit the mistaking of the place might be tollerable notwithstanding this precise affirming the cause of his death doth manifestly prooue that the Generall doth make no conscience to lie And as concerning the losse of any Barkes or men in our Nauie by the valour of the Spaniard before Sir Francis Drake his death we had none one small Pinnesse excepted which we assuredly know was taken by chance falling single into a fleete of fiue Frigates of which was Generall Don Pedro Telio neere vnto the Iland of Dominica and not by the valour Don Bernaldino the which fiue Frigates of the kings afterwardes had but ill successe for one of them we burnt in the harbour of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and one other was sunke in the same harbour and the other three were burnt amongst many other shippes at the taking of Cadiz This I thinke in wise mens iudgements will seeme a silly cause to make
small Island two leagues from the firme land and there they found a small Bay wherein they ankered at fiue fathome deepe close by the land and there they stayed till the twentie day Upon the which day there passed a Frigate close by the Island which with their pinnesse they followed and taking her brought her to the English ship which frigat was laden with Salsaperilla and Botijas or pots with butter and hony and with other things The English Captaine went on boord and cast the Salsaperilla on the land leauing all the rest of the wares in the frigate and then he put all his peeces into the frigate that so he might lay his ship on shore to new calke and trimme her which continued till the three and twentie or foure and twentie of March Which done and hauing made prouision of wood and fresh water they held on their course along by the coast sayling Westward taking the sayd frigate and her men with them and hauing sailed two dayes they tooke their men out of her and set them in the pinnesse among the which were foure sailers that meant to sayle to Panama and from thence to China whereof one they tooke with the letters and patents that hee had about him among the which were the letters of the king of Spaine sent to the gouernour of the Philippinas as also the sea-cards wherewith they should make their voyage and direct themselues in their course And so sailing vntill the sixt of Aprill about euening they discouered a shippe that held two leagues to seaward from the land and before the next day in the morning they were hard by her and suddenly fell vpon her while her men slept and presently made the men enter into their ship among the which was one Don Francisco Xarate Which done they followed on their course with the sayd ship out of the which they tooke certaine packes and other wares but I know not what it was They likewise tooke a Negro out of it and three dayes after they both let the ship and men goe whether they woulde setting therein the two saylers that should goe for China which they had taken in the frigate keeping onely one sailer to shewe them where they should find fresh water to the which ende they tooke the emptie vessels with them to fill with water and so kept on their course to the hauen of Guatulco where they put in being vpon Munday the thirteenth of Aprill and hauing ankered they stayed there till the sixe and twentie of Aprill and about three or foure houres within the night they set sayle holding their course Westward and an houre or two before they let Nuno da Silua goe putting him into another ship that lay in the hauen of Guatulco From thence forward the Englishmen passed on their voyage to the Islands of Malucos and from thence they passed by the Cape de Buena Esperança and so to England as it is well knowen so that this is onely the description of the voyage that they made while the said pilote Nuno da Silua was with them Hereafter followeth the copie of a letter written by sir Francis Drake being in the South sea of New Spaine in his ship called The Pellican or the golden Hinde with the ship of Sant Iohn de Anton which hee had taken to his companions in the other shâ—ppes that were of his company and by foule weather separated from him as I said before The contents whereof were these Master Winter if it pleaseth God that you should chance to meete with this ship of Sant Iohn de Anton I pray you vse him well according to my word and promise giuen vnto them and if you want any thing that is in this ship of Sant Iohn de Anton I pray you pay them double the value for it which I will satisfie againe and command your men not to doe her any hurt and what composition or agreement we haue made at my returne into England I will by Gods helpe perfourme although I am in doubt that this letter will neuer coâ—e to your hands notwithstanding I am the man I haue promised to be Beseeching God the Sauiour of all the world to haue vs in his keeping to whom onely I giue all honour praise and glory What I haue written is not only to you M. Winter but also to M. Thomas M. Charles M. Caube and M. Anthonie with all our other good friendes whom I commit to the tuition of him that with his blood redeemed vs and am in good hope that we shal be in no more trouble but that he will helpe vs in aduersitie desiring you for the Passion of Christ if you fall into any danger that you will not despaire of Gods mercy for hee will defend you and preserue you from all danger and bring vs to our desired hauen to whom bee all honour glory and praise for euer and euer Amen Your sorowfull Captaine whose heart is heauy for you Francis Drake The voyage of M. Iohn VVinter into the South sea by the Streight of Magellan in consort with M. Francis Drake begun in the yeere 1577. By which Streight also he returned safely into England the â—econd of Iune 1579. contrary to the false reports of the Spaniards which gaue out that the said passage was not repasseable Written by Edward Cliffe Mariner IN the yeere of our Lord 1577. the 19. of September there went out of the riuer of Thamis ouer the lands ende one good and newe ship called the Elizabeth of 80 tunnes in burthen in company whereof went also a small pinnesse being 12 tunnes in burthen called the Benedict The sayd ship with her pinnesse arriued at Plimmouth in which hauen were thâ—ee ships more one called the Pellican in burthen 120. tunnes being Admirall of the fleete a barke called the Marigold in burthen thirty tunnes with a flieboat of 50 tunnes These ships had in them 164 men and were victualled and farnished with all kind of necessary prouision to make a voyage into the South sea Wee set sayle the 15 of Nouember but were put into Falmouth by contrary winds and afterward were constrained to put backe againe to Plimmouth to repaire the great hurt which diuers of our fleete had sustained in that tempest and at length the 13 of December wee set forward from thence vpon our voyage The fiue and twentie of December we had sight of Cape Cantin this Cape lyeth in the latitude of 32. degrees and 30. minutes vpon the coast of Barbarie neere to a towne called Asaphi The land all along this coast is hie and great mountaines Sayling from the sayd Cape Southsouthwest about 18 leagues wee found a little Island called Mogador an English mile distant from the maine we sent our boat to sound the depth and at the returne thereof we vnderstood by our men that the hauen was without danger hauing fiue fathomes of water fast by the rocks entring in vpon the poynt of the
cast off another and filled our owne ships with the necessaries of them The 8 day wee put off to sea but yet with much adoe came againe to our ankoring place because of the weather The 10 day the admirall sent for vs to come aboord him and being come hee opened a Carde before all the company and tolde vs that my lords voyage for the South sea was ouerthrowen for want of able men and victuals and that therefore hee thought it best to plie for some of the Islands of the West India or the Açores to see if they could meete with some good purchase that might satisfie my lord These wordes were taken heauily of all the company and no man would answere him but kept silence for very griefe to see my lords hope thus deceiueâ— and his great expenses and costs cast away The common sort seeing no other remedie were contented to returne as well as he The 16 day wee espied a sayle whereupon our pinnesse and Dalamor gaue her chase and put her ashore vpon the Island where the men forsooke her and ran away with such things as they could conueniently carte our pinnesse boorded her and found little in her they tooke out of her nine chests of sugar and one hogge and 35 pieces of pewter and so left her vpon the sands From this time forward we began to plie Northwards and the first of Iuly fell with the land againe where we fished and found reasonable good store I tooke the latitude that day and found our selues in 10 degrees and 22 minutes The 7 day we determined to fall with Fernambuck and wee came so neere it that Dalamor as he told vs espied some of the ships that were in the harbour yet notwithstanding we all fell to leeward of the riuer could not after that by any meanes recouer the height of it againe but we ceased not on all parts to endeuour the best we could oftentimes lost company for a day or two one of another but there was no remedie but patience for to Fernambuck we could not come hauing so much ouershot it to the Northward and the wind keeping at the South and Southwest The 20 day I tooke the Sunne in 5 degrees 50 minuts which was 2 degrees to the Northward of Fernambuck and the further wee went the more vnto wardly did the rest of our ships worke either to come into hauen or to keepe company one with another And â—ruely I suppose that by reason of the froward course of the Admirall he meant of purpose to lose vs for I know not how the neerer we endeuoured to be to him the further off would he beare from vs and wee seeing that kept on our owne course and lookt to our selues as well as we could The 24 day our whole company was called together to consultation for our best course some would goe for the West India some directly North for England and in conclusion the greater part was bent to plie for our owne countrey considering our necessities of victuals and fresh water and yet if any place were offered vs in the way not to omit it to seeke to fill water The 26 day in the morning we espied a lowe Island but we lost it againe and could descrie it no more This day we found our selues in 3 degrees and 42 minutes The 27 day we searched what water we had left vs and found but nine buts onely so that our captaine allowed but a pinte of water for a man a day to preserue it as much as might be wherâ—with euâ—ry man was content and we were then in number fiftie men and boyes The first of August we found our selues 5 degrees to the Northward of the line all which moneth we continued our course homâ—ward withoâ—t touching any where toward the end whereof a sorrowfull accident fell out in our hulke which being deuided from vs in a calme fell a fire by some great negligence and perished by that meanes in the seas wee being not able any wayes to helpe the ship or to saue the men The 4 day of September we had brought our selues into the height of 41 degrees 20 minutes somwhat to the Northwards of the Islands of the Açores and thus bulting vp and downe with contrary winds the 29 of the same moneth we reachâ—d the coast of England and so made an end of the voyage A discourse of the West Indies and South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal borne in the citie of Eluas continued vnto the yere 1587. Wherein among diuers rare things not hitherto deliuered by any other writer certaine voyages of our Englishmen are truâ—ly reported whâ—ch was intercepted with the author thereof at the riuer of Plate by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586. FRancis Drâ—ke an Englishman being on the sea and hauing knowledge of the small strength of the towne of Nombre de Dios came into the harborough on a night with foure pinnesses and landed an hundreth and fifty men and leauing one halfe of his men with a trumpet in a fort which was there hee with the rest entred the towne without doing any harme till hee came at the market place and there his company discharging their calieuers and sounding their trumpets which made a great noyse in the towne were answered by their fellowes in the force who discharged and sounded in like maner This attempt put the townesmen in such extreme feare that leauing their houses they fled into the mountaines and there be thought themselues what the matter should be in the towne remaining as men amazed at so sudden an alarme But the Spaniards being men for the most part of good discretion ioyned foureteene or fifteene of them together with their pieces to see who was in the towne and getting to a corner of the market-place they discouered the Englishmen and perceiuing that they were but a few discharged thâ—ir pieces at them and their fortune was such that they slew the trumpetter and shot the captaine whose name was Francis Drake into the legge who feeling himselfe hurt retired toward the Fort where he had left the rest of his men but they in the Fort sounded their trumpet and being not answered againe and hearing the calieuers discharged in the towne thought that their fellowes in the towne had bene slaine and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses Now Francis Drake whom his men carried because of his hurt when he came to the fort where he left his men and saw them fled he and the rest of his company were in so great feare that leauing their furniture behinde them and putting off their hose they swamme waded all to their Pinnesses and departed forth of the harbour so that if the Spaniards had followed them they might haue slaine them all Thus Captaine Drake did no more harme at Nombre
letters This was the fleete wherein Cabot discouered the riuer of Plate 1526 Note The Newe found Islands discouered by the English A Mappe of the world To know the latitudes To know the longitudes Now called the straight of Magelane Note Doctor Leys demand The Pope reprehended The longitudes hard to be found out New found land discouered by the Englishmen Note To saile by the Pole Or the straites of Magelane Note Benefite to England Obiection Answere A true opinioÌ„ A voyage of discouery by the Pole M. Therne and M. Eliot discouerers of New found land The cause why the West Indies were not ours which also Sebastian Gabot writeth in an Epistle to Baptista Ramusius Russia became ciuill in y e yere of our Lord 572. Kiow 1237. These ambassadours were Iohan de â— lano Carpini Frier Benedict of Polonian The citie of Mosco first made the seaâ—e of the great Duke Iuan Vasilowich The name of the Moscouites first aduanced The yoke of the Tartars shaken off Basilius â—â—an Vasilowich Theodore The commodities of traâ—â—ike and of nauigation A minister in the voyage King Edwardâ— corporation Reason voide of experience Iiar I would reade Mair that is in the Sarasen language mirt of Turkish and Aegyptian Februarie interpreted by them the moneth to see ships to the sea The first ship The second ship Iohn Stafford Minister M. William Burrough nowe comptroller of her Maiesties nauie The third ship May. Iune Iuly In this land dwellt Octher as it seemeth Rost Islands Stanfew harbor Lofootâ— August Seyman in 70 degrees Willoughbiâ— his land iâ— 72 degrees September In this hauen they died ‖ Or Ellons Here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughbie his note which was written with his owne hand ‖ Duyna Note Upon what occasions and by whom this voyage was set out and of the discouerie of Moscouie by the North. 3. Ships furnished for the discouerie Prouision of victuaâ—s for 18. moneths Choise of Captaines and Pilots Sir Hugh Willoughbie Master Henry Sidney his Oration They departed from Raâ—eliffe the 20. of May 1553. They returne the next yeere not knowing what was become of the other 2. ships They arriue in the Bay of Saint Nicholas The discouerie of Russia The Emperours courteous letters to M. Chanceler The mightie lake of Bealozera The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie Their manner of building King Edwards letters deliuered The maners of the Flemmings against our men ‖ Dr Dwina Note Aurea vetulâ— oâ— â—â—loâ—ibaba Iuan Vasiliuich that is to say Iohn the forme of Basilius ‖ That is come into our presence No coinâ—s of gold in Russia but all of siluer The weights in Russia The weight of Wardhouse The Russia measures The measure of Wardhouse in cloth is the measure of Danske The Turkes and Armenians pay custome The Emperors beame The Dutch nation lost their priuilâ—dges renued them with a great summe The commodities of Russia Vologda and the state thereof The Emperor of Moscouie is a marchant himselfe Two sorts of â—â—axe Note Inquiâ—ie for the way to Catbaya The Philip and Maâ—y Note Note Note Queene Maries letters to the Emperour of Russia The Italians counsell to our people The diuersitie of weights meaâ—ures in Russiâ— Colmogro Vologda Nouogrode The Russian secretary his name The discouerie principally intended for Gods glory Sebastian Cabota first gouernour of the Moscouie companie Sir George Barnes William Garret Anthony Husie Ioh. Suâ—hcot the first 4. Consulâ— K. Philip and Queene Mary hereby â—o disanull Pope Alexanders diuision Conquest permitted ‖ Anno 1554. The Moscotutes priuiledges vnto the English The largâ—nes of the priuiledge of the Moscouite companie Anno 1555. April 23. Note May 15. Kedelwike chappell The North cape so named by Steuen Burrowe The latitude of Cola. â— Russe Lodia Lodias hauing 24 men a pâ—â—ce From Cola to Pechora is but 7 or 8 dayes sayling The â—â—â—â—esse of one Gabriel A good necessarie note Twentie eight Lodias belonging to Cola. The latitude of Cape S. Iohn 66 degrees 50 minutes Earth swimming aboue water like wood The latitude 68 degrees and a halfe Morgiouets an harbour Drift wood A Samoed Dolgoieue an Island Pechora The variation of the Compas Ice The lat 70 degrees 11 min. S Iames Island The variation of the Compas 7 degrees and a halfe The relation of Loshak The way to the riuer of Ob. A mighty hill in Noua Zembla Loshak The Islands of Uagaits Samoeds The maners of the Samoeds The Samoeds of the Ob very hurtfull and shrewd people Naramzay The latitude The variation of the compas They land vpon Vaigats The vncerâ—entie of â—â—bing flowing They were within 15 leagues of Pechora They returne the 22 of August 1556 Norway Roste Lofoot Finmarke Wardhouse Lappia The Scricfinnes The Lappians Corelia Nouogardia The Russes Tartaria Lampas a mart or faire of the Russes Tartars and Samoeds The Samoeds countrey Or. Pechoraâ— Vaegatz Noua Zembla Store of foule White Foxes White beares The maner of the Samoeds sacrifices about the riuer of Pechere Foure ships The Edward Bonauenture arriued in Scotlandâ— in the Bay of Pettislego Nouemb 7. 1556. Rich. Chancelor drowned His departure from Scotland towards England 1557. Febr. 27. His honourable receiuing into the citie of London A league and articles of amitte concluded and confirmed vnder the great seale of England Foure goodly ships of the merchants prouided for Russia 1557. The King and Queens secoÌ„d letters to the Emperour of Russia Coia Reca Coscaynos Dogs nose The variation of the Compasse 4. degrees Foxe nose Poynt Pentecost Crosse Island Cape good fortune Cape grace Cape Race Frost in Iune Tri Ostroue Ice The variation Corpus Christi poynt Cape Gallant Iuana Creos S. Georges Islands Cape comfort S. Peters Islands S. Pauls Islands Cape Sower beere Kildina Cape Bonauenture â—egor Domshaff Wardhouse ‖ Which were the Bona Esperanza the Bona confidentia and the Philip and Marie Whereof the two first were lost ‖ Or â—rondon The Philip and Marie The bona Confidentia cast away A gainefull trade of fishing at Kegor Commodities fit for Kegor 1557. Wares sent into Russia out of England The Arshinâ— is a Russie measure 7. Ropemakers sent into Russia Cables and Ropes a principall commoditie Danske the old chiefe place for Cables Commodities not bearing the charges of long fraight Furres most vendible Steele Copper Wollen cloth of Rie and Reuel of Poland and Lettowe Russian lether Things goodâ— to die withall Ten yong men sent into Russia Henry Lane Agent The fourth voyage The olde traffike of Russia to Rei Reuel and Poland turned to Saint Nicholâ—â— The articles of their first Commission giuen 1555. Leonard Brian sent to search out Yewe in the North parts of Russia 2. Coopers sent into Russia The marchaÌ„ts letters ouer land written in cyphers The voyag of Steuen Burrowe for the discouerie of the riuer of Ob. M. Anthonie Ienkinson his first trauaile inteÌ„ded for Cathay by the Caspian sea and Boghar Good caske made in Russia 1557 Iohn
Sedgewick at Noâ—ogrode Masts of 30. yards An Arshine is 3. quarters of a yard or more A rope house â—râ—ted at Colmogro A tarre house Robert Austen 1558 Lampas a great mate for the Samoeds in the North. What quantitie of â—empe workmen will worke in a peere White hawks white beares prohibited without licence Master Grayes iourney to Lampas 1558 Doctor Standish the Emperours Phisition An attempt to hinder our trade to Moscouia by the Hans townes Easterlings 1559 Master Ienkensons voyage intended for Cathay The discouery of its Caspian sea Passage to and from Moscouia by Sweden This was a yong Tartar girle which he gaue to the Queene afterward Tallowe Waxe Traine oyles Sables Woluerings Luserns Lett es Ermines Squirels Flaxe Cables and ropes A proclamion against soâ—rnâ— Furres 3000. podes of Tallow a yere 500. Losh hides Note Hope of trade to be found by master Antonie Ienkinson Seale skinnes tawed Small cables best besidible Masts of all sorts to be prepared Astracan no great good marte Christopher Hodson and Thomas Glouer appointed Agents 1560. Stockholme Iohn Luck taken prisoner in Lieflando The Swallow The Philip and Marie The Iesus Nicholas Chancelour The salt of Russia is not so good as Bay salte Fore skinnes white blacke and russet vendible in England May 5. 1560. Triall by combat or loâ— Iune Heilick IslaÌ„ds in 66 degrees 40 minutes Rost Islands Malestrand a strange whirle poole Zenam Island Kettelwike Island Inger sound The North Cape Wardhouse Cattell fed with fish The Monastery of Pechinchow Arzina reca the riuer where sir Hugh Willoughbie was frozen The Lappians couered all sauing their eies The current at Cape Grace The entering of the Bay of S. Nicholas is seuen leagues broad at the least August Pinego riuer The towne of Yemps Vstiug The description of their Nassades Good counsell for trauellers December Presents vsed in Russia are all for the most part of victualâ— The citie of Boghar They arriued at Mosco M. Standish doctor of Phisicke Long dinners Ordinance in Russia A yerely triumph The hallowing of the riuer of Mosco The Russes Lent The Emperor leadeth y e Metropolitanâ— horse in procession Kissing vsed in the Greeke church With these letters M. Ienkinson tooke his voyage the same Apâ—il to Boghar The Emperours wardrobe “ Or Basilius Note The hospitalitie of their monasteries Want of preachers cause of great ignoâ—aÌ„ce and idolaâ—â—y Al their seruice to in their mother tonguâ— The women of Russia paint their faces Bâ—â—ad made of straw The vnmercifulnesse of the Russeâ— toward the poore Stooues 〈◊〉 baths vsuall with the Mascouites Reported by Thomas Bulley Cazan The Island of marchants The riuer of Cama Nagay Tartars Hords The Crimme Tartars The riuer of Samar Licoris in great plentie Astracan Store of Sturgions The length of the Island of Astracan They enter into the Caspian sea Baughleata being 74. leagues from Volga Iaic riuer Serachick The Countrie of Colmack The port of Manguslaue They goe on land The countrey of Manguslaue 20. dayes trauaile in the wildernesse with scarcitie of water Another gulfe of the Caspian sea Will de Rubricis describeth this riuer of Ardok cap. 4. Sellizure or Shayzure Letters of safe-conduct Vrgence The countrey of Turkeman The riuer of Ardock falleth into the lake of Kitay The castle of Kait Diutuation by forcerie Handguns very profitable Bussarmans Caphar The riuer of Oxus A wildernes of sande Boghar a citie of Bactria A strange worme in mens legs The coyne of Boghar Marchandise of India Marchandise of Persia. Marchandise of Russia Marchandise of Cathay Taskent Cascar He returneth the eight of March 1552. Vrgence The king of Baâ—ke oâ— Balgâ— The English flag in the Caspian sea A notable description of the Caspian sea His arriual at Mosco the 2. of September * â—râ— Vrgeâ—â—â— Angrim Mandeuille speaketh hereof Oâ—â—itay Small people Pechora but six dayes iourney by land or water from Ob. Trauelling on dogs harts 1559 The trade to Narue forbidden by the â—â— of Poland The ancient couenants of trafficke betweene England Prussia The olde libertie of trafficke The meanes of increase of the power of the Moscouite This letter was also written in Hebrew and Italian The passage of Noua Zembla Waights and drugs deliuered to M. Ienkinson The maine sea within thirtie dayes Eastward of Colmogro 1561 The Queâ—nes letters to the Emperour of Russia Request to passe into Persia thorow Moscouie Osep Napea Ambassadour from the Emperor of Russia to Q. Mary An ambassador of Persia. Astracan M. Ienkinsons voyage to Boghar He passeth the Caspian sea The countreâ— of Tumen The Island of Chatalet The land of Shiâ—uansha Derbent A mighty wall Or Tiphlis Fortie one degrees Shabran Alcan Murcy the gouernour King Obdolowcan The maiesty attire of king Obdolowcan The Queenes letters to the Sophy Casbin Multitude of concubines The description of Hircania Danger by diuersâ—tie in religion Barbarous crueltie The citie of Arrash or Erex The commodities of thiâ— countreâ— The strong castle of Gullistone defaced The towne of Yauate The city of Ardouil The city Tebâ—iâ— or Tauris M. Ienkinsons arriuall at the Sophies court 2. Nouember 1562. The Turkes Ambassadour to the Sophy The Turkes merchauntâ— withstand M. Ienkinson Shaw Thomas the Sophies name The Queeneâ— letters deliuered The Sophies questions The curtesâ—e of Shally Murzey Warres intended against the Portingalsâ— The king of Hircans sâ—cond letters in M. Ienkinsonâ— behalfe Conference with Indian Merchants M. Ienkinsons returne Priuiledges obtained of Obdolowcan which are hereafter annexed An Armenian sent to M. Ienkinson from the king of Georgia Teneruk king of Chircassi The description of Persia. The chiefe Cities of Persia. The difference of religion The 30. of May 1563. New priuileges obtained hereafter following 28. Sâ—ptemb 1564. A rubble is a marke English Casbin Leuuacta A Boserman to a Renegado Thomas Alcocke slaine in the way betweene Leuuacta and Shammaki Keselbash or Ieselbash Gillan in Persia 1565. Ieraslaue a towne vpon the riuer of Volga Richard Iohnson chiefe of the third voyage into Persia. A barke of 30. tunnes made at Ieraslaue 1564. to passe the Caspian seas 1566 They departed from Astracan the 30. of Iuly 1565. September Presents to the king Obdolowcan A hoâ—se giuen our men in Shamaki by the king The death of Abdollocan the 2. of October 1565. Mursay the new king of Media The death of Alexander Kitchin the 23. of October 1565. The Caspiaâ— sea very shoald in diuers places The murthering of Thomas Alcock Cozamomet a noble man that fauoured our nation The value of a tumen What a batman is Varas a great mart for silke Gilan 7. dayes sailing from Astracanâ— Alom Gilan 4. dayes iourney from Casbin From Casbin to Ormus a moneths trauel with camels The secret doings of the Moscouie company Orient reds of Venice die A shaugh is 6. d. English His arriual at Casbin the 25. of May. Conference demands of the Shaugh All sorts of cloth to be sent specially Westerne