grand Uncle having remained there some years and made good profit in letters he returned into Britain and became a zealous Preacher of the Gospel His chief residence was amongst the Picts in the countrey of Galloway there he built a Church all of white stone a sort of structure not usual in those parts and called the same by the name of St. Marâ—ine not meaning to have him taken for the tutelary Saint of that place which in after-ages when superstition prevailed was the conceit of the people but to preserve the memory of his vertues and incite others to the imitation thereof This was the chief respect in those first times that Christians had in denominating their Churches by the names of Saints departed that other they utterly disclaimed Nos Martyribus nostris saith St. Augustin non templa sicut diis fabricamus sed memorias sicut hominibus mortuis quorum apud Deum vivunt spiritus We do not build Temples to our Martyrs as unto Gods but memorials as unto dead men whose spirits with God are still living Bede in his Ecclesiastick story speaking of this Ninian saith that he learned at Rome and was there taught the mysteries of truth But we cannot think that he went a novice thither being trained up under so kinde and learned an Uncle as ever that was he proved a notable instrument in the Church for he converted the Southern Picts to the faith of Christ and for his continual labours in preaching not among them alone for he travelled also among the Scots and Britains but especially for his innocency and holinesse of life he was in so great regard as to which of the three soever he came they did reverence and accept him as the messenger of Christ. Among the Bishops of Galloway he is reckoned the first and thought to have been the Founder of that Colledge for from that Church which he built all of white stone as we said the Bishops of that See have still been and to this day are styled Episcopicandide casae It was in the time of this Eugenius that Palladius came into Scotland imployed as they write by Celestine Bishop of Rome for resisting the Pelagian heresie which began to spread in this Church This man a Grecian by birth learned moderate and singularly wise as appeared in all his actions did purge the Church from those errours and wonne such love and credit as by the space of 24. years he governed all Ecclesiastick affairs in these parts without any grudge or opposition Buchannan is of opinion that before his coming there was no Bishop in this Church Nam saith he adid usque tempus Ecclesiae absque Episcopis per monachos regebantur minore quidem cum fastu externa pompa sed majore simplicitate sanctimonia that is The Church unto that time was governed by Monks without Bishops with lesse pride and outward pomp but greater simplicity and holinesse What warrant he had to write so I know not except he did build upon that which Ioannes Major saith speaking of the same Palladius Per sacerdotes monachos sine Episcopis Scoti in fide erudiebantur The Scots he sayes were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Monks without any Bishops But from the instruction of Scots in the faith to conclude that the Church after it was gathered had no other form of government will not stand with any reason For be it as they speak that by the Travels of some pious Monks the Scots were first converted unto Christ it cannot be said that the Church was ruled by Monks seeing long after these times it was not permitted to Monks to meddle with matters of the Church nor were they reckoned among the Clergy As to the pride and pomp which he taxeth in Bishops of later times it might be truly spoken but after Palladius coming for the space of six hundred years and more there was no such excesse to be noted in them But to return to Palladius he was a man most careful in promoting Christian Religion and the first that made Christ to be preached in the Isle of Orkney sending Servanus one of his disciples thither Another called Tervanus he employed among the Northern Picts and ordained both of them Bishops His own remaining for the most part was at Fâ—rdon in the countrey of Mernis where he built a little Church which from him is to this day by a corrupted word called Padie Church There was his corps after his death interred In the year 1494. William Sheâ—ez Archbishop of St. Andrews visiting that Church did in reverence of his memory gather his bones and bestow them in a silver shrine which as the report goeth was taken up at the demolishing of the Churches by a Gentleman of good rank who dwelt near unto that place The people of the countrey observing the decay which followed in that family not many years after ascribed the same to the violation of Palladius grave Much about this time was Ireland converted to the faith of Christ by the labours of Patâ—ick a Scotchman born upon the River of Cluid not far from Glasgow They write of him that being thirteen yeers of age only he was taken prisoner by some Irishes at an invasion they made upon the West parts of Scotland and sold to Mâ—lâ—â— one of their Kings being kept there as a slave the space of four years he was ransomed by his parents and sent to school where having made a reasonable progresse in letters he went to France and there remained 18. years in the company of German Bishop of Auxerre under whom he attained to a great perfection of knowledge especially in the holy Scriptures Thereafter travelling to Rome Pope Celestine the same that sent Palladius to Scotland hearing of his qualities and how he had lived some years in Ireland made choice of him as the fittest person to work the conversion of that people Patrick accepting the imployment addressed himself shortly afâ—er to the journey and in his way by Scotland took with him Columba who came afterwards to be in great esteem Divers upon the report of his good successe followed him thither and ere many moneths passed all the countrey almost was brought to embrace the profession of Christ. He was doubtlesse a notable person and most worthy to be remebred some idle and ignorant Monks have pitifully wronged his memory by their Legends But what a singular man he was and what pains he took to do good in his life-time the Churches he founded reckoned to 365. and the Priests he ordained numbred to be three thousand may sufficiently witnesse He lived 122. years and ended his days in the city of Downe within the Province of Ulster in the year of our Lord 491. That fabulous Purgatory the invention whereof is falsly ascribed to him was the device of a Monk of Glastenbury Abbey in England who bare the same name
external commodities and ornaments and such a one as would bring with him a perpetual peace together with the oblivion of ancient grudges and hatreds For should they take a stranger to be their King differing from themselves in language manners and lawes great evils and discommodities could not but arise as they might know by that which had fallen out in the like case to other nations by whose ensample he wished they should be made wise As for the part of England he said if they did find the minds of the Scots not estranged from peace they would remit somewhat of their right and be contented that the young Queen should be kept amongst themselves untill she were fit for marriage and might chuse a husband to her self by advice of the Nobility during which time all hostility should cease betwixt the two Kingdomes it being provided that the Queen should not be sent to any forain countrey nor contracted in marriage with the French King nor any other Prince which if the Scots would faithfully promise he would presently retire with his Army and recompense all injuries done since his coming into Scotland at the sight and estimation of honest men This letter the Governour communicated to his brother and to a few others on whose counsel he depended such as George Dury Abbot of Dunfermlin Mr. Archebald Beaton and Mr. Hugh Rig a Lawyer who gave him advice to suppresse the letter for they feared if the offers were published the greater part of the Nobility would embrace the same and in stead thereof they made a rumour to be dispersed through the Army that the English were come to take away the Queen by force and bring the Kingdome into subjection The Nobles and whole Army believing this to be the effect of the letter became mightily incensed Nor did any kithe so foolish as the Priests and Clergy men who dreaming of nothing but victory cried out that the English hereticks had no spirits and durst not come to a battaile But they found themselves deceived for upon Saterday the tenth of September 1547. the Armies joyning the Scots were put to the worse and many thousands slain few in the fight which lasted not long but exceeding many in the chase The English pursuing the victory came forwards to Leith where they remained eight dayes dividing the spoile and prisoners and in that time surprised the Isles of Inchkeith and Inchcolme in the river of Forth with Broughtie Castle in the mouth of Tay which places they strongly fortified In their return homewards they took the Castle of Home with the house of Fascastle and placed Garisons in the Townes of Haddington Lawder and Roxborough The Governour the Bishop his brother and such of the Nobles as escaped in the flight went to Striveling and there taking counsel what should be done with the young Queen concluded to send her to the Castle of Dumbarton under the custody of the Lords Areskin and Levingston and to advertise the King of France how matters went intreating of him a supply both of men and money Hereupon the next summer arrived at Leith three thousand Germanes under the charge of Count Rhingrave with as many French commanded by Monsieur de Andelot Monsieur de Mallery and Monsieur d' Ossel Monsieur d' Esse being General of the whole This supply did so hearten the Governour as gathering together an Army he beleaguered the Town of Haddington which the English had at that time made very strong The Nobility being there convened entered of new into a consultation touching the young Queen and the course that should be taken with her The French Generall desired she should be sent into France and espoused to the Daulphin which the Queen her Mother longed to have done The Noblemen were not of one minde for such as favoured the reformation were of opinion that the conditions offered by England which were then come to light should be embraced because that would bring with it ten years of peace at least in which time if either King Edward of England or the young Queen should depart this life all things would return to their first estate and if no such things happened yet the Kingdome being at rest and freed of the present troubles would grow to some better ease within it self and they might more maturely advise what course was fittest to be taken Delay they said in matters of such consequence was safest and that precipitation might bring with it a suddain but untimely repentance The rest stood all for the French most of them being corrupted with gold and others with large promises The Governour himself had an annuity promised of twelve thousand francks and a company of men at Armes to the Earle of Arran his sonne All these pretending the safety of the young Queen did reason that there was no other way to be rid of the English warres but that one For as long as the English have any hope said they to speed they will still be troubling but when they shall see the Queen gone and that there is no remedy they will cease from their pursuit The greatest number inclining that way it was concluded that the young Queen should be conveyed to France Shortly after the French Navy that lay at Leith giving out that they were to return home compassing the North Isles received her at Dunbrition and after much tossing at sea did safely land her in France The warres with England in the mean time went on and continued full two years till by the treaty of Bulloign in the yare 1550. a peace was made the Lord Chastilion being Commissioner for the French the Earl of Bedford for the English and David Panter Bishop of Ross for the Scots At that time were Normond Lesley Mr. Henry Balnaves Iohn Knox and others who had been kept partly in prison and partly in the Gallies since the taking of S. Andrews Castle put to liberty Mr. Iames Balfour had freed himself long before by abjuring his profession and was become Official to the Bishop of S. Andrews Iames Melvil died in the Tower of Brest in Britain William Kircaldie Peter Carmichal with Robert and William Leslies who were imprisoned in Mont S. Michael found means to escape before the Treaty and went into England Norman after he was freed returned into Scotland but fearing the Governour he went into Denmark where not finding that kind reception he expected he betook himself to England and had an honourable pension allowed him which was thankfully answered during the life of King Edward the sixt Queen Mary succeeding he found not the like favour and thereupon went to France where he had a company of men of Armes given him with which he served the French King in his warres against the Emperour Charles the fifth and in pursuing the enemy whom he had in chase was wounded with the shot of a Pistoll whereof he died the day after at Montreul He was
his brother William succeeded in the year 1165. The first thing he undertook was the repetition of Northumberland for which Ambassadours were sent to King Henry His answer was That he should have right done him at his coming to London after he had performed his homage for the Countries he held in England King William taking journey thither with David his younger brother found the King at his Easter in VVindsore where insisting for the restitution of Northumberland he had many good words given him and promise made that at the meeting of the Parliament a course should be taken to his content In this hope he followed King Henry going then in expedition to France and staid there with him some moneths but when he perceived the King was not shortly to return unto England and that he was sed onely with fair promises he took his leave and came home Presently after his return he sent an Herald to denounce warre unlesse Northumberland were restored King Henry being then ingaged in the French warres and not willing to make himself more businesse was content to quit that part of Northumberland which King VVilliam his great Grandfather had possessed Yet suddenly forethinking what he had done he stirred up underhand those that lived in the Borders to make incursions upon the Scots This being complained and no redresse made King VVilliam raised an Army and went into England and at Anwick as he was taking the aire suspecting no Enemy to be at hand he was surprised by some English and sent Prisoner to King Henry in France who put him in the Castle of Calice in Picardie where he was some moneths detained A great dysaster this was and how grievous to the whole State may appear by the Articles condescended upon for obtaining his liberty which were 1. That for his redemption there should be paid one hundred thousand pounds sterling money the one half in hand the other half after a short time and for assurance thereof the Counties of Cumberland Huntington and Northumberland be morgaged to King Henry 2. That the Scots should move no warre against England for retention of these Counties 3. And for the more security the Castles of Roxburgh Berwick Edinburgh and Sterling should be delivered to the King of England or unto such as he should appoint to receive the same Hollinshed setteth down other Conditions besides these as That the King of Scots should acknowledge the King of England for his supreme Lord That the Prelates of Scotland and their successors should be subject to the Church of England And that the Lords and Barons of Scotland should swear fealty to the King of England and his successours which are meer forgeries it being certain that the Scots howsoever they loved their King and for his liberty would not refuse to undergoe very hard conditions yet would never have renounced their liberties maintained so long and with so much blood and yeelded themselves in any case to such a slavish subjection Always the agreement concluded in Normandy the 8. of December 1175. by Richard Bishop of S. Andrews and divers Noblemen sent thither to treat in that businesse was at August thereafter confirmed in York by both Kings all the Bishops Abbots and Nobility almost of Scotland being present In Ianuary thereafter at a meeting in Norham where King VVilliam was also in person the King of England dealt earnestly to have the Clergy of Scotland accept the Archbishop of York for their Metropolitane but they pâ—etending the absence of many of their number and the want of the inferiour Clergies consent deferred to give any answer at that time The next year the same matter was renued and followed earnestly by a Legate sent from the Pope with Commission to reform the abuses he should finde in the Churches both in England and Scotland This Legate called Hugo and styled Cardinall de sancto Angelo having sent his Apparitors with a citation to the Bishops of Scotland for their appearing before him at a certain day in Northampton they went thither with a great number of their Clergy The Assembly being met and all ranked in their places the Cardinall who had his seat somewhat higher then the rest made a long speech in commendation of humility and obedience shewing what excellent Virtues these were and how much to be desired of men of spirituall profession whereof when he talked a while he came in end to perswade the Clergy of Scotland to submit themselves to the Primate of York which he said was a thing very convenient for them and would turn greatly to their ease and commodity for having no Superiour amongst themselves nor Metropolitane to decide Controversies that possibly might happen there could none be fitter then their neighbour the Archbishop of York a Prelate of great respect and one whose credit in the Court of Rome might serve them to good use therefore besought them to lay aside all grudges and emulations and dispose themselves to live in all times after as members of one and the same Church The Bishops who feared to offend the Legate made no answer and after a long silence a young Chanon named Gilbert rose up and spake to this effect The Church of Scotland ever since the faith of Christ was embraced in that Kingdome hath been a free and independent Church subject to none but the Bishop of Rome whose authority we refuse not to acknowledge To admit any other for our Metropolitane especially the Archbishop of York we neither can nor will for notwithstanding the present peace which we wish may long continue warres may break up betwixt the two Kingdomes and if it shall fall out so neither shall he be able to discharge any duty amongst us nor can we safely and without suspicion resort to him For the controversies which you my Lord Cardinall say may arise amongst our selves we have learned and wise Prelates who can determine the same and if they should be deficient in their duties we have a good and religious King who is able to keep all things in frame and order so as we have no necessity of any stranger to be set over us And I cannot think that either his Holinesse hath forgotten or you my Lord that are his Legate can be ignorant of the late exemption granted unto Malcolm our last King since the grant whereof we have done nothing which may make us seem unworthy of that favour Wherefore in the name of all the Scotish Church we doe humbly entreat the preservation of our ancient liberberties and that we be not brought under subjection to our enemies These speeches he delivered with an extraordnary grace and in so passionate a manner that all the hearers were exceedingly moved the English themselves commending his courage and the affection he shewed to his Country But the Archbishop of York who looked not for such opposition called the young Chanon to come unto him and laying his hand
Scots ships and Merchants that were in England arrested and open warre denounced The countrey hereupon drew into factions The Governour and some few Noblemen that abode with him at Halirudhouse professing a willingnesse to keep the contract with England and Queen mother with the Cardinal and his followers directly opposing They having the young Queen in their hands whom they kept still at Linlithgow to strengthen their party sent to recall the Earl of Lenox who lived then in France for the old emulation between the two houses of lenox and Hamilton as also the slaughter of his Father in the field of Linlithgow which he could not have forgotten would easily as they thought move him to joyn with them Besides they considered that his presence and friendship which was great in the countrey would aid and countenance their course not a little Hereupon were messengers dispatched in haste with letters to the French King and to the Earl himself The letters written to himselfe were full of affection and therein hopes given of his Match with the Queen mother and of the Regencie of the Realme during her daughters minority And as flatterers are never wanting to great men there were some about him when they understood that he was called home put him in hope of the Crown it self if the young Queen should happen to depart this life For the late King was known to have intended the same and the Governours title they said would trie nought himselfe being illegitimate and procreated in an unlawful marriage upon a divorce led between his Father and Dame Elizabeth Home his wife which made him uncapable not of the Crown only but even of his private inheritance With such conceipts they filled the young Noblemans head and as men are made easily to believe what they earnestly desire encouraged by these hopes and the French Kings promises he returned home At his coming having saluted the Governour with whom he dissembled in the best sort he could and visiting the Queen-mother and Cardinal at Linlithgow who did very kindly receive him he went to see his friends and imparted to them the causes of his return with the hopes that were given him and the promise he had of aid and supply from the King of France They approving the course he had taken advised him to follow his fortune and promised their assistance to the uttermost A few dayes after being advertised that the Governour was gathering forces to take the young Queen from her Mother he came to the Queen-mother with four thousand men and abode with her till by a common consent her daughter was sent to Striveling and committed to the custody of the Lords Grahame Areskin Levingston and Lindsay Mean while the Governours brother did earnestly ply him to relinquish the English alliance laying before him the danger wherein he thrust himself in suffering the Popes authority to be weakned on which he said the security of his title and succession to the Crown did stand and giving him hopes of benefit and advancement from the French King and so farre in end prevailed as the Governour without imparting his mind to the Noblemen who kept Court with him at Halirudhouse went privately to Striveling and submitted himself to the Cardidal receiving absolution at his hands and renouncing the profession he made of the truth with the alliance contracted with England A deed that lost him the favour of the countrey and brought him in great contempt for after this fact was he never in regard the Cardinal from thenceforth carrying all the sway and leaving him only the shadow of authority This done the Cardinals next care was to rid the Court and the Councel of the Earl of Lenox which was brought about in this sort Queen-mother by her letters to the French King did advertise what an alteration was made how the Governour was brought by the Cardinals means to break with England and that for assuring the peace of the countrey there was nothing more required then the calling the Earl of Lenox back under some fair colour for that his stay at home might prove dangerous and a suspicion there was already of his inclining to England which might breed greater troubles then yet had been seen therefore intreated the King to recall him with speed The Nobleman suspecting no such dealing for all that time he was used with great demonstrations of love and kindnesse by the Queen-mother began to urge the performance of promises and had his hopes cunningly entertained till the answer returned from France at which time he was advertised by some friends in that Court that the French King was hardly informed of him and some courses he had taken and howbeit he was invited to return he should not find the welcome he expected This made him more instant with Queen-mother then before but it was not long ere he felt himself deluded whereupon he retired home discontent and laid many wayes to repair himself but all sorted to no effect so as he resolved in end having lost the French to offer his service to the King of England by whom he was kindly received and afterwards honoured with the alliance of King Henry his Neece Lady Margaret Dowglas How soon the Cardinal was freed of the Earl of Lenox he set himself to pursue those that were called hereticks and leading the Governour along with him went first to the Town of Perth where by delation of one Frier Spence Robert Lamb William Anderson Iames Rannald Iames Hunter Iames Finlason and Hellene Stirk his wife were apprehended Robert Lamb being accused for interrupting the said Frier in a Sermon he made a Perth whilest he was teaching that a man could not be saved without praying to the Saints confessed that he had done it saying It was the duty of every man that knoweth the truth to bear testimony unto it and not to suffer people to be abused with false doctrine such as that was William Anderson Iames Rannald and Iames Finlason were indited for nailing two Rams horns on S. Francis head the putting of a Cowes rump to his tail and for the eating of a Goose upon All-hallow evening Iames Hunter a Fletcher by occupation and a simple man without any learning was charged to have kept company with the said persons The woman Helene Stirke was accused for her refusing to pray unto the Virgin Mary when she was in labour of her birth and saying she would only pray to God in the name of Iesus Christ. These were the inditements whereupon they were put to trial and being found guilty by a Jury were condemned to die great intercession was made for their lives to the Governour but he was so subject to the Cardinal as without his consent he would give no pardon Thus the poor innocents were taken to the common place of execution and hanged Robert Lamb at the foot of the Ladder made a pithy exhortation to the people beseeching
of Arrane and Lord Iames taking some companies of horse with them made towards Creichton whither Bothwel as they were advertised was gone But finding that he was escap'd they seised upon the house and gave it in keeping to Captain Forbes The same day that this happened the Provost of Dundy with his Townesmen and a few mercenary souldiers went down towards Leth carrying with them some pieces of Artillery which he planted on a hill near unto the Town The French had warning that most of the horsemen were gone about other businesse and knowing the footmen to be few made a salley upon them with some companies The Townesmen of Dundy sustained the fight for a while trusting to be seconded by the souldiers but they turned backs in the very beginning of the conflict the townesmen were forced to retire keeping still their ranks till a cry was raised that the French were entring by Leth Winde to cut them off from the Town This caused such a perturbation as every man took the way he held best for his safety and in the flight as commonly it falleth one hindering another many were overthrown some ten souldiers were killed Captain Mowak taken prisoner and Mr. Charles Geddes servant to the Master of Maxwell The flight held to the middest of the Canon gate where the Earl of Argyle and Lord Robert Abbot of Halirudhouse turned the Chase and pursuing the French made them flie as fast as they followed This little advantage of the French made Bothwel so insolent as he simply refused to restore the moneys he had taken And thus all hopes of money failing and the souldiers refusing to serve some not of the meanest sort stole away secretly the few that remained were distracted in opinions among themselves and grew doubtful what to do The fifth of November upon advertisement that the French were issued forth of Leth to intercept the provision that was carrying to Edinburgh the Earle of Arrane and Lord Iames with their domesticks went out to defend the Careers and were followed with divers of the Citizens these giving the onset upon the French with more courage then foresight advanced so farre as they were almost encompasâ—ed by the enemy and cut off from the Town For the French had divided their companies in two one part took the way directly from Leth to Halirudhouse the other marched somewhat more Eastward and nearer the Sea The Lords who were gone as farre as Restalrig beholding the French to march towards Edinburgh returned with expedition fearing the case of the Citizens and that they themselves should be cut off which in all appearance had been done if the Laird of Grange and Alexander Whitlaw with a few horsemen had not kept them in skirmish for a little time The other French companies that came by Restalrig beholding the Lords retire made after them and pursued so hotly as the Earle of Arrane and Lord Iames were forced to quit their horses for safety of the foot who were in great disorder Captain Alexander Halliberton a man of good spirit and forward in the cause of Religion staying behinde to hold off the French received divers wounds whereof the same night he died In this conflict there fell some 25. or 30. men The Master of Buchan with the Lairds of Pitmilly Fairnay and some others of smaller note were taken prisoners A little before this time William Maitland of Lethington Secretary to the Queen perceiving that he was hated of the French for the freedom he used in his counsel did secretly withdraw himself and joyned with the Lords He was earnest to have them abide together laying before them the dangers that might ensue upon their dissolving but few or none consenting conclusion was taken to leave the Town and after midnight to depart towards Striveling The day after the Lords departing the French went up to Edinburgh and took possession of the Town All that professed the Religion were compelled to flie and seek their refuge in other places Mr. Willock the Minister went unto England and immediately was the Romane service restored The Church of S. Giles as if infected with some contagion by the Sermons preached therein was of new hallowed by the Bishop of Amiens with a number of Ceremonies and such triumphing was amongst the Popish sort as they thought the game to be theirs The Queen sent advertisement to France requiring new forces with expedition to make the victory absolute Whereupon the Marquesse D'Elbeuf and Count Martiques a young Nobleman were directed with some companies both of foot and horse but they imbarking at Deep were dispersed by tempest 18. Ensignes cast away upon the coast of Holland and the rest driven back into France A while after the Marquesse putting to Sea arrived at Leth about the beginning of the spring with a thousand foot and some few horsemen The Lords at their coming to Striveling were in great heavinesse and doubtful what course to take till encouraged by a Sermon that Iohn Knox made unto them they gathered new spirits resolving to send unto England for supply and till answer should come to divide their companies The Duke and Earl of Glencarne with the Lords Boyde Ochiltry and their friends were appointed to remain at Glasgow the Earles of Arrane and Rothes Lord Iames the Master of Lindesay and their friendship to stay together in Fife and for making intelligence one to the other Mr. Henry Balnaves was ordained to attend the Noblemen at Glasgow and Iohn Knox these of Fife The Duke at his coming to Glasgow caused all the Images and Altars to be pulled down and took the Castle pertaining to the Bishop Upon the report of this the Bishop taking with him a number of French men and assisted by the Lords Semple Seaton and Rosse marched hastily thither recovered the Castle for the Lords advertised of their coming had left the Town and staying there one onely night returned to Edinburgh In Fife there was more quietnesse all things continuing peaceable till a little before Christmas at which time answer was returned from England and hopes given of support from thence William Maitland younger of Lethington and Robert Melvil brother of the Laird of Raith had been intrusted with that businesse They at their coming to the Court of England did inform the Queen of the troubles of the countrey the difficulties whereunto it was reduced and the danger that England should fall into if Scotland were once subdued by the French entreating her aid and assistance for their expulsion She remitting the matter to the Councel it was long debated whether or no any supply should be granted some maintaining that it was a thing of ill example to assist the subjects of another Prince in their Rebellion and that the same might draw upon themselves a dangerous warre Others holding that they were obliged in conscience to defend their neighbours from the oppression of strangers and that to suffer the French who
were naturally enemies to the English fortifie themselves in Scotland would prove a hurtful and preposterous course In end the Queen enclining that way it was concluded that a supply should be granted and the Duke of Norfolk sent to Berwick to treat of the conditions with the Commissioners of the Scottish Nobility The French advertised of this conclusion taken resolved to make an end of the warre before the English support could be in readinesse and to begin with the Lords residing at Fife Thereupon taking their journey to Striveling they spoyled Linlithgow in the way with the lands of Kinneil and all that they understood belonged to the Duke in those parts The like pillage they made in Striveling and passing the Bridge they kept the side of the River robbing all the villages and Coast Towns which were in their way It was their purpose to have kept the coast still till they came to S. Andrews and then to have fortified the Castle and City but the Earl of Arrane and Lord Iames hearing that they were past Striveling sent some forces under the charge of the Lord Ruthven a Nobleman of good experience and courage to withstand their attempts In his company was the Earl of Sutherland who was come to the Lords some dayes before directed as he gave out by the Earl of Huntley to make offer of his assistance howbeit his principal Commission was unto the Queen Regent as afterwards was knowne The first encounter with the French was at Pitticurre so they call the Haven on the West of Kingorne by occasion of some small vessels that were espied to come from Leth which as the Lord Ruthven did stop from landing the French that were further advanced then he supposed did charge him on the back and forced him to flie six or seven souldiers were killed in this conflict and a Dutchman called Paul Lambird with a French boy taken and hanged upon the Steeple of Kingarne The Earl of Sutherland wounded a little in the Arm with the shot of an Harquebuse returned the same day to Couper The Lords to stay the further progress of the French drew all the forces they could make in these parts to the Town of Dysert where they remained 20. dayes together keeping the French souldiers that were numbred to be 4000. in such work that the countrey was generally saved from spoile and the hurt and damage that was done falling for the greatest part upon their friends and confederates For of all that were professed enemies to the French the Laird of Grange onely had his house blown up with Gunpowder whereas the Laird of Weimes Seafield Balmaito Balwery Balgony Dury and others of the French faction were forced to furnish them with cornes cattel and what else they stood in need of or if the souldiers lacked any thing the readiest goods upon their ground were taken to provide them Hereof divers complaints being made to the French Captains the poor owners were scornfully answered that their goods were of the Congregation and if they made faith that the same were their own proper goods they were railed upon and called cowards and unworthy niggards that made more accompt of their goods then of their friends Such as professed Religion and expected the worst putting their goods out of the way or standing to their defence were in a much better condition and Grange who had his house cast down as I have said avenged himselfe sufficiently a few dayes after For knowing that the French used to send forth some souldiers into the countrey every day to bring in provision he laid an Ambush near to Kingorne and as Captain le Batu with an hundred souldiers came forth after they were passed a mile from the town he brake upon them with a number that he had selected to that purpose the Captain with his souldiers retiring to a little countrey house defended themselves a while with their shot and dangerously wounded David Kircaldy brother to the Laird of Grange and a Gentleman called Robert Hamilton who were both at first supposed to be slain The French had the advantage for they were within ditches and Le Batu having taken a little house kept the gate with some Harquebuses Grange and his company carried spears onely yet in that heat of valour which ordinarily at such occasions he shewed he rushed in upon the French and was followed by the Master of Lindesay and others whom his example did animate The Captain refusing to render himself with fifty of his company was slain the rest were all taken and sent prisoners to Dundy By this time the Lords that remained in the West parts being advertised of the answer returned from England and how the Duke of Norfolke was coming to Berwick to attend the Scottish Commissioners that should be chosen to treat of the conditions of the supply they sent of their number some to assist the Noblemen of Fife in making that choice The meeting was at Couper where by common consent choice was made of Lord Iames the Lord Ruthven the Masters of Maxwel and Lindesay the Laird Lethington younger and Laird of Pittarrow and Mr. Henry Balnaves and power given them by the Duke and remnant Lords to contract and agree with the Queen of England and her Lieutenant upon all such things as might serve for the good and conjunction of the two Kingdomes and particularly for expelling the French souldiers out of the Realm of Scotland These taking journey by Sea came about the middest of February to Berwick and after some short treaty a contract was formed betwixt Thomas Duke of Norfolk Earl Marshall of England and Lieutenant to the Queens Majesty in the North in name and behalf of her Highness on the one part and Lord Iames Stewart Patrick Lord Ruthven Sir Iohn Maxwel of Tareglife Knight William Maitland of Lethington younger Iohn Wishart of Pittarrow and Mr. Henry Balnaves of Halhil in name and behalfe of the noble and mighty Prince Iames Duke of Chattellerault second person of the Realm of Scotland and the remnant Lords joyned with him for maintenance and defence of the ancient Rights and liberties of the countrey on the other part to the effect following 1. That the Queens Majesty having sufficiently understood as well by information from the Nobility of Scotland as by the proceedings of the French that they did intend to conquer the Realm of Scotland suppress the Nobility thereof and unite the same to the Crown of France perpetually contrary to the Lawes of the same Realm and the pactions oathes and promises of France and being most humbly and earnestly requested by the said Nobility for and in the name of the whole Realm to receive the Kingdom of Scotland the Duke of Chattellerault declared heir to the Crown thereof with the Nobility and other subjects into her protection and maintenance only for preservation of the Scots in their own freedomes and liberties during the time that the marriage did continue
I have no Commission to your Majesty but for the ratification of the treaty at Leth yet if you will have me to shew what I think be the cause of my Mistresse offence I will tell it in few words but not as an Ambassadour How soon the Queen my Mistress was crowned you usurped the Title and Arms of England which during Queen Maries reign you never attempted and a greater injury could not be offered to a Prince then that was But saith she My father in law and husband who lived both at that time commanded me so to do after they were deceased and since I have been at mine own liberty I have neither used her Armes nor Titles And yet I see not what wrong it can be to me who am a Queen and had to my grandmother the eldest sister of King Henry the eight to use the Armes of England seeing others more remote in blood have done the like The Marquess of Exeter and Dutchess of Suffolk Neece unto Henry the eight by his youngest sister did bear the Armes of England with borders for a difference and should it be imputed as an injury to me so to do But well I see so she concluded that nothing I do is taken in good part The Quen of England in the mean time falling in some jealousie of the Lords of Scotland because of that which the Queen had said that the treaty at Leth was not made by all their consents and that when she should be amongst them it would appear whether they continued in the same mind sent a letter full sharpnes of to the Nobility and Councel wherein after an ample declaration of the friendship done to them in the late aid they received against the French she complained of the delayes made in the ratification of the accord past at Leth which as it seemed by their Queens words was in their default seeing she had said that before she gave a resolute answer in that matter it behoved her to know their mindes whereof she could not be ignorant so many of themselves being with her of late and messengers going daily betwixt them therefore she desired to know if they did minde to keep the peace contracted and if they continued in that mind that they should procure the Queen to ratifie it at least to advertise her what she might look for at their own hands This letter was speedily answered by the Councel with great attestations that it came never in their mindes to break the peace contracted for in so doing they should make themselves infamous in the world and sin highly against their consciences Of the delay which their Queen made and the reasons thereof they professed to be ignorant Therefore intreated her Majesty to be perswaded of them that next to the glory of God they would study to keep the peace inviolate and that there should be no blame in them if the ratification was not made to her contentment Whilest these things passed at home the Queen of Scots set forward to Callais attended by the Cardinals of Loraine and Guise the Dukes of Guise and d'Aumarll the grand Prior and the Marquess d' Elbeuf her Uncles the Duke of Nemours Monsieur d' Anvile the Constables son and divers others her friends and kinsmen At Abbavile which is in the way to Callais she sent for the English Ambassadour and asked him by what means she might satisfie Queen Elizabeth He answered by ratifying the Treaty of Leth. To whom she replied I have very just reasons to refuse it which ought not to be interpreted as delayes For first that treaty should have been confirmed by my husband and me and cannot now be ratified unlesse it be concluded in my own name alone seeing the King then my husband is expressely named in the accord Next the most of the Articles are performed for all preparations of warre are ceased and the French called back from Scotland But the Queen offendeth said she that I use the title and arms of England This I have not done since my husbands death And if it be alledged that the same is used in Letters Patents given me through France it is known I cannot hinder that for they who pass those letters are not my subjects And for the Articles concâ—rning Religion I trust my own subjects shall have no cause to complain of my severity Thus what I may do I will to give my sister satisfaction And I pray you Monsieur l' Embassadeur do the part of an Ambassadour and rather pacify the Queen then exasperate her in any sort So earnest she was to have all matters of quarrel laid aside fearing that the Queen of England should seek to intercept her by the way and indeed a Navy was put to Sea under colour of suppressing Pirats but the taking of one of the ships wherein were the Earl of Eglinton and other passengers made it suspected that a worse thing was meant Alwayes it fell out so that the Queen of Scots having a prosperous wind passed by the English ships the weather being foggy unperceived and after the sixt day after her embarking which was the 20. of August 1561. did safely arrive at Leth. The fame of the Queens coming noised abroad the Nobility from all the parts of the Realm assembled to congratulate her return and besides them numbers of all sorts of people convened as unto a joyful spectacle for they had not seen the face of their Soveraign for many years and after her marriage with the French King had scarce any hope of a King to reside amongst them which would most certainly have happened if any succession had followed of that marriage For Scotland in that case would have been but an accession to France the mightier Kingdome as Henry the seventh foretold of England and we have seen it verified in our days drawing unto it the weaker and lesser Crown That the Queen therefore was now returned and they delivered of the fears of redacting the Kingdom into a Province they did justly esteem it one of the greatest benefits that could happen unto them Then when they called to mind the variablenesse of fortune how she left a pupill of six dayes old only by the death of the Father was exposed as a prey to those that were most mighty and partly by civil seditions at home partly by the invasions of external enemies from abroad even before she could have any sense oftrouble was forced to forsake her countrey and relegated as it were into exile having hardly escaped the hands of enemies that lay in wait to intercept her and the violence of tempestuous and raging seas And again when fortune began to smile a little upon her and she was honoured with a royal Marriage how these joyes on the suddain came to be changed into extreme sorrows being first deprived of her mother then of her husband a new Kingdome lost and her ancient crown which belonged to her by inheritance standing in a
state very uncertain whilest I say they called to mind these variable fortunes and theâ—ewith considered the excellencies that nature had bestowed upon her as the beauty and comelinesse of her person her mild inclination and gracious demeanour toward all sorts of people it cannot be told what a joy and love this begat in the hearts of all the subjects The beginning of her government was likewise very gracious for some few dayes after her arriving in a Councel kept with the Nobility to remove the occasions of trouble she condescended that no change nor alteration should be made in the present state of Religion only she would use her own service as she said apart with her family and have a Masse in private This was thought by many a thing not intolerable considering she was the Soveraign Princesse of the Realm and educated from her youth in the Romane faith from which there was hope by better instruction and humble and courteous behaviour she might be reclaimed yet the Preachers in their Sermons did publickly condemn that toleration as unlawful And amongst the Nobility the Earl of Arrane did oppose it taking protestation that he did neither agree to private nor publick Masse which highly displeased the Queen and was thought to have alienated her affection that before seemed much inclining towards him There fell out upon this an Accident which was like to have caused great trouble The Queen purposing to hear Masse the next day in her Chappel of Halirudhouse whilest the tapers and other things required to that service were carried through the Court one of the common sort invading him that bore the waxe lights brake them all in pieces and if by the intervention of some more moderate spirits the tumult had not been repressed the rest of the furniture had been wholly spoiled and that day Masse disappointed It was held a proud and insolent fact and condemned by many others said that the patience of men was too farre tempted and some maintained that if right were done the Priest according to Gods law made against idolaters ought to suffer death But this stirre was quickly appeased by Lord Iames much against the Earl of Huntley his mind who by this occasion thought to win credit with the Queen and in conference with her Uncles bragged that if the Queen pleased to use his service he would reduce all the North countries to the Romane profession But his courses being suspected and the Quen misliking all counsels that tended unto trouble no heed was given to his offers The moneth following was spent in the entertainment of the French that had accompanied the Queen homewards they made but short stay in the countrey For about the middest of September Duke d' Aumarll returned unto France by Sea the grand Prior and Monsieur d' Anvile took their journey through England the Marquesse d' Elbeuf of all that company only remained and abode all the Winter with the Queen In this mean time was William Maitland of Lethington directed to the Queen of England with letters both from the Queen and from the Nobility The Queens letters were full of kindnesse tending all to expresse the love and affection she bare unto her as to her dearest sister and kinswoman and the desire she had to continue in true and sincere friendship with her The letters sent by the Nobility were to the same effect but containing this more That the surest way to preserve friendship 〈◊〉 true amtty amongst them two was to declare the Queen of Scots her nearest and lawful heir to the Crown of England in case she should have no issue Lethington urging this last point strongly as he was commanded after he had used his best perswasions to that effect was answered by the Queen of England as followeth I did expect another message from your Queen then this is which you have brought me and do marvel that she should forget the promise made before her coming out of France touching the ratification of the treaty of Leth which was that how soon she returned to her own countrey she should give me a full and resolute answer I have long enough said she suffered my self to be abused with fair speeches and now it had been time if she had regarded her own honour to have made good her promises Lethington replied that within a few days after the Queen took land he was imployed in this legation and that she had no leasure to deal in any publick matters being taken up with admitting the Noblemen that came to welcome her into the Realm and with the fetling of the estate of Religion which her Majesty understood to be a work of no small weight neither were all the Noblemen whose advice she must take in matters of that importance come into the Court before his parting from it Here the Queen interrupting his speech said What need is there of advice or counsel to do that which by her subscription and seal she is bound to perform He answered that no commission was given him in that matter nor did his Mistresse think that any accompt thereof would have been required of him but that she might justly excuse her self by the occasions he haâ— mentioned Then after a few more speeches of that purpose the Queen returning to the chief point of his legation said I have observed that you have often in your discourse said that your Queen is descended of the blood Royal of England and that I am obliged to love her as being nearest to me in blood of any other which I neither will or can deny Neither have I in any of my actions as the world knoweth attempted ought against the safety and tranquillity of her and her kingdom yea they that â—e most inward with me can witness that even when I had just cause of offence given me by her usurpation of the Titles and Armes of England I could never be induced to think other then that thâ— was the politick device of some enemies to breed dissension amongst us But howsoever that be I hope so long as I live she shall not bereave me of my Kingdom nor yet be able if God shall bless me with children to impede their succession And if it shall happen otherwise that I be taken away she shall never find that I have prejudged the Right which she claimeth to the Kingdom of England What a right it is I have never been curious to know nor do I purpose to search and examine it but will leave the same to the cognition of those whom it concerneth This your Queen may assuredly expect at my hands that I shall never wrong her nor her cause if it be just in the least point And God I take to witness who heareth this our conference that next my self I know not any whom I would preferre to her or who if the tâ—tle should fall to be controverted might exclude her You know saith she who the compeâ—itors be but alas
particulars it was desired That the persons nominated in Parliament for the matter of policy or juridiction of the Church should be ordained to meet at a certain day and place for concluding the same This was promised and the eighth of August appointed to that effect but the Diet did not hold and so these matters continued unresolved as before In the end of the Assembly the Bishop of Orkney who had been deposed from all function in the Church for the marriage of Bothwel with the Queen was upon his submission reponed to his place and for removing the scandal he was injoyned in his first Sermon to make publick acknowledgement of his fault and crave forgivenesse of God the Church and Estate which he had offended About the end of September the Regent and those that were joyned with him in commission took their journey into England and came to York the fifth of October the same day and almost the same hour came Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk Thomas Earl of Suffex and Sir Ralph Sadler Chancellour of the Dutchy of Lancaster having Commission from the Queen of England to hear and determine all questions controversies debates and contentions betwixt her sister the Queen of Scots and the subjects adhering unto her on the one part and the Earl of Murray and others refusing to acknowledge her authority and adhering to the Prince her son on the other as likewise to decide all matters depending betwixt them two to confirm the peace before that time contracted or establish a new confederation betwixt them their people and subjects as they should think most convenient Some two days after Iohn Lesley Bishop of Ross William Lord Levingston Robert Lord Boyd Gawan Commendator of Kilwining and Iames Cockburn of Skirling Commissioners for the Scottish Queen came to the City where being all convened and the Commissions exhibited an oath was presented to both parties by the Commissioners of England by which they were required to swear That they should proceed sincerely in that conference and treaty and neither for affection malice or any other worldly respect propone any thing before the Commissioners which in their consciences they did not hold to be true just and godly and reasonable as also not to withdraw hide or conceal any matter fit to be opened and declared for the better knowledge of the truth in the controversies standing amongst them The Commissioners of the Queen of Scotland before they took the oath protested That although the Queen their Mistresse was pleased to have the differences betwixt her and her disobedient subjects considered and dressed by her dearest sister and cousen the Queen of England or by the Commissioners authorized by her yet she did not acknowledge her self subject to any Judge on earth she being a free Princesse and holding her imperial Crown of God alone This their protestation they desired to be put in record left the Queen or her posterity should be prejudiced in their Soveraignty by the present proceedings The Commissioners of England did contrariwise protest that they did neither admit nor allow that protestation in any sort to the hurt or prejudice of that right which the Kings of England have claimed had and enjoyed as superiours over the Realm of Scotland which Superiority they protested should belong and appertain to the Queen their Mistresse in the right of the Crown of England These protestations made both parties took the oath in manner as was required and this was the Act of the first meeting The next day the Commissioners of the Queen of Scotland presented a Declaration in writing bearing that Iames Earl of Morton Iohn Earl of Marre Alexander Earl of Glencâ—rne the Lords Homes Lindesay Ruthven Simple Cathcart Ochiltrie and other their assistants had levied an Army in the Queens name against the Queen taking her most noble peron used her in vile manner and thrust into prison in Lochlevin and forcibly broken her Mint-house taken away the printing Irons with all the silver and gold coyned and uncoyned which was in the house for the time And going to the Castle of Striveling and made a fashion to crown her sonne the Prince being then but thirteen moneths old That Iames Earl of Murray taking upon him the name of Regent had usurped the Royal authority and possessed himself with the whole forts Castles Munition Jewels and Revenues of the Kingdom And when it had pleased God to relieve her out of that prison wherein she was so straitly detained by the space of eleven moneths as none of her friends and true subjects could once be permitted to see or speak with her and that she had publickly declared by a solemn oath in the presence of divers of the Nobility at Hamilton that whatsoever was done by her in prison was extorted by force threats and fear of death she out of that natural affection which she carried to her realm and subjects did appoint the Earls of Argile Eglington Cassils and Rothes to agree and make a pacification with the said Regent and his partakers but they were so farre from admitting any peaceable Treaty as they did invade her in her passing to Dumbritton with the men of Warre whom she had hired with her own moneys killed divers of her faithful subjects led others away prisoners and banished some of good note for no other cause but for serving faithfully their lawful Princesse and so after a great many injuries had forced her to flye into England to request the help of Queen Elizabeth her dearest sister and in blood the nearest Cousen she had in the world for restoring her in her former estate and compelling her rebellious subjects to acknowledge their due obedience unto her Majesty which they in her Highnesse name did most instantly intreat The day following which was the ninth of October the Regent and rest of the Commissioners for the young King appearing before they would give any answer to the preceding writ craved first to be resolved Whether the Duke and those that were appointed with him for hearing their controversies bad power to pronounce in the cause of the Kings Mother guilty or not guilty and if according to the same they meant to give sentence without delay As likewise if it should appear by the Declaration they were to make that the Queen of Scots was guilty whether she should be delivered in their hands or detained in England and if the Queen of England would from thenceforth maintain the authority of the King and the Regency established in the person of the Earle of Murray Which points they desired to have cleared before they could enter into the accusation intended The Duke of Norfolk replied that they would proceed according to the Commission given unto them and render an account to her who had trusted them therewith Lethington upon this turning himself to the Regent said That it seemed the English haâ— no other purpose but to defame and disgrace the reputation of
is apparent that wickedness did never reign more and with lesse controlment in the Realm murther bloodshed with theft and robbery every where abounding policy destroyed Churches thrown down honourable families ruinated and true men bereft of their goods for satisfying the souldiers hired by them to maintain the Regents usurped government the like whereof hath not been seen nor heard for many ages before In regard whereof they in behalf of the Queen of Scotland their Mistresse did earnestly request the support and assistance of the Queen of England her cousin for restoring her to her Crown and suppressing the rebels that had attempted against her The English Commmissioners having perused the writings of both sides declared that as yet they were not satisfied with any thing the Regent had shewed requiring him to produce some better and more sound reasons for the severity they had used against their Soveraign otherwise they could not but think she had been too hardly dealt with and report so much to the Queen their Mistresse The Regent who disliked nothing more then to be drawn into the accusation of the Queen his sister answered that he could not be more particular till he should be assured that the Queen of England would undertake the protection of the young King and relinquish the cause of his Mother The Commissioners replying that they had no warrant to promise any such thing he besought them to try the Queens mind that her pleasure being known he might sooner resolve what to do Letters hereupon was sent to the Queen who willed the Regent to direct some one or moe of his side to Court for her better information To this effect Secretary Lethington and Mr. Iames Macgill Clerk of the Rolls were sent thither with whom the Queen having conferred a little time she gave order to recall her Commissioners and advertise the Regent himself to come unto her At his coming the Queen laid to his charge the proceeding against his sister the Queen of Scots saying that she did not see how he and the rest of his faction could well be excused and that unlesse matters were better cleard on their parts she could not deny the help and assistance that was required at her hands The Regent according to the condition proposed at York answered That if she would take upon her the defence of the King they should be more particular in their reasons for rejecting the Queens authority and clear every thing they should speak sufficiently otherwise to accuse his sister and Queen would be held odious in the judgement of all men Whilest these things were a doing in England the Queens faction at home sought all occasions to make trouble abusing the popular sort with rumours they dispersed Sometimes giving out that the Regent was made prisoner in the Tower At other times that he had promised to subject the Kingdom of Scotland to the English to deliver the young King to be brought up in England and put all the forts and strong holds in the Realm in their hands Nor was any man more busied in dispersing such lies and using all means else for stirring up tumult then Sir Iames Balfour instigated thereto by advertisement from the Secretary as was commonly thought For by his advise it was that the Scottish Queen at the same time sent Commissions of Lieutenandrie to divers Noblemen for erecting again her authority like as all the while he remained in England he did ever keep intelligence with the Bishop of Rosse and others the Queens agents and was one of the chief plotters of the match intended betwixt her and the Duke of Norfolk which came shortly after to be detected The Regent who was not ignorant of these secret workings did finde there was a necessity of his returning home to prevent the commotions that were breeding before they grew into a greater ripeness and fearing to offend the Queen of England if he should depart without giving her satisfaction in the particulars she desired to be informed of touching the Queen of Scots resolved to do it but with a protestation which he presented in writing to the Councell at Westminster the 28. of November in this form Albeit our whole proceedings from the beginning of our interprise directed onely for the punishment of the King murther and the purging of our Nation from the scandall of that abominable fact may let the world see how unwilling we have been to touch the Queen our Soveraign Lords Mother in honour or to publish unto strangers matters tending to her infamy yet shall it not be amisse upon the present occasion to shew briefly what hath been and still is our meaning therein Such and so great was our devotion toward her as well for private affection whereby every one of us was led to wish her well as for publick respects that rather then we would blemish her honour with the foreknowledge of that detestable murther we choosed to wink at the shrewd reports of the world and let our selves to be blasoned as rebels and traitours to our native Prince which had been easie for us to have wiped away with the uttering of a few words if the desire we had to save her reputation bad not made us content that the world should still live in doubt of the justice of our quarrell and speak every one as their affections were inclined So when we were urged by the Queens Majesty of England and the French Kings Ambassadours to give a reason why we detained our Queen at Lochleven we gave no other answer but that her affection was so excessively towards Bothwell the committer of that odious murther that she being at liberty it would not be possible to punish him and that it behooved us for a season to sequestrate her person till he might be apprehendâ—d and punished In what danger this dealing brought us we have no need to shew From France we had nothing to expect but open Hostility and by keeping up the chief causes of her rejection we had reason to fear that the Queen of England should call our proceeding in doubt and so leave us destitute of her Majesties aid at whose hands we look principally to receive comfort in time of danger This course nottheless we should still have kept if the importunity of our adversaries had not forced us to take another way For remembring what a person she is whom we are brought to accuse the Mother of our King and soveraign Lord a Lady to whom in particular the greatest part of us are so farre obliged for benefits received that if with the perpetuall exile of any one or of a number of us forth of our Native Countrey we could redeem her honour without the danger of the King and whole Estate we would willingly banish our selves to that end And therefore ere we dip further in the matter which to this boure we have shunned we solemnly protest that it is not any delight we take in accusing her but a necessity
the Queen his sister or others who had interest in the business that his consent was extorted and not willingly given To this effect he advised him to send the Laird of Lethington to England with speed as the wisest and most sufficient man he could chuse who would provide for him the rest that had assisted him substantially and assuredly His conscience he said some over precise objections might perhaps trouble him but if he could have espied any other thing then his overthrow in resisting he would not have written so peremptorily unto him Then concluded with these words No mans friendship will be more embraced then yours no mans estimation be greater if you shal conform your self concurwith your friends in thisâ— contrariwise if you withstand or become an adverse party you wil be so incumbred both from hence from thence all other places as no man can advise you what to do Therefore God send you to direct your course for the best This letter was accompanied with another from Sir Nicholas to Lethington wherein he shewed that according to his advice he had written to the Regent with a great zeal and care of his well doing these were the words he used and requested he should hasten his coming to Court for that businesse the same being as yet concealed from the Queen till he as the fittest Minister might propone the same in behalf of the Regent and Nobility of Scotland whereunto he held it assured the Queen would assent as preferring her own surety the tranquillity of her Kingdom and conservation of her people before any device that might proceed from the inconsiderate passions of whomsoever And that he might be the more incouraged he did inform him particularly of the Duke of Norfolks consent and the approbation of the Earls of Arundel Pembrook Leicester Bedford Shrewsbury and the rest of the wisest noblest ablest and mightiest of that Realm And it was truth that he wrote of their consenting howbeit with a condition so that the Queen of England was not against it yea beside these divers well affected both to Religion and State did wish the purpose a good successe for perceiving no inclination in the Queen of England her self to take a husband they feared the Queen of Scots who was her undoubted heir by matching with some forain Prince might endanger both Religion and State and therefore desired the marriage with the Duke might take effect he being a Nobleman of England beloved of the people and educated in the Protestant Religion for by this match as they made account if it should happen the young King to die the two Kingdomes might be united in a Prince of the English Nation or if he lived unto a ripe age he might be married with the Dukes youngest daughter who was near of the same age and that way the two Crowns be made one But these devices proved idle and vain as we shall hear The Regent for answering these letters did appoint a meeting of the Estates at Perth in Iuly thereafter At which time an Assembly of the Church was also kept in Edinburgh and from it Commissioners directed to the Convention to renew the Petitions made the year preceding that as yet had received no answer And further to desire that a portion of the tithes might be allotted for sustentation of the poor the labourers of the ground permitted to gather the tithes of their proper corns paying for the same a reasonable duty and that the thirds of Benefices being really separated from the two other parts the Collectors of the Church might peaceably intromet therewith for the more ready paiment of Ministers according to their assignations But these Petitions in regard of the more weighty businesse were deferred to another time And the Convention falling to consider the letters sent from England did hardly accord upon an answer Beginning with that of the Queen of England they judged the first condition so derogatory to the Kings authority as they did simply reject it The second of Association was held dangerous and third onely thought reasonable and meet to be accepted But when they came to speak of the Queen of Scots desires the contention was great they that stood for the Kings authority taking exception first of her imperious form of writing and that she did command them as though she were their absolute Queen then at the desire it self they excepted not holding it safe to condescend unto the same before the Queen of England should be acquainted therewith for they conceived some other thing to be lurking under that purpose of divorce then was openly pretended Such as affected the Queen and were privy to the marriage intended with Northfolk excusing the form of writing and laying the blame upon her Secretaries made offer to procure new letters in what tearms they pleased so as judges were named to proceed in the divorce and when they saw this not to be regarded in a chasing mood they said That it was strange to think how that they not many moneths passed seemed to desire nothing more then the Queenes separation from Bothwell should now when it was offered decline the same It was answered again in heat That if the Queen was so earnest in the Divorce she might write to the King of Denmark and desire him to doe justice upon Bothwell for the murther of the King her husband That done the divorce would not be needfull and she freed to marry where and when she pleased The Conventâ— on breaking up and neither the Queens faction obtaining what they desired nor Lethington the imployment which he affected new suspitions began to rise on all sides and as in the most secret practices somewhat alwayes is bursting forth a rumour went riâ—e amongst the common sort that some great interprise was in hand which would bring with it a wonderfull change in both Kingdomes Mr. Iohn Wood one of the Regents domesticks being sent with the answer of the convention did signifie to the Queen of England the business made about the divorce and what was done concerning it but she not seeming to regard the matter professed that she was not satisfied with the answer of the convention and desired they should think better of the conditions proposed The truth was that she held not the Gentleman of sufficient quality to deal in such business for otherwise she was not ignorant of the cause wherefore the divorce was sought and had warned Northfolk to take heed on what pillow he laid his head yea she took so ill the Queen of Scots carriage in that matter as shortly after she caused her to be removed to Coventry more within the Countrey and gave her in custody to George Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury and Edward Hastings Earl of Huntingdon The Regent upon his servants return convened the Nobility again at Striveling where in effect the same answer that of before was given to the Propositions made by the Queen of England and
do and to put them off the fields whereas if supply were not sent in time and that matters should happen to be put to a day amongst themselves the issue might prove dangerous Answer was made that the forces should be sent upon sufficient hostages for their surety during their remaining in Scotland Withall he craved that the English Rebels whom the Lords had in their hands and such others as should happen to be apprehended might be delivered to him as the Queens Lieutenant and left to her Majesties disposition For the hastages it was condescended that the chief Noblemen should deliver some of their friends to remain in England during the abode of the English forces and their safe return assured the chance and fortune of Warre only excepted which should be common and alike both to the Scots and them But touching the delivery of the English Rebells the Lords intreated that the same might be continued unto the return of her Majesties answer to the instructions sent by the Abbot of Dunfermlin who was upon his journey and had warrant from them to satisfie her Majesty in that point To this the Earl consented providing the Noblemen would give their bonds for the safe custody of the Rebels and the performance of that which her Majesty and the Ambassadour should agree unto The Laird of Grange and Secretary Lethington who as yet made a show to desire peace laboured by their letters to keep back the English forces offering what satisfaction the Earl of Sussex in name of her Majesty would require That the Earl answered that if the Lords of Linlithgow would disannull the Proclamation of the Queen of Scots authority and discharge all capitulations for aid out of France and all other parts beyond the Sea remitting the present dissension to the hearing and ordering of the Queen his Mistress and oblieging themselves by their subscriptions to stand at her Majesties determination he should stay his forces and detain them with himself till he received new direction from her Majesty Though these answers did in no wayes please them yet to gain some time they gave hopes that after conference with the Lords at Linlithgow he should receive all satisfaction But he smelling their intentions after he had received the bonds and pledges from the Noblemen of the Kings party sent Sir William Drury Governour of Berwick with a thousand foot and three hundreth horsmen into Scotland How soon the Lords that were convened at Linlithgow heard of their coming and that the Earl of Lennox was in their company they departed towards Glasgow and besieged the Castle purposing to raze it lest it should be usefull to the Earl of Lennox who was now returned from England But the house was so well defended by a few young men they passed not 24. in all that the siege after it had continued the space of five or six dayes brake up upon the rumour of the Noblemen and the English forces their approaching The Duke of Chattellerault went with the Earl of Argile into his Countrey the Earl of Huntley and the rest into the North. The Noblemen assisted with the English forces coming to Glasgow after a short stay marched to Hamilton and laid siege to the Castle which at the sight of the Ordinance that was brought thither for the battery was yielded to the English by Andrew Hamilton of Meryton Captain upon promise to have their lives spared The Castle was set on fire and pitifully defaced as also the Dukes palace within the town of Hamilton and divers other houses in Cliddisdale In their return to Edinburgh they destroyed the houses and lands pertaining to the Lords Flemyn and Levingston with the Dukes lodging in the town of Linlithgow the houses of Kinneill Powdowy Peill of Levingston and others that appertained to the Hamiltons in that shire This done the English forces returned to Berwick and were accompanied thither by the Earl of Morton who received again the hostages that were delivered in England Whilest these things were a doing at home the Abbot of Dunfermlin was following his legation in England His instructions from the Noblemen of the Kings party were First to shew the Queen that by the delay of her Majesties Declaration in the cause of the Kings Mother all these commotions had been raised and therefore to intreat her Majesty plainly to declare her self and take upon her the protection of the young King Secondly to inform her of the difficulties they had in electing of a Regent and crave her opinion therein Thirdly to shew what a necessity there was of intreating some forces of foot and horse till the present troubles were pacified and in regard of the publick burthens to request her for moneys to maintain 300 horse and 700. foot which was esteemed sufficient for repressing the adversaries power Lastly concerning the Rebells of England who were in hands to give her Majesty assurance that they should be safely kept and to beseech her Highnes if she would have them delivered that some respect might be had to their credit and mercy shewed so far as could stand with her Majesties safety and the quiet of the Realm For the other Rebells that were as yet in the Countrey he was desired to promise in their name all diligence for their apprehension and if it should happen them to be taken that they should be committed in sure custody till her Majesties pleasure was known These things proponed to the Queen she answered That having heard nothing from the Lords since the late Regents death and being dayly importuned by forain Ambassadours she had yielded to a new hearing of the controversies betwixt them and their Queen and that she intended to have a meeting of the Commissioners of both parties ere it was long Therefore desired them to cease from using further hostility and not to precipitate the Election of a Regent the delay whereof would work them no prejudice This answer reported to the Lords did trouble them exceedingly from the one part they saw a necessity of accommodating themselves and their proceedings to the Queen of Englands pleasure and on the other they did find a great hurt by the want of a Regent That adverse faction having thereby taken occasion to erect another Authority and divers of their own partakers falling back from their wonted forwardness as not knowing on whom they should depend After long consultation this expedient was taken That a Lieutenant should be appointed for certain time with full authority to administrate all affairs and notice sent to the Queen of England of the necessity they stood in of a Regent and that there was no other way to keep the subjects in obedience Choice accordingly was made of the Earl of Lennox grandfather to the King and a Commission of Lieutenandry given him to indure to the 11. of Iuly next at which time the Estates were warned to meet for the election of a Regent Letters were also directed to the
the power of those whom the Queen and Regent should send in Commission to change diminish or augment the Articles at their pleasures Therefore did he advise the Regent to send a Nobleman with some other well learned and practised in the affairs of the countrey to deal in these matters taking care that the persons he choosed were constant and firm and such as would not be wonne from him nor from the cause This Letter of the date the thirteenth of October 1570. written in so friendly and familiar a manner for therein he named some whom the Regent had lately imployed of whom he willed him to beware gave him to understand that matters were not so farre gone as his adversary did bragge After a few dayes the Earl of Sussex advertised the Regent that the Lords of the other faction had made choice of certain Commissioners to attend the treaty begun betwixt their Queen and the Queen of England desiring that no trouble nor molestation should be made to them and their train in that journey as also to send some speciall persons instructed with Commission from the King and the Nobility of his side to give their best advice for the surety of the King and his dependants if matters should happen to be accorded And if it fell out otherwise to consider what should be the most sure course for continuance of amity betwixt the two Realms the preservation of the young King the reducing of the subjects to his obedience and the defence of the Isle against forain invasions These Commissioners he desired to be sent with expedition for that her Majesty longed to have an end of the business and could not grow to any resolution till she had conferred with them and understood their minds This he did by direction from the Queen his Mistris as he wrote howbeit he himself had thought of some particulars that he held convenient to be thought upon but for the Kings security and theirs if his mother should be set at liberty wherein he prayed him familiarly to shew what was his opinion As first if she should happen to be restored to her Crown and the King to be made to dimit the authority it might be upon condition that in case of her death or the breach of the present agreement he might reenter to the kingdome without any Solemnities to be used Next that a Councell of both parties might be provided to her by the Queen of England for avoyding all sorts of practises Thirdly that the young King should be educated in the Realm of England under the custody of such persons as the Nobility of his party should appoint which would be the greatest sureâ—y for those that depended on him and tie his mother to the performance of the Articles Fourthly that a new Act of Parliament should be made for the establishing of true Religion and oblivion of all injuries committed on either side Fifthly that the Queen should give some principall men of her side Hostages to remain in England for fulfilling the heads of the agreement Lastly he advised the Regent to send with the Commissioners that should be imployed in that errand a writing signed and scaled by all the Noblemen of the Kings party to shâ—w who they were that stood on that side Because besides the credit it would bring to the cause the same would be to good purpose howsoever matters went For if the Treaty should break off it would be seen who would maintain and defend the King Or if otherwise an accord were made it would be known for what persons the Queen of England was to provide a surety Whether these Propositions were made as he gave out of his own head or which would rather appear that he was set on by the Queen of England to try the Regent and Nobilities mind he answered very advisedly and beginning at the last he said That he held his opinion good touching the sealing of a writing by the Nobility of the Kings party whose number would not be found so great as he wished because there were divers Neuters that adhered to no side and many that desired to keep things loose some for impunity of crimes whereof they were suspected and others hoping to better their condition in an unquiet time yet he trusted to obtain the subscriptions of a sufficient number who had sincerely continued in the profession of true Religion and his Majesties obedience and from their hearts abhorred the murtherers of the King his sonne and the late Regent For the other points he said that he could not give his private opinion in matters so important by reason of his oath made at the acceptation of the government to have no dealing in matters of that kind without the knowledge of the Nobility and Councell And touching the Commissioners which the Queen required to be sent there should be diligence used therein how soon they understood of what quality the others were that the Lords of the Queens party did choose Neither should any molestation be made to them in their journy so as their names the number of their train and the way they minded to take were notified For otherwise as he said the King and Estate might receive hurt and some that were culpable of those odious murthers steal away privately in their company Mean while he shewed that till Commissioners might be chosen by the advice of the Noblemen then absent the Councell had appointed the Abbot of Dunfermlin Ambassadour to the Queen of England and given him such instructions as they held needfull for the time by whom she should be more fully advertised of their minds in all matters About the midst of November the Abbot of Dunfermlin then made Secretary went into England He was desired to shew the Queen How it was the expectation of all the good subjects in Scotland that she would never forget the motherly care she had professed to have of the innocent person of their young King nor yet be unmindfull of the Noblemen and others professing his obedience who had studied to maintain peace betwixt the two Realms ever since her Majesties entry to the Crown and that they being required as well by letters from her Lieutenant in the North as by her Ambassadour resident amongst them to direct some speciall persons towards her for communicating such things as they thought requisite for the surely of their King and themselves although they had resolved upon a number sufficient for that Legation yet they deferred to send away till they should understand who were nominated for the Lords of the other party to the end they might equall them in birth and quality That in the mean time lest they should be thought more negligent then became them in matter of such importance they had laid upon him the charge to come and signifie to her Majesty the opinion that was held in Scotland of the Articles framed at Chattesworth which the adversaries gave out to have been craved by her
bear forth the honour of his Estate and not burthen his subjects with taxations for his support This was the publick pretext and the King made to believe that the reservation of the Prelates houses and precincts with the tithes of the Churches annexed to their benefices would suffice to maintain their dignity and estate But privately to such of the ministery as sought the subversion of Episcopal government it was whispered That this was the only way to undoe the Prelacy for there being no livings to maintain them as in this case there would be little or nothing remaining most of the Bishopricks being founded on temporal lands and having but Churches annexed none would be found to accept those places which also proved true Hopes besides were given to those Ministers that they should have the tithes to use and dispone at their pleasure yet was it not long ere the King did find himself abused the temporalities formerly disponed which were not a few being all in the same Parliament confirmed and those that remained in a short time begged from him and given away to the followers of Court so as nothing was left to benefit or reward any well deserving servant When as he saw this and that the spiritual Estate was by this mean utterly decayed the Priors and Abbots being all turned temporal Lords he did sore forthink the passing of the Act calling it a vile and pernicious Act and recommending to the Prince his son the annulling thereof The Ministers that lookt for restoring the tithes perceiving themselves likewise deluded began also to exclaim and condemn the course howbeit somewhat too late In the same Parliament an Act was made in favour of the small Barons giving them by their Commissioners a voice in Parliament and Conventions with the others Estates The Earl of Crawford did strongly oppose and in name of the Nobility protested against their receiving That which the King intended by this was to free the Barons of their dependence upon Noblemen and have the Estates more particularly informed at their meeting of the abuses in the countrey But so farre was he from obtaining these ends as to the contrary they did work him great businesse in all the ensuing Parliaments Soon after the Estates dissolved the Lord Hunsdon Governour of Berwick sent to intreat presence of the King who yeilded the more willingly because he of all the Nobility of England had medled least in the proceedings against his Mother The Nobleman proposing the same reasons in effect which Walsingham had used in his letter to the Chancellour and laying before the King the danger wherein he might bring the title and right of succession which otherwise was undoubted if he should enter into open warre with England did earnestly beseech him seeing that which was done could not be undone to give place unto necessity promising because it was still beaten into the Kings ears that the execution of his Mother did barre his succession to bring unto him a Declaration under the hands of all the Judges of England that the sentence given against his Mother was no hurt to his right nor could work any prejudice to his succession This conference did break the King very much from his resolution yet the outcries of the countrey were great and their desires so vehement for revenge that he parted with Hunsdon in doubtful terms But when the Declaration of the Judges which he had promised was brought unto him and therewith the sentence given against Davison in the Starre Chamber whereby it appeared that the execution was done without the Queens knowledge he became more appeased and suffered Proclamations to go out inhibiting all that dwelt in the Borders to make incursions upon England as they were begun to do About the same time did Patrick Vaus of Barnbarrough and Mr. Peter Young his Majesties Elemosynar who had bin sent unto Denmark to treat of the marriage return making report of their agreement whereupon conclusion was taken that in the opening of the spring a Nobleman should be directed to accomplish the ceremonies and bring home the young Queen But the death of King Frederick her Father who departed this life in the moneth of April next with other occasions that intervened made the businesse to be delayed certain moneths In the end of the year there came from beyond Sea divers Jesuits and Priests to deal with the Catholick Noblemen for assisting the Spanish Armada which was then preparing to invade England if possibly they should take land in Scotland for their hope was to find the King favourable because of the Queens proceedings against his Mother and that he should joyn his forces with the Spanish for revenge of that wrong But he considering his own danger if strangers should set foot in the Isle and not trusting that the Spaniard would take the pains to conquer for him the Crown of England for that also was proffered refused to give ear unto such motions Mr. Iames Gordon Jesuit and Uncle to the Earl of Huntley had been all the summer before in the countrey and was overseen because of his Nephew whom the King intended to match with the Duke of Lennox his eldest sister neither was he much feared as being a simple man and not deeply learned Mr. Edmond Hay brother to Peter Hay of Megnish a Jesuit also but of greater account and more politick and wise did thereafter arrive pretending that he came to take his farewel of his friends and after him came divers others which made the King give out a Proclamation against the resetters and for apprehending their persons In this Proclamation besides Mr. Iames Gordon and the said Mr. Edmond Hay I find named Mr. Gilbert Brown Abbot of Newbottle Mr. Iohn Drury son natural to George Drury sometimes Abbot of Dunfermling Mr. Alexander Mackwhirry Mr. Iames Cheyn Mr. Alexander Meldrum Mr. William Crichton Mr. Iames Seaton and Mr. Iohn Morton most of these upon their supplications and sureties given to depart in the first ships obtained a protection unto the last of Ianuary which did so offend the Ministers as they did call a number of Noblemen Barons and Commissioners of Burghs to meet at Edinburgh the sixth of February for advising upon some remedy against the present dangers The meeting was frequent and Mr. Robert Bruce by the suffrages of all chosen to preside He had preached ordinarily at Edinburgh a year or somewhat more and was in great respect with all sorts of people but had not entered as yet unto the ministerial function Certain assessors chosen according to the custome the first thing proposed was touching the dangers threatened to Religion and the readiest means for quenching the fire of Papistry kindled through the whole countrey which they were all greatly exhorted to take to heart and to consider what course was best to obviate these dangers And to the end things might be done advisedly the Noblemen were advised to
of the Church The Cardinal set at liberty A Convention of the Clergy at S. Andrews Buchan l. 15. The Ambassadour of England complaineth of the indignity offered to him The Governours excuse Buchan l. 15. Warre denounced by England The countrey goeth into factions The Earle of Lenox recalled from France Buchan l. 15. The Earle of Lenox welcomed by the Queen-mother and the Cardinal The young Queen removed to Striveling The Governor forsaketh his party and receiveth absolution from the Cardinal Buchan l. 15. The Cardinals care to be rid of the Earl of Lenox Buchan l. 15. The Earl of Lenox finding himself abused goeth to England The persecution of the professors in Perth The inditement of the persons delated They are found guilty and their behaviour at their suffering Burgesses exiled and the Lord Ruthven put from his Provostry Kinfawn elected Provest seeketh to force the town to obedience Buchan l. 15. The Lord Gray invading Perth is repulsed The Cardinals proceeding against the Professors in Angus and Meâ—nis Buchan l. 15. An. 1544. Roger a black Frier imprisoned at Saint Andrews The history of Mr. George Wishart Wishart discharged from preaching at Dundy History of the Church He goeth to the West where the Archbishop of Glasgow seeketh to apprehend him Wishart returneth to Dundy the pestilâ—nce theâ—e raging A Priest apprehended that intended to kill him History of the Church He visiteth Montrosse A plot of the Cardinals for his intercepting and his wonderfull escape His journey to Edinburgh and what befell him in the way An. 1545. Wishart preacheth at Leith He goeth to East Lothian and preacheth at Haddington He goeth to Ormeston and dimitteth Iohn Knox. There he is apprehended and delivered to the Earle Bothwell upon promise History of the Church The Lairds of Calder and Ormeston committed Wishart carried to S. Andrews The Cardinal sends to the Governour for a Commission David Hamilton of Presson disswadeth the Governour Buchan l. 15. The Governour desires the Cardinal to deferre the trial A citation for his appearance History of the Church At his trial the Sub-prior preacheth He is accused by Master Iohn Lawder a Priest Buch. n. l. 15. His answer Mr. George Wishart his appellation Sentence of death pronounced against him Two Friers sent to confesse him The conference with the Sub-prior He communicateth with the Captain of the Castle Buchan l. 15. Two executioners lead him to the place of his suffering History of the Church His death and the manner of it 2. Martii 1545. An. 1546. His prophesie of the Cardinals death Buchan l. 15. Prayers inhibited to be made for him after his death The Priests extoll the Cardinal He contracted his base daughter to the heir of Craford Buchan l. 15. A conspiracy against the Cardinal The proceeding of the conspirators Grange entereth into the Castle The servants and workmen put to the gate The Cardinal killed A tumult in the City Buchon l. 15. The Cardinal his description How the fact was interpreted in the Countrey A great stirre in the Church by this occasion The murtherers accursed The Governours base brother elected Bishop The Castle besieged and supplied from England A câ—pitulation with the besieged The Governor sendeth to France for a supply Divers joyned with those within the Castle Iohn Rough and Iohn Knox preach to the besieged Iohn Rough preaching in the city is oppugned by the Clergy Iohn Knox maintained his doctrine in a Sermon The substance of Iohn Knox his Sermon The Archbishop offended with the Sub-prior for permitting these preachings The two preachers convened before the Sub-prior Iohn Knox his judgement of tithes Iohn Knox his answer to the Sub-prior and Clergy An. 1547. A consultation of the Clergy how to stay the defection of the people Iohn Rough for saking those in the Castle goeth into England He is brought in question and examined by Bonner Bishop of London He suffered Martyrdom and is burnt in Smithfield The absolution returned from Rome doth not satisfy them The Castle of S. Andrews again besieged at the coming of the French Gallies The Castle besieged and battered by land and sea The Castle reduced upon capitulation The Castle demolished The Duke of Somerset invadeth Scotland His letter to the Governour and Nobility An. 1548. The Duke of Somnsets letters suppresâ—â—d The battel of Pincâ—ie The young Queen conveyed to Dumbartom The siege of Haddington A counsel taken for sending the young Queen to France An. 1550. Peace made with England The prisoners taken in the Castle of Saint Andrews put at liberty Norman Lesley his fortune and death The countrey vexed with Justice Courts Adam Wallace accused of heresie His answer History of the Church Acts of Martyrs A contention among Churchmen for saying of Pater noster The foolish preaching of a Frier in Saint Andrews upon this subject An. 1543. Acts of Martyrs p. 1274. A pleasant discourse and jest of the Subprliors servant The decision of the Provincial Synod The Catechisme called The two-peny faith A Provincial Synod kept at Linlithgow An. 1553. King Edward the sixth of England dieth Queen Regent admitted to rule by dimission of the Governour An. 1554. William Harlow a Minister Iohn Willock a Convert Iohn Knox returneth into Scotland Iohn Knox his conference with young Lethington touching the presence at the Masse The Priests offended at the dishant of the Masse Iohn Knox cited and the Diet deserted An. 1556. He goeth to Geneva He is condemned as an heretick and burnt in effigie Divers prodigious signes The esteem of the Clergy decayeth Mr. Iohn Douglas a Carmelite forsaketh his Order The Preachers cited before the Councel A Proclamaon for the borders The Gentlemen of the West complain of their oppression An. 1558. Commissioners chosen for the young Queens marriage with the Daulphin The misfortunes that happened in that voyage The history of Walter Mill Martyr His examination Sentence pronounced against Walter Mill. The Bailiffe of the Regality refuseth to be Judge His constancie at his suffering The people exceedingly moved at his speeches His Epitaph His death the death of Popery in this kingdome The worthy men that lived in this time Sir David Lindesay of the Mont. Mr. Patrick Cockburn Iohn Mackbrair Robert Wachop Archbishop of Armagh An. 1130. Dunkeld erected to be a Bishoprick The succeession of Bishops in that See An. 1210. An. 1376. An. 1010. The succession of Bishops in the See of Aberdene An. 1300. An. 1480. An. 1514. An. 1160. The succession of Bishops in the Dioces of Murray An. 1140. Since the writing of this Catalogue I have found four Bishops succeeding Edwardus one after another Turpimis Rodolphus Hugo and Gregonus But how long they sate Bishops I cannot say The succession of the Bishops of Dumblane An. 1210. The succession of the Bishops of Rosse An. 1066. The succession of the Bishops of Cathnes An. 1245. The Bishops of Orkney An. 1137. The succession of the Bishops of Glasgow An. 1207. An. 1325. An. 631. The Bishops of Galloway The
but was of a much later time and lived about the year 850. For the opinion of a fiery Purgatory in which souls are tormented after their going forth of the body was not then known among Christians nor did the ancient Irish believe any such matter In our Church at the same time one Hildebert a Bishop was in great accompt for his learning and piety Celius Sedulius had his education under him a man of excellent qualities as his works yet extant both in prose and poesie do witnesse how long Hildebert lived he aboad in his company but after his death he betook himself to travel aud journeying through France and Italy sailed unto Greece there he wrote certain explanations upon the Epistles of St. Paul and returned from thence to Rome made his abode in that city In a Synod gathered by Gelasius Bishop of Rome in the year 494. one of the Canons then made touching books allowed we read these words Venerabilis viri Seâ—ulii Paschale opus quod heroicis descripsit versibus insigni lande proferimus We esteem the Paschal work that venerable Sedulius composed in heroick verses worthy of singular recommendations And even at this day in the Church of Rome certain hymnes compiled by him are sung in the Festivals of the Nativity and Epiphany which sheweth in what esteem he was held Some Irish writers contend that this Sedulius was their countrey man born as the like they affirm of all that were of any note in our Church in those first ages And albeit in divers of his works he doth intitle himself Sedulius Scotigena and that Sixtus Senensis Trithemius Baronius and divers others do all witnesse him to be of the Scottish Nation yet they will have him to be an Irish because forsooth in those elder times the name of Scoti was common to the inhabitants of the greater and lesser Scotland But this reason is naught for granting that the countreys were so distinguished of old and that Ireland was called Scotia major and the part of Britain which the Colonie deduced from thence did inhabit Scotia minor whereof there is some appearance yet that will not infer him to be an Irish more then a Scot. This I trust they will not deny that Scotland was Christian long before Ireland and that Sedulius of whom we speak was come to a good age before Patrick went about their conversion Now if he had been an Irish by Nation would not he much rather have imployed his travels to instruct his countrey men in the truth then have spent his time abroad among strangers Further I should desire these who plead so earnestly to have our men esteemed to be of their countrey to name any one another worthy of credit that since the Scots were reduced from their exile by Fergus the second did ever call Ireland Scotland the greater They will not finde any of trust the name of Scots being long before appropriated to the Colonie reduced from thence and quite extinct among the Irish. It is true that we oftfinde the Scots called Irishes like as yet we term commonly our Highland-men in regard they speak the Irish language and retain divers of their customes But that the Irish were called Scots or the countrey of Ireland called Scotland since they grew to be different nations and were known to be so I am confident will not be shewed To close this howsoever Ireland be the Mother and Scotland the daughter as a reverend Prelate hath written we deny not for our first progenitors we hold came from that countrey there is no reason why the sons which the daughter hath brought forth should be reckoned the sons of another Mother and she thereby robbed of her honor But to our story the condition of this Church in those times was most happy all the care of Preachers being to winne souls unto Christ Avarice and Ambition the two main pests of the Church had not as yet seised upon them so as they were held with all people in great veneration Beda saith that whosoever did meet them by occasion either in the streets or otherwise in journeying by the way they would not depart without their blessing And which increased greatly the felicity of the time the Kings who then reigned were all wise and religious Congallus the second deserves by the rest to be mentioned Vir ob egregias virtutes saith Buchannan omnium seculorum memoria dignus Nam praeter aequitatem in jure dicundo animum adversâ—is avaritiam invictum certabat moderatione vitae cum Monachis qui ea aetate severissima disciplina utebantur Thas is he was a man for his notable vertues worthy to be had in everlasting remembrance For besides his equity in the ministration of Justice and the uncorrupt mind he carried being free of all covetousnesse in moderation of life he was nothing inferiour to the Monks who in that age observed a most strict discipline This good King considering how easily people are brought to contemn Ministers that stand in need of their supply and that the contempt of Ministers breedeth ever contempt of Religion did carefully provide for their necessities appointing to them Mansion places at the Churches where they served with a competent portion of land thereto adjoyning and declaring the tenth of all cornes fruits herbs and flocks which did either produce or nourish to appertain properly to the Church He did further enact for the safety of their persons That if any should happen to smite a Church-man his hand should be cut off and if the Church-man was killed that the murtherer should lose all his goods and be burnt alive For the greater reverence of Church-censures it was likewise his ordinance That whosoever were by the Church excommunicated should not be admitted to stand in judgement nor credit given to their testimony The fame of this Kings pious disposition drew Columba back from Ireland where he had lived a long time There came with him some twelve in company of whom the principals were Sibthacus and Ethernanus his nephews by his brother both of them Presbyters Domitius Rutheus and Comineus men of excellent learning and good behaviour who were all well accepted of the King But of Columba he made such accompt as he did nothing in any matter of importance till he had first consulted with him By his advice the Monks that in former times lived dispersed were gathered into Cloysters or Colledges and had Rules prescribed unto them which falling afterward to be neglected in place of religious Monks there crept in a sort of idle-bellies that disordered all things and made the profession which in the begining was well devised to be misliked and hated of all King Congallus after a little time sickning sent Columba into Ireland to bring home Aidanus the right heir of the Kingdom who had fled thither after the murther of his Father Goranus that he might possesse him