of Egypt in the yeere 1218. And then Henry the king vpon the motion of Honorius the third bishop of Rome sent thither this earle Ranulph with a great power of armed souldiers to further the enterprise of the Christians whose valure in that warre by the testimonie of Polidor Virgil was marueilously commended of all men After the end of which businesse he being returned into his countrey wrote a booke of the lawes of England It is also reported that he wrote other books but time the destroyer of many memorials hath taken them from vs. He flourished in the yeere after the natiuity of Christ 1230 being very aged and in the reigne of K. Henry the third The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the yere of grace 1231 and in the 15 of Henry the third ANno gratiae 1231 mense verò Iulio Petrus Wintoniensis episcopus completo in terra sancta iam sere per quinquennium magnificè peregrinationis voto reuersus est in Angliam Kalendis Augusti Wintoniam veniens susceptus est cum processione solenni in sua ecclesia cathedrali The same in English IN the yere of grace 1231 and in the moneth of Iuly Peter bishop of Winchester hauing spent almost fiue whole yeres in fulfilling his vow of pilgrimage in the Holy land with great pompe returned into England about the Kalends of August and comming vnto Winchester was receiued with solemne procession into his cathedrall church The honourable and prosperous voyage of Richard earle of Cornewall brother to king Henry the third accompanied with William Longespee earle of Sarisburie and many other noble men into Syria IN the 24 yeere of king Henry the third Richard earle of Cornwall the kings brother with a nauy of ships sailed into Syria where in the warres against the Saracens he greatly aduanced the part of the Christians There went ouer with him the earle of Sarisburie William Longspee and William Basset Iohn Beauchampe Geoffrey de Lucie Iohn Neuel Geoffrey Beauchampe Peter de Brense and William Furniuall Simon Montfort earle of Leicester went ouer also the same time but whereas the earle of Cornwall tooke the sea at Marseils the earle of Leicester passed thorow Italy and tooke shipping at Brindize in Apulia and with him went these persons of name Thomas de Furniual with his brother Gerard de Furniuall Hugh Wake Almerike de S. Aumond Wiscard Ledet Punchard de Dewin and William de Dewin that were brethren Gerard Pesmes Fouke de Baugie and Peter de Chauntenay Shortly after also Iohn earle of Albemarle William Fortis and Peter de Mallow a Poictouin men for their valiancy greatly renowmed went thither leading with them a great number of Christian souldiers Matth. Paris Matth. West Holensh pag. 225. col 2. The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople called Baldwine into England in the yere 1247 out of Matthâ— Paris Holensh pag. 239. vol. 2. ABout the same time Baldwine naming himselfe emperour of Constantinople came againe into England to procure some new ayd of the king towards the recouery of his empire out of the which he was expelled by the Greeks The voyage of VVilliam Longespee Earle of Sarisburie into Asia in the yeere 1248 and in the 32 yeere of the reigne of Henry the third king of England LEwis the French king being recouered of his sickenesse which he fell into in the yere 1234 vowed thereupon for a free will sacriâ—ice to God that he if the Councell of his realme would suffer him would in his owne person visit the Holy land which matter was opened and debated in the Parliament of France held in the yeere 1247. Where at length it was concluded that the king according to his vow should take his iourney into Asia and the time thereof was also prefixed which should be after the feast of S. Iohn Baptist the next yeere ensuing At which time William Longespee a worthie warrior with the bishop of Worcester and certaine other great men in the Realme of England mooued with the example of the Frenchmen prepared themselues likewise to the same iourney It fell out in this enterprise that about the beginning of October the French king assaulted and tooke Damiata being the principall fort or hold of the Saracens in all Egypt Anno 1249. and hauing fortified the Citie with an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundie he remooued his tents from thence to goe Eastward In whose armie followed William Longespee accompanied with a piked number of English warriors retaining vnto him But such was the disdaine of the Frenchmen against this William Longespee and the Englishmen that they could not abide them but flouted them after an opprobrious maner with English tailes insomuch that the French king himselfe had much adoe to keepe peace betweene them The originall cause of this grudge betweene them began thus There was not farre from Alexandria in Egypt a strong fort or castle replenished with great Ladies and rich treasure of the Saracens which hold it chanced the sayd William Longespee with his company of English soldiers to get more by politique dexteritie then by open force of armes wherwith he his retinue were greatly enriched When the â—renchmen had knowledge hereof they not being made priuie hereto began to conceiue an heart burning against the English souldiers could not speake well of them after that It hapned againe not long after that the sayd William had intelligence of a company of rich merchants among the Saracens going to a certaine Faire about the parts of Alexandria hauing their camels asses and mules richly loden with silkes precious iewels spices gold siluer with cart loades of other wares beside victuall and other furniture whereof the souldiers then stood in great need he hauing secret knowledge hereof gathered all the power of Englishmen vnto him that he could and so by night falling vpon the merchants some he slew with their guides and conducters some hee tooke some hee put to flight the carts with the driuers and with the oxen camels asses and mules with the whole cariage and victuals he tooke brought with him loosing in all the skirmish but one souldier and eight of his seruitors of whom notwithstanding some he brought home wounded to be cured This being knowen in the Campe foorth came the Frenchmen which all this while loytered in their pauillions and meeting this cariage by the way tooke all the foresayd praie whole to themselues rating the said William and the Englishmen for aduenturing and issuing out of the Campe without leaue or knowledge of their Generall contrary to the discipline of warre William said againe he had done nothing but he would answere to it whose purpose was to haue the spoyle deuided to the behoofe of the whole armie When this would not serue hee being sore grieued in his minde so cowardly to be spoyled of that which he so aduenturously had trauailed for went to the
whatsoeuer hee or they bee that then and in such case wee will doe all that in vs is to cause restitution reparation and satisfaction to bee duely made to the said English marchants by our letters and otherwise as shall stand with our honour and be consonant to equitie and iustice 10 Item for vs our heires and successours wee doe promise and graunt to performe mainteine corroborate autenticate and obserue all and singular the aforesaide liberties franchises and priuiledges like as presently we firmely doe intend and will corroborate autentike and performe the same by all meane and way that we can as much as may be to the commoditie and profite of the said English Marchants and their successours for euer And to the intent that all and singuler the saide giftes graunts and promises may bee inuiolably obserued and performed we the said Iohn Vasiliuich by the grace of God Emperor of Russia great Duke of Nouogrode Mosco c. for vs our heires and successors by our Imperiall and lordly word in stead of an othe haue and doe promise by these presents inuiolably to mainteyne and obserue and cause to be inuiolably obserued and mainteined all and singuler the aforesayde giftes graunts and promises from time to time and at all and euery time and times heereafter And for the more corroboration hereof haue caused our Signet hereunto to be put Dated in our Castle of Mosco the 20. day of in the yeere The Charter of the Marchants of Russia graunted vpon the discouerie of the saide Countrey by King Philip and Queene Marie PHilip and Marie by the grace of God King and Queene c. To all manner of officers true Iurie men ministers aud subiects and to all other people as well within this our Realme or elsewhere vnder our obeysance iurisdiction and rule or otherwise vnto whome these our letters shall bee shewed séene or read greeting Whereas wee be credibly informed that our right trusâ—ie right faithfull and welbeloued Counsailors William Marques of Winchester Lord high Treasurer of this our Realme of England Henrie Earle of Arundel Lord Steward of our housholde Iohn Earle of Bedford Lord keeper of our priuie Seale William Earle of Pembroke William Lorde Howard of Esfingham Lorde high Admirall of our saide Realme of England c. Haue at their owne aduenture costs and charges prouided rigged and tackled certaine ships pinnesses and other meete vessels and the same furnished with all things necessary haue aduanced and set forward for to discouer descrie and finde Iles landes territories Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and by our subiects before this not commonly by sea frequented which by the sufferance and grace of Almightie God it shall chaunce them sailing Northwards Northeastwards and Northwestwards or any partes thereof in that race or course which other Christian Monarches being with vs in league and amitie haue not heeretofore by Seas traffiqued haunted or frequented to finde and attaine by their said aduenture as well for the glorie of God as for the illustrating of our honour and dignitie royall in the increase of the reuenues of our Crowne and generall wealth of this and other our Realmes and Dominions and of our subiects of the same And to this intent our subiects aboue specified and named haue most humbly beseeched vs that our abundant grace fauour and clemencie may be gratiously extended vnto them in this behalfe Whereupon wee inclined to the petition of the foresaide our Counsailours subiects and marchants and willing to animate aduance further and nourish them in their said godlie honest and good purpose and as we hope profitable aduenture and that they may the more willingly and readily atchieue the same Of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt for vs our heires and successours vnto our said right trustie and right faithfull and right welbeloued Counsailours and the other before named persons that they by the name of marchants aduenturers of England for the discouery of lands â—erritories Iles Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and not before that late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented as aforesaid shal be from hâ—nceforth one bodie and perpetuall fellowship and communaltie of themselues both in deede and in name and them by the names of Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of lands territories Iles sâ—igniories vnknowen and not by the seas and Nauigations before their saide late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented We doe incorporate name and declare by these presents and that the same fellowship or communalty from henceforth shal be and may haue one Gouernour of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath bin the chiefest setter forth of this iourney or voyage therefore we make ordeine and constitute him the said Sebastian to be the first and present gouernour of the same fellowship and communaltie by these presents To haue and enioy the said office of Gouernour to him the said Sebastian Cabota during his naturall life without amouing or dimissing from the same roome And furthermore we graunt vnto the saine fellowship and communaltie and their successors that they the saide fellowship and communaltie and their successors afâ—er the decease of the saide Sebastian Cabota shall and may freely and lawfully in places conuenient and honest assemble themselues together or so many of them as will or can assemble together as well within our citie of London or elsewhere as it shall please them in such sort and maner as other worshipfull corporations of our saide citie haue vsed to assemble and there yeerely name elect and choose one Gouernour or two of themselues and their liberties and also as well yeerely during the natural life of the said Sebastian Cabota now Gouernour as also at the election of such saide Gouernour or gouernours before his decease to choose name and appoint eight and twenty of the most sad discreete and honest persons of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchant aduenturers as is aboue specified and 4. of the most expert and skilfull persons of the same 28. to be named and called Consuls and 24. of the residue to be named and called Assistants to the saide Gouernour or gouernours and Consuls for the time being which shal remaine and stand in their authorities for one whole yeere then nâ—â—t following And if it shall fortune the saide Gouernour Consuls and assistants or any of them so to be elected and chosen as is aforesaid to die within the yeere after his or their election that then and so often it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said fellowship and communalty to elect and choose of themselues other Gouernour or gouernours Consuls and assistants in the place and sleade of such as so shall happen to die to serue out the same yeere And further we do make ordeine and constitute George Barnes knight and Alderman of our
English HVbert Walter bishop of Sarisburie a vertuous man and famous for his good wit and piety was one of the chiefest of them that followed king Richard into Syria going against the Saracens As he returned from Palaestina and came in his iourney into Sicilia he there heard of the ill fortune of the king being fallen into his enemies handes and thereupon leauing his iourney homewards he went presently and in all haste to the place where the king was captiued whom the king immediatly vpon his comming sent into England that by the authority of the councell a tribute might be collected for his redemption which this Hubert performed with great diligâ—nce and deliuered the king After this he was made Archbishop of Canterburie and after the death of king Richard he shewed the like dueties of fidelitie and trust to his brother Iohn that succeeded him For by a long oration he perswaded the whole nation of the English men that he was a very circumspect man vertuous valiant borne of noble parentage and most woorthy of the crowne Whereupon he was so receiued of all the people and crowned king He wrote certaine books and died at the last with very great griefe of minde in the yeere 1205 hauing beene archbishop the space of 11 yeres 8 moneths and sixe dayes by reason of the ciuil discords abroad whereby all things went topsie turuy and in the reigne of king Iohn The trauailes of Robert Curson RObertus Curson ex nobili quodam Anglorum ortus genere disciplinis tum prophanis tum sacris studiosus incubuit idque quantum ex coniecturis colligo in celebratissima Oxonij Academia Praestantissimis illic institutoribus vsus ex summa circa ingenuas artes industria assiduo literarum labore famam sibi inter suos celeberrimam comparauit Ampliora deinde meditatus Parisiorum Lutetiam aâ—que Romam ipsam perijt illic Theologus Doctor hic verò Cardinalis effectus Vnde vterque Matthaeus Parisius ae Westmonasterius hoc de ipso testimonium adferunt hic libro 2. ille 8. suoâ—um Chronicorum Anno Domini 1218 inquiunt in captione Damiatae AEgypti vrbis sub Ioanne Brenno Hierosolymorum rege fuit cum Pelagio Albanensi Magister Robertus de Curson Anglus Clericus celebertimus genere nobilis ac Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis c Bostonus Buriensis in suo Catalogo Cursonum aliquos libros composuisle narrat Claruit anno superius numerato per praedictos testes in Anglia regnante Henrico tertio Ioannis regis filio fuÃtque hic diebus Honorij tertij Romani pontificis in Angliam Bostono teste legatus The same in English RObert Curson descended of a noble family of England vsed great diligence aswell in prophane as in diuine studies in the famous Uniuersity of Oxford as I coniecture He had there the best scholemasters that were to be gotten and was most industrious in the arts and continual exercises of learning by meanes whereof he grew to be of great renowne where he liued Afterward thinking of greater matters he went to Paris and thence to Rome it selfe and at Paris he proceeded doctor of Diuinity at Rome he was made cardinall whereupon both Matthew Paris Matthew of Westminster produce this testimony of him the one in his second booke the other in his eight booke of Chronicles In the yere of our Lord say they 1218 at the taking of Damiata a city of Egypt vnder Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem M. Robert Curson an English man a most famous clearke of noble parentage and cardinall of the church of Rome was there with Pelagius Albanensis c. Boston of Burie in Suffolke in his catalogue reporteth that he wrote diuers books He flourished in the yeere aforesayd by the witnesses aforesayd Henry the third sonne of king Iohn being then king of England and by the further testimony of Boston this Curson was legate into England in the dayes of Honorius the third bishop of Rome The voyage of Ranulph earle of Chester of Saer Quincy earle of VVinchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel with diuers other noble men to the Holy land in the second yere of K. Henry the third Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. IN the yeere 1218 Ranulph earle of Chester was sent into the Holy land by king Henry the third with a goodly company of souldiers and men of warre to ayde the Christians there against the Infidels which at the same time had besieged the city of Damiata in Egypt In which enterprise the valiancy of the same earle after his comming thither was to his great praise most apparant There went with him in that iourney Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel besides diuers barons as the lord Robert fitz Walter Iohn constable of Chester William de Harecourt and Oliuer fitz Roy sonne to the king of England and diuers others The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the Holy land THis yere being the sixt yere of Henry the third deceased Henry de Bohun earle of Hereford and Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester in their iourney which they made to the Holy land Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. colâ— 2. The trauailes of Ranulph Glanuile earle of Chester RAnulphus Glanuile Cestriae Comes vir nobilissimi generis vâ—roque iure eruditus in albo illustâ—ium virorum à me meritò ponendus venit Ita probè omnes adolescentiae suae annos legibus tum humanis tum diuinis consecrauit vt non prius in hominem per aetatem euaserit quà m nomen decúsque ab insigni eruditione sibi comparauerit Cum profecti essent Francorum Heroes Ptolemaidem inito cum Ioanne Brenâ—o Hierosolymorum rege concilio Damiatam AEgypti vrbem obsidendam constituebant aâ—no salutis humanae 1218. Misitillùe Henricus rex ab Honorio 3 Rom. Pontifice rogatus cum magna armatorum manu Ranulphum ad rem Christian am iuuandam Cuius viâ—tus Polydoro teste in eo bello mitis omnium laudibus celebrata â—uit Quo confecto negotio Ranulphus in patriam reuersus scripfit De legibus Angliae librum vnum Fertur praeterea alia quaedam scripsisse sed tempus edax rerum ea nobis abstulit Claruit anno à Seruatoris nostri natiuitate 1230 confectus senio dum Henricus terâ—ius sub Antichristi tyrannide in Anglia regnaret The same in English RAnulph Glanuile earle of Chester a man of a very noble house and learned in both the Lawes deserues of duetie to be here placed by me in the catalogue of woorthy and notable men He applied so well all the yeeres of his youth to the study of humane and diuine Lawes that he came not so soone to the age of a man as he had purchased to himselfe by reason of his singular learning renowme and honour When the noble men of France went to Ptolomais vpon the counsell of Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem they resolued to besiege Damiata a city
seeke the common commoditie and what way and by what meane that is to bee brought about is the point or summe of the matter since euery good man is ready to imploy his labour This is to bee done by an infinite sort of mèanes as the number of things bee infinite that may bee done for common benefite of the Realme And as the chiefe things so to bee done be diuers so are they to bee done by diuers men as they bee by wit and maner of education more fit or lesse fit for this and for that And for that of many things that tend to the common benefite of the State some tend more and some lesse I finde that no one thing after our other is greater then Clothing and the things incident to the same And vnderstanding that you are of right good capacitie and become a Factor at Constantinople and in other partes iâ— Turkie I finde no man fitter of all the English Factors there then you And therefore I am so bold to put you in minde and to tell you wherein with some indeuour you may chaunce to doe your Countrey much good and giue an infinite sorte of the poore people occasion to pray for you here throughout the Realme this that I meane is in matter of Cloth c. 1 FIrst you cannot denie but that this Realitie yeeldeth the most fiue Wooll the most soft the most strong Wooll the most durable in Cloth and most apte of nature of all other to receiue Die and that no Island or any one kingdome so small doeth yeeld so great abundance of the same and that no Wooll is lesse subiect to mothes or to fretting in presse then this as the old Parliament robes of Kings of many noble Peeres to be shewed may plainly restifie 2 There is no commoditie of this Realme that may set so many poore subiects on worke as this doeth that doeth bring in so much treasure and so much â—nrich the merchant and so much employ the Nauie of this Realme as this commoditie of our Wooll doeth Ample and full Uent of this noble and rich commoditie is it that the common weale of this realme doeth require Spaine nowe aboundeth with Wools and the same are Clothed Turkie hath Wools and so haue diuers prouinces of Christendome and of Heathenesse and cloth is made of the sâ—me in diuers places 1 But if England haue the most fine and the most excellent Wools of the world in all respects as it cannot bee denied but it hath 2 If there may bee added to the same excellent artificiall and true making and excellent dying 3 Then no doubt but that we shall haue vent for our Clothes although the rest of the world did abound much more with Wool then it doeth and although their workemanship and their dying were in degree equal with ours of England vnlesse the labour of our people imployed that way and the materials vsed in dying should be the cause of the contrary by dearth But if Forren nations turne their Wools inferiour to ours into truer and more excellent made cloth and shall die the same in truer surer and more excellent and more delectable colours then shall they sell and make ample vent of their Clothes when the English cloth of better wooll shall rest vnsold to the spoyle of the Merchant of the Clothier and of the breeder of the wooll and to the turning to bag and wallet of the infinite number of the poore people imploied in clothing in seuerall degrees of labour here in England Which things wayed I am to tell you what things I wish you in this Realme and after in Turkie to indeuour from time to time as your laisure may permit the same Before you goe out of the Realme that you learne 1 TO know wooll all kind of clothes made in this realme and all other employments of wooll home or forren be y e same in Felt clokes felt hats in the red knit cap for Barbarie called Bonettos rugios colorados or whatsoeuer c. All the deceits in Clothmaking as the sorting together of Wools of seuerall natures some of nature to shrinke some to hold out which causeth clothed to cockle and lie vneuen The euill sorting of threed of good or bad wooll some tootoo hard spun some tootoo soft spun deliuered to be wouen The faults in Weauing The faults in Walking Rowing and Burling and in Racking the Clothes aboue measure vpon the Teintors all which faults may be learned of honest men which faults are to be knowen to the merchant to be shunned and not to be vsed 2 Then to learne of the Diers to discerne all kind of colours as which be good and sure and which will not hold which be faire which not which colours by the dearth of the substances bee deare and which by reason of the cheapenesse of the Materials with which they be died be cheape colours 3 Then to take the names of all the materials and substaunces vsed in this Citie or in the realme in dying of cloth or silke To learne to know them as which be good which bad And what colours they die And what prices they be of And of them which bee the Naturals of this Realme and in what part of the Realme they are to be had And of all the forren materials vsed in dying to know the very naturall places of them and the plentie or the starcenesse of each of them These things superficially learned in the realme before you goe you are the sitter in forren parts to serue your Countrey for by this meanes you haue an enterie into the thing that I wish you to trauell in What you shall doe in Turkie besides the businesse of your Factorship 1 FOrasmuch as it is reported that the Woollen clothes died in Turkie bee most excellently died you shall send home into this realme certaine Mowsters or pieces of Shew to be brought to the Diershall there to be shewed partly to remoue out of their heads the too too great opinion they haue conceiued of their owne cunning and partly to mooue them for shame to endeuour to learne more knowledge to the honour of their countrey of England and to the vniuersall benefit of the realme 2 You shall deuise to amend the Dying of England by carying hence an apte yoong man brought vp in the Arte or by bringing one or other from thence of skill or rather to deuise to bring one for Silkes and another for Wooll and for Woollen cloth and if you cannot worke this by ordinarie meanes then to worke it by some great Bassas meane or if your owne credite there be not sufficient by meane of your small abode in those parties to worke it by the helpe of the French ambassador there resident for which purpose you may infinuate your selfe into his acquaintance and otherwise to leaue no meane vnsought that tendeth to this end wherein you are to doe as circumstances may permit 3 Then to learne to know all
Persians Moscouites and there is no nation that they seeke for to trouble except ours wherefore it were contrary to all iustice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them and to forbid vs. But now I haue as great liberty as any other nation except it be to go out of the countrey which thing as yet I desire not But I thinke hereafter and before it be long if I shall be desirous to go from hence that they wil not deny me licence Before we might be suffered to come out of prison I was forced to put in suerties for 2000 pardaus not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy otherwise except this we haue as much libertie as any other nation for I haue our goods againe haue taken an house in the chiefest streete in the towne called the Rue dreâ—ie where we sell our goods There were two causes which moued the captaine of Ormus to imprison vs afterwards to send vs hither The first was because Michael Stropene had accused vs of many matters which were most false And the second was for that M. Drake at his being at Maluco caused two pieces of his ordinance to be shot at a gallion of the kings of Portugall as they say But of these things I did not know at Ormus and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest iustice in Ormus who was called Aueador generall of that place he had beene there three yeeres so that now his time was expired which Aueador is a great friend to the captaine of Ormus who certaine dayes after our comming from thence sent for mee into his chamber and there beganne to demaund of me many things to the which I answered and amongst the rest he said that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships and came to Maluco and there laded cloues and finding a gallion there of the kings of Portugall hee caused two pieces of his greatest ordinance to be shot at the same and so perceiuing that this did greatly grieue them I asked if they would be reuenged of me for that which M. Drake had done To the which he answered No although his meaning was to the contrary He said moreouer that the cause why the captaine of Ormus did send me for Goa was for that the Uiceroy would vnderstand of mee what newes there was of Don Antonio and whether he were in England yea or no and that it might be all for the best that I was sent hither the which I trust in God wil so fall out although contrary to his expectation for had it not pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or Iesuits of S. Pauls colledge to stand our friends we might haue rotted in prison The archbishop is a very good man who hath two yong men to his seruantes the one of them was borne at Hamborough and is called Bernard Borgers and the other was borne at Enchuyâ—en whose name is Iohn Linscot who did vs great pleasure for by them the archbishop was many times put in minde of vs. And the two good fathers of S. Paul who trauelled very much for vs the one of them is called Padre Marke who was borne in Bruges in Flanders and the other was borne in Wilshire in England and is called Padre Thomas Steuens Also I chanced to finde here a young man who was borne in Antwerpe but the most part of his bringing vp hath beene in London his name is Francis de Rea and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo who also hath done me great pleasure here In the prison at Ormus we remained many dayes also we lay a long time at sea comming hither and forthwith at our arriuall here were caried to prison and the next day after were seâ—â— for before the Aueador who is the chiefest iustice to be examined and when we were examined he presently sent vs backe againe to prison And after our being here in prison 13 daies Iames Storie went into the monastery of S. Paul where he remaineth and is made one of the company which life he liketh very well And vpon S. Thomas day which was 22 dayes after our arriuall here I came out of prison and the next day after came out Ralph Fitch and William Bets. If these troubles had not chanced I had beene in possibility to haue made as good a voyage as euer any man made with so much money Many of our things I haue solde very well both here and at Ormus in prison notwithstanding the capâ—aine willed me if I would to sell what I could before we imbarked so with officers I went diuers times out of the castle in the morning and solde things and at night returned againe to the prison and all things that I solde they did write and at our imbarking from thence the captain gaue order that I should deliuer all my mony with the goods into the hands of the scriuano or purser of the ship which I did and the scriuano made a remembrance which he left there with the captaine that my selfe and the rest with money goods he should deliuer into the hands of the Aueador generall of India but at our arriuall here the Aueador would neither meddle with goods nor money for that he could not proue any thing against vs wherefore the goods remained in the ship 9 or 10 daies after our arriuall and then for that the ship was to saile from thence the scriuano sent the goods on shore and here they remained a day and a night and no body to receiue them In the end they suffered this bringer to receiue them who came with me from Ormus and put them into an house which he had hired for me where they remained foure or fiue daies But afterward when they should deliuer the money it was concluded by the iustice that both the money and goods should be deliuered into the positors hands where they remained fourteene dayes after my comming out of prison At my being in Aleppo I bought a fountaine of siluer and gilt sixe kniues sixe spoones and one forke trimmed with corall for fiue and twentie chekins which the captaine of Ormus did take and payed for the same twentie pardaos which is one hundred larines and was worth there or here one hundred chekins Also he had fiue emrauds set in golde which were woorth fiue hundred or sixe hundred crownes and payed for the same an hundred pardaos Also he had nineteene and a halfe pikes of cloth which cost in London twenty shillings the pike and was worth 9 or 10 crownes the pike and he payed for the same twelue larines a pike Also he had two pieces of greene Kersies which were worth foure and twentie pardaos the piece and payd for them sixteene pardaos a piece besides diuers other trifles that the officers and others had in the like order and some for nothing at all
and cary away his barks and Carauels was content to suffer vs there quietly to tary and likewise to depart and neuer charged vs with one Canon-shot And when our Generall sent him worde that hee was there ready to exchange certaine bullets with him the marques refused his chalenge sending him word that he was not then ready for him nor had any such Commission from his King Our Generall thus refused by the Marques and seeing no more good to be done in this place thought it conuenient to spend no longer time vpon this coast and therefore with consent of the chiefe of his Company he shaped his course toward the Isles of the Açoâ—es and passing towards the Isle of Saint Michael within 20. or 30. leagues thereof it was his good fortune to meete with a Portugale Carak called Sant Philip being the same shippe which in the voyage outward had caried the 3. Princes of Iapan that were in Europe into the Indies This Carak without any great râ—sistance hee tooke bestowing the people thereof in certaine vessels well furnished with victuals and sending them courteously home into their Countrey and this was the first Carak that euer was taken comming foorth of the East Indies which the Portugals tooke for an euil signe because the ship bare the Kings owne name The riches of this prize seemed so great vnto the whole Company as in trueth it was that they assured themselues euery man to haue a sufficient reward for his trauel and thereupon they all resolued to returne home for England which they happily did and arriued in Plimouth the same Sommer with their whole Fleete and this rich booty to their owne profite and due commendation and to the great admiration of the whole kingdome And here by the way it is to be noted that the taking of this Carak wrought two extraordinary effects in England first that it taught others that Caracks were no such bugs but that they might be taken as since indeed it hath fallen out in the taking of the Madre de Dios and fyreing and sinking of others and secondly in acquainting the English Nation more generally with the particularities of the exceeding riches and wealth of the East Indies whereby themselues and their neighbours of Holland haue bene incouraged being men as skilfull in Nauigation and of no lesse courage then the Portugals to share with them in the East Indies where their strength is nothing so great as heretofore hath bene supposed A Patent granted to certaine Marchants of Exeter and others of the West parts and of London for a trade to the Riuer of Senega and Gambra in Guinea 1588. ELlizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To our Treasurer and Admirall of England our Treasurer and Barons of our Exchequer and all and euery our Officers minâ—sters and subiects whatsoeuer greeting Whereas our welbeloued subiects William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicolas Spicer and Iohn Doricot of our City of Exeter marchants Iohn Yong of Coliton in our country of Deuon marchant Richard Doderige of Barnestable in our saide Countie of Deuon Marchant Anthonie Dassell and Nicolas Turner of our Citie of London Marchants haue bene perswaded and earnestly moued by certaine Portugals resident within our Dominions to vndertake and set forward a voyage to certaine places on the coast of Guinea Videlicet from the Northermost part of the Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega and from and within that Riuer all along that coast vnto the Southermost part of another Riuer commonly called by the name of Gambra and within that Riuer which as we are informed they haue already once performed accordingly And for that we are credibly giuen to vnderstand that the further prosecuting of the same voyage and the due and orderly establishing of an orderly trafique and trade of marchandize into those Countreis wil not only in time be very beneficial to these our Realmes and dominions but also be a great succour and reliefe vnto the present distressed estate of those Portugals who by our princely fauour liue and continue here vnder our protection And coÌ„sidering that the aduenturing and enterprising of a newe trade cannot be a matter of small charge and hazard to the aduenturers in the beginning we haue therefore thought it conuenient that our said louing subiects William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Anthonie Dassell and Nicholas Turner for the better incouragement to proceede in their saide aduenture and trade in the said Countreis shal haue the sole vse and exercise thereof for a certaine time In consideration whereof and for other waightie reasons and considerations vs specially moouing of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue giuen and graunted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe giue and graunt vnto the said William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Young Richard Doderide Anthony Dassell and Nicholas Turner and to euery of them and to such other our Subiects as they or the most part of them shall thinke conuenient to receiue into their Company and society to be the traders with them into the said Countreis that they and euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors and none others shall and may for and during the full space and terme of tenne yeeres next ensuing the date of these presents haue and enioy the free and whole trafique trade and feat of marchandise to and from the said Northermost part of the said Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega and from and within that Riuer all along the coast of Guinea vnto the Southermost part of the said Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Gambra and within that Riuer also And that they the said William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Anthony Dassel and Nicholas Turner euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors such as they or the most part of them shall receiue into their Company and societie to be traders with them into the sayd Countreis as is aforesaid and none others shall and may for and during the said space and terme of 10. yeres haue and enioy the sole whole trafique or trade of marchandize into and from the said places afore limitted and described for the buying selling bartering and changing of and with any goods wares and marchandizes whatsoeuer to be vented had or found at or within any the cities townes or places situated or being in the countries parts coastes of Guinea before limitted any law statute or graunt matter custome or priuileges to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And for the better ordering establishing gouerning of the said societie and Company in the said trade and trafique of marchandizes the quiet orderly lawfull exercise of the same We for vs our
and two with dogge-fish which two last we let driue in the sea making none account of them The other foure we sent for England the 30 of August At the taking of these Prizes were consorted with vs some other small men of warre as Maister Iohn Dauis with his shippe Pinnesse and Boate Captaine Markesburie with his ship whose owner was Sir Walter Ralegh the Barke of Lime which was also consorted with vs before The last of August in the morning we came in sight of Tercera being about some nine or ten leagues from shoare where we espied comming towards vs a small boat vnder saile which seemed somewhat-strange vnto vs being so farre from land and no shippe in sight to which they might belong but comming neere they put vs out of doubt shewing they were English men eight in number that had lately beene prisoners in Tercera and finding opportunitie to escape at that time with that small boat committed themselues to the sea vnder Gods prouidence hauing no other yard for their maine saile but two pipe staues tyed together by the endes and no more prouision of victuals then they could bring in their pockets and bosomes Hauing taken them all into the Victorie they gaue vs certaine intelligence that the Carackes were departed from thence about a weeke before Thus beeing without any further hope of those Caraks we resolued to returne for Fayall with intent to surprize the towne but vntill the ninth of September we had either the winde so contrary or the weather so calme that in all that time we made scarce nine or ten leagues way lingring vp and downe not farre from Pico The tenth of September being Wednesday in the afternoone wee came againe to Fayal roade Whereupon immediatly my Lord sent Captaine Lister with one of Graciola whom Captaine Munson had before taken and some others towards Fayal whom certaine of the Inhabitants met in a boat and came with Captaine Lister to my Lord to whom hee gaue this choice either to suffer him quietly to enter into the platforme there without resistance where he and his companie would remaine a space without offering any iniurie to them that they the Inhabitants might come vnto him and compound for the ransome of the Towne or else to stand to the hazard of warre With these words they returned to the towne but the keepers of the platforme answered that it was against their oath and allegeance to king Philip to giue ouer without fight Whereupon my Lord commanded the boates of euery ship to be presently manned and soone after landed his men on the sandie shoare vnder the side of an hill about halfe a league to the Northwards from the platforme vpon the toppe of which hill certaine horsemen and footmen shewed themselues and other two companies also appeared with ensignes displayed the one before the towne vpon the shore by the sea side which marched towards our landing place as though they would encounter vs the other in a valley to the Southwards of the platforme as if they would haue come to helpe the Townesmen during which time they in the platforme also played vpon vs with great Ordinance Notwithstanding my L. hauing set his men in order marched along the sea shore vpon the sands betwixt the sea the towne towards the platforme for the space of a mile or more then the shore growing rockie permitting no further progresse without much difficultie he entred into the towne passed through the street without resistance vnto the platforme for those companies before mentioned at my Lo. approching were soone dispersed and suddenly vanished Likewise they of the platforme being all fled at my Lordes comming thither left him and his company to scale the walles to enter and take possession without resistance In the meane time our shippes ceased not to batter the foresaid Towne and Platforme with great shotte till such time as we saw the Red-Crosse of England flourishing vpon the Forefront thereof This Fayal is the principall towne in all that is land is situate directly ouer against the high and mighty mountaine Pico lying towards the West Northwest from that mountaine being deuided therefrom by a narrow Sea which at that place is by estimation about some two or three leagues in bredth betweene the Isles of Fayal and Pico The towne conteyned some three hundred housholds their houses were faire and strongly builded of lime and stone and double couered with hollow tyles much like our roofe-tyles but that they are lesse at the one end then at the other Euery house almost had a cisterne or well in a garden on the backe side in which gardens grew vines with ripe clusters of grapes making pleasant shadowes and Tabacco nowe commonly knowen and vsed in England wherewith their women there dye their faces reddish to make them seeme fresh and young Pepper Indian and common figge-trees bearing both white and red figges Peach trees not growing very tall Orenges Limons Quinces Potato-roots c. Sweete wood Ceder I thinke is there very common euen for building and fixing My Lord hauing possessed himselfe of the towne and platforme and being carefull of the preseruation of the towne gaue commandement that no mariner or souldier should enter into any house to make any spoyle thereof But especially he was carefull that the Churches and houses of religion there should be kept inuiolate which was accordingly performed through his appointment of guarders and keepers for those places but the rest of the towne eyther for want of the former inhibition or for desire of spoyle prey was rifled ransacked by the souldiers mariners who scarcely left any house vnsearched out of which they tooke such things as liked them as chestes of sweete wood chaires cloth couerlets hangings bedding apparell and further ranged into the countrey where some of them also were hurt by the inhabitants The Friery there conteyning and maintayning thirtie Franciscan Friers among whom we could not finde any one able to speake true Latine was builded by a Fryer of Angra in Tercera of the same order about the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and sixe The tables in the hall had seates for the one side onely and were alwayes couered as readie at all times for dinner or supper From Wednesday in the afternoone at which time we entred the towne til Saturday night we continued there vntill the Inhabitants had agreed and payed for the ransome of the towne two thousand duckats most part whereof was Church-place We found in the platforme eight and fiftie yron peeces of Ordinance whereof three and twentie as I remember or more were readie mounted vpon their carriages betweene Barricados vpon a platforme towardes the sea-side all which Ordinance wee tooke and set the platforme on fire and so departed My Lord hauing muited to dinner in the Victorie on the Sunday following so many of the Inhabitants as would willingly come saue onely Diego Gomes the Gouernour who
assistance to the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes and deputies and that as well in arming and furnishing their ships or vessels as in prouision of food and in buying of victuals for their money and all other things by them to be prouided necessary for the sayd nauigation they do giue them all their helpe and fauour In witnesse whereof we haue caused to be made these our Letters patents Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the fift day of March in the eleuenth yeere of our reigne Billa signata anno 13 Henrici septimi REx tertio die Februarij anno 13 licentiam de dit Ioanni Caboto quod ipse capere possit sex naues Anglicanas in aliquo portu siue portibus regni Angâ—iae ita quod sint deportagio 200. doliorum vel subtùs cum apparatu requisito quod recipere possit in dictas naues omnes tales magistros marinarios subditos regis qui cumeo exire voluerint c. The same in English THe king vpon the third day of February in the 13 yeere of his reigne gaue licence to Iohn Caboâ— to take sixe English ships in any hauen or hauens of the realme of England being of the burden of 200 tunnes or vnder with all necessary furniture and to take also into the said ships all such masters mariners and subiects of the king as willingly will go with him c. An extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot cut by Clement Adams concerning his discouery of the West Indies which is to be seene in her Maiesties priuie gallerie at Westminster and in many other ancient merchants houses ANno Domini 1497 Ioannes Cabotus Venetus Sebastianus illius filius eam terram fecerunt peruiam quam nullus priùs adire ausus fuit die 24 Iunij circiter horam quintam bene manè Hanc autem appellauit Terram primùm visam credo quod ex mari in eam partem primùm oculos inieâ—erat Nam que ex aduerso sira est insula eam appellauit insulam Diui Ioannis hac opinor ratione quòd a perta fuit eo dieÌ„ qui est sacer Diuo Ioanni Baptistae Huius incolae pelles animalium exuuiásque feraâ—um pro indumentis habent easque tanti faciunt quanti nos vestes preciosissimas Cùm bellum gerunt vtuntur aâ—cu sagittis hastis spiculis clauis ligneis fundis Tellus sterilis est neque vllos fructus affert ex quo fit vt vrsis albo colore ceruis inusitatae apud nos magnitudinis referta sit piscibus abundar ijsque sane magnis quales sunt lupi marini quos salmones vulgus appellat soleae autem reperiuntur tam longae vt vlnae mensuram excedant Imprimis autem magna est copia eorum piscium quos vulgari sermone vocant Bacallaos Gignuntur in ea insula accipitres ita nigti vt coruorum similitudinem mirum in modum exprimant perdices autem aquilae sunt nigri coloris The same in English IN the yere of our Lord 1497 Iohn Câ—bot a Uenetian and his sonne Sebastian with an English fleet set out from Bristoll discouered that land which no man before that time had attempted on the 24 of Iune about fiue of the clockâ— early in the morning This land he called Prima vista that is to say First seene because as I suppose it was that part whereof they had the first sight from sea That Island which lieth out before the land he called the Island of S. Iohn vpon this occasion as I thinke because it was discouered vpon the day of Iohn the Baptist. The inhabitants of this Island vse to weare beasts skinnes and haue them in as great estimation as we haue our finest garments In their warres they vse bowes arrowes pikes darts woodden clubs and slings The saile is barren in some places yeeldeth litle fruit but it is full of white beares and stagges farre greater then ours It yeeldeth plenty of fish and those very great as seales and those which commonly we call salmons there are soles also aboue a yard in length but especially there is great abundance of that kinde of fish which the Sauages call baccalaos In the same Island also there bréed hauks but they are so blacke that they are very like to rauens as also their partridges and egles which are in like sort blacke A discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his discouery of part of the West India out of England in the time of king Henry the seuenth vsed to Galeacius Butrigarius the Popes Legate in Spaine and reported by the sayd Legate in this sort DOe you not vnderstand sayd he speaking to certaine Gentlemen of Venice how to passe to India toward the Northwest as did of late a citizen of Venice so valiant a man and so well practised in all things pertaining to nauigations and the science of Cosmographie that at this present he hath not his like in Spaine insomuch that for his vertues he is preferred aboue all other pilots that saile to the West Indies who may not passe thither without his licence and is therefore called Piloto mayor that is the grand Pilot. And when we sayd that we knew him not he proceeded saying that being certaine yeres in the city of Siuil and desirous to haue some knowledge of the nauigations of the Spanyards it was tolde him that there was in the city a valiant man a Uenetian borne named Sebastian Cabot who had the charge of those things being an expert man in that science and one that coulde make Cardes for the Sea with his owne hand and that by this report seeking his acquaintance hee found him a very gentle person who intertained him friendly and shewed him many things and among other a large Mappe of the world with certaine particuler Nauigations as well of the Portugals as of the Spaniards and that he spake further vnto him to this effect When my father departed from Venice many yeeres since to dwell in England to follow the trade of marchandises hee tooke mee with him to the citie of London while I was very yong yet hauing neuerthelesse some knowledge of letters of humanitie and of the Sphere And when my father died in that time when newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genuese had discouered the coasts of India whereof was great talke in all the Court of king Henry the 7. who then raigned insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more diuine then humane to saile by the West into the East where spices growe by a way that was neuer knowen before by this fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing And vnderstanding by reason of the Sphere that if I should saile by way of the Northwest I should by a shorter tract come into India I thereupon caused the King to be aduertised of my deuise who immediatly commanded two Caruels to bee furnished
because my abode was there so short But for the fowle of the fresh riuers these two I noted to be the chiefe whereof the Flemengo is one hauing all red feathers and long red legs like a herne a necke according to the bill red whereof the vpper neb hangeth an inch ouer the nether and an egript which is all white as the swanne with legs like to an hearnshaw and of bignesse accordingly but it hath in her taile feathers of so fine a plume that it passeth the estridge his feather Of the sea-fowle aboue all other not common in England I noted the pellicane which is fained to be the louingst bird that is which rather then her yong should want wil spare her heart bloud out of her belly but for all this louingnesse she is very deformed to beholde for she is of colour russet notwithstanding in Guinea I haue seene of them as white as a swan hauing legs like the same and a body like a hearne with a long necke and a thick long beake from the nether law whereof downe to the breast passeth a skinne of such a dignesse as is able to receiue a fish as big as ones thigh and this her big throat and long bill doeth make her seeme so oughly Here I haue declared the estate of Florida and the commodities therein to this day knowen which although it may seeme vnto some by the meanes that the plenty of golde and siluer is not so abundant as in other places that the cost bestowed vpon the same will not be able to quit the charges yet am I of the opinion that by that which I haue seene in other Islands of the Indians where such increase of cattell hath bene that of twelue head of beasts in fiue twenty yeeres did in the hides of them raise a thousand pound profit yerely that the increase of cattel onely would raise profit sufficient for the same for wee may consider if so small a portion did raise so much gaines in such short time what would a greater do in many yeres and surâ—lâ— I may this affirme that the ground of the Indians for the breed of cattell is not in any point to be compared to this of Florida which all the yeere long is so greene as any time in the Summer with vs which surely is not to be maruelled at seeing the countrey standeth in so watery a climate for once a day without faile they haue a shower of raine which by meanes of the countrey it selse which is drie and more feruent bot then ours doeth make all things to flourish therein And because there is not the thing we all seeke for being rather desirous of present gaines I doe therefore affiâ—me the attempt thereof to be more requisit for a prince who is of power able to go tâ—orow with the same rather then for any subiect From thence wee departed the 28 of Iuly vpon our voyage homewards hauing there all things as might be most conuenient for our purpose and tooke leaue of the Frenchmen that there still remained who with diligence determined to make as great speedâ— after as they could Thus by meanes of contrary windes oftentimes wee prolonged our voyage in such manner that victuals scanted with vs so that we were diuers times or rather the most part in despaire of euer comming home had not God of his goodnesse better prouided for vs then our deseruing In which state of great miserie wee were prouoked to call vpon him by feruent prayer which mooued him to heare vs so that we had a prosperous winde which did set vs so farre shot as to be vpon the banke of Newfound land on Saint Bartholomews eue and we sounded therupon finding ground at an hundred and thirtie fadoms being that day somewhat becalmed and tooke a great number of fresh codde-fish which greatly relieued vs and being very glad thereof the next day we departed and had lingring little gales for the space of foure or fiue dayes at the ende of which we sawe a couple of French shippes and had of them so much fish as would serue vs plentifully for all the rest of the way the Captaine paying for the same both golde and siluer to the iust value thereof vnto the chiefe owners of the saide shippes but they not looking for any thing at all were glad in themselues to meete with such good intertainement at sea as they had at our hands After which departure from them with a good large winde the twentieth of September we came to Padstow in Cornewall God be thanked in safetie with the losse of twentie persons in all the voyage and with great profit to the venturers of the said voyage as also to the whole realme in bringing home both golde siluer pearles and other iewels great store His name therefore be praised for euermore Amen The names of certaine Gentlemen that were in this voyage M. Iohn Hawkins M. Iohn Chester sir William Chesters sonne M. Anthony Parkhurst M. Fitzwilliam M. Thomas Woorley M. Edward Lacie with diuers others The Register and true accounts of all herein expressed hath beene approoued by me Iohn Sparke the younger who went vpon the same voyage and wrote the same The third troublesome voyage made with the Iesus of Lubeck the Minion and foure other ships to the parts of Guinea and the West Indies in the yeeres 1567 and 1568 by M. Iohn Hawkins THe ships departed from Plimmouth the second day of October Anno 1567 and had reasonable weather vntill the seuenth day at which time fortie leagues North from Cape Finister there arose an extreme storme which continued foure dayes in such sort that the fleete was dispersed and all our great boats lost and the Iesus our chiefe shippe in such case as not thought able to serue the voyage whereupon in the same storme we set our course homeward determining to giue ouer the voyage but the eleuenth day of the same moneth the winde changed with faire weather whereby we were animated to followe our enterprise and so did directing our course with the Ilands of the Canaries where according to an order before prescribed all our shippes before dispersed met at one of those Ilands called Gomera where we tooke water and departed from thence the fourth day of Nouember towards the coast of Guinea and arriued at Cape Verde the eighteenth of Nouember where we landed 150 men hoping to obtaine some Negros where we got but fewe and those with great hurt and damage to our men which chiefly proceeded of their enuenomed arrowes and although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawen of them but died in strange sort with their mouthes shut some tenne dayes before they died and after their wounds were whole where I my selfe had one of the greatest woundes yet thankes be to God escaped From thence we past the time vpon the coast of Guinea searching with