Angle of the Sunne beames heateth and what encrease the Sunnes continuance doeth adde thereunto it might expresly be set downe what force of heat and cold is in all regions Thus you partly see by comparing a Climate to vs well knowen and familiarly acquainted by like height of the Sunne in both places that vnder the Equinoctiall in Iune is no excessiue heat but a temperate aire rather tending to cold For as they haue there for the most part a continuall moderate heat so yet sometime they are a little pinched with colde and vse the benefite of fire as well as we especially in the euening when they goe to bed for as they lye in hanging beds tied fast in the vpper part of the house so will they haue fires made on both sides their bed of which two fires the one they deuise superstitiously to driue away spirits and the other to keepe away from them the coldnesse of the nights Also in many places of Torrida Zona especially in the higher landes somewhat mountainous the people a litle shrincke at the cold and are often forced to prouide themselues clothing so that the Spaniards haue found in the West Indies many people clothed especially in Winter whereby appeareth that with their heat there is colde intermingled else would they neuer prouide this remedy of clothing which to them is rather a griefe and trouble then otherwise For when they goe to warres they will put off all their apparell thinking it to be combersome and will alwayes goe naked that they thereby might be more nimble in their sight Some there be that thinke the middle zone extreme hot because the people of the countrey can and doe liue without clothing wherein they childishly are deceiued for our Clime rather tendeth to extremitie of colde because wee cannot liue without clothing for this our double lining furring and wearing so many clothes is a remedy against extremitie and argueth not the goodnesse of the habitation but inconuenience and iniury of colde and that is rather the moderate temperate and delectable habitation where none of these troublesome things are required but that we may liue naked and bare as nature bringeth vs foorth Others againe imagine the middle zone to be extreme hot because the people of Africa especially the Ethiopians are so cole blacke and their haire like wooll curled short which blacknesse and curled haire they suppose to come onely by the parching heat of the Sunne which how it should be possible I cannot see for euen vnder the Equinoctiall in America and in the East Indies and in the Ilands Moluccae the people are not blacke but tauney and white with long haire vncurled as wee haue so that if the Ethiopians blacknesse came by the heat of the Sunne why should not those Americans and Indians also be as blacke as they seeing the Sunne is equally distant from them both they abiding in one Parallel for the concaue and conuere Superficies of the Orbe of the Sunne is concentrike and equidistant to the earth except any man should imagine somewhat of Aux Solis and Oppositum which indifferently may be applied aswel to the one place as to the other But the Sunne is thought to giue no otherwise heat but by way of Angle in reflection and not by his neerenesse to the earth for throughout all Africa yea in the middest of the middle Zone and in all other places vpon the tops of mountaines there lyeth continuall snow which is neerer to the Orbe of the Sunne then the people are in the valley by so much as the height of these mountaines amount vnto and yet the Sunne notwithstanding his neerenesse can not melt the snow for want of conuenient place of reflections Also the middle region of the aire where all the haile frost and snow is engendred is neerer vnto the Sunne then the earth is and yet there continueth perpetuall cold because there is nothing that the Sunne beames may reflect against whereby appeareth that the neerenesse of the body of the Sunne worketh nothing Therefore to returne againe to the blacke Moores I my selfe haue seene an Ethiopian as blacke as a cole brought into England who taking a faire English woman to wife begat a sonne in all respects as blacke as the father was although England were his natiue countrey and an English woman his mother whereby it seemeth this blacknes procceedeth rather of some natural infection of that man which was so strong that neither the nature of the Clime neither the good complexion of the mother concurring coulde any thing alter and therefore wee cannot impute it to the nature of the Clime And for a more fresh example our people of Meta Incognita of whom and for whom this discourse is taken in hande that were brought this last yeere into England were all generally of the same colour that many nations be lying in the middest of the middle Zone And this their colour was not onely in the face which was subiect to Sunne and aire but also in their bodies which were stil couered with garments as ours are yea the very sucking childe of twelue moneths age had his skinne of the very same colour that most haue vnder the Equinoctiall which thing cannot proceed by reason of the Clime for that they are at least ten degrees more towardes the North then wee in England are No the Sunne neuer commeth neere their Zenith by fourtie degrees for in effect they are within three or foure degrees of that which they call the frosen Zone and as I saide fourtie degrees from the burning Zone whereby it followeth that there is some other cause then the Climate or the Sonnes perpendicular reflexion that should cause the Ethiopians great blacknesse And the most probable cause to my iudgement is that this blackenesse proceedeth of some naturall infection of the first inhabitants of that Countrey and so all the whole progenie of them descended are still polluted with the same blot of infection Therefore it shall not bee farre from our purpose to examine the first originall of these blacke men and howe by a lineall discent they haue hitherto continued thus blacke It manifestly and plainely appeareth by holy Scripture that after the generall inundation and ouerflowing of the earth there remained no moe men aliue but Noe and his three sonnes Sem Cham and Iaphet who onely were left to possesse and inhabite the whole face of the earth therefore all the sundry discents that vntil this present day haue inhabited the whole earth must needes come of the off-spring either of Sem Cham or Iaphet as the onely sonnes of Noe who all three being white and their wiues also by course of nature should haue begotten and brought foorth white children But the enuie of our great and continuall enemie the wicked Spirite is such that as hee coulde not suffer our olde father Adam to liue in the felicitie and Angelike state wherein hee
latitude not a little grieued with the losse of the most puissant ship in our fleete after whose departure the Golden Hind succeeded in the place of Uizadmirall and remooued her flagge from the mizon vnto the foretop From Saturday the 15 of Iune vntill the 28 which was vpon a Friday we neuer had faire day without fogge or raine and windes bad much to the West northwest whereby we were driuen Southward vnto 41 degrees scarse About this time of the yere the winds are commonly West towards the Newfound land keeping ordinarily within two points of West to the South or to the North whereby the course thither falleth out to be long and tedious after Iune which in March Apriell May hath bene performed out of England in 22 dayes and lesse We had winde alwayes so scant from West northwest and from West southwest againe that our trauerse was great running South vnto 41 degrees almost and afterward North into 51 degrees Also we were incombred with much fogge and mists in maner palpable in which we could not keepe so well together but were disseuered losing the companie of the Swallow and the Squirrill vpon the 20 day of Iuly whom we met againe at seuerall places vpon the Newfound land coast the third of August as shal be declared in place conuenient Saturday the 27 of Iuly we might descry not farre from vs as it were mountaines of yce driuen vpon the sea being then in 50 degrees which were caried Southward to the weather of vs whereby may be coniectured that some current doth set that way from the North. Before we come to Newfound land about 50 leagues on this side we passe the banke which are high grounds rising within the sea and vnder water yet deepe enough and without danger being commonly not lesse then 25 and 30 fadome water vpon them the same as it were some vaine of mountaines within the sea doe runne along and from the Newfound land beginning Northward about 52 or 53 degrees of latitude do extend into the South infinitly The bredth of this banke is somewhere more and somewhere lesse but we found the same about 10 leagues ouer hauing sounded both on this side thereof and the other toward Newfound land but found no ground with almost 200 fadome of line both before after we had passed the banke The Portugals and French chiefly haue a notable trade of fishing vpon this banke where are sometimes an hundred or more sailes of ships who commonly beginne the fishing in Apriell and haue ended by Iuly That fish is large alwayes wet hauing no land neere to drie and is called Corte fish During the time of fishing a man shall know without sounding when he is vpon the banke by the incredible multitude of sea foule houering ouer the same to pray vpon the offalles garbish of fish throwen out by fishermen and floting vpon the sea Upon Tuesday the 11 of Iune we forsooke the coast of England So againe Tuesday the 30 of Iuly seuen weekes after we got sight of land being immediatly embayed in the Grand bay or some other great bay the certainty whereof we could not iudge so great hase and fogge did hang vpon the coast as neither we might discerne the land well nor take the sunnes height But by our best computation we were then in the 51 degrees of latitude Forsaking this bay and vncomfortable coast nothing appearng vnto vs but hideous rockes and mountaines bare of trees and voide of any greene herbe we followed the coast to the South with weather faire and cleare We had sight of an Iland named Penguin of a foule there breeding in abundance almost incredible which cannot flie their wings not able to carry their body being very large not much lesse then a goose and exceeding fat which the French men vse to take without difficulty vpon that Iland and to barrell them vp with salt But for lingering of time we had made vs there the like prouision Trending this coast we came to the Iland called Baccalaos being not past two leagues from the maine to the South therof lieth Cape S. Francis 5. leagues distant from Baccalaos between which goeth in a great bay by the vulgar sort called the bay of Conception Here we met with the Swallow againe whom we had lost in the fogge and all her men altered into other apparell wherof it seemed their store was so amended that for ioy and congratulation of our meeting they spared not to cast vp into the aire and ouerboord their caps hats in good plenty The Captaine albeit himselfe was very honest and religious yet was he not appointed of men to his humor and desert who for the most part were such as had bene by vs surprised vpon the narrow seas of England being pirats and had taken at that instant certaine Frenchmen laden one barke with wines and another with salt Both which we rescued tooke the man of warre with all her men which was the same ship now called the Swallow following still thâ—ir kind so oft as being separated from the Generall they found opportunitie to robbe and spoile And because Gods iustice did follow the same company euen to destruction and to the ouerthrow also of the Captaine though not consenting to their misdemeanor I will not conceale any thing that maketh to the manifestation and approbation of his iudgements for examples of others perswaded that God more sharpely tooke reuenge vpon them and hath tolerated longer as great outrage in others by how much these went vnder protection of his cause and religion which was then pretended Therefore vpon further enquiry it was knowen how this coÌ„pany met with a barke returning home after the fishing with his fraight and because the men in the Swallow were very neere scanted of victuall and chiefly of apparell doubtful withall where or when to find and meete with their Admiral they besought the captaine they might go aboord this Newlander only to borrow what might be spared the rather because the same was bound homeward Leaue giuen not without charge to deale fauorably they came aboord the fisherman whoÌ„ they rifled of tackle sailes cables victuals the men of their apparell not sparing by torture winding cords about their heads to draw out else what they thought good This done with expedition like men skilfull in such mischiefe as they tooke their rocke boat to go aboord their own ship it was ouerwhelmed in the sea and certaine of these men there drowned the rest were preserued euen by those silly soules whom they had before spoyled who saued and deliuered them aboord the Swallow What became afterward of the poore Newlander perhaps destitute of sayles and furniture sufficient to carry them home whither they had not lesse to runne then 700 leagues God alone knoweth who tooke vengeance not long after of the rest that escaped at this instant to reueale the fact and iustifie
thereby assured by their proper inheritance of grounds conuenient to dresse and to drie their fish whereof many times before they did faile being preuented by them that came first into the harbor For which grounds they did couenant to pay a certaine rent and seruice vnto sir Humfrey Gilbert his heires or assignes for euer and yeerely to maintaine possession of the same by themselues or their assignes Now remained only to take in prouision granted according as euery shippe was taxed which did fish vpon the coast adioyning In the meane while the Generall appointed men vnto their charge some to repaire and trim the ships others to attend in gathering togither our supply and prouisions others to search the commodities and singularities of the countrey to be found by sea or land and to make relation vnto the Generall what eyther themselues could knowe by their owne trauaile and experience or by good intelligence of English men or strangers who had longest frequented the same coast Also some obserued the eleuation of the pole and drewe plats of the countrey exactly graded And by that I could gather by each mans seuerall relation I haue drawen a briefe description of the Newfound land with the commodities by sea or lande alreadie made and such also as are in possibilitie and great likelihood to be made Neuerthelesse the Cardes and plats that were drawing with the due gradation of the harbors bayes and capes did perish with the Admirall wherefore in the description following I must omit the particulars of such things A briefe relation of the New found lande and the commodities thereof THat which we doe call the Newfound land and the Frenchmen Bacalaos is an Iland or rather after the opinion of some it consisteth of sundry Ilands and broken lands situate in the North regions of America vpon the gulfe and entrance of the great riuer called S. Laurence in Canada Into the which nauigation may be made both on the South and North side of this Iland The land lyeth South and North containing in length betweene three 400 miles accounting from cape Race which is in 46 degrees 25 minuts vnto the Grand bay in 52 degrees of Septenâ—rionall latitude The Iland round about hath very many goodly bayes and harbors safe roads for ships the like not to be found in any part of the knowen world The common opinion that is had of intemperature extreme cold that should be in this countrey as of some part it may be verified namely the North where I grant it is more colde then in countries of Europe which are vnder the same eleuation euen so it cannot stand with reason and nature of the clime that the South parts should be so intemperate as the brute hath gone For as the same doe lie vnder the climats of Briton Aniou Poictou in France betweene 46 and 49 degrees so can they not so much differ from the temperature of those countries vnlesse vpon the outcoast lying open vnto the Ocean and sharpe windes it must in deede be subiect to more colde then further within the land where the mountaines are interposed as walles and bulwarkes to defend and to resist the asperitie and rigor of the sea and weather Some hold opinion that the Newfound land might be the more subiect to cold by how much it lyeth high and neere vnto the middle region I grant that not in Newfound land alone but in Germany Italy and Afrike euen vnder the Equinoctiall line the mountaines are extreme cold and seeldome vncouered of snow in their culme and highest tops which commeth to passe by the same reason that they are extended towards the middle region yet in the countries lying beneth them it is found quite contrary Euen so all hils hauing their discents the valleis also and low grounds must be likewise hot or temperate as the clime doeth giue in Newfound land though I am of opinion that the Sunnes reflection is much cooled and cannot be so forcible in the Newfound land nor generally throughout America as in Europe or Afrike by how much the Sunne in his diurnall course from East to West passeth ouer for the most part dry land and sandy countries before he arriueth at the West of Europe or Afrike whereby his motion increaseth heate with little or no qualification by moyst vapours Where on the contrarie he passeth from Europe and Afrike vnto America ouer the Ocean from whence it draweth and carieth with him abundance of moyst vapours which doe qualifie and infeeble greatly the Sunnes reuerberation vpon this countrey chiefly of Newfound land being so much to the Northward Neuerthelesse as I sayd before the cold cannot be so intollerable vnder the latitude of 46 47 and 48 especiall within land that it should be vnhabitable as some doe suppose seeing also there are very many people more to the North by a great deale And in these South parts there be certaine beastes Ounces or Leopards and birdes in like maner which in the Sommer we haue seene not heard of in countries of extreme and vehement coldnesse Besides as in the monethes of Iune Iuly August and September the heate is somewhat more then in England at those seasons so men remaining vpon the South parts neere vnto Cape Rece vntill after Hollandtide haue not found the cold so extreme nor much differing from the temperature of England Those which haue arriued there after Nouember and December haue found the snow exceeding deepe whereat no maruaile considering the ground vpon the coast is rough and vneuen and the snow is driuen into the places most declyning as the like is to be seene with vs. The like depth of snow happily shall not be found within land vpon the playner countries which also are defended by the mountaines breaking off the violence of winds and weather But admitting extraordinary cold in those South parts aboue that with vs here it can not be so great as in Swedland much lesse in Moscouia or Russia yet are the same countries very populous and the rigor of cold is dispensed with by the commoditie of Stoues warme clothing meats and drinkes all which neede not to be wanting in the Newfound land if we had intent there to inhabite In the South parts we found no inhabitants which by all lilkelihood haue abandoned those coastes the same being so much frequented by Christians But in the North are sauages altogether harmelesse Touching the commodities of this countrie seruing either for sustentation of inhabitants or for maintenance of traffique there are may be made diuers so y t it seemeth Nature hath recompenced that only defect and incommoditie of some sharpe cold by many benefits viz. With incredible quantitie and no lesse varietie of kindes of fish in the sea and fresh waters as Trouts Salmons and other fish to vs vnknowen Also Cod which alone draweth many nations thither and is become the most famous fishing of the world Abundance of Whales for which
the Frigat were already pinched with spare allowance and want of clothes chiefly Whereupon they besought the Generall to returne for England before they all perished And to them of the Golden Hinde they made signes of their distresse pointing to their mouthes and to their clothes thinne and ragged then immediately they also of the Golden Hinde grew to be of the same opinion and desire to returne home The former reasons hauing also moued the Generall to haue compassion of his poore men in whom he saw no want of good will but of meanes fit to performe the action they came for resolued vpon retire and calling the Captaine and Master of the Hinde he yeelded them many reasons inforcing this vnexpected returne withall protesting himselfe greatly satisfied with that hee had seene and knew already Reiterating these words Be content we haue seene enough and take no care of expence past I will set you foorth royally the next Spring if God send vs safe home Therefore I pray you let vs no longer striue here where we fight against the elements Omitting circumstance how vnwillingly the Captaine Master of the Hinde condescēded to this motion his owne company can testifie yet comforted with the Generals promises of a speedie returne at Spring and induced by other apparant reasons prouing an impossiblitie to accomplish the action at that time it was concluded on all hands to retire So vpon Saturday in the afternoone the 31 of August we changed our course and returned backe for England at which very instant euen in winding about there passed along betweene vs and towards the land which we now forsooke a very lion to our seeming in shape hair and colour not swimming after the maner of a beast by moouing of his feete but rather sliding vpon the water with his whole body excepting the legs in sight neither yet diuing vnder and againe rising aboue the water as the maner is of Whales Dolphins Tunise Porposes and all other fish but confidently shewing himselfe aboue water without hiding Notwithstanding we presented our selues in open view and gesture to amase him as all creatures will be commonly at a sudden gaze and sight of men Thus he passed along turning his head to and fro yawning and gaping wide with ougly demonstration of long teeth and glaring eies and to bidde vs a farewell comming right against the Hinde he sent forth a horrible voyce roaring or bellowing as doeth a lion which spectacle wee all beheld so farre as we were able to discerne the same as men prone to wonder at euery strange thing as this doubtlesse was to see a lion in the Ocean sea or fish in shape of a lion What opinion others had thereof and chiefly the Generall himselfe I forbeare to deliuer But he tooke it for Bonum Omen reioycing that he was to warre against such an enemie if it were the deuill The wind was large for England at our returne but very high and the sea rough insomuch as the Frigat wherein the Generall went was almost swalowed vp Munday in the afternoone we passed in the sight of Cape Race hauing made as much way in little more then two dayes and nights backe againe as before wee had done in eight dayes from Cape Race vnto the place where our ship perished Which hindrance thitherward and speedback againe is to be imputed vnto the swift current as well as to the winds which we had more large in our returne This munday the Generall came aboord the Hind to haue the Surgeon of the Hind to dresse his foote which he hurt by treading vpon a naile At what time we comforted ech other with hope of hard successe to be all past and of the good to come So agreeing to cary out lights alwayes by night that we might keepe together he departed into his Frigat being by no meanes to be intreated to tarie in the Hind which had bene more for his security Immediatly after followed a sharpe storme which we ouerpassed for that time Praysed be God The weather faire the Generall came aboord the Hind againe to make merrie together with the Captaine Master and company which was the last meeting and continued there from morning vntill night During which time there passed sundry discourses touching affaires past and to come lamenting greatly the losse of his great ship more of the men but most of all of his bookes and notes and what els I know not for which hee was out of measure grieued the same doubtles being some matter of more importance then his bookes which I could not draw from him yet by circumstance I gathered the same to be y e Ore which Daniel the Saxon had brought vnto him in the Mew found land Whatsoeuer it was the remembrance touched him so deepe as not able to containe himselfe he beat his boy in great rage euen at same time so long after the miscarying of the great ship because vpon a faire day when wee were becalmed vpon the coast of the New found land neere vnto Cape Race he sent his boy aboord the Admirall to fetch certaine things amongst which this being chiefe was yet forgotten and left behind After which time he could neuer conueniently send againe aboord the great ship much lesse hee doubted her ruine so neere at hand Herein my opinion was better confirmed diuersly and by sundry coniectures which maketh me haue the greater hope of this rich Mine For where as the Generall had neuer before good conceit of these North parts of the world now his mind was wholly fixed vpon the Mew found land And as before he refused not to grant assignements liberally to them that required the same into these North parts now he became contrarily affected refusing to make any so large grants especially of S. Iohns which certaine English merchants made suite for offering to imploy their money and trauell vpon the same yet neither by their owne suite nor of others of his owne company whom he seemed willing to pleasure it could be obtained Also laying downe his determination in the Spring following for disposing of his voyage then to be reattempted he assigned the Captaine Master of the Golden Hind vnto the South discouery and reserued vnto himselfe the North affirming that this voyage had wonne his heart from the South and that he was now become a Northerne man altogether Last being demanded what means he had at his arriuall in England to compasse the charges of so great preparation as he intended to make the next Spring hauing determined vpon two fleetes one for the South another for the North Leaue that to mee hee replied I will aske a pennie of no man I will bring good tidings vnto her Maiesty who wil be so gracious to lend me 10000 pounds willing vs therefore to be of good cheere for he did thanke God he sayd with al his heart for that he had seene the same being enough for vs all and that we needed not to
seeke any further And these last words he would often repeate with demonstration of great feruencie of mind being himselfe very confident and setled in beliefe of inestimable good by this voyage which the greater number of his followers neuertheles mistrusted altogether not being made partakers of those secrets which the Generall kept vnto himselfe Yet all of them that are liuing may be witnesses of his words and protestations which sparingly I haue deliuered Leauing the issue of this good hope vnto God who knoweth the trueth only can at his good pleasure bring the same to light I will hasten to the end of this tragedie which must be knit vp in the person of our Generall And as it was Gods ordinance vpon him euen so the vehement perswasion and intreatie of his friends could nothing auaile to diuert him from a wilfull resolution of going through in his Frigat which was ouercharged vpon their deckes with fights nettings and small artillerie too cumbersome for so small a boate that was to passe through the Ocean sea at that season of the yere when by course we might expect much storme of foule weather whereof indeed we had enough But when he was intreated by the Captaine Master and other his well willers of the Hinde not to venture in the Frigat this was his answere I will not forsake my little company going homeward with whom I haue passed so many stormes and perils And in very trueth hee was urged to be so ouer hard by hard reports giuen of him that he was afraid of the sea albeit this was rather rashnes then aduised resolution to preferre the wind of a vaine report to the weight of his owne life Seeing he would not bend to reason he had prouision out of the Hinde such as was wanting aboord his Frigat And so we committed him to Gods protection set him aboord his Pinnesse we being more then 300 leagues onward of our way home By that time we had brought the Islands of Açores South of vs yet wee then keeping much to the North vntil we had got into the height and eleuation of England we met with very foule weather and terrible seas breaking short and high Pyramid wise The reason whereof seemed to proceede either of hilly grounds high and low within the sea as we see hilles and dales vpon the land vpon which the seas doe mount and fall or else the cause proceedeth of diuersitie of winds shifting often in sundry points al which hauing power to moue the great Ocean which againe is not presently setled so many seas do encounter together as there had bene diuersitie of windes Howsoeuer it commeth to passe men which all their life time had occupied the Sea neuer saw more outragious Seas We had also vpon our maine yard an apparition of a little fire by night which seamen doe call Castor and Pollux But we had onely one which they take an euill signe of more tempest the same is vsuall in stormes Munday the ninth of September in the afternooue the Frigat was neere cast away oppressed by waues yet at that time recouered and giuing foorth signes of ioy the Generall sitting abafe with a booke in his hand cried out vnto vs in the Hind so oft as we did approch within hearing We are as neere to heauen by sea as by land Reiterating the same speech well beseeming a souldier resolute in Iesus Christ as I can testifie he was The same Monday night about twelue of the clocke or not long after the Frigat being ahead of vs in the Golden Hinde suddenly her lights were out whereof as it were in a moment we lost the sight and withall our watch cryed the Generall was cast away which was too true For in that moment the Frigat was deuoured and swallowed vp of the Sea Yet still we looked out all that night and euer after vntill wee arriued vpon the coast of England Omitting no small saile at sea vnto which we gaue not the tokens betweene vs agreed vpon to haue perfect knowledge of each other if we should at any time be separated In great torment of weather and perill of drowning it pleased God to send safe home the Golden Hinde which arriued in Falmouth the 22 day of September being Sonday not without as great danger escaped in a flaw comming from the Southeast with such thicke mist that we could not discerne land to put in right with the Hauen From Falmouth we went to Dartmouth lay there at anker before the Range while the captaine went aland to enquire if there had bene any newes of the Frigat which sayling well might happily haue bene before vs. Also to certifie Sir Iohn Gilbert brother vâ—to the Generall of our hard successe whom the Captaine desired while his men were yet aboord him and were witnesses of all occurrents in that voyage It might please him to take the examination of euery person particularly in discharge of his and their faithfull endeuour Sir Iohn Gilbert refused so to doe holding himselfe satisfied with report made by the Captaine and not altogether dispairing of his brothers safetie offered friendship and curtesie to the Captaine and his company requiring to haue his Barke brought into the harbour in furtherance whereof a boate was sent to helpe to â—ow her in Neuerthelesse when the Captaine returned aboord his ship he found his men bent to depart euery man to his home and then the winde seruing to proceede higher vpon the coast they demanded money to carie them home some to London others to Harwich and else where if the barke should be caried into Dartmouth and they discharged so farre from home or else to take benefite of the wind then seruing to draw neerer home which should be a lesse charge vnto the Captaine and great ease vnto the men hauing els farre to goe Reason accompanied with necessitie perswaded the Captaine who sent his lawfull excuse and cause of his sudden departure vnto Sir Iohn Gilbert by the boate of Dartmouth and from thence the Golden Hind departed and tooke harbour at Waimouth Al the men tired with the tediousnes of so vnprofitable a voiage to their seeming in which their long expence of time much toyle and labour hard diet and continuall hazard of life was vnrecompensed their Captaine neuerthelesse by his great charges impaired greatly thereby yet comforted in the goodnes of God and his vndoubted prouidence following him in all that voyage as it doth alwaies those at other times whosoeuer haue confidence in him alone Yet haue we more neere feeling and perseuerance of his powerfull hand and protection when God doth bring vs together with others into one same peril in which he leaueth them and deliuereth vs making vs thereby the beholders but not partakers of their ruine Euen so amongst very many difficulties discontentments mutinies conspiracies sicknesses mortalitie spoylings and wracks by sea which were afflictions more then in so small a Fleete
to the Ambassages Letters Traffiques and prohibition of Traffiques concluding and repealing of leagues damages reprisals arrests complaints supplications compositions and restitutions which happened in the time oâ— king Richard the 2. and king Henry the 4. between the said kings and their subiects on the one partie and Conradus de Zolner Conradus de Iungingen and Vlricus de Iungingen three of the great masters of Prussia and their subiects with the common societie of the Hans-townes on the other partie In all which discourse you may note very many memorable things as namely first the wise discreet and caâ—telous dealing of the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parts then the wealth of the foresaid nations and their manifold and most vsuall kinds of wares vttered in those dayes as likewise the qualitie burthen and strength of their shipping the number of their Mariners the maner of their combates at sea the number and names of the English townes which traded that way with the particular places as well vpon the coast of Norway as euery where within the sound of Denmark which they frequented together with the inâ—eterate malice and craftie crueltie of the Hanse And because the name office and dignitie of the masters generall or great Masters of Prussia would otherwise haue bene vtterly darke and vnknowen to the greater part of Readers I haue set downe immediatly before the first Prussian ambassage pagina 144 a briefe and orderly Catalogue of them all contayning the first originall and institution of themselues and of their whole knightly order and brotherhood with the increase of reuenues and wealth which befell them afterward in Italy and Germany and the great conquests which they atchieued vpon the infidels of Prussia Samogitia Curland Liefland Lituania c. also their decay and finall ouerthrow partly by the reuolt of diâ—ers Townes and Castles vnder their iurisdiction and partly by the meanes of their next mightie neighbour the King of Poland After all these out of 2. branches of 2. ancient statutes is partly shewed our trade and the successe thereof with diuers forren Nations in the time of K. Henry the sixt Then followeth the true processe of English policie I meane that excellent and pithy treatise de politia conseruatiua maris which I cannot to any thing more fitly compare then to the Emperour of Russia his palace called the golden Castle and described by Richard Chanceller pag. 238. of this volume whereof albeit the outward apparance was but homely and no whit correspondent to the name yet was it within so beautified and adorned with the Emperour his maiesticall presence with the honourable and great assembly of his rich-attired Peers and Senatours with an inualuable and huge masse of gold and siluer plate with other princely magnificence that well might the eyes of the beholders be dazeled and their cogitations astonished thereat For indeed the exteriour habit of this our English politician to wit the harsh and vnaffected stile of his substantiall verses and the olde dialect of his wordeâ— is such as the first may seeme to haue bene whistled of Pans oaten pipe and the second to haue proceeded from the mother of Euander but take you off his vtmost weed and beholde the comelinesse beautie and riches which lie hid within his inward sense and sentence and you shall finde I wisse so much true and sound policy so much delightfull and pertinent history so many liuely descriptions of the shipping and wares in his time of all the nations almost in Christendome and such a subtile discouery of outlandish merchants fraud and of the sophistication of their wares that needes you must acknowledge that more matter and substance could in no wise be comprised in so little a roome And notwithstanding as I said his stile be vnpolished and his phrases somewhat out of vse yet so neere as the written copies would giue me leaue I haue most religiously without alteration obserued the same thinking it farre more conuenient that himselfe should speake then that I should bee his spokesman and that the Readers should enioy his true verses then mine or any other mans fained prose Next after the conclusion of the last mentioned discourse the Reader may in some sort take a vieu of our state of merchandise vnder K. Edward the fourth as likewise of the establishing of an English company in the Netherlands and of all the discreet prouisoes iust ordinations gratious priuileges conteined in the large Charter which was granted for the same purpose Now besides our voyages and trades of late yeeres to the North and Northeast regions of the world and our ancient traffique also to those parts I haue not bene vnmindefull so farre as the histories of England and of other Countreys would giue me direction to place in the fore-front of this booke those forren conquests exploits and trauels of our English nation which haue bene atchieued of old Where in the first place as I am credibly informed out of Galfridus Monumetensis and out of M. Lambert his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I haue published vnto the world the noble actes of Arthur and Malgo two British Kings Then followeth in the Saxons time K. Edwin his conquest of Man and Anglesey and the expedition of Bertus into Ireland Next succeedeth Octher making relation of his doings and describing the North Countreys vnto his soueraigne Lord K. Ecfrid After whom Wolstans Nauigation within the Sound of Denmark is mentioned the voyage of the yong Princes Edmund and Edward into Sweden and Hungarie is recorded as likewise the mariage of Harald his daughter vnto the Russian duke Ieruslaus Neither is that Englishman forgotten who was forced to traueile with the cruel Tartars into their Countrey and from thence to beare them company into Hungary and Poland And because those Northeasterne Regions beyond Volga by reason of the huge deserts the colde climate and the barbarous inciuilitie of the people there inhabiting were neuer yet throughly traueiled by any of our Nation nor sufficiently knowen vnto vs I haue here annexed vnto the said Englishmans traueile the rare memorable iournals of 2. Friers who were some of the first Christians that trauailed farthest that way and brought home most particular intelligence knowledge of all things which they had seene These Friers were sent as Ambassadours vnto the sâ—uage Tartars who had as then wasted and ouerrunne a great part of Asia and had pierced farre into Europe with fire and sword to mitigate their fury and to offer the glad tidings of the Gospel vnto them The former namely Iohannes de Plano â—arpini whose iourney because he road sixe moneths poste directly beyond Boristhenes did I thinke both for length and difficultie farre surpasse that of Alexander the great vnto the riuer of Indus was in the yeere 1246. sent with the authoritie and commission of a Legate from Pope Innocentius the fourth who passed through more garisons of the Tartars and wandered ouer more vast barren and cold deserts
THe summe of expenses aswell of wages prests as for the expenses of the kings houses and for other gifts and rewards shippes and other things necessary to the parties of France and Normandie and before Calice during the siege there as it appeareth in the accompts of William Norwel keeper of the kings Wardrobe from the 21. day of April in the 18 yeere of the reigne of the said king vnto the foure and twentieth day of Nouember in the one and twentieth yeere of his reigne is iii. hundreth xxxvii thousand li. ix s iiii d. A note out of Thomas Walsingham touching the huge Fleete of eleuen hundred well furnished ships wherewith king Edward the third passed ouer vnto Calais in the yeere 1359. ANno gratiae 1359. Iohannes Rex Franciae sub vmbra pacis dolose obtulit Regi Angliae Flandriam Picardiam Aquitaniam aliasque terras quas equitauerat vastarat pro quibus omnibus ratificandis idem Rex Edwardus in Franciam nuncios suos direxit quibus omnibus Franci contradixerunt Vnde motus Rex Anglie celeriter se suos praeparauit ad transfretandum ducens secum principem Walliae Edwardum suum primogenitum ducem Henricum Lancastrie ferè proceres omnes quos comitabantur vel sequebaÌ„tur poene mille currusâ— habuirque apud Sanwicum instructas optime vndecies centum naues cum hoc apparatu ad humiliandum Francorum fastum Franciam nauigauit relicto domino Thoma de Wooodstock filio suo iuniore admodum paruulo Anglici regni custode sub tutela tamen The same in English IN the yeere of our Lord 1359. Iohn the French king craftily and vnder pretence of peace offered vnto Edward the third king of England Flanders Picardie Gascoigne and other territories which he had spoyled and wasted for the ratifying of which agreement the foresaid king Edward sent his ambassadors into France but the Frenchmen gain saied them in all their articles and demaunds Whereupon the king of England being prouoked speedily prepared himselfe and his forces to crosse the seas carying with him Edward Prince of Wales his heire apparant and Henry duke of Lancaster and almost all his Nobles with a thousand wagons and cartes attending vpon them And the said king had at Sandwich eleuen hundred ships exceedingly well furnished with which preparation he passed ouer the seas to abate the Frenchmens arrogancie leauing his yonger sonne Thomas of Woodstocke being very tender of age as his vicegerent in the Realme of England albeit not without a protectour c. The voyage of Nicholas de Lynna a Franciscan Frier and an excellent Mathematician of Oxford to all the Regions situate vnder the North pole in the yeere 1360. and in the raigne of Edward the 3. king of England QVod ad descriptionem partium Septentrionalium attinet eam nos accipimus ex Itinerario Iacobi Cnoyen Buscoducensis qui quaedam exrebus gestis Arthuri Britanni citat maiorem autem partem potiora à Sacerdote quodam apud Regem Noruegiae An. Dom. 1364. didicit Descenderat is ex illis quos Arthurus ad has habitandas insulas miserat referebat An. 1360. Minoritam quendam Anglum Oxoniensem Mathematicum in eas insulas venisse ipsisque relictis ad vlteriora arte Magica profectuÌ„ descripsisse omnia Astrolabio dimensum esse in hanc subiectam formam ferè vti ex Iacobo collegimus Euripos illos quatuor dicebat tanto impetu ad interiorem voraginem rapi vt naues semel ingressae nullo vento retroagi possent nequè verò vnquam tantum ibi ventum esse vt molae frumentarie circumagendae sufficiat Simillima his habet Giraldus Cambrensis qui floruit An. 1210. in libro de mirabilibus Hyberniae sic enim scribit Non procul ab insulis Hebridibus Islandia c. ex parte Boreali est maris quae dam miranda vorago in quam à remotis partibus omnes vndique fluctus marinitanquam ex condicto fluunt recurrunt qui in secreta naturae penetralia se ibi transfundentes quasi in Abyssum vorantur Si verò nauem hâc fortè transire contigerit tanta rapitur attrahitur fluctuum violentia vt eam statim irreuocabiliter vis voracitatis absorbeat Quatuor voragines huius Oceani a quatuor oppositis mundi partibus Philosophi describunt vnde â—am marinos fluctus quà m AEolicos flatus causaliter peruenire nonnulli coniectant The same in English TOuching the description of the North partes I haue taken the same out of the voyage of Iames Cnoyen of Hartzeuan Buske which alleageth certaine conquests of Arthur king of Britaine and the most part and chiefest things among the rest he learned of a certaine priest in the king of Norwayes court in the yeere 1364. This priest was descended from them which king Arthur had sent to inhabite these Islands and he reported that in the yeere 1360 a certaine English Frier a Franciscan and a Mathematician of Oxford came into those Islands who leauing them and passing further by his Magicall Arte described all those places that he sawe and tooke the height of them with his Astrolabe according to the forme that I Gerard Mercator haue set downe in my mappe and as I haue taken it out of the aforesaid Iames Cnoyen Hee sayd that those foure Indraughts were drawne into an inward gulfe or whirlepoole with so great a force that the ships which once entred therein could by no meanes be driuen backe againe and that there is neuer in those parts so much winde blowing as might be sufficient to driue a Corne mill Giraldus Cambrensis who florished in the yeere 1210 vnder king Iohn in his booke of the miracles of Ireland hath certaine words altogether alike with these videlicet Not farre from these Islands namely the Hebrides Island c. towards the North there is a certaine woonderful whirlpoole of the sea whereinto all the waues of the sea from farre haue their course and recourse as it were without stoppe which there conueying themselues into the secret receptacles of nature are swallowed vp as it were into a bottomlesse pit and if it chance that any shippe doe passe this way it is pulled and drawen with such a violence of the waues that eftsoones without remedy the force of the whirlepoole deuoureth the same The Philosophers describe foure indraughts of this Ocean sea in the foure opposite quarters of the world from whence many doe coniecture that as well the flowing of the sea as the blasts of the winde haue their first originall A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician master Iohn Dee touching the foresaid voyage of Nicholas De Linna ANno 1360. that is to wit in the 34. yeere of the reigne of the triumphant king Edward the third a frier of Oxford being a good Astronomer went in companie with others to the most Northren Islands of the world and there leauing his company together hee trauailed alone
thence to another Cape passing the line Equinoctial called Capo de bona speransa and from Portingal to the Cape is 1800 leagues and from this Cape to the Islands of Spicerie of the Emperour is 2500. leagues So that this nauigation amounteth all to 4300. leagues So that as afore is sayd if between our New found lands or Norway or Island the seas toward the North be nauigable we should goe to these Islands a shorter way by more then 2000. leagues And though we went not to the sayd Islandes for that they are the Emperours or kings of Portingal wee shoulde by the way and comming once to the line Equinoctiall finde landes no lesse riche of golde and Spicerie as all other landes are vnder the sayd line Equinoctiall and also should if we may passe vnder the North enioy the nauigation of all Tartarie Which should be no lesse profitable to â—ur commodities of cloth then these Spiceries to the Emperour and king of Portingal But it is a generall opinion of all Cosmographers that passing the seuenth clime the sea is all ice and the colde so much that none can suffer it And hitherto they had all the like opinion that vnder the line Equinoctiall for much heate the land was vnhabitable Yet since by experience is proued no land so much habitable nor more temperate And to conclude I thiuke the same should be found vnder the North if it were experimented For as all iudge Nihil fit vacuum in rerum natura So I iudge there is no land vnhabitable nor Sea innauigable If I should write the reason that presenteth this vnto me I should be too prolixe and it seemeth not requisite for this present matter God knoweth that though by it I should haue no great interest yet I haue had and still haue no litle mind of this businesse So that if I had facultie to my will it should be the first thing that I woulde vnderstand euen to attempt if our Seas Northward be nauigable to the Pole or no. I reason that as some sickenesses are hereditarious and come from the father to the sonne so this inclination or desire of this discouerie I inherited of my father which with another marchant of Bristow named Hugh Eliot were the discouerers of the New found lands of the which there is no doubt as nowe plainely appeareth if the mariners would then haue bene ruled and followed their Pilots minde the lands of the West Indies from whence all the gold commeth had bene ours For all is one coast as by the Carde appeareth and is aforesayd Also in this Carde by the coastes where you see C. your Lordship shall vnderstand it is set for Cape or headland where I. for Iland where P. for Port where R. for Riuer Also in all this little Carde I thinke nothing be erred touching the situation of the land saue onely in these Ilands of Spicerie which for that as afore is sayd eueryone setteth them after his minde there can be no certification how they stand I doe not denie that there lacke many things that a consummate Carde should haue or that a right good demonstration desireth For there should be expressed all the mountaines and Riuers that are principall of name in the earth with the names of Portes of the sea the names of all principall cities which all I might haue set but not in this Carde for the little space would not consent Your Lordship may see that setting the names almost of euery Region and yet not of all the roome is occupied Many Islands are also left out for the said lack of roome the names almost of all Portes put to silence with the roses of the windes or points of the compasse For that this is not for Pilots to sayle by but a summary declaration of that which your Lordship commanded And if by this your Lordship cannot wel perceiue the meaning of this Card of the which I would not marueile by reason of the rude composition of it will it please your Lordship to aduise mee to make a bigger and a better Mappe or els that I may cause one to be made For I know my selfe in this and all other nothing perfect but Licet semper discens nunquam tamen ad perfectam scientiam perueniens Also I know to set the forme Sphericall of the world in Plano after the true rule of Cosmographie it would haue bene made otherwise then this is howbeit the demonstration should not haue bene so plaine And also these degrees of longitude that I set in the lower part of this card should haue bin set along by the line Equinoctiall so then must be imagined For the degrees of longitude neere either of the poles are nothing equall in bignesse to them in the Equinoctiall But these are set so for that setting them along the Equinoctial it would haue made obscure a great part of the map Many other curiosities may be required which for the nonce I did not set downe as well for that the intent I had principally was to satisfie your doubt touching the spicerie as for that I lack leasure and time I trust your Lordship correcting that which is erred will accept my good will which is to doe any thing that I may in your Lordships seruice But from henceforth I knowe your Lordship will rather commaund me to keepe silence then to be large when you shall be wearied with the reading of this discourse Iesus prosper your estate and health Your Lordships Robert Thorne 1527. ALso this Carde and that which I write touching the variance betweene the Emperour and the king of Portingall is not to be shewed or communicated there with many of that court For though there is nothing in it preiudiciall to the Emperour yet it may be a cause of paine to the maker as well for that noue may make these Cardes but certaine appointed and allowed for masters as for that peraduenture it would not sound well to them that a stranger should know or discouer their secretes and would appeare worst of all if they vnderstand that I write touching the short way to the spicerie by our Seas Though peraduenture of troth it is not to be looked to as a thing that by all opinions is vnpossible and I thinke neuer will come to effect and therefore neither here nor else where is it to be spoken of For to moue it amongst wise men it should bee had in derision And therefore to none I would haue written nor spoken of such things but to your Lordship to whom boldly I commit in this all my foolish fantasie as to my self But if it please God that into England I may come with your Lordship I will shew some coniectures of reason though against the generall opinion of Cosmographers by which shall appeare this that I say not to lacke some foundation And till that time I beseeche your Lordship let it be put to silence and in the meane
or 24 at the most There are many other trifles in Russia as sope mats c. but I thinke there will bee no great account made of them The letters of king Philip and Queene Marie to Iuan Vasiliuich the Emperour of Russia written the first of April 1555 and in the second voyage PHilip and Marie by the grace of God King and Queene of England France Naples Ierusalem and Ireland defenders of the faith Princes of Spaine and Sicilie Archdukes of Austrich Dukes of Burgundie Millaine and Brabant Countries of Haspurge Flanders and Tiroll To the right High right Mightie and right excellent Prince garnished with all gifts of nature by Gods graâ—e Iohn Vaâ—iliuich Emperour of all Russia great Duke of Volodemer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan King of Astracan Lord of Plesco and great Duke of Smolensko of Tueria Ioughoria Permia Vadska Bulghoria and others Lorde and great Duke of Nouogrod of the lowe Countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotskay Rostoue Yeraslaue Bealozera Liefland Oudoria Obdoria and Condensa Commander of all Siberia and of the North partes and lord of many other countreys greeting Whereas by the consent and licence of our most deare and entirely beleued late brother King Edward the sixt whose soule God pardon sundrie of our subiects marchants of the citie of London within this our realme of England did at their owne proper costs and aduenture furnish three shippes to discouer serch and find lands Islands regions and territories before this aduenture not knowen ne commonly hâ—unted and frequented by seas The one of the which three shippes named the Edward Bonauenture whereof our right welbeloued Richard Chancelour was then gouernour and great Captaine chanced by the grace of God and the good conduct of the sayd Chancelour to arriue and winter in the North part of your Empire of Russia Forasmuch as we be credibly informed by the report of our trustie and welbeloued subiect that your Maiestie did not onely call him and certaine of his company to your emperiall presence and speech entertayned and banqueted them with all humanitie and gentlenes but also being thereunto requested partly by the letters of our said brother partly by request of the sayd Richard Chancelour haue by your letters patents vnder your seale among other things granted That all such marchants as shall come forth of anie of our realms of England or Ireland withal maner of wares if they wil trauel or occupie within your dominions The same marchants with their marchandises in al your lordship may freely at their libertie trauaile out and in without hinderance or any maner of losse And of your farther ample goodnesse haue promised that our ambassadours if wee send any shall with free good will passe to and from you without any hinderance or losse with such message as shall come vnto you and to returne the same to our kingdomes well answered as by the same your letters written in your lordly Palace and Castle of Mosco in the yeere 7063 the moneth of Februarie more at large appeareth Like as wee cannot but much commend your princely fauour and goodnesse and in like manner thanke you for the aboundant grace extended to the sayd Richard Chancelour and others our subiects marchants Euen so these are to pray and request you to continue the same beneuolence toward them and other our marchants and subiects which doe or heereafter shall resorte to your countrey And for the more assurance and incouragement to trade and exercise the feate of marchandise with your subiects and all other marchants within your dominions that it may please you at this our contemplation to assigne and authorise such Commissaries as you shall thinke meete to trade and conferre with our welbeloued subiects and marchants the sayd Richard Chancelour George Killing worth Richard Graie bearers of these our letters who are by vs authoriseâ— for that purpose and to confirme and graunt such other liberties and priuiledges vnto the Gouernour Consuls Assistants and Communaltie of the fellowship of the saide Marchants as the said bearers in their name propone and require by you to be granted for their safe conduct good gouernment and order to bee erected and continued among them in your saide dominions And this with such your clemencie and expedition as wee vpon the next arriuall of the saide Richard Chancelour may bee enformed of your gracious disposition and answere Which your beneuolences so to bee extended wee bee minded to requite towards any your subiects Marchants that shal frequent this our realme at your contemplation therefore to be made Thus right high right Excellent and right mightie Almightie God the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost haue you in his blessed keeping Giuen vnder our seale at our Palace of Westminster the first of April in the yere from the blessed incarnation of our Sauiour Iesus Christ 1555. and in the first and second yeeres of our reignes Articles conceiued and determined for the Commission of the Merchants of this company resiant in Russia and at the VVarhouse for the second voyage 1555. the first of May as followeth FIrst the Gouernour Consuls Assistants and whole company assembled this day in open court committeth and authorizeth Richard Gray and George Killing worth iointly and seuerally to be Agents Factors and Atturneis generall and speciall for the whole body of this companie to buy sel trucke change and permute al and euery kind and kindes of wares marchandizes and goods to the said company appertaining now laden shipped in the good ship called the Edward Bonauenture appointed for Russia the same â—o vtter and sell to the best commoditie profit and aduantage of the said corporation be it for ready money wares marchandises or truck presently or for time as occasion benefit of the company shal require and all such wares as they or either of them shal buy trucke or prouide or cause to be bought for the company to lade theÌ„ homeward in good order and condition as by prudent course of marchandises shall and ought to appertaine which article extendeth also to Iohn Brooke for the Wardhouse as in the 17. and 18. articles of this commission appeareth 2 Item it is also committed as aboue to the said Agents to binde charge the said company by debt for wares vpon credit as good opportunitie and occasion shal serue with power to charge and bind the said company and their successors for the paiments of such things as shal be taken vp for credite and the said Agents to be relieued ab opere satis dandi 3 Item full authoritie and power is committed to the said first named factors together with Richard Chancelor grand Pilot of this fleete to repaire to the Emperors court there to present the king and Queenes Maiesties letters written in Greeke Polish and Italian and to giue and exhibite the marchants presents at such time and place as shal be thought most expedient they or one of them to demand and humbly desire of y
to the saide fellowship and company nor to any of them to cary and transport or cause to be caried and transported any commodie of this Realme to their newe trade but onely in English ships and to be sailed for the most part with English Mariners nor also to bring into this Realme nor into Flanders from their saide new trade any merchandizes or other commodities but in English ships and sailed for the most part by the English Mariners on paine to forfeit for euery such offence two hundred pounds whereof the one moitie shall be to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other moitie to the head officers of any port towne hauing any hauen or harborough decayed by what name soeuer they bee incorporate to the reparation of such harborough that will sue for the same in any Court of Record by action bill plaint or information wherein no essoine protection or wager of lawe for the defendant shall be admitted or allowed Prouided also and be it enacted that no maner of person or persons shall from hence forth carrie or transport or cause to bee carried or transported out of this Realme of England any maner of clothes or karsies into any of the partes where the said fellowship and societie is priuiledged to trade by this Act before the same clothes and karsies shall be all dressed and for the most part died within this Realme vpon paine of forfeiture for euery such cloth and karsie otherwise caried and transported fiue pounds the one halfe thereof to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other halfe to the Master and Wardens of the Clothworkers in the Citie of London for the time being by what name soeuer they be incorporate that wil sue for the same Prouided also that whensoeuer the said societie or company shall willingly withdraw and discontinue wholy by the space of three yeeres in time of peace the discharging of their marchandizes at the road of S. Nicholas bay in Russia and doe not discharge their said merchandizes at some other port or roade lying on that North coast of Russia or other territorie nowe subiect to the saide mightie prince of Russia c. hitherto by the subiects of this realme not commonly frequented that then during the time of any such discontinuance and withdrawing as is aforesaid it shal be lawful to all the subiects of this realme to trade to the Narue onely in English bottoms any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding Prouided also that euery of the Queenes Maiesties Subiects inhabiting within the Citie of Yorke the townes of Newcastle vpon Tine Hull and of Boston hauing continually traded the course of merchandize by the space of ten yeeres and which before the 25. of December that shal be in Anno D. 1567. shal contribute ioyne and put in stocke to with and amongst the said company such summe summes of money as any of the said company which hath throughly continued and contributed to the saide newe trade from the yeere 1552. hath done and before the saide 25. of December 1567. shall do for the furniture of one ordinary full and intire portion or share and do in all things behaue himselfe as others of the said societie be bound to doe and hereafter shall bee bound to do by the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company shall from the same 25. day of December 1567. be and be accompted free and as one of the saide societie and company and subiect to the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company reasonably made and to be made any thing in this present Act to the contrary notwithstanding A very briefe remembrance of a voyage made by M. Anthony Ienkinson from London to Moscouia sent from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour in the yeere 1566. THe fourth day of May in the yere aforesaid I imbarked my selfe at Grauesend in the good ship called the Harry of London and hauing had a prosperous voyage arriued at the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia the 10. day of Iuly following and immediatly I sent in post to the Emperor to aduertise of my comming and traueiling then thorowe the countrey I with my company came to the Mosco where the Emperour kept his court the 23. of August and foorthwith gaue the Secretarie to vâ—derstand of my arriuall who aduertised the Emperours Maiestie of it and the first day of September being a solemne feast among the Russes I came before the Emperours Maiestie sitting in his seate of honour and hauing kissed his hand and done the Queenes Maiesties commendations and deliuered her Graces letters and present he â—ad me to dinner which I accepted and had much honour done vnto me both then and all the time of my abode in Russia The Priuiledges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants of that company obteined the 22. of September Anno 1567. by M. Anthony Ienkinson ONe onely strengthener of all things and God without beginning which was before the world the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost our onely God in Trinitie and maker of all things whom we worship in all things and in all places the doer and fulfiller of all things which is the perfect knowledge giuer of the true God our Lorde Iesus Christ with the comforter the holy Spirit and thou which art the strengthener of our faith keepe vs together giue vs health to preserue our kingdome thou giuer of all good fruites and helper of all Christian beleeuers We great lord by the grace of God and great duke Iohn Vasiliwich of all Russia Volodimer Mosco Nouogrod Cazan Astracan Plesco Smolensko Tweria Yougorie Vadika Bulgar Sybier and others Emperour and great duke of Nouogrod of the lower land of Chernygo Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yereslaue Bealozera Oudoria Obdoria Condensa and lord of many other lands and of all the North parts commander and lord of Liffe-land Whereas our sister Queene Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland hath written to vs her letters that wee would graunt her merchants William Gerrard William Chester Rowland Heyward Lawrence Hussie Iohn Marsh Anthony Ienkinson William Rowly and their company of England to come in ships into this kingdome and those merchants William Gerrard and his company haue required of vs that we would graunt and licence them to come into our countrey of Dwina with all kind of wares at wil to our city of Mosco and to all our castles in our kingdomes we for our sisters sake Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland haue licenced her merchants William Gerrard and his company to passe in ships to our kingdome of Colmogro and to the land of Dwina and to all other our inheritances in the North parts with all kind of wares to our city of Mosco and to all castles and townes in our kingdome And sir William Garrard his company desired of vs that we would grant them licence to passe to
that land to the end you may winter there the first yeere if you be let by contrary winds and to the end that if we may in short time come vnto Cambalu and vnlade and set saile againe for returne without venturing there at Cambalu that you may on your way come as farre in returne as a port about Noua Zembla that the summer following you may the sooner be in England for the more speedy vent of your East commodities and for the speedier discharge of your Mariners if you cannot go forward and backe in one selfe same Summer And touching the tract of the land of Noua Zembla toward the East out of the circle Arcticke in the more temperate Zone you are to haue regard for if you finde the soyle planted with people it is like that in time an ample vent of our warme wollen clothes may be found And if there be no people at all there to be found then you shall specially note what plentie of whales and of other fish is to be found there to the ende we may turne our newe found land fishing or Island fishing or our whale fishing that way for the ayde and comfort of our newe trades to the Northeast to the coasts of Asia Respect of fish and certaine other things ANd if the aire may be found vpon that tract temperate and the soile yeelding wood water land and grasse and the seas fish then we may plant on that maine the offals of our people as the Portingals do in Brasill and so they may in our fishing in our passage and diuers wayes yeelde commoditie to England by harbouring and victualling vs. And it may be that the inland there may yeeld masts pitch tarre hempe and all things for the Nauie as plentifully as Eastland doth The Islands to be noted with their commodities and wants TO note the Islands whether they be hie land or low land mountaine or flat grauelly clay chalkie or of what soile woody or not woody with springs and riuers or not and what wilde beastes they haue in the same And whether there seeme to be in the same apt matter to build withall as stone free or rough and stone to make lime withall and wood or coale to burne the same withall To note the goodnesse or the badnesse of the hauens and harborowes in the Islands If a straight be found what is to be done and what great importance it may be of ANd if there be a straight in the passage into the Scithian seas the same is specially and with great regard to be noted especially if the same straight be narrow and to be kept I say it is to be noted as a thina that doeth much import for what prince soeuer shall be Lorde of the same and shall possesse the same as the king of Denmarke doeth possesse the straight of Denmarke he onely shall haue the trate out of these regions into the Northeast parts of the world for himselfe and for his priuate profit or for his subiects onely or to enioy wonderfull benefit of the toll of the same like as the king of Denmarke doth enioy of his straights by suffring the merchants of other Princes to passe that way If any such straight be found the eleuation the high or lowe land the hauens neere the length of the straights and all other such circumstances are to be set downe for many purposes and al the Mariners in the voyage are to be sworne to keepe close all such things that other Princes preuent vs not of the same after our returne vpon the disclosing of the Mariners if any such thing should hap Which way the Sauage may bee made able to purchase our cloth and other their wants IF you find any Island or maine land populous and that the same people hath need of cloth then are you to deuise what commodities they haue to purchase the same withall If they be poore then are you to consider of the soile and hâ—w by any possibilitie the same may be made to inrich them that hereafter they may haue something to purchase the cloth withall If you enter into any maine by portable riuer and shall find any great woods you are to note what kind of timber they be of that we may know whether they are for pitch tarre mastes deale-boord clapboord or for building of ships or houses for so if the people haue no vse of them they may be brought perhaps to vse Not to venture the losse of any one man YOu must haue great care to preserue your people since your number is so small and not to venture any one man in any wise To bring home besides merchandize certaine trifles BRing home with you if you may from Cambalu or other ciuil place one or other yong man although you leaue one for him Also the fruites of the Countreys if they will not of themselues dure drie them and so preserue them And bring with you the kernels of peares and apples and the stones of such stonefruits as you shall find there Also the seeds of all strange herbs flowers for such seeds of fruits and herbs comming from another part of the world and so far off will delight the fansie of many for the strangenesse and for that the same may grow and continue the delight long time If you arriue at Cambalu or Quinsay to bring thence the mappe of that countrey for so shall you haue the perfect description which is to great purpose To bring thence some old printed booke to see whether they haue had print there before it was deuised in Europe as some write To note their force by sea and by land If you arriue to Cambalu or Quinsay to take a speciall view of their Nauie and to note the force greatnesse maner of building of them the sailes the tackles the ankers the furniture of them with ordinance armour and munition Also to note the force of the wals and bulwarks of their cities their ordonance and whether they haue any calâ—uers and what powder and shot To note what armour they haue What swords What pikes halberds and bils What horses of force and what light horses they haue And so throughout to note the force of the Countrey both by sea and by land Things to be marked to make coniectures by TO take speciall note of their buildings and of the ornaments of their houses within Take a speciall note of their apparell and furniture and of the substance that the same is made of of which a Merchant may make a gesse as well of their commoditie as also of their wants To note their Shoppes and Warehouses and with what commodities they abound the price also To see their Shambles and to view all such things as are brought into the Markets for so you shall soone see the commodities and the maner of the people of the inland and so giue a gesse of many things To note their fields of graine and their trees of fruite and how they
Astracan William Cecill Lord Burghley Knight of the noble Order of the Garter and Lord high Treasurer of England sendeth greeting RIght honourable my very good Lord vpon the last returne of our merchants shippes out of Russia there was brought vnto my handes by one Francis Cherrie an English merchant a letter directed to the Queenes Maiestie from the great and mightie Emperour of Russia and another letter from your Lordship directed to me which sayd letter written from the Emperor to her Maiesty hath beene considerately and aduisedly by her Highnesse read and perused and the matter of complaint against Ierome Horsey therein comprised thorowly examined which hath turned the same Horsey to some great displeasure I did also acquaâ—nt our Maiesty with the contents of your Lordships letters written to mee and enformed her of your Lordships honourable fauour shewed to her Highnesse merchants from time to time who tooke the same in most gracious part and confessed her selfe infinitly beholding vnto your Lordship for many honourable offices done for her sake the which she meant to acknowledge by her letters to be written to your Lordship vnder her princely hand and seale And forasmuch as it hath pleased your good Lordshippe to take into your handes the protection of her Maiesties merchants and the redresse of such iniuries as are or shall be offered vnto them contrary to the meaning of the priuiledges and the free liberty of the entercourse wherein in some points your Lordship hath already vsed a reformation as appeareth by your sayd letters yet the continuance of traffique moouing new occasions and other accidents tending to the losse of the sayd merchants whereof some particulars haue beene offered vnto me to treat with your Lordship vpon I thought it good to referre them to your honourable consideration that order might be taken in the same for that they are apparantly repugnant to the Emperours letters written to her Maiestie and doe much restraine the liberty of the trade one is that at the last comming of our merchants to the port of Saint Michael the Archangel where the mart is holden their goods were taken by the Emperours officers for his Highnesse seruice at such rates as the sayd officers were disposed to set vpon them so farre vnder their value that the merchants could not assent to accept of those prices which being denied the sayd officers restrained them of all further traffique for the space of three weekes by which meanes they were compelled to yeeld vnto their demaund how vnwillingly soeuer Another is that our sayd merchants are driuen to pay the Emperours officers custome for all such Russe money as they bring downe from the Mosco to the Sea side to employ there at the Mart within the Emperours owne land which seemeth strange vnto me considering the same money is brought from one place of the Countrey to another and there imployed without any transport ouer of the sayd money These interruptions and impositions seeme not to stand with the liberties of the Emperours priuileges and freedome of the entercourse which should be restrained neither to times or conditions but to be free and absolute whereof it may please your Lordship to be aduised and to continue your honourable course holden betweene the Emperour and her Maiesty to reconcile such differences as any occasion doth offer to their league or trafficke Thus not doubting of your Lordships furtherance herein I humbly take my leaue of your good Lordship From her Maiesties royall palace of Whitehall this 15 of Ianuary 1591. A Letter from the Emperour of Russia Theodore Iuanouich to the Queenes Maiestie THrough the tender merrie of our God whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited vs thereby to guide our feet into the way of peace Euen this our God by mercy we glorifie in Trinitie We the great Lord King and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich gouernour of all Russia of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke also of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Yeroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Siberia and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. To our louing sister Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland c. Louing sister your letters sent by your seruant Thomas Lind we haue receiued and read what you haue written in the same touching our title and touching your order holden in your letters heretofore sent vs by your seruant Ierome Horsey wherein you haue answered vs sufficiently and most graciously And whereas your Maiestie hath written in your letter concerning the goods of William Turnebull late deceased in our kingdome that your subiects for whom he was factour should haue debts growing vnto them from him by account we at your Maiesties request haue caused not onely order to be taken but for your Highnesse sake louing sister we haue caused the goods to be sought out and deliuered to your merchants Agent and his company together with his stuffe bookes billes and writings as also money to the value of sixe hundred rubbles which Christopher Holmes and Francis Cherry are to pay for yâ—arie and we haue set at libertie the sayd Turnebulles kinseman Raynold Kitchin and his fellowes and deliuered them to your merchants Agent And further where you write vnto vs for such your subiects as haue departed out of your maiesties Realme secretly without licence that we should giue order to send them home concerning such your subiects for which you haue written vnto our Maiestie by letters we will cause search to be made and such as are willing to goe home into your kingdome we will command forthwith to be deliuered vnto your merchants Agent and so to passe And such of your Maiesties people as haue giuen themselues vnder our gouernment as subiects we thinke it not requisite to grant to let them passe And further where you haue written vnto vs concerning the goods of Iohn Chappell we haue written heretofore the whole discourse thereof not once but sundry times and therefore it is not needfull to write any more thereof And such goods as were found out of the goods of the sayd Chappell the money thereof was restored to your Maiesties people William Turnbull and his fellowes Your Maiesties seruant Thomas Lind we haue sent with our letters the same way whereby he came into our kingdome The long abiding heere of your Maiesties seruant in our kingdome was for the comming of your people from the Sea port Written in our princely court and royall seat in the city of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuary To
the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Ieroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. Most resplendent Queene Elizabeth of England France and Ireland c. his princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house and President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua vnto your most excellent Maiesty great Ladie Queene Elizabeth send my humble commendations It hath pleased your Maiestie to write vnto me your gracious and princely letter by your seruant Thomas Lind which letter I receiued with all humblenesse During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Mosco it pleased God of his mercifulnesse and our Lady the mother of God and holy Saints by the prayers of our lord and king his Maiestie Theodore Iuanouich ouer all Russia gouernour the right beleeuer and louer of Christ to send our Queene and gracious Lady Irene a yoong Princesse to the great ioy and comfort of our kingdome named Pheodocine Wherefore we giue all honour and glory to the almightie God vnspeakeable whose giftes had beene manifolde with mercie vnto vs for which all wee Christians laud and praise God After all this your seruant was occasioned to stay vntill the comming of your merchants from the sea port Touching the letters which you haue receiued from your louing brother our Lord and Master by your ambassadour therein you perceiue sufficiently my good meaning in trauailing for the continuance of amitie and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes in the which I will continue mine endeuour Also your merchants I haue taken into my protection for to defend them for the loue I beare to your Maiestie As heeretofore I haue done it willingly and with great care of their good so I meane to continue so farre as God will giue me leaue to the end that brotherly loue be holden betweene you Princes without disturbance As I haue beene to your merchants in times past so now by the permission and commandement of our Lord and Master I will be their defendour in all causes and will cause all our authorised people to fauour them and to defend them and to giue them free liberty to buy and sell at their pleasure The merchants doe not certifie your princely Maiestie of all our friendship and fauour shewed vnto them from time to time And whereas your Maiestie hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants ought to haue of William Turnebull lately disceased I hauing perused your Maiesties letter whereby I am requested to be a meane for the recouerie and obtaining of their sayd debts I haue moued it to our Lord and King his Maiestie that order may be giuen therein and that his kinseman Rainold Kitchin with three persons more may be sent ouer together with the sayd Turnebulles stuffe and other things as billes books and writings All which shall be deliuered to your merchants Agent and his fellowes and in money 600 rubbles of the sayd Turnebulles And touching your merchants I will haue a great care ouer them and protect them whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade and all kinde of trafficke in merchandise shall be at their libertie Written in our Lord and Kings Maiestie royall citie of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuarie A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England BY the grace of God great Lord King and great Duke Theodor Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghory Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of all Nouogrod in the low countreys of Chernigo of Liffeland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commaunder of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grosinsky and of the countreys of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many Countreys more c. His princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua to the most honourable Counseller of the most resplendent mightie great Lady Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland William Burghley Lord and Knight of the Garter high Treasurour of England sendeth greeting I perceiue by your letter that your merchants last shippes came home in sastie and that you haue receiued the letters sent by them by the hands of Francis Cherie one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Maiesty vnto your Queenes most excellent Maiesty and one from me to her Highnesse and one from my selfe to you and the contents thereof you haue caused to be read and well vnderstood at large And whatsoeuer is therein written concerning Ierome Horsey you haue sought out the ground thereof and that he is in great displeasure And her Highnesse hath written in her letter concerning her Maiesties merchants that whereas I haue taken them into protection she taketh it very louingly and kindely that for her sake they haue receiued so great kindnesse And touching the damages and hinderances which your merchaunts haue sustained by meanes of the Emperours authorised people and officers and that they were not permitted to trafficke at libertie at the Sea port in the yeere 1589 for the space of three weekes it hath beene against the Emperours Maiesties will and pleasure as also against mine Where you desire and wish that betweene our Emperours Maiestie and your Queenes Maiestie their loue and amitie may not bee seperated at any time but to continue and you request mee that I should be good vnto the English merchants and to defend them from all such damages hereafter your honours louing letter I haue therein throughly considered and as I haue bene heretofore so I will still continue to be a meane betwixt our Lorde and kings Maiestie and your great Lady the Queene her highnesse for the mainteyning of brotherly loue and amitie most ioyfully and willingly as God knoweth aswel hereafter as I haue bene heretofore praying you to doe the like also Mine onely desire is for your most excellent Princesse sake to do all that lyeth in mâ—e
the materials and substances that the Turkes vse in dying be they of Herbes simple or compound be they Plants Barkes Wood Berries Seedes Graines or Minerall matter or what els soeuer But before all other such things as yeeld those famous colours that carrie such speciall report of excellencie that our Merchaunts may bring them to this realme by ordinarie trade as a right meane for the better vent of our clothes 4 To know the vse of those and where the naturall place of them and of ech of them is I meane the place where ech of them groweth or is bred 5 And in any wise if Anile that coloureth blew be a naturall commodity of these parts and if it be compounded of an herbe to send the same into this realme by seed or by root in barrell of earth with all the whole order of sowing setting planting replanting and with the compounding of the same that it may become a naturall commodity in this realme as Wood is to this end that the high price of forreine Wood which deuoureth yeerely great treasure may be brought downe So shall the marchant buy his cloth lesse deare and so he shal be able to occupy with lesse stocke be able to afoord cloth cheaper make more ample vent and also become a greater gainer himselfe and all this to the benefit of this realme 6 To do the like with herbe plant or tree that in dying is of any excellent vse as to send the same by seed berry root c for by such meanes Saffron was brought first into this realme which hath set many poore on worke and brought great wealth into this realme Thus may Sumack the plane wherewith the most excellent blacks be died in Spaine be brought out of Spaine and out of the Ilands of the same if it will grow in this more colde climat For thus was Woad brought into this realme and came to good perfection to the great losse of the French our olde enemies And it doth maruellously import this realme to make naturall in this realme such things as be special in the dying of our clothes And to speake of such things as colour blew they are of greatest vse and are grounds of the most excellent colours and therefore of all other to be brought into this realme be it Anile or any other materiall of that quality 7 And because yellowes and greenes are colours of small prices in this realme by reason that Olde and Greenweed wherewith they be died be naturall here and in great plenty therefore to bring our clothes so died to common sale in Turkie were to the great benefit of the marchant and other poore subiects of this realme for in sale of such our owne naturall colours we consume not our treasure in forren colours and yet we sell our owne trifles dearely perhaps 8 The woolles being naturall and excellent colours for dying becomming by this meanes here also naturall in all the arte of Clothing then we want but one onely speciall thing For in this so temperate a climat our people may labor the yere thorowout whereas in some regions of the world they cannot worke for extreme heat as in some other regions they cannot worke for extreme colde a good part of the yere And the people of this realme by the great and blessâ—d abundance of victuall are cheaply fed and therefore may afoord their labour cheape And where the Clothiers in Flanders by the flatnesse of their riuers cannot make Walkmilles for their clothes but are forced to thicken and dresse all their clothes by the foot and by the labour of men whereby their clothes are raised to an higher price we of England haue in all Shires store of milles vpon falling riuers And these riuers being in temperate zones are not dried vp in Summer with drought and heat as the riuers be in Spaine and in hotter regions nor frozen vp in Winter as all the riuers be in all the North regions of the world so as our milles may go and worke at all times and dresse clothes cheaply Then we haue also for scowring our clothes earths and claies as Walkers clay and the clay of Oborne little inferior to Sope in scowring and in thicking Then also haue we some reasonable store of Alum and Copporas here made for dying and are like to haue increase of the same Then we haue many good waters apt for dying and people to spin and to doe the rest of all the labours we want not So as there wanteth if colours might be brought in and made naturall but onely Oile the want whereof if any man could deuise to supply at the full with any thing that might become naturall in this realme he whatsoeuer he were that could bring it about might deserue immortall fame in this our Common wealth and such a deuise was offered to the Parliament and refused becaused they denied to endow him with a certaine liberty some others hauing obtained the same before that practised to worke that effect by Radish seed which onely made a triall of small quantity and that went no further to make that Oile in plenty and now he that offered this deuise was a marchant and is â—ead and withall the deuise is dead with him It is written by one that wrote of Afrike that in Egyptin a city called Muhaisira there be many milles imployed in making of Oile of the seed of an herbe called Sesanium Pena and Lobell Physicians write in our time that this herbe is a codded herbe full of oily seed and that there is plenty of this seede brought out of Egypt to diuers Cities in Italy If this herbe will prosper in this realme our marchants may easily bring of it c. 9 Hauing heerein thus troubled you by raising to your minde the consideration of certaine things it shall not be impertinent to tell you that it shall not be amisse that you note all the order of the degrees of labour vsed in Turky in the arte of Clothing and to see if any way they excell in that profession our people of these parts and to bring notice of the same into this realme 10 And if you shall finde that they make any cloth of any kind not made in this realme that is there of great vse then to bring of the same into this realme some Mowsters that our people may fall into the trade and prepare the same for Turkie for the more kinds of cloth we can deuise to make the more ample vent of our commoditie we shall haue and the more sale of the labour of our poore subiects that els for lacke of labour become idle and burdenous to the common weale and hurtfull to many and in England we are in our clothing trade to frame our selues according to the desires of forren nations be it that they desire thicke or thinne broad or narowe long or short white or blacke 11 But with this prouiso alwayes that our cloth passe out with as much
de monte The 17 a darke drowsie day this was the first night that I tooke the North starre The 26 a temperate day with litle winde and we were in 12 degrees and 13 minutes of latitude The 30 we met a great sea out of the Northwest The 6 of Iune we found it as temperate as if we had beene in England yet we were within the height of the sunne for it was declined 23 degrees and 26 minuts to the Northward and we had 15 degrees of latitude The 8 faire and temperate as in England here we met with a counter sea out of the Southborde The 15 a faire temperate day the winde variable here we had 18 degrees and fiftie nine minutes The 12 of Iuly in 30 degrees of latitude we met with great store of rockweed which did stick together like clusters of grapes and this continued with vs vntill the 17 of the said moneth and then we saw no more at which 17 day we were in two and thirtie degrees sixe and fortie minutes of latitude The 25 at sixe of the clocke in the morning we had sight of the Isle of Pike it bare North and by East from vs we being 15 leagues off The 27 we spake with the poste of London and she told vs good newes of England The nine and twentieth we had sight of the Island of Cueruo and the 30 we saw the Island of Flores The 27 of August in 41 degrees of latitude we saw 9 saile of Britons and three of them followed vs vntill noone and then gaue vs ouer The 30 we had sight of Cape â—inisterre The eight of September at night wee put into Plimouth sound and road in Causon bay all night The 9 we put into Catwater and there stayed vntill the 28 of September by reason of want of men and sicknesse The nine and twentieth we set sayle from Plimouth and arriued at London the second of October 1589. The commodities that we caried in this voyage were cloth both linnen wollen yron worke of sundry sorts Manillios or bracelets of copper glasse beades and corrall The commodities that we brought home were pepper and Elephants teeth oyle of palme cloth made of Cotton wooll very curiously wouen and cloth made of the barke of palme trees Their money is pretie white shels for golde and siluer we saw none They haue also great store of cotton growing their bread is a kind of roots they call it Inamia and when it is well sodden I would leaue our bread to eat of it it is pleasant in eating and light of digestion the roote thereof is as bigge as a mans arme Our men vpon fish-dayes had rather eate the rootes with oyle and vineger then to eate good stockfish There are great store of palme trees out of the which they gather great store of wine which wine is white and very pleasant we should buy two gallons of it for 20 shels They haue good store of sope and it smelleth like beaten violets Also many pretie fine mats and baskets that they make and spoones of Elephants teeth very curiously wrought with diuers proportions of foules and beasts made vpon them There is vpon the coast wonderfull great lightning and thunder in so much as I neuer hard the like in no Countrey for it would make the decke or hatches tremble vnder our feete and before we were well acquainted with it we were fearefull but God be thanked we had no harme The people are very gentle and louing and they goe naked both men and women vntill they be married and then they goe couered from the middle downe to the knees They would bring our men earthen pottes of the quantitie of two gallons full of hony and hony combes for 100 shelles They would also bring great store of Oranges and Plantans which is a fruit that groweth vpon a tree and is very like vnto a Cucumber but very pleasant in eating It hath pleased God of his merceifull goodnesse to giue me the knowledge how to preserue fresh water with little cost which did serue vs sixe moneths at the sea when we came into Plimmouth it was much wondered at of the principal men of the towne who said that there was not sweeter water in any spring in Plimouth Thus both God prouide for his creatures vnto whom be praise now and for euermore Amen The voiage set forth by M. Iohn Newton and M. Iohn Bird marchants of London to the kindome and Citie of Benin in Africa with a ship called the Richard of Arundell and a pinnesse in the yere 1588. briefely set downe in this letter following written by the chiefe Factor in the voyage to the foresaid Marchants at the time of the ships first arriuall at Plimouth WOrshipful Sirs the discourse of our whole proceeding in this voyage wil aske more time and a person in better health then I am at this present so that I trust you will pardon me till my comming vp to you in the meane time let this suffice Whereas we departed in the moneth of December from the coast of England with your good ship the Richard of Arundell and the pinnesse we held on our direct course towards our appointed port and the 14 day of Februarie following we arriued in the hauen of Benin where we found not water enough to carry the ship ouer the barre so that we left her without in the road and with the pinnesse ship boat into which we had put the chiefest of our marchaÌ„dise we went vp the riuer to a place called Goto where we arriued the 20 of February the foresaid Goto being the neerest place that we could come to by water to go for Benin From thence we presently sent Negroes to the king to certifie him of our arriuall and of the cause of our comming thither who returned to vs againe the 22 day with a noble man in their company to bring vs vp to the Citie and with 200 Negroes to carrie out commodities hereupon the 23 day we deliuered our marchandize to the kings Factor the 25 day we came to the great Citie of Benin where we were well intertained The sixe twenty day we went to the Court to haue spoken with the king which by reason of a solemne feast then kept amongst them we could not doe but yet we spake with his Veadore or chiefe man that hath the dealing with the Christians and we conferred with him concerning our trading who answered vs that we should haue all things to our desire both in pepper and Elephants teeth The first of March we were admitted to the kings presence and he made vs the like courteous answere for our traffike the next day we went againe to the Court where the foresaid Veadore shewed vs one basket of greene pepper and another of dry in the stalkes wee desired to haue it plucked from the stalks and made cleane who answered that it would aske time but yet in
alongst the coast full of drift yce and seemeth almost inaccessible and is thought to be an Iland in bignesse not inferiour to England and is called of some Authors West Frislande I thinke because it lyeth more West then any part of Europe It extendeth in latitude to the Northward very farre as seemed to vs and appeareth by a description set out by two brethren Uenetians Nicholaus and Antonius Zeni who being driuen off from Ireland with a violent tempest made shipwracke here and were the first knowen Christians that discouered this land about two hundred yeares sithence and they haue in their Sea-cardes set out euery part thereof and described the condition of the inhabitants declaring them to be as ciuill and religious people as we And for so much of this land as we haue sayled alongst comparing their Carde with the coast we finde it very agreeable This coast seemeth to haue good fishing for we lying becalmed let fall a hooke without any bayte and presently caught a great fish called a Hollibut who serued the whole companie for a dayes meate and is dangerous meate for surfetting And sounding about fiue leagues off from the shore our leade brought vp in the tallow a kinde of Corrall almost white and small stones as bright as Christall and it is not to be doubted but that this land may be found very rich and beneficial if it were throughly discouered although we sawe no creature there but little birdes It is a maruellous thing to behold of what great bignesse and depth some Ilands of yce be here some seuentie some eightie fadome vnder water besides that which is aboue seeming Ilands more then halfe a mile in circuit All these yce are in tast fresh and seeme to be bredde in the sounds thereabouts or in some lande neere the pole and with the winde and tides are driuen alongst the coastes We found none of these Ilands of yce salt in taste whereby it appeareth that they were not congealed of the Ocean Sea water which is alwayes salt but of some standing or little moouing lakes or great fresh waters neere the shore caused eyther by melted snowe from tops of mountaines or by continuall accesse of fresh riuers from the land and intermingling with the Sea water bearing yet the dominion by the force of extreame frost may cause some part of salt water to freese so with it and so seeme a little brackish but otherwise the maine Sea freeseth not and therefore there is no Mare Glaciale or frosen Sea as the opinion hithertâ— hath bene Our Generall prooued landing here twice but by the suddaine fall of mistes whereunto this coast is much subiect he was like to loose sight of his ships and being greatly endangered with the driuing yce alongst the coast was forced aboord and faine to surcease his pretence till a better opportunitie might serue and hauing spent foure dayes and nightes sayling alongst this land finding the coast subiect to such bitter colde and continuall mistes he determined to spend no more time therein but to beare out his course towardes the streightes called Frobishers streights after the Generals name who being the first that euer passed beyond 58 degrees to the Northwardes for any thing that hath beene yet knowen of certaintie of New found land otherwise called the continent or firme land of America discouered the saide straights this last yere 1576. Betweene Frisland and the straights we had one great storme wherein the Michaell was somewhat in danger hauing her Stirrage broken and her toppe Mastes blowen ouer boord being not past 50 leagues short of the straights by our account we stroke sayle lay a hull fearing the continuance of of the storme the winde being at the Northeast and hauing lost companie of the Barkes in that flaw of winde we happily met againe the seuenteenth day of Iuly hauing the euening before seene diuers Ilands of fleeting yce which gaue an argument that we were not farre from land Our Generall in the morning from the maine top the weather being reasonable cleare descried land but to be better assured he sent the two Barkes two contrarie courses whereby they might discry either the South or North foreland the Ayde lying off and on at Sea with a small sayle by an Ilande of yce which was the marke for vs to meete togither againe And about noone the weather being more cleare we made the North forland perfite which otherwise is called Halles Iland and also the small Iland bearing the name of the sayde Hall whence the Ore was taken vp which was brought into England this last yeere 1576 the said Hall being present at the finding taking vp thereof who was then Maister in the Gabriell with Captaine Frobisher At our arriuall here all the Seas about this coast were so couered ouer with huge quantitie of great yce that we thought these places might onely deserue the name of Mare Glaciale and be called the Isie Sea This North forland is thought to be deuided from the continent of the Northerland by a litâ—le sound called Halles sound which maketh it an Iland and is thought little lesse then the I le of Wight and is the first entrance of the straights vpon the Norther side and standeth in the latitude of sixtie two degrees and fiftie minutes and is reckonâ—d from Frisland leagues God hauing blessed vs with so happie a land-fall we bare into the straights which runne in next hand and somewhat further vp to the Northwarde and came as neere the shore as wee might for the yce and vpon the eighteenth day of Iuly our Generall taking the Goldfiners with him attempted to goe on shore with a small rowing Pinnesse vpon the small Ilande where the Ore was taken vp to prooue whether there were any store thereof to be found but he could not get in all that Iland a peece so bigge as a Walnut where the first was found But our men which sought the other Ilands thereabouts found them all to haue good store of the Ore whereupon our Generall with these good tidings returned aboord about tenne of the clocke at night and was ioyfully welcommed of the company with a volie of shot He brought egges foules and a young Seale aboord which the companie had killed ashore and hauing found vpon those Ilands ginnes set to catch fowle and stickes newe cut with other things he well perceiued that not long before some of the countrey people had resorted thither Hauing therefore found those tokens of the peoples accesse in those parts and being in his first voyage well acquainted with their subtill and cruell disposition hee prouided well for his better safetie and on Friday the ninteenth of Iuly in the morning early with his best companie of Gentlemen and souldiers to the number of fortie persons went on shore aswell to discouer the Inland and habitation of the people as also to finde out some fit
order to our chyrurgion to dresse the wounded men one of which was wounded vnto death That done we had then time to view our prize which we found of great defence and a notable strong ship almost two hundred tun in burden very well appointed and in all things fitted for a man of warre They had also foureteene or fifteene men more which were then absent from the ship otherwise we should haue had the hoter fight The same day we got our sailes to the yard and our top masts on end and rigged the shippe what we could The 26 day we got some oile aboord and there we taried vntill the second of August fitting our selues for the sea and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs. During our â—â—ode there we diuided our men and appointed to ech ship their company my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the prize wherein when we were shipped and the company there arose great enmity against vs by the other shippe which afterward was quieted The second day of August hauing taken in water and wood we put to sea from that harborow in company of the Hopewell with puâ—pose to go directly to Parlican which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland where we eâ—pected another prize But when we came to sea we found our sailes so olâ—e our ropes so rotten and our prouision of bread and drinke so short as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August and sent them aboord the Hopewell to certifie them the cause of our resolution for England wherat they were generally offended thinking and saying that we in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them To conclude they sent vs word that they would keepe vs company for England But I had giuen William Crafton commission before to go for the Islands of the Açores and there to spend his victuals for a man of warre The next day being the fift of August hauing a faire winde we put off from the coast of Newfoundland and kept our course directly for England the Hopewell keeping vs company vntill midâ—ay whenas hauâ—ng lost vs in a fogge she shot off two pieces of ordinance and we answered her with three afterwarde wâ— spake not with her supposing that she went for the Islands The 27 of August drawing neere the coast of England we sounded and found ground at seuenty fadoms Some of the mariners thinking we were in Bristow channell and other in Silly channell so that through variety of iudgements â—nd euill marinership we were fame to dance the hay foure dayes together sometimes running to the Northeast sometimes to the Southeast then againe to the East and Eastnortheast Thus did we spend faire winds and lose our time vntill the last of August And then it pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of Bristoll from whence we sâ—ayed our course and aftâ—r diuers dangers the third of September we mâ—t with the Tramontane of the Queene off of Dartmouth to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of The fift of Septeâ—â—er I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight and within few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London where she was made prize as beloâ—ging to the enemies of this land Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we trauelled THe Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists The ground of it is very rocky and vpon it there is great store of firce trees and in some places red and abouâ— the shore it hath great abundance of cod-fish We were on land in it in foure seuerall places 1 At Caplin bay and Farrillon 2 At Cape Rase 3 At the harborow of Lano which lieth foure leagues to the West beyond Cape Laurence 4 At S. Marie port The Island of Menego for the soile is much like Newfoundland but the fish about it as also thorowout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton is much larger and better then that of the Newfoundland This Island is scant two leagues long and very narrow In the midst of it a great way within the wood is a great poole Here we were thrise on shore once at the East side and twise at the West The three Islands of birds are sandy red but with the multitude of birds vpon them they looke white The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in a paued street The greatest â—f the Islands is about a mile in compasse The second is little lesse The third is a very little one like a small rocke At the second of these three lay on the shore in the Sunshine about thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses which when our boat came nere them presently made into the sea and swam after the boat Brions Island wee found to be very good and sandy ground It hath in it store of firre trees It is somewhat more then a league long and about three leagues in compasse Here we were on land once and went from the one side of it to the other The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island hauing also abundance of firre trees It seemeth to be in length about twelue or thirteene leagues at least We were there in harborow but not on shore which we much desired and hoped to haue bene but the conflict which we had there with the Basks and Britons mentioned before preuented vs. The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd but somewhat lesse We were not on shore vpon it but rode before it at anker The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland but rather better Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower then the hils as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland The Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land as the West We went on shore vpon it in fiue places 1 At the bay where the Chancewell was cast away 2 At Cibo 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo and the New port 4 At the New port And 5 at Port Ingles or the English port Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island Isle Blanche and of Ramea they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood great store of wild corne like barley sâ—rawberries gooseberries mulberies white roses and store of wilde peason Also about the sayd Islands the sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts And the sayd Islands also seeme to proffer through the labour of man plenty of all kinde of our graine of roots of hempe and other necessary commodities Charles Leigh CERTAINE VOYAGES CONTAINING THE Discouerie of the Gulfe of Sainct Laurence to the West of Newfoundland and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places with a
of you to vnderstand that for the present and speedy supply of certaine our knowen and apparant lackes and needes most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of vs or any other in this land of Virginia wee all of one minde consent haue most earnestly intreated and vncessantly requested Iohn White Gouernour of the planters in Virginia to passe into England for the better and more assured help and setting forward of the foresayd supplies and knowing assuredly that he both can best and wil labour and take paines in that behalfe for vs all and he not onee but often refusing it for our sekes and for the honour maintenance of the action hath at last though much against his will through our importunacie yeelded to leaue his gouernement and all his goods among vs and himselfe in all our behalfes to passe into England of whose knowledge and fidelitie in handling this matter as all others we doe assure our selues by these presents and will you to giue all credite thereunto the 25 of August 1587. The Gouernour being at the last through their extreame intreating constrayned to returne into England hauing then but halfe a dayes respite to prepare himselfe for the same departed from Roanoak the seuen and twentieth of August in the morning and the same day about midnight came aboord the Flieboat who already had weyed anker and rode without the barre the Admirall riding by them who but the same morning was newly come thither againe The same day both the ships weyed anker and set saile for England at this weying their ankers twelue of the men which were in the Flyboate were throwen from the Capstone which by meanes of a barre that brake came so fast about vpon them that the other two barres thereof strooke and hurt most of them so sore that some of them neuer recouered it neuerthelesse they assayed presently againe to wey their anker but being so weakened with the first sling they were not able to weye it but were throwen downe and hurt the second time Wherefore hauing in all but fifteene men aboord and most of them by this vnfortunate beginning so bruised and hurt they were forced to cut their Cable and leese their anker Neuerthelesse they kept company with the Admirall vntil the seuenteenth of September at which time wee fell with Coruo and sawe Flores September THe eighteenth perceiuing of all our fifteene men in the Flyboate there remained but fiue which by meanes of the former mischance were able to stand to their labour and that the the Admirall meant not to make any haste for England but to linger about the Island of Tercera for purchase the Flyboate departed for England with letters where we hoped by the help of God to arriue shortly but by that time we had continued our course homeward about twenty dayes hauing had sometimes scarse and variable windes our fresh water also by leâ—king almost consumed there arose a storme at Northeast which for sixe dayes ceased not to blowe so exceeding that we were driuen further in those sixe then we could recouer in thirteene daies in which time others of our saylers began to fall very sicke and two of them dyed the weather also continued so close that our Mastâ—r sometimes in foure dayes together could see neither sunne nor starre and all the beuerage we could make with stinking water dregs of beere and lees of wine which remayned was but three gallons and therefore now we expected nothing but famine to perish at Sea October THe 16 of October we made land but we knowe not what land it was bearing in with the same land at that day about sunne set we put into a harbour where we found a Hulke of Dublin and a pinnesse of Hampton riding but we knew not as yet what place this was neither had we any boate to goe ashore vntill the pinnesse sent off their boate to vs with 6 or 8 men of whom we vnderstood wee were in Smerwick in the West parts of Ireland they also releeued vs presently with fresh water wine and other fresh meate The 18 the Gouernour and the Master ryd to Dingen a Cushe 5 miles distant to take order for the new victualing of our Flieboate for England and for reliefe of our sicke and hurt men but within foure daies after the Boatswain the Steward and the Boatswains mate died aboord the Flieboat and the 28 the Masters mate and two of our chiefe sailers were brought sicke to Dingen Nouember THe first the Gouernour shipped himselfe in a ship called the Monkie which at that time was ready to put to sea from Dingen for England leauing the Flyboat and all his companie in Ireland The same day we set sayle and on the third day we fell with the North side of the lands end and were shut vp the Seuerne but the next day we doubled the same for Mounts Bay The 5 the Gouernour landed in England at Martasew neere Saint Michaels mount in Cornewall The 8 we arriued at Hampton where we vnderstood that our consort the Admiral was come to Portsmouth and had bene there three weekes before and also that Ferdinando the Master with all his company were not onely come home without any purchase but also in such weaknesse by sicknesse and death of their chiefest men that they were scarse able to bring their ship into harbour but were forced to let fall anker without which they could not wey againeâ— but might all haue perished there if a small barke by great hap had not come to them to helpe them The names of the chiefe men that died are these Roger Large Iohn Mathew Thomas Smith and some other saylers whose names I knew not at the writing hereof An. Dom. 1587. The names of all the men women and children which safely arriued in Virginia and remained to inhabite there 1587. Anno regni Reginae Elizabethâ— 29. IOhn White Roger Baily Ananias Dare. Christopher Cooper Thomas Steuens Iohn Sampson Dyonis Haruie Roger Prat. George How Simon Fernando Nicholas Iohnson Thomas Warner Anthony Cage Iohn Iones William Willes Iohn Brooke Cutbert White Iohn Bright Clement Tayler William Sole Iohn Cotsmur Humfrey Newton Thomas Colman Thomas Gramme Marke Bennet Iohn Gibbes Iohn Stilman Robert Wilkinson Iohn Tydway Ambrose Viccars Edmond English Thomas Topan Henâ—y Berry Richard Berry Iohn Spendloue Iohn Hemmington Thomas Butler Edward Powell Iohn Burden Iames Hynde Thomas Ellis William Browne Michael Myllet Thomas Smith Richard Kemme Thomas Harris Richard Tauerner Iohn Earnest Henry Iohnson Iohn Starte Richard Darige William Lucas Arnold Archard Iohn Wright William Dutton Mauris Allen. William Waters Richard Arthur Iohn Chapman William Clemenâ— Robert Little Hugh Tayler Richard Wildye Lewes Wotton Michael Bishop Henry Browne Henry Rufoote Richard Tomkins Henry Dorrell Charles Florrie Henry Mylton Henry Paine Thomas Harris William Nichols Thomas Pheuens Iohn Borden Thomas Scot. Peter Little Iohn Wyles Brian Wyles George Martyn Hugh Pattenson Martin Sutton Iohn Farre
departure of our men to Croatoan and assoone as they were departed digged vp euery place where they suspected any thing to be buriedâ— but although it much grieued me to see such spoyle of my goods yet on the other side I greatly ioyed that I had safely found a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan which is the place where Manteo was borne and the Sauages of the Iland our friends When we had seene in this place so much as we could we returned to our Boates and departed from the shoare towards our Shippes with as much speede as wee could For the weather beganne to ouercast and very likely that a foule and stormie night would ensue Therefore the same Euening with much danger and labour we got our selues aboard by which time the winde and seas were so greatly risen that wee doubted our Cables and Anchors would scarcely holde vntill Morning wherefore the Captaine caused the Boate to be manned with fiue lusty men who could swimme all well and sent them to the little Iland on the right hand of the Harbour to bring aboard sixe of our men who had filled our caske with fresh water the Boate the same night returned aboard with our men but all our Caske ready filled they left behinde vnpossible to bee had aboard without danger of casting away both men and Boates for this night prooued very stormie and foule The next Morning it was agreed by the Captaine and my selfe with the Master and others to wey anchor and goe for the place at Croatoan where our planters were for that then the winde was good for that place and also to leaue that Caske with fresh water on shoare in the Iland vntill our returne So then they brought the cable to the Capston but when the anchor was almost apecke the Cable broke by meanes whereof we lost another Anchor wherewith we droue so fast into the shoare that wee were forced to let fall a third Anchor which came so fast home that the Shippe was almost aground by Kenricks mounts so that wee were forced to let slippe the Cable ende for ende And if it had not chanced that wee had fallen into a chanell of deeper water closer by the shoare then wee accompted of wee could neuer haue gone cleare of the poynt that lyeth to the Southwardes of Kenricks mounts Being thus cleare of some dangers and gotten into deeper waters but not without some losse for wee had but one Cable and Anchor left vs of foure and the weather grew to be fouler and fouler our victuals scarse and our caske and fresh water lost it was therefore determined that we should goe for Saint Iohn or some other Iland to the Southward for fresh water And it was further purposed that if wee could any wayes supply our wants of victuals and other necessaries either at Hispaniola Sant Iohn or Trynidad that then wee should continue in the Indies all the Winter following with hope to make 2. rich voyages of one and at our returne to visit our countrymen at Virginia The captaine and the whole company in the Admirall with my earnest petitions thereunto agreed so that it rested onely to knowe what the Master of the Moone-light our consort would doe herein But when we demanded them if they would accompany vs in that new determination they alledged that their weake and leake Shippe was not able to continue it wherefore the same night we parted leauing the Moone-light to goe directly for England and the Admirall set his course for Trynidad which course we kept two dayes On the 28. the winde changed and it was sette on foule weather euery way but this storme brought the winde West and Northwest and blewe so forcibly that wee were able to beare no sayle but our fore-course halfe mast high wherewith wee ranne vpon the winde perforce the due course for England for that wee were dryuen to change our first determination for Trynidad and stoode for the Ilands of Açores where wee purposed to take in fresh water and also there hoped to meete with some English men of warre about those Ilands at whose hands wee might obtaine some supply of our wants And thus continuing our course for the Açores sometimes with calmes and sometimes with very scarce windes on the fifteenth of September the winde came South Southeast and blew so exceedingly that wee were forced to lye arry all that day At this time by account we iudged our selues to be about twentie leagues to the Wâ—st of Cueruo and Flores but about night the storme ceased and fayre weather ensued On Thursday the seuenteenth wee saw Cueruo and Flores but we could not come to anker that night by reason the winde shifted The next Morning being the eighteenth standing in againe with Cueruo we escryed a sayle ahead vs to whom we gaue chase but when wee came neere him we knew him to be a Spanyard and hoped to make sure purchase of him but we vnderstood at our speaking with him that he was a prize and of the Domingo fleete already taken by the Iohn our consort in the Indies We learned also of thie prize that our Uiceadmirall and Pinnisse had fought with the rest of the Domingo fleete and had foed them with their Adâ—irall to flee vnto Iamaica vnder the Fort for succour and some of them ran themselues aground whereof one of them they brought away and tooke out of some others so much as the tâ—me would permit And further wee vnderstood of them that in their returne from Iamaica about the Organes neere Cape Saint Anthony our Uiceadmirall mette with two Shippes of the mayne land come from Mexico bound for Hauana with whom he fought in which fight our Uiceadmirals Lieutenant was slaine and the Captaines right arme strooken off with fâ—ure other of his men slaine and sixteene hurt But in the ende he entred and tooke one of the Spanish shippes which was so sore shot by vs vnder water that before they could take out her treasure she sunke so that we lost thirteene Pipes of siluer which sunke with her besides much other rich marchandise And in the meane time the other Spanish shippe being pearced with nine shotte vnder water got away whâ—m our Uiceadmirall intended to pursue but some of their men in the toppe made certaine rockes which they saw aboue water neere the shoare to be Gallies of Hauana and Cartagena comming from Hauana to rescue the two Ships Wherefore they gaue ouer their chase and went for England After this intelligence was giuen vs by this our prize he departed from vs and went for England On Saturday the 19. of September we came to an Ancre neere a small village on the North side of Flores where we found ryding 5. English men of warre of whom wee vnderstood that our Uiceadmirall and Prize were gone thence for England One of these fiue was the Moonelight our consort who vpon the first sight of our comming into Flores set sayle and
went about and stoode off South southwest one watch then the wind shrinked to the Southwest that we could lye but South southwest sixe glasses so that at three a clocke wee cast about and lay Northwest sixe glasses and North northwest a watch being then eight a clocke the next day The 26. day wee lay as nigh as wee coulde betweene the North and the North northeast and saw the same land againe and made it to bee the foreland of Fontenay and the ragges to bee the Seames which bare now East Northeast of vs and wee stoode on till tenne a clocke then being within two leagues of the rockes and lesse wee cast about and stoode off Southwest because wee could not double the vttermost rockes when we were about we draue to the Southwards very faste for the ebbe set vs West southwest and being spring tides it horsed vs a pace to leewards for the space of one houre then with the flood which was come we draue againe to windewards at twelue at noone it was calme till 6. afternoone then wee stoode about larbord tacked South southwest one watch then at midnight wee cast about and stoode ouer North till foure aforenoone The 27. day hauing brought the land East southeast of vs we made it to be Sylly being before deceiued and went hence East by North to double Grimsbie leauing The bishop and his clearks to the Southwestwards which we before tooke to be The Seames At 7. a clocke in the afternoone we sawe the lands end of England which bare East by North off vs and is 7. leagues off from Sylly The 29. day at sixe a clocke beforenoone we had brought the Ramhead North of vs and were within a league of it and went in Northeast next band being thicke and foggie and little winde so that at eleuen a clocke we got in within the yland and there by mistaking of a sounding our ship came aground betweene the yle and the maine and there sate till 4. a clocke in the afternoone that it was halfe flood The 30. day about 9. a clocke with much adoe I furnished away P. Ieffries M. Symberbe and William Towreson with letters after dined at M. Blaccollers and made many salutations with diuers gentlemen The 31. I wrought abord all day and put our ship and things in order Afternoone I hauing pitie of some poore men of Milbrooke which were robbed the night before by a pirate named Purser which rid in Cawson bay I consented to goe out with the Edward in company of a small shippe which they had furnished to bee their Master so about fiue of the clocke in the afternoone came a hundreth men of theirs abord of mee About twelue a clocke wee set saile and by three afore day wee were gotten to the windwards of him then bee set saile and went hence to the Eastwards and outsailed vs because our consort would not come neere him after a small chase which we gaue him to no effect wee returned into our old road and there moared the ship about nine of the clocke in the forenoone and hence went all the Milbrooke men agaiâ—e ashore from mee And thus I ended a trouble some voyage The voyage set out by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland in the yere 1586. intended for The South sea but performed no farther then the latitude of 44 degrees to the South of the Equinoctial Written by M. Iohn Sarracoll marchant in the same voyage THe 26. day of Iune in the yeere 1586. and in the 28. yeere of the Queenes maiesties raigne wee departed from Grauesend in two ships the Admirall called The red dragon and the other The barke Clifford the one of the burden of 260. tunnes with 130. men and the other of the burden of 130. tunnes with 70. men the Captaine of the Admirall was M. Robert Withrington Of the vice-admirall M. Christopher Lister both being furnished out at the costs and charges of the right honorable the Erle of Cumberland hauing for their masters two brethren the one Iohn Anthonie and the other William Anthonie The 24. of Iuly wee came into the sound of Plimmouth and being there constrained by Westerly winds to stay till the 17. of August wee then departed with another ship also for our Rear-admirall called the Roe whereof M. Hawes was Captaine and a fine pinnesse also called the Dorothie which was sir Walter Raleghs We foure being out in the sea met the 20. of August with 16. sailes of hulkes in the Sleeue who named themselues to bee men of Hamborough laden and come from Lisbone Our Admirall hailed their Admirall with courteous wordes willing him to strike his sailes and to come abord to him onely to know some newes of the countrey but hee refused to do so onely stroke his flag tooke it in The vice-admirâ—l of the hulkes being a head would neither strike flagge nor saile but passed on without budging whereupon our Admirall lenâ— him a piece of Ordinance which they repayed double so that we grew to some little quarel whereupon one of the sternemost hulkes being as I suppose more afraide then hurt stroke amaine our Admirall being neere him laid him abord and entred with certaine of his men how many I know not for that we were giuing chase to the Windermost men thinking our Admirall would haue come vp againe to vs to haue made them all to haue stroke but the weather growing to be very thicke and foggie with small raine he came not vp but kept with another of the hulkes which Captaine Hawes had borded and kept all night and tooke out of her some prouision that that they best liked They learned of the men that were in the hulke that there were 7. hulkes laden in Lisbone with Spaniards goods and because their lading was very rich they were determined to go about Ireland and so they let her goe againe like a goose with a broken wing The next day after being the 21. day wee espied 5. sailes more which lay along to the Eastwards but by reason of the night which then was neere aâ— hand wee could hardly come to them Yet at last we hailed one of the biggest of them they tolde vs that they were al of Hamborough but another saide shee was of Denmarke so that indeede they knew neither what to say nor what to do Our Admirall being more desirous to folow his course then to linger by chasing the hulks called vs from pursuing them with his trumpet and a piece of Ordinance or els wee would haue seene what they had bene and wherewith they had bene laden The 22. day because of contrary winde wee put into Dartmouth all 4. of vs and caried there seuen dayes The 29. we departed thence and put out to Sea and began our voyage thinking at the first to haue runne along the coast of Spaine to see if wee could haue mette with sâ—me good prize to haue sent home to my Lord but our Captaine thought
cast off another and filled our owne ships with the necessaries of them The 8 day wee put off to sea but yet with much adoe came againe to our ankoring place because of the weather The 10 day the admirall sent for vs to come aboord him and being come hee opened a Carde before all the company and tolde vs that my lords voyage for the South sea was ouerthrowen for want of able men and victuals and that therefore hee thought it best to plie for some of the Islands of the West India or the Açores to see if they could meete with some good purchase that might satisfie my lord These wordes were taken heauily of all the company and no man would answere him but kept silence for very griefe to see my lords hope thus deceiueâ— and his great expenses and costs cast away The common sort seeing no other remedie were contented to returne as well as he The 16 day wee espied a sayle whereupon our pinnesse and Dalamor gaue her chase and put her ashore vpon the Island where the men forsooke her and ran away with such things as they could conueniently carte our pinnesse boorded her and found little in her they tooke out of her nine chests of sugar and one hogge and 35 pieces of pewter and so left her vpon the sands From this time forward we began to plie Northwards and the first of Iuly fell with the land againe where we fished and found reasonable good store I tooke the latitude that day and found our selues in 10 degrees and 22 minutes The 7 day we determined to fall with Fernambuck and wee came so neere it that Dalamor as he told vs espied some of the ships that were in the harbour yet notwithstanding we all fell to leeward of the riuer could not after that by any meanes recouer the height of it againe but we ceased not on all parts to endeuour the best we could oftentimes lost company for a day or two one of another but there was no remedie but patience for to Fernambuck we could not come hauing so much ouershot it to the Northward and the wind keeping at the South and Southwest The 20 day I tooke the Sunne in 5 degrees 50 minuts which was 2 degrees to the Northward of Fernambuck and the further wee went the more vnto wardly did the rest of our ships worke either to come into hauen or to keepe company one with another And â—ruely I suppose that by reason of the froward course of the Admirall he meant of purpose to lose vs for I know not how the neerer we endeuoured to be to him the further off would he beare from vs and wee seeing that kept on our owne course and lookt to our selues as well as we could The 24 day our whole company was called together to consultation for our best course some would goe for the West India some directly North for England and in conclusion the greater part was bent to plie for our owne countrey considering our necessities of victuals and fresh water and yet if any place were offered vs in the way not to omit it to seeke to fill water The 26 day in the morning we espied a lowe Island but we lost it againe and could descrie it no more This day we found our selues in 3 degrees and 42 minutes The 27 day we searched what water we had left vs and found but nine buts onely so that our captaine allowed but a pinte of water for a man a day to preserue it as much as might be wherâ—with euâ—ry man was content and we were then in number fiftie men and boyes The first of August we found our selues 5 degrees to the Northward of the line all which moneth we continued our course homâ—ward withoâ—t touching any where toward the end whereof a sorrowfull accident fell out in our hulke which being deuided from vs in a calme fell a fire by some great negligence and perished by that meanes in the seas wee being not able any wayes to helpe the ship or to saue the men The 4 day of September we had brought our selues into the height of 41 degrees 20 minutes somwhat to the Northwards of the Islands of the Açores and thus bulting vp and downe with contrary winds the 29 of the same moneth we reachâ—d the coast of England and so made an end of the voyage A discourse of the West Indies and South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal borne in the citie of Eluas continued vnto the yere 1587. Wherein among diuers rare things not hitherto deliuered by any other writer certaine voyages of our Englishmen are truâ—ly reported whâ—ch was intercepted with the author thereof at the riuer of Plate by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586. FRancis Drâ—ke an Englishman being on the sea and hauing knowledge of the small strength of the towne of Nombre de Dios came into the harborough on a night with foure pinnesses and landed an hundreth and fifty men and leauing one halfe of his men with a trumpet in a fort which was there hee with the rest entred the towne without doing any harme till hee came at the market place and there his company discharging their calieuers and sounding their trumpets which made a great noyse in the towne were answered by their fellowes in the force who discharged and sounded in like maner This attempt put the townesmen in such extreme feare that leauing their houses they fled into the mountaines and there be thought themselues what the matter should be in the towne remaining as men amazed at so sudden an alarme But the Spaniards being men for the most part of good discretion ioyned foureteene or fifteene of them together with their pieces to see who was in the towne and getting to a corner of the market-place they discouered the Englishmen and perceiuing that they were but a few discharged thâ—ir pieces at them and their fortune was such that they slew the trumpetter and shot the captaine whose name was Francis Drake into the legge who feeling himselfe hurt retired toward the Fort where he had left the rest of his men but they in the Fort sounded their trumpet and being not answered againe and hearing the calieuers discharged in the towne thought that their fellowes in the towne had bene slaine and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses Now Francis Drake whom his men carried because of his hurt when he came to the fort where he left his men and saw them fled he and the rest of his company were in so great feare that leauing their furniture behinde them and putting off their hose they swamme waded all to their Pinnesses and departed forth of the harbour so that if the Spaniards had followed them they might haue slaine them all Thus Captaine Drake did no more harme at Nombre
From the cape of Batochina vnto the West head of Iaua minor the course is Southwest aâ—d by South Northeast and by North and the distance betweene them is 220 leagues Item From the West end of Iaua minor vnto the East end of Iaua maior the course is West and by North and East by South and the distance betweene them is 18 leagues in the which course there lieth one iland betweene them which iland is in length 14 leagues Item From the East end of Iaua maior vnto the cape of Buena Esperança the course is West and by South and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 1800 leagues Item That Cape Falso standeth 30 leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Buena Esperança off the sayd Cape Falso you shal haue shoalding 20 leagues off in 80 or 90 fadoms the course is from Caâ—e Falso vnto the cape of Buena Esperança Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast A note of the distance and course from the cape of Buena Esperanza vnto the Northwards ITem From the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the iland of Santa Helena the course is Northwest and Northwest aâ—d by West and the distance betweene thâ—m is 600 leagues Item From the iland of Santa Helena vnto the iland of Flores the course betweene them is Northnorthwest and Northwest and by North and the distaâ—ce betweene them is 1200 leagues Item From the iland of Flores vnto the lands end of England the course is betweene the Eastnortheast and the Northeast and by East and the distance betweene them is foure hundred and fifty leagues A note of the variation of our Compasse IN primis The variation of our compasse on the coast of New Spaine iâ— the South sea in tâ—e latitude of 12 degrees was one point to the Eastwards Item the variation of our compasse betweene â—he cape of California and the ilands of the Philippinas was one point and an halfe vnto the Eastward that was that the North did stand North and by East and halfe a point vnto the East Item The variation of our compasse betweene the ilands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança was two points and an halfe at the most to the Westward that was that the Northnortheast was our North. A note of our time spent in sailing betweene certeine places out of England 1586. IN primis We were sailing betweene England and the coast of Guinea from the 21 day of Iuly vnto the 26 day of August vnto the hauen called Sierra leona where we watered and stayed vntill the 6 day of September Item Wee departed from the coast of Guinea for the coast of Brasil the 10 day of September and wee had sight of the coast of Brasil the 26 day of October being sixe leagues to the Northwards of Cape Frio and from thence wee were sailing vnto the iland of S. Sebastian vntill the 31 and last day of October where we watered and set vp our pinnesse and we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland in tenne fadoms and stayed there vntill the 23 day of Nouember Item The 23 day of Nouember we departed from the iland of Sant Sebastian keeping our course South and by West vnto the port that is called Port Desire where we arriued the 17 day of December in which port we graued our shippe and we stayed there vntill the 28 day of December where we ankered in 5 fadoms Item The eight and twentieth day of December wee departed from the Port of Desire toward the Streight of Magellan where wee arriued the third day of Ianuary and wee remained in the Streights vntill the foure and twentieth day of February where we watered in many places on the South side hauing the winde all that while betweene the Westsouthwest and the Northwest Item We departed out of the Streights the 24 day of February toward the iland of Mocha which island we had sight of the 14 day of March. Item The 14 day of March at night we ankered in the bay of Marroccos where we rode in 9 fadoms water Item The 15 day of March we ankered in the iland of Saint Marie on the North part of the island in eight fadoms water blacke sand wheâ—e we stayed foure dayes Item The 19 day of March we departed frâ—â— the island of Saint Marie and the same day we ankered in the bay of Conception where we stayed vntill the next day and there we rode in ten fadoms water shiâ—gie stones Item The 20 day of March we departed from the bay of Conception and the thirtieth day of March we arriued in the bay of Quintero where wâ— watered and there the first day of April we had twelue of our men slaine being on land for water and we stayed there sixe dayes and we ankered in 7 fadoms water white sand Item We departed from the bay of Quintero the 5 day of April and we arriued at the bay of Arica the 24 day of April and we ankered in 7 fadoms water Item The 27 day of April we departed from the bay of Arica and the third day of May we arriued in the bay of Pisca and we ankered in 4 fadoms water in oaze Item The 5 day of May we departed from the bay of Pisca and the 12 day we ankered in the bay of Cherrepe where we ankered in 7 fadoms water in white sand Item The 18 day of May we departed from the bay of Cherrepe and the 20 day of May we arriued in the bay of Payta where we ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 20 day of May we departed from the bay of Paita and the 26 day of May we ankered at the iland of Puna and we ankered in 5 fadoms Item From the iland of Puna we departed the fourth day of Iune vnto Rio dolce in the main where we watâ—red and we ankered in 10 fadoms water browne sand Item The 12 day of Iune we departed from the place where we watered being bound for the coast of New Spaine and the 29 day of Iuly wee arriued in the port of Aguatulco where wee watered and ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 3 day of August we departed from the port of Aguatulco and the 26 day of August we arriued at the port of S. Iago where wee watered and stayed there vntill the second day of September and ankered in 6 fadoms Item The 2 of Septâ—mber we departed from the port of S. Iago and the 3 day of September we put into a port one league vnto the Westwards of Natiuidad where we ankered in 8 fadoms water Item The 4 day of September wee departed from the port of Natiuidad and the 7 day of September we put into the bay of Xalisco where we ankered in 9 fadoms water and the 10 day of September we departed from the bay of Xalisco and the 12 day of September we ankered
streightly neither doe they eate any thing besides hearbes and salt fish as long as those fasting dayes doe endure but vpon euery Wednesday and Friday in euery weeke throughout the yeere they fast There are very many Monasteries of the order of S. Benedict amongst them to which many great liuings for their maintenance doe belong for the Friers and the Monkes doe at the least possesse the third part of the liuings throughout the whole Moscouite Empire To those Monkes that are of this order there is amongst them a perpetuall prohibition that they may eate no flesh and therefore their meate is onely salt fish milke and butter neither is it permitted them by the lawes and customes of their religion to eate any fresh fish at all and at those foure fasting times whereof we spake before they eate no fish at all onely they liue with hearbes and cucumbers which they doe continually for that purpose cause and take order to grow and spring for their vse and diet As for their drinke it is very weake and small For the discharge of their office they do euery day say seruice and that early in the mornings before day and they doe in such sort and with such obseruation begin their seruice that they will be sure to make an ende of it before day and about nine of the clocke in the morning they celebrate the Communion When they haue so done they goe to dinner and after dinner they goe againe to seruice and the like also after supper and in the meane time while they are at dinner there is some exposition or interpretation of the Gospel vsed Whensoeuer any Abbot of any monasterie dieth the Emperour taketh all his housholde stuffe beastes flockes of sheepe golde siluer and all that he hath or els hee that is to succeede him in his place and dignitie doth redeeme all those things and buyeth them of the Emperour for money Their churches are built of timber and the towers of their churches for the most part are couered with shingle boordes At the doores of their churches they vsually build some entrance or porch as we doe and in their churchyardes they erect a certaine house of wood wherein they set vp their bels wherein sometimes they haue but one in some two and in some also three There is one vse and custome amongst them which is strange and rare but yet it is very ridiculous and that is this when any man dyeth amongst them they take the dead body and put it in a coffine or chest and in the hand of the corps they put a litle scroule in the some there are these wordes written that the same man died a Rusle of Russes hauing receiued the faith and died in the same This writing or letter they say they send to S. Peter who receiuing it as they affirme reades it and by and by admits him into heauen and that his glory and place is higher and greater then the glory of the Christians of the Latine church reputing themselues to be followers of a more sincere faith and religion then they they hold opinion that we are but halfe Christians and themselues onely to be the true and perfect church these are the foolish and childish dotages of such ignorant Babarians Of the Moscouites that are Idolaters dwelling neere to Tartaria THere is a certaine part of Moscouie bordering vpon the countreys of the Tartars wherin those Moscouites that dwell are very great idolaters they haue one famous idole amongst them which they call the Golden old wife they haue a custome that whensoeuer any plague or any calamitie doth afflict the countrey as hunger warre or such like then they goe to consult with their idol which they do after this maner they fall down prostrate before the idol pray vnto it put in the presence of the same a cymbal about the same certaine persons stand which are chosen amongst them by lotâ— vpon their cymball they place a siluer tode and sound the cymball and to whomsoeuer of those lotted persons that tode goeth he is taken and by and by slaine and immediately I know not by what illusions of the deuill or idole he is againe restored to life theâ— doth reueale and deliuer the causes of the present calamitie And by this meanes knowing how to pacifie the idole they are deliuered from the imminent danger Of the forme of their priuate houses and of the apparell of the people THe common houses of the countrey are euery where built of beames of Firre tree the lower beames doe so receiue the round holownesse of the vppermost that by the meanes of the building thereupon they resist and expell all winds that blow and where the timber is ioined together there they stop the chinks with mosse The forme fashion of their houses in al places is foure square with streit and narrow windowes whereby with a transparent casement made or couered with skinne like to parchment they receiue the light The roofes of their houses are made of boords couered without with y e barke of trees within their houses they haue benches or griezes hard by their wals which commonly they sleepe vpon for the common people knowe not the vse of beds they haue stooues wherein in the morning they make a fire and the same fire doth either moderately warme or make very hote the whole house The apparell of the people for the most part is made of wooll their caps are picked like vnto a rike or diamond broad beneath and sharpe vpward In the maner of making whereof there is a signe and representation of nobilitie for the loftier or higher their caps are the greater is their birth supposed to be and the greater reuerence is giuen them by the common people The Conclusion to Queene Marie THese are the things most excellent Queene which your Subiects newly returned from Russia haue brought home concerning the state of that countrey wherfore if your maiestie shall be fauourable and grant a continuance of the trauell there is no doubt but that the honour and renowme of your name will be spred amongst those nations whereunto three onely noble personages from the verie creation haue had accesse to whom no man hath bene comparable The copie of the Duke of Moscouie and Emperour of Russia his letters sent to King Edward the sixt by the hands of Richard Chancelour THe Almighty power of God and the imcomprehensible holy Trinitie rightfull Christian beliefe c. We great Duke Iuan Vasiliuich by the grace of God great lord and Emperor of all Russia great Duke of Volodemer Mosco and Nouograd King of Kazan King of Astracan lord of Plesko and great duke of Smolensko of Twerria Ioughoria Permia Vadska Bulghoria and others lord and great duke of Nouograd in the Low countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotskoy Rostoue Yaruslaueley Bealozera Liefland Oudoria Obdoria and Condensa Commander of all Siberia and of the North parts and lord of many other
countries greeting Before all right great and worthy of honour Edward King of England c. according to our most hearty and good zeale with good intent and friendly desire according to our holy Christian faith great gouernance being in the light of great vnderstāding our answere by this our honourable writing vnto your kingly gouernance at the request of your faithfull seruant Richard Chancelour with his company as they shall let you wisely know is this In the strength of the twentieth yeere of our gouernance be it knowen that at our sea coastes arriued a shippe with one Richard and his companie and sayd that hee was desirous to come into our dominions and according to his request hath seene our Maiestie and our eyes and hath declared vnto vs your Maiesties desire as that we should grant vnto your subiects to goe and come and in our dominions and among our subiects to frequent free Marts with all sortes of marchandizes and vpon the same to haue wares for their returne And they haue also deliuered vs your letters which declare the same request And hereupon we haue giuen order that wheresoeuer your faithful seruant Hugh Willoughbie land or touch in our dominions to be wel entertained who as yet is not arriued as your seruant Richard can declare And we with Christian beliefe and faithfulnes and according to your honourable request and my honourable commandement will not leaue it vndone and are furthermore willing that you send vnto vs your ships and vessels when and as often as they may haue passage with good assurance on our part to see them harmelesse And if you send one of your maiesties counsel to treate with vs whereby your countrey marchants may with all kinds of wares and where they will make their market in our dominions they shall haue their free Marte with all free liberties through my whole dominions with all kinde of wares to come and goe at their pleasure without any let damage or impediment according to this our letter our word and our seale which we haue commaunded to be vnder sealed Written in our dominion in our citie and our palace in the castle of Mosco in the yeare 7060 the second moneth of February This letter was written in the Moscouian tongue in letters much like to the Greeke letters very faire written in paper with a broad seale hanging at the same sealed in paper vpon waxe This seale was much like y e broad scale of England hauing on the one side the image of a man on horseback in complete harnesse fighting with a dragon Under this letter was another paper written in the Dutch tongue which was the interpretation of the other written in the Moscouian letters These letters were sent the next yere after the date of king Edwards letters 1554. The coines weights and measures vsed in Russia written by Iohn Hasse in the yere 1554. FOrasmuch as it is most necessary for al marchants which seeke to haue traffique in any strange regions first to acquaint thēselues with the coines of those lands with which they do intend to ioyne in traffique and how they are called from the valuation of the highest piece to the lowest and in what sort they make their paiments as also what their common weights and measures be for these causes I haue thought good to write some thing thereof according to mine owne knowledge and experience to the end that the marchants of that new aduenture may the better vnderstand how the wealth of that new frequented trade will arise First it is to be noted that the Emperour of Russia hath no other coines then siluer in all his land which goeth for paiment amongst merchants yet notwithstanding there is a coine of copper which serueth for the reliefe of the poore in Mosco no where els and that is but only for quasse water and fruit as nuts apples and such other like The name of which money is called Pole or Poles of which Poles there goe to the least of the siluer coines 18. But I will not stand vpon this because it is no currant money among merchants Of siluer coines there be three sortes of pieces the least is a Poledenga the second a Denga the third Nowgrote which is as much to say in English as halfepenie penie and twopence and for other valued money then this there is none there are oftentimes there coines of gold but they come out of forrein countreys whereof there is no ordinarie valuation but they passe according to the agreement of merchants Their order in summing of money is this as we say in England halfpenie penie shilling and pound so say they Poledenga Denga Altine and Rubble There goeth two Poledengas to a Denga six Dengaes to an Altine and 23 Altines and two Dengaes to a Rubble Concerning the weights of Russia they are these There are two sorts of pounds in vse amōgst them the one great y e other small the great pound is iust two small pounds they call the great weight by the name of Beasemar and the smal they call the Skalla weight with this smal weight they weigh their siluer coines of the which the Emperor hath commanded to put to euery small pound three Rubbles of siluer and with the same weight they weigh all Grocerie wares and almost al other wares which come into the land except those which they weigh by the Pode as hops salt iron lead tinne batrie with diuers others notwithstanding they vse to weigh batrie more often by the small weight then by the great Whensoeuer you find the prices of your wares rated by the Pode consider that to be the great weight and the pound to be the small Also they diuide the small pound into 48 parts and they call the eight and fortieth part a Slotnike by the which Slotnike the retailers sell their wares out of their shops as Goldsmiths Grocers Silkesellers and such other like as we doe vse to retaile by the ounce and as for their great weight which they cal the Beasemar they sel by pode or shippond The pode doth containe of the great weight 40 pounds and of the smal 80 there goe 10. podes to a shippond Yet you must consider that their great weight is not full with ours for I take not their great pound to be full 13 ounces but aboue 12 I thinke it be But for your iust proofe weigh 6 Rubbles of Russia money with our pound weight and then shal you see what it lacketh for 6 Rubbles of Russia is by the Emperors standerd the great pound so that I thinke it the next way to know the iust waight as well of the great pound as of the small There is another weight needfull to be knowen which is the weight of Wardhouse for so much as they weigh all their drie fish by weight which weight is the Beasemar as they of Russia doe vse not withstanding there is another sorte in it the names
victuals and that we lacked nothing of the Emperors allowance the other to see that we should not goe out of the house nor suffer any man to come vnto vs in which they left nothing vndone that belonged to their charge But specially he that looked to our persons so straightly handled vs that we had no small cause to doubt that some euill had bene intended vnto vs. No supplication sute or request could take place for our liberty nor yet to come to his presence Hauing passed ouer 17 weeks in this sort the Emperour sendeth word that we should be ready against Tuesday the 20 of Februarie at eight a clocke in the morning The houre being come that I should goe to the Court the two gentlemen Pristaues as they call them came vnto me apparelled more princely then before I had euer scene them They presse vs to depart and mounted vpon their owne horses and the Ambassador vpon such a one as he had borrowed his men marching on foot to their great griefe The Ambassadour being my selfe was conueyed into an office where one of the chancellors doeth vse to sit being there accompanied with the â—â—o foresayd gentlemen I taried two long houres before I was sent for to the Emperor In the end message being brought that the Emperour was set I was conueyed by my gentlemen vp a paire of staires thorow a large roome where sate by my estimation 300 persons all in rich attire taken out of the Emperors wardrobe for that day vpon three ranks of benches set round about the place rather to present a maiestie then that they were either of quality or honor At the first entry into the chamber I with my cap gaue them the reuerence such as I iudged their stately sitting graue countenances and sumptuous apparell required and seeing that it was not answered againe of any of them I couered my head and so passing to a chamber where the Emperor was there receiued me at the doore from my two gentlemen or gouernors two of the Emperors counsellors and shewed me to the Emperor and brought me to the middle of the chamber where I was willed to stand still and to say that which I had to say I by my Interpretor opened my message as I receiued it from the Queene my Mistresse from whom I came at whose name the Emperor stood vp and demanded diuers questions of her health and state whereunto answere being made he gaue me his hand in token of my welcome and caused me to sit downe and further asked me diuers questions This done I deliuered her Maiesties present which was a notable great Cup of siluer curiously wrought with verses grauen in it expressing the histories workmanly set out in the same All being sayd and done as appeared to his contentment he licenced me and my whole company to depart who were all in his presence and were saluted by him with a nod of his head and sayd vnto me I dine not this day openly for great affaires I haue but I will send thee my dinner and giue leaue to thee and thine to go at liberty and augment our allowance to thee in token of our loue and fauor to our sister the Queene of England I with reuerence tooke my leaue being conueyed by two other of greater calling then those that brought me to the Emperors sight who deliuered me to the two first gentlemen who conducted me to the office where I first was where came vnto me one called the Long duke with whom I conferred a while and so returned to my lodging Within one houre after in comes to my lodging a duke richly apparelled accompanied with fiftie persons ech of them carying a siluer dish with meat and couered with siluer The duke first deliuered twenty loaues of bread of the Emperors owne eating hauing tasted the same and deliuered euery dish into my hands and tasted of euery kinde of drinke that he brought This being done the duke and his company sate downe with me and tooke part of the Emperors meat and filled themselues well of all sorts and went not away from me vnrewarded Within few nights after the Emperor had will to speake secretly with me and sent for me in the night by the Long duke The place was farre off and the night colde and I hauing changed my apparell into such as the Russes do weare found great in commoditie thereby Hauing talked with him aboue three houres towards the morning I was dismissed and so came home to my lodging where I remained aboue six weeks after before I heard againe from the Emperour who went the next day to Slouoda the house of his solace After the end of which sixe weeks which was about the beginning of April the Emperour returned from Slouoda aforesayd and sent for me againe to make repaire vnto him And being come I dealt effectually with him in the behalfe of our English merchants and found him so graciously inclined towards them that I obtained at his hands my whole demands for large priuileges in generall together with all the rest my particular requests And then he commended to my conduct into England a noble man of his called Andrew Sauin as his Ambassadour for the better confirmation of his priuileges granted and other negotiations with her Maiesty And thus being dispatched with full contentment the sayd Ambassadour and my selfe departed and imbarked at S. Nicholas about the end of Iuly and arriued safely at London in the moneth of September following A copie of the priuiledges granted by the right high and mightie Prince the Emperour of Russia c. vnto the right worshipfull fellowship of English merchants for the discouerie of new trades and hither sent by Thomas Randolfe esquire her Maiesties Ambassadour to the sayd Emperour and by Andrew Sauin his Ambassadour in the yere of our Lord God 1569. ONe God euerlasting and without and before the beginning the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost the blessed Trinitie our onely God maker and preseruer of all things and replenisher of all things euery where who by thy goodnesse doest cause all men to loue the giuer of wisedome our onely Mediatour and leader of vs all vnto blessed knowledge by the onely Sonne his word our Lord Iesus Christ holy and euerlasting Spirit and now in these our dayes teachest vs to keepe Christianitie and sufferest vs to enioy our kingdome to the happy commodity of our land and wealth of our people in despight of our enemies and to our fame with our friends We Iohn Vasiliwich by the grace of God great lord Emperour and great duke of all Russia Volodemer Moscouia Nouogrod Emperour of Cazan Tuersky Vgorsky Permisky Vadsky Bulgaria and many others lord and great duke of the Low countreys of Nouogrod Chernigosky Resansky Polotsky Rastow Yeraslaue Bealosera Owdorsky Condinsky and all Siberland great commander of all the North parts lord of Leâ—â—land and many other Northward Southward and Westward Whereas our sister
Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith hath written vnto vs her letters for her merchants who hath made sute that we should grant our goodnesse to the merchants which are of one Company and giue them free leaue to come to traffike in our kingdome to Colmogro and to the countrey of Dwina and to our great citie of Moscouia and to all the cities in our dominions and thorow our countrey to Boghar to Persia Casbin and Charday and to all other countreys 1 We Iohn Vasiliwich Emperour and great duke of all Russia for our sister Elizabeths sake Queene of England haue giuen and granted to the English merchants the Gouernours Consuls Assistants felloship sir Wil. Garrard Knight Rowland Haiward Alderman Ioh. Thamworth Esquire Iohn Riuers Alderman Henry Beecher Alderman Consuls Sir Wil. Chester Knight Edward Iackman Alderman Lionel Ducket Alderman Edward Gilbert Laurence Huse Francis Walsingham Clement Throgmorton Iohn Quarles Nicholas Wheeler Thomas Banister Iohn Harrison Francis Burnham Anthony Gamage Iohn Somers Richard Wilkinson Ioh. Sparke Richard Barne Robert Woolman Thomas Browne Thomas Smith Thomas Allen Thomas More William Bully Richard Yong Thomas Atkinson Assistants Iohn Mersh Esquire Geofrey Ducket Francis Robinson Matthew Field all the rest of their company and fellowship and to their successours and deputies to come with ships and other vessels into our Countrey at Colmogorod Dwina and to all the North parts now being ours or that hereafter shall at any time be in our possession by sea riuer or land euen to our great Citie of Mosco in all the townes of our Countrey to Cazan and Astracan to Nouogorod the great to Plesko Leifland Vriagorod to Narue and all other townes of Leifland 2 And to passe through our land to Boghar Persia Casbin Charday and other Countreyes And wheresoeuer they come there to be and abide freely and to barter and bargaine freely all wares of sale without custome of all people and Marchants strangers whatsoeuer And if so be they bring any fine wares out of Englande or any other Countrey from Boghar Persia Casbin or from any other place those their wares that come by the way of Narue or any other part into our Dominion to bring the same wares into our treasure and our Treasurers to view the same wares and to take into our Treasurie of the same such as shal be needfull for vs. And all such wares as we shal not need our Chancellour to redeliuer y e same And after the view of our Chancellours to barter it freely to whom they will not selling any of their wares needful for vs before our Chancellour haue seene the same And all other grosse and heauy wares that shall be needfull to our vse not being brought to Mosco to declare tell our Chancellour of the same wares And to giue a note thereof by name and how much they leaue there not brought to Mosco and then if we neede not the said wares the English Marchants their seruants Factors to conuey their wares the neerest way to Vstiug the great and so to Colmogorod or elsewhere at their pleasure thâ—re to barter and sell the same But those wares that shal be needfull for our Treasurie they shall not hide from vs in any case And when our Chauncellours shall send our aduenture with the said Marchants or their Factors they to take our aduentures with them and to sell to barter for such wares as shal be meete for our Treasurie and to returne it into our Treasurie And when we shall sende any aduenture into England then our Chauncellour to giue them a yeeres warning that their ships may be prouided thereafter that by taking in of our wares they leaue not their owne behind them And to take our aduenture yeerely when they goe into Persia. Neither shall the English marchants receiue or colour any of our peoples goods nor barter nor sell it in any wise likewise our people not to barter for the sayd English marchants or occupy for them 3 And when they shall come into our Empire of Casan and Astracan and other places of our Dominions thâ—n our Captaines of Casan and Astracan and our authorised people quietly to let them passe not taking any toll or custome of their wares nor once to make search thereof And when we shal send no aduenture with them yet to suffer them freely to passe not viewing their wares nor taking any kinde of custome And whatsoeuer English marchant will bargaine with our Marchants or Factors ware for ware to barter the same at their pleasure And whatsoeuer their Marchant or Factors will sell their wares at their house at Mosco which house I granted them at S. Maxims at the Mosco they to sel the ware to our people either strangers as they may best vtter it keeping within their house arshines measures and waights vnder seales 4 We haue granted them the saide house at S. Maxims in the halfe free and without standing renâ— as heretofore we did graunt it the said English Marchants sir Wil. Garrard and the Company maintayning in the said house one housekeeper a Russe and two Russe seruants or some of their owne countrey men and none other Russes besides the aforesayde And the said housekeepers that shal liue at their house with the English marchants neither to buy nor sel any wares for them but that the said marchants themselues or their factors shall buy sell and barter their owne wares And our Moscouie marchants not to take the said Englishmens wares to sell them in our townes nor to buy any wares for them neither the English marchant to colour any Russes wares at any towne 5 And whatsoeuer English marchant will sell his wares at Colmogorod Dwyna Vologda Yeraslaue Castran Nouogorod the lower Casan Astracan Nouogrod the great Vopsko the Narue Vriagorod or at any other townes they to sel their wares there at their pleasure And of all wares aswell of other countreis as of Russia no officer or other to take any custome neither in any place to stay them in any wise neither take any kinde of toll of them for their wares whatsoeuer 6 And whatsoeuer marchant shall bargaine or buy any wares of English marchants The said Russe not to returne those wares vpon the marchants hands againe but to giue ready money for the said wares otherwise they to craue the Iustice to giue right and to execute the lawe vpon the same with all expedition And when the English marchants or factors shal trauaile from Moscouie after the dispatch of their wares and businesse then to shew themselues vnto our Chancellours whatsoeuer wares of theirs shall goe from Mosco they not to shew the â—ame wares to any our officersâ— nor pay no custome nor toll in any place 7 If it so happen the English marchants haue any wracke and the shippes be brought to any port of our Dominions we to command the said goods to be enquired and
with all things appertayning to the voyage which was as farre as I remember in the yeere 1496. in the beginning of Sommer I began therefore to saile toward the Northwest not thinking to finde any other land then that of Cathay from thence to turne toward India but after certaine dayes I found that the land ranne towards the North which was to mee a great displeasure Neuerthelesse sayling along by the coast to see if I could finde any gulfe that turned I found the lande still continent to the 56. degree vnder our Pole And seeing that there the coast turned toward the East despairing to finde the passage I turned backe againe and sailed downe by the coast of that land toward the Equinoctiall euer with intent to finde the saide passage to India and came to that part of this firme lande which is nowe called Florida where my victuals failing I departed from thence and returned into England where I found great tumults among the people and preparation for warres in Scotland by reason whereof there was no more consideration had to this voyage Whereupon I went into Spaine to the Catholique king and Queene Elizabeth which being aduertised what I had done intertained me and at their charges furnished certaine ships wherewith they caused me to saile to discouer the coastes of Brasile where I found an exceeding great and large riuer named at this present Rio de la plata that is the riuer of siluer into the which I sailed and followed it into the firme land more then sixe score leagues finding it euery where very faire and inhabited with infinite people which with admiration came running dayly to our ships Into this Riuer runne so many other riuers that it is in maner incredible After this I made many other voyages which I nowe pretermit and waxing olde I giue my selfe to rest from such trauels because there are nowe many yong and lustie Pilots and Mariners of good experience by whose forwardnesse I doe reioyce in the fruit of my labours and rest with the charge of this office as you see The foresaide Baptista Ramusius in his preface to the thirde volume of the Nauigations writeth thus of Sebastian Cabot IN the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations of Iohn de Vararzana Florentine and of a great captaine a Frenchman and the two voyages of Iaques Cartier a Briton who sailed vnto the land situate in 50. degrees of Latitude to the North which is called New France which landes hitherto are not throughly knowen whether they doe ioyne with the firme land of Florida and Noua Hispania or whether they bee separated and deuided all by the Sea as Ilands and whether that by that way one may goe by Sea vnto the countrey of Cathaia As many yeeres past it was written vnto mee by Sebastian Cabota our Countrey man a Uenetian a man of great experience and very rare in the art of Nauigation and the knowledge of Cosmographie who sailed along and beyond this lande of New France at the charges of King Henry the seuenth king of England and he aduertised mee that hauing sailed a long time West and by North beyond those Ilands vnto the Latitude of 67. degrees and an halfe vnder the North pole and at the 11. day of Iune finding still the open Sea without any maner of impediment he thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the way to Cathaia which is in the East and would haue done it if the mutinie of the shipmaster and Mariners had not hindered him and made him to returne homewards from that place But it seemeth that God doeth yet still reserue this great enterprise for some great prince to discouer this voyage of Cathala by this way which for the bringing of the Spiceries from India into Europe were the most easie and shortest of all other wayes hitherto found out And surely this enterprise would be the most glorious and of most importance of all other that can be imagined to make his name great and fame immortall to all ages to come farre more then can be done by any of all these great troubles and warres which dayly are vsed in Europe among the miserable Christian people Another testimonie of the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the West and Northwest taken out of the sixt Chapter of the third Decade of Peter Martyr of Angleria SCrutatus est oras glaciales Sebastianus quidam Cabotus genere Venetus sed à parentibus in Britanniam insulam tendentibus vti moris est Venetorum qui commercij causa terrarum omnium sunt hospites transportatus penè infans Duo is sibi nauigia propria pecunia in Britannia ipsa instruxit primò tendens cum hominibus tercentum ad Septentrionem donecetiam Iulio mensâ— vastas repererit glaciales moles pelago natantes lucem ferè perpetuam tellure tamen libera gelu liquefacto quare coactus fuit vti ait vela vertere occidentem sequi tetendÃtque tantum ad meridiem littore sese incuruante vt Herculei freti latitudinis fere gradus equarit ad occidentémque profectus tantum est vt Cubam Insulam à laeua longitudine graduum penè parem habuerit Is ea littora percurrens quae Baccalaos appellauit eosdem se reperisse aquarum sed lenes delapsus ad Occidentem ait quos Castellani meridionales suas regiones adnauigantes inueniunt Ergò non modò verisimilius sed necessatio concludendum est vastos inter vtrámque ignotam hactenus tellurem iacere hiatus qui viam praebeant aquis ab oriente cadentibus in Occidentem Quas arbitror impulsu coelorum circulariter agi in gyrum circa terre globum non autem Demogorgone anhelante vomi absorberique vt nonnulli senserunt quod influxu refluxu forsan assentire daretur Baccalaos Cabotus ipse terras illas appellauit eò quod in earuÌ„ pelago tantam reperierit magnorum quorundam piscium tynnos aemulantium sic vocatorum ab indigenis multitudinem vt etiam illi interdum nauigia detardarent Earum Regionum homines pellibus tantum coopertos reperiebat rationis haud quaquam expertes Vrsorum inesse regionibus copiam ingentem refere qui ipsi piscibus vescantur Inter densa namque piscium illorum agmina sese immergunt vrsi singulos singuli complexos vnguibúsque inter squammas immissis in terram raptant comedunt Proptereà minimè noxios hominibus visos esse ait Orichalcum in plerisque locis se vidisse apud incolas praedicat Familiarem habeo domi Cabotum ipsum contubernalem interdum Vocatus namque ex Britannia à Rege nostro Catholico post Henrici Maioris Britanniae Regis mortem concurialis noster est expectátque indies vt nauigia sibi parentur quibus arcanum hoc naturae latens iam tandem detegatur The same in English THese North Seas haue bene searched by one Sebastian Cabot a Venetian borne whom being yet but
in maner an infant his parents caried with them into England hauing occasion to resort thither for trade of marchandise as is the maner of the Venetians to leaue no part of the world vnsearched to obtaine riches Hee therefore furnished two ships in England at his owne charges and first with 300 men directed his course so farre towards the North pole that euen in the moneth of Iuly he found monstrous heapes of ice swimming on the sea and in maner continuall day light yet saw he the land in that tract free from ice which had bene molten by the heat of the Sunne Thus seeing such heapes of yce before him hee was enforced to turne his sailes and follow the West so coasting still by the shore that he was thereby brought so farre into the South by reason of the land bending so much Southwards that it was there almost equall in latitude with the sea Fretum Herculeum hauing the Northpole eleuate in maner in the same degree He sailed likewise in this tract so farre towards the West that hee had the Island of Cuba on his left hand in maner in the same degree of longitude As hee trauelled by the coastes of this great land which he named Baccalaos he saith that hee found the like course of the waters toward the West but the same to runne more softly and gently then the swift waters which the Spaniards found in their Nauigations Southward Wherfore it is not onely more like to be true but ought also of necessitie to be concluded that betweene both the lands hitherto vnknowen there should be certaine great open places whereby the waters should thus continually passe from the East vnto the West which waters I suppose to be driuen about the globe of the earth by the vncessant mouing and impulsion of the heauens and not to bee swallowed vp and cast vp againe by the breathing of Demogorgon as some haue imagined because they see the seas by increase and decrease to ebbe and flowe Sebastian Cabot himselfe named those lands Baccalaos because that in the Seas thereabout hee found so great multitudes of certaine bigge fishes much like vnto Tunies which the inhabitants call Baccalaos that they sometime stayed his shippes He found also the people of those regions couered with beastes skinnes yet not without the vse of reason He also saith there is great plentie of Beares in those regions which vse to eate fish for plunging themselues into y e water where they perceiue a multitude of these fishes to lie they fasten their clawes in their scales and so draw them to land and eate them so as he saith the Beares being thus satisfied with fish are not noisome to men Hee declareth further that in many places of these Regions he saw great plentie of Copper among the inhabitants Cabot is my very friend whom I vse familiarly and delight to haue him sometimes keepe mee company in mine owne house For being called out of England by the commandement of the Catholique King of Castile after the death of King Henry the seuenth of that name King of England he was made one of our councill and Assistants as touching the affaires of the new Indies looking for ships dayly to be furnished for him to discouer this his secret of Nature The testimonie of Francis Lopez de Gomara a Spaniard in the fourth Chapter of the second Booke of his generall history of the West Indies concerning the first discouerie of a great part of the West Indies to wit from 58. to 38. degrees of latitude by Sebastian Cabota out of England HE which brought most certaine newes of the countrey people of Baccalaos saith Gomara was Sebastian Cabote a Uenetian which rigged vp two ships at the cost of K. Henry the 7. of England hauing great desire to traffique for the spices as the Portingals did He caried with him 300. men and tooke the way towards Island from beyond the Cape of Labrador vntill he found himselfe in 58. degrees and better He made relation that in the moneth of Iuly it was so cold and the ice so great that hee durst not passe any further that the dayes were very long in a maner without any night and for that short nâ—ght that they had it was very cleare Cabot feeling the cold turned towards the West refreshing himselfe at Baccalaos and afterwards he sailed along the coast vnto 38. degrees and from â—hence he shaped his course to returne into England A note of Sebastian Cabots first discouerie of part of the Indies taken out of the latter part of Robert Fabians Chronicle not hitherto printed which is in the custodie of M. Iohn Stow a diligent preseruer of Antiquities IN the 13. yeere of K. Henry the 7. by meanes of one Iohn Cabot a Venetian which made himselfe very expert and cunning in knowledge of the circuit of the world and Ilands of the same as by a Sea card and other demonstrations reasonable he shewed the king caused to man and victuall a ship at Bristow to search for an Island which he said hee knew well was rich and replenished with great commodities Which shippe thus manned and victualled at the kings cost diuers Marchants of London ventured in her small stocks being in her as chiefe patron the said Venetian And in the company of the said ship sailed also out of Bristow three or foure small ships fraught with sleight and grosse marchandizes as course cloth caps laces points other trifles And so departed from Bristow in the beginning of May of whom in this Maiors time returned no tidings Of three Sauages which Cabot brought home and presented vnto the King in the foureteenth yere of his raigne mentioned by the foresaid Robert Fabian THis yeere also were brought vnto the king three men taken in the Newfound Island that before I spake of in William Purchastime being Maior These were clothed in beasts skins did eate raw flesh and spake such speach that no man could vnderstand them and in their demeanour like to bruite beastes whom the King kept a time after Of the which vpon two yeeres after I saw two apparelled after â—he maner of Englishmen in Westminster pallace which that time I could not discerne from Englishmen til I was learned what they were but as for speach I heard none of them vtter one word A briefe extract concerning the discouerie of Newfound-land taken out of the booke of M. Robert Thorne to doctor Leigh c. I Reason that as some sickenesses are hereditarie so this inclination or desire of this discouery I inherited from my father which with another marchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot were the discouerers of the Newfound-lands of the which there is no doubt as nowe plainely appeareth if the Mariners would then haue bene ruled and followed their Pilots minde but the lands of the West Indies from whence all the golde commeth had bene ours for all is one coast as by the Card appeareth and is
the day is longer by an houre and a halfe then it is vnder the Equinoctiall wherefore the heate of the Sunne hauing a longer time of operation must needes be encreased especially seeing the night wherein colde and moysture doe abound vnder the Tropickes is lesse then it is vnder the Equinoctiall Therefore I gather that vnder the Tropickes is the hotest place not onely of Torrida Zona but of any other part of the world especially because there both causes of heate doe concurre that is the perpendicular falling of the Sunne beames two monethes together and the longer abode of the Sunnes presence aboue the Horison And by this meanes more at large is prooued that Marochus in Sommer is farre more hote then at any time vnder the Equinoctiall because it is situate so neere the Tropick of Cancer and also for the length of their dayes Neither yet do I thinke that the Regions situate vnder the Tropicks are not habitable for they are found to be very fruitfull also although Marochus and some other parts of Afrike neere the Tropike for the drinesse of the natiue sandie soile and some aâ—cidents may seeme to some to be intemperate for ouer much heat For Ferdinandâ—â— Ouieduâ— speaking of Cuba and Hispaniola Ilands of America lying hard vnder or by the Tropike of Câ—ncer saith that these Ilands haue as good pasture for cattell as any other countrey in the world Also they haue most holesome and cleare water and temperate aire by reason whereof the heatâ—s of beastes are much bigger fatter and of better taste then any in Spaine because of the â—anke pasture whose moysture is better dâ—gested in the hearbe or grasse by continuall and temperâ—tâ— heate of the Sunne whereby being made more fat and vnctious it is of better and more stedfast nourishment For continuall and temperate heate doeth not onely drawe much moysture out of the earth to the nourishment of such things as growe and are engendred in that Clime but doeth also by moderation preserue the same from putrifying digesting also and condensating or thickning the said moyst nourishment into a gamme and vnctious substance whereby appeareth also that vnder the Tropikes is both holesome fruitefull and pleasant habitation whereby lastly it followeth that all the middle zone which vntill of late dayes hath bene compted and called the burning broyling and parched zone is now found to be the most delicate tempâ—rate commodious pleasant and delectable part of the world and especially vnder the Equinoctiall Hauing now sufficiently at large declared the temperature of the middle zone it remaineth to speake somewhat also of the moderate and continuall heate in colde Regions as well in the night as in the day all the Sommer long and also how these Regions are habitable to the inhabitants of the same contrary to the opinion of the olde writers Of the temperature of colde Regions all the Sommer long and also how in Winter the same is habitable especially to the inhabitants thereof THe colde Regions of the world are those which tending toward the Poles Arctike and Antarctike are without the circuite or boundes of the seuen Climates which assertion agreeable to the opinion of the olde Writers is found and set out in our authour of the Sphere Iohannes de Sacrobosco where hee plainely saith that without the seuenth Climate which is bounded by a Parallel passing at fiftie degrees in Latitude all the habitation beyonde is discommodious and intollerable But Gemma â—â—isius a late writer finding England and Scotland to be without the compasse of those Climates wherein hee knewe to bee very temperate and good habitation added thereunto two other Climates the vttermost Parallel whereof passeth by 56. degrees in Latitude and therein comprehendeth ouer and aboue the first computation England Scotland Denmarke Moscouia c. which all are rich â—nd mightie kingdomes The olde writers perswaded by bare coniecâ—ure went about to determine of those places by comparing them to their owne complexions because they felt them to bee hardly tollerable to themselues and so took thereby an argument of the whole habitable earth as if a man borne in Marochus or some other part of Barbarie should at the latter end of Sommer vpon the suddeine either naked or with his thinne vesture bee brought into England hee would iudge this Region presently not to bee habitable because hee being brought vp in so warme a Countrey is not able here to liue for so suddeine an alteration of the colde aire but if the same man had come at the beginning of Sommer and so afterward by little and little by certaine degrees had felt and acquainted himselfe with the frost of Autumne it would haue seemed by degrees to harden him and so to make it farre more tollerable and by vse after one yeere or two the aire would seeme to him more temperate It was compted a great matter in the olde time that there was a brasse pot broken in sunder with frosen water in Pontus which after was brought and shewed in Delphis in token of a miraculous colde region and winter and therefore consecrated to the Temple of Apollo This effect being wrought in the Parallel of fouretie three degrees in Latitude it was presently counted a place very hardly and vneasily to be inhabited for the great colde And how then can such men define vpon other Regions very farre without that Parallel whether they were inhabited or not seeing that in so neere a place they so grossely mistooke the matter and others their followers being contented with the inuentions of the olde Authours haue persisted willingly in the same opinion with more confidence then consideration of the cause so lightly was that opinion receiued as touching the vnhabitable Clime neere and vnder the Poles Therefore I am at this present to proue that all the land lying betweene the last climat euen vnto the point directly vnder either poles is or may be inhabited especially of such creatures as are ingendred and bred therein For indeed it is to be confessed that some particular liuing creature cannot liue in euery particular place or region especially with the same ioy and felicite as it did where it was first bred for the certeine agreement of nature that is betweene the place and the thing bred in that place as appeareth by the Elephant which being translated and brought out of the second or third climat though they may liue yet will they neuer ingender or bring forth yong Also we see the like in many kinds of plants and herbs for example the Orange trees although in Naples they bring forth fruit abundantly in Rome and Florence they will beare onely faire greene leaues but not any fruit and translated into England they will hardly beare either flowers fruit or leaues but are the next Winter pinched and withered with colde yet it followeth not for this that England Rome and Florence should not be habitable In the prouing of these colde
regions habitable I shal be very short because the same reasons serue for this purpose which were alleged before in the prouing the middle zone to be temperate especially seeing all heat and colde proceed from the Sunne by the meanes either of the Angle which his beames do make with the Horizon or els by the long or short continuance of the Suns presence aboue ground so that if the Sunnes beames do beat perpendicularly at right Angles then there is one cause of heat and if the Sunne do also long continue aboue the Horizon then the heat thereby is much increased by accesse of this other cause so groweth to a kinde of extremity And these two causes as I sayd before do most concurre vnder the two Tropicks and therefore there is the greatest heat of the world And likewise where both these causes are most absent there is greatest want of heat and increase of colde seeing that colde is nothing but the priuation and absence of heat and if one cause be wanting and the other present the effect will grow indifferent Therefore this is to be vnderstood that the neerer any region is to the Equinoctiall the higher the Sunne doth rise ouer their heads at noone and so maketh either right or neere right Angles but the Sunne carieth with them so much the shorter time and causeth shorter dayes with longer and colder nights to restore the domage of the day past by reason of the moisture conâ—umed by vapour But in such regions ouer the which the Sunne riseâ—h lower as in regions extended towards either pole it maketh there vnequall Angles but the Sunne continueth longer and maketh longer dayes and causeth so much shorter and warmer nights as retaining warme vapours of the day past For there are found by experience Summer nights in Scotland and Gothland very hot when vnder thâ— Equinoctiall they are found very cold This benefit of the Sunnes long continuance increase of the day doth augment so much the more in colde regions as they are nerer the poles and ceaseth not increasing vntill it come directly vnder the point of the pole Arcticke where the Sunne continueth aboue ground the space of sixe moneths or halfe a yere together and so the day is halfe a yere long that is the time of the Sunnes being in the North signes from the first degree of Aries vntill the last of Virgo that is aâ—l the time from our 10 day of March vntill the 14 of September The Sunne therfore during the timâ— of these sixe moneths without any offence or hindrance of the night giueth his influence vpon those lands with heat that neuer ceaseth during that time which maketh to the great increase of Summer by reason of the Sunnes continuance Therefore it followeth that though the Sunne be not there very high ouer their heads to cause right angle beames and to giue great heat yet the Sun being there sometime almost 24 degrees high doth cast a conuenient and meane heat which there continueth without hindrance of the night the space of sixe moneths as is before sayd during which time there followeth to be a conuenient moderate and temperate heat or els rather it is to be suspected the heat there to be very great both for continuance and also Quia virtus vnita crescit the vertue and strength of heat vnited in one increaseth If then there be such a moderate heat vnder the poles and the same to continue so long time what should moone the olde writers to say there cannot be place for habitation And that the certainty of this temperate heat vnder both the poles might more manifestly appeare let vs consider the position quality of the sphere the length of the day and so gather the height of the Sunne at all times and by consequent the quantity of his angle and so lastly the strength of his heat Those lands and regions lying vnder the pole and hauing the pole for their zenith must needs haue the Equinoctial circle for their Horizon therefore the Sun entring into the North signes and describing euery 24 houres a parallel to the Equinoctiall by the diurnall motion of Primum mobile the same parallels must needs be wholly aboue the Horizon and so looke how many degrees there are from the first of Aries to the last of Virgo so many whole reuolutions there are aboue their Horizon that dwell vnder the pole which amount to 182 and so many of our dayes the Sunne continueth with them During which time they haue there continuall day and light without any hindrance of moist nights Yet it is to be noted that the Sunne being in the first degree of Aries and last degree of Virgo maketh his reuolution in the very horizon so that in these 24 houres halfe the body of the Sunne is aboue the horizon and the other halfe is vnder his only center describing both the horizon and the equinoctiall circle And therefore seeing the greatest declination of the Sunne is almost 24 degrees it followeth his greatest height in those countreys to be almost 24 degrees And so high is the Sun at noone to vs in London about the 29 of October being in the 15 degree of Scorpio and likewise the 21 of Ianuary being in the 15 of Aquarius Therefore looke what force the Sun at noone hath in London the 29 of October the same force of heat it hath to them that dwell vnder the pole the space almost of two moneths during the time of the Summer solstitium and that without intermingling of any colde night so that if the heat of the Sunne at noone could be well measured in London which is very hard to do because of the long nights which ingender great moisture and cold then would manifestly appeare by expresse numbers the maner of the heat vnder the poles which certainly must needs be to the inhabitants very commodious and profitable if it incline not to ouermuch heat and if moisture do not want For as in October in England we finde temperate aire and haue in our gardens hearbs and floures notwithstanding our cold nights how much more should they haue the same good aire being continuall without night This heat of ours continueth but one houre while the Sun is in that meridian but theirs continueth a long time in one height This our heat is weake and by the coolenesse of the night vanisheth that heat is strong and by continuall accesse is still increased and strengthened And thus by a similitude of the equall height of the Sun in both places appeareth the commodious and moderate heat of the regions vnder the poles And surely I cannot thinke that the diuine prouidence hath made any thing vncommunicable but to haue giuen such order to all things that one way or other the same should be imployed and that euery thing and place should be tollerable to the next but especially all things in this lower world be giuen to man