some kind of possession of the Kingly Office. Bâ—t after the Judgment made and declared there seems to be no dâ—fference in the consequence and result of the thing between such an extraordinary case of the Cesser of the Royal Dignity and the case of Death or voluntary Resignation or as if the King had been prosest and made himself a Recluse in a Religious House Then it must devolve upon the next Heir her Royal Highness the Princess of Orange As to the pretended Prince of Wales if there had been no Suspicions as to his Birth as there are many violent ones yet his being conveyed into unknown Places by Persons in whom no credit can be reposed and at an Age which exposes him to all manner of Practices and Impostures touching his Person then can there hereafter be no manner of Certainty of him so as to induce the Nation ever to consider any Pretence of that kind These things being considered First Whether will not the declaring her Royal Highness Queen of England as next in Succession be the surest and beâ—t Foundation to begin our Settlement upon rather than upon a groundless Conceit of the Government being devolved to the People and so they to proceed to Elect a King Secondly If that Conceit of devolving to the People be admitted Whether must we not conclude that the Misgovernment of King Iames the Second hath not only determin'd his Roylaty but put a period to the Monarchy it self And then 't is not only a loss as to his Person but to the whole Royal Family Thirdly Whether those Persons that have started this Notion upon pretence of giving the Nation an opportunity of gratifying his Highness the Prince of Orange in proportion to his Merits which it must be acknowledged no Reward can exceed if they were searched to the bottom did not do it rather to undermine this Ancient and Hereditary Monarchy and to give an Advantage to their Republican Principles than out of any Affection and Gratitude to his Highness For if the latter was that they had tâ—e chief respect to would it not be the more proper way to declare her Royal Highness Queen which will immediately put the Nation under a regular Constitution and posture of Government Then it will be capable of expressing its Gratitude to the Prince of Orange in matters touching even the Royal Dignity it self without making such a Stroke upon the Government as the Electing of a King or making any other immediate Alteration in the right of the Monarchy before the Parliament is compleated and constituted in all its parts must amount unto The Heads of the EXPEDIENT proposed by the Court-party to the Parliament at Oxford in lieu of the Bill for excluding the Duke of York I. THAT the Duke of York be banish'd during his Life five hundred Miles from England Scotland and Ireland and the Dominions and Territories to them belonging II. That the whole Government both Ecclesiastical and Civil shall upon the demise of the King be vested in a Regent for such time as the Duke of York shall survive III. That the Regent be the Princess of Orange and in case of her Decease without Issue or with Issue in Minority then the Lady Ann. IV. That if the Duke have a Son educated a Protestant then the said Princesses respectively shall succeed in the Regency during the Minority of such Son and no longer Which obviates an incurable Absurdity in the former Bill of Exclusion V. That the Regent nominate the Privy-Council and they to be or not to be approved in Parliament as shall be judged safest upon directing the drawing up of this intended Act. VI. That notwithstanding these Kingdoms out of respect to the Royal Family and Monarchy it self may be governed by the said Regent in the Name â—nd Stile of Iames the Second c. yet it shall by this intended Act be made Capital for any to take up Arms on his behalf or by a Commission not signed by the said Regent or not granted by lawful Authority derived from and under such Regent or to maintain an Opinion that the retaining the said Name and Stile shall in this case purge the disabilities imposed by this Act or elude the force thereof VII That Commissioners be forthwith sent to the Prince and Princess of Orange to take their Oaths that they will take upon them the execution of this Act and that their Oaths be here recorded VIII That all Officers Civil and Military forthwith take Oaths to observe this Act and so all others from time to time as in the Act for the Test. IX That his Majesty would graciously declare to call a Parliament in Scotland in order to the passing the like Act there and recommend the same and the like to be done in Ireland if thought necessary X. That in case the said Duke shall come into any of these Kingdoms then he shall be ipso facto totally excluded and shall suffer as in the former Bill and the Sovereignty shall be forthwith intirely vested in the Regent upon such his coming into any of these Kingdoms XI That all considerable Papists be banish'd by Name XII That their fraudulent Conveyances be defeated XIII That their Children be educated in the Protestant Religion By these means these three Kingdoms will be united in defence of the Protestant Religion his Majesty's Person and Government and a sure Foundation laid of an effectual League with Holland and consequently with the rest of Christendom in opposition to the growing Greatness of France ☞ 'T was thought fit to reprint this Expedient that the Reader may compare it with the Bill of Exclusion which may be seen at large in the Debates of the House of Commons lately published and judg which was the greatest Evil of the two viz. that which would have set the Duke aside and given him liberty to live where he pleased or that which would have strip'd him of all Power and banish'd him 500 Miles off and left him only the Name of a King. An Excellent Expedient indeed An Account of the irregular Actions of the Papists in the Reign of King James the Second With a Method proposed how to rid the Nation of them By a Person of Quality THE dreadful Revolutions Plots and Conspiracies which have been promoted by the Roman Catholicks in England since the Resormation are of that nature and have caused such fearful Convulsions in our Church and State that it is a great Argument of the Goodness and Providence of God that we have been able to bear so many Shocks and to avoid so many deep Designs as have now twice within the memory of Man brought us to the brinks of Ruin. We must be very impious or very stupid if our last Deliverance has not been able to make us adore the boundless Goodness of God towards us his sinful and unthankful Servants he having defeated the Hopes and totally overthrown the Contrivances of that restless implacable persidious Faction when they seemed
Dissenter of one sort himself The King therefore that was so lately could not really put the Catholicks upon Conformity and if he would appear equal to all his People he could not put â—ny other Dissenters on it neither for the same Cause That which the Law requires was both in his Conscience and in theirs a thing prohibited of God. He could not therefore put the Laws in Execution being against God. And if He could not do it acting only but as an honest Man that abides by his Principles we have no reason to apprehend that so good a King and Queen as we have now should be ever brought to do it maugre all the Enticements of the Church of England or Frowns of the Church of Rome FINIS ADVERTISEMENT A Third Volume of Sermons Preached by the Late Reverend and Learned Thomas Manton D.D. In Two Parts The First containing LXVI Sermons on the Eleventh Chapter of the Hebrews With a Treatise of the Life of Faith. The Second containing a Treatise of Self-Denial With Several Sermons on the Sacrament of the Lord's-Supper And other Occasions With an Alphabetical-Table to the Whole Sold by Thomas Parkhurst and Ionathan Robinson ELEVENTH Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England and Scotland VIZ. I. An Answer to the Desertion Discuss'd being a Defence of the late and present Proceedings II. Satisfaction tendred to all that pretend Conscience for Non-submission to our present Governours and refusing of the New Oaths of Fealty and Allegiance III. Dr. Oates his Petition to the Parliament declaring his barbarous Sufferings by the Papists IV. An Account of the Convention of Scotland V. A Speech made by a Member of the Convention of the Estates in Scotland VI. The Grounds on which the Estates of Scotland declared the Right of the Crown of Scotland Forfaulted and the Throne become Vacant VII The Opinion of two eminent Parliament-Men justifying the Lawfulness of taking the Oaths of Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary London printed and are to be sold by Richard Ianeway in Queen's-head-Court in Pater-noster-Row 1689. AN ANSWER TO THE DESERTION DISCUSS'D IF many of our Long-Rob'd Divines pust up with a Conceit of their own Parts would but keep closer to their Texts and their Duties most certainly our Peace and Union would be much firmer and more assured then it is For being sway'd by Interest and Profit they are more afraid of losing the Advantages of Earthly Preferment then the Treasures of Heavenly Felicity Unless they swim in their own Wishes and Desires all Things are out of Order The Church is in danger they cry here are Sharers coming in among Us And by an odd kind of Ecclesiastical Policy seem rather inclinable to return under the Yoke of Popery then to endure the Equality of a Dissenting Protestant rather to be at the check of a Pope's Nuncio then suffer the Fraternity of a Protestant Nonconformist They said nothing to the late King till he began to touch their Copy-holds then they call'd out for Help and now they are angry with their Relief because they are afraid of well they know not what And this is their Misfortune that if all things answer not the full Height of their Expectations they are the first that should be last dissatisfied If all things go not well as they imagine they presently grow moody and waspish and while they insinuate their empty Notions into others who admiring the fluency of their Pulpit Language either out of Ignorance or Laziness allow them a Prerogative over their Understandings the whole Nation must be embroyl'd by their Surmises and Mistrusts Else what had that Gentleman who wrote the Desertion Discuss'd to do to busy his Brains with a Subject neither appertaining to his Function nor proper for his Talent Why should he be setting himself up against the voted Judgment of â—he chiefest and greatest part of the Kingdom A Man of his Profession would have doubtless better employ'd himself in contemplating the Story of the Three Murmurers against Moses and there have learn'd a more sanctifi'd Lesson then to exalt his Sophistry against the Debates of a Solemn Assembly contriving the Publick Preservation For certainly never was a fairer Prospect then now since the many Revolutions under which the British Monarchy has labour'd of its being restor'd to its ancient Grandâ—ur and Renown and of enjoying the Advantages of Peace and Prosperity in a higher measure then ever So that it must be look'd upon as the Effect either of a most pernicious Malice or a strange distraction of Brain for such Discussers as these to be throwing about the Darnel of their nice and froward Conceptions on purpose to choak the Expectations of so glorious a Harvest For they must be Men that want the government of right Reason within themselves as being enslav'd either to vicious Custom or partial Affection or else they would never run themselves and others with so much precipitancy into the shame and ignominy of upholding the subvertors of National Constitutions And all this to blacken and defame the noble Endeavours and prudent Counsels of those renowned Patriots that pursu'd the only means to rescue a languishing Monarchy from impending Thraldom and Ruin. He does not wonder he says that a Man of so much sense and integrity as his Friend is should be surprized at the Thrones being declared Vacant by the Lower House of Convention For how says his Friend can the Seat of the Government be empty while the King who all grant had an unquestionable Title is still living But the Discusser here forgot that it had been the resolv'd Opinion of two Parliaments already That there was no Security for the Protestant Religion the King's Life or the establish'd Government of the Kingdom without passing a Bill for disabling the Duke of York to inherit the Imperial Crown of England and Ireland and that unless a Bill were pass'd for excluding the Duke of York the House could not give any Supply to the King without Danger to his Person the Hazard of the Protestant Religion and Breach of the Trust in them repos'd by the People Upon which a Bill did pass the Commons and was sent up to the Lords for their Concurrence by which Iames Duke of York was excluded and made for ever uncapable to Inherit Possess or Enjoy the Imperial Crown of this Realm c. and he adjudg'd Guilty of High Treason and to suffer the Pains and Penalties as in Case of High Treason if after such a Time he should claim challenge or attempt to possess or exercise any Authority or Jurisdiction as King c. in any of the said Dominions 'T is true the Lords did not pass this Bill for Reasons well known yet was it such a mutilation to the Duke's Title to be disabled from succeeding in the Kingdom by the whole Body of the Commons who are the Representatives of the Nation that it can never be said that all Men granted his Title unquestionable
each striving thereby to add to the Glory of their Design The Gentry of these Parts first seemed slow in their Advances to serve the Prince but as soon as the Ice was broke by Capt Burrington the majority soon followed his steps and have entred into an Association It is to admiration to consider the vast Magazine of all Warlike Utensils brought hither by the Prince's Army their Baggage having for a Fortnight together been continually Landing and yet not fully ended Were it not for the badness of the Roads as I was informed by a private Sentinel they could draw into the Field an Artillery of above 200 Pieces But the greatest Curiosity I yet saw was a Bridg of Boats such as I conceive the Imperialists use to pass over the Danube and Save with which was for the speedy conveyance of their Carriages laid over the River in two or three Hours and afterwards as soon removed not to mention a Smith's Shop or Forge curiously contrived in a Waggon or another Contrivance the Foot carry with them to keep off the Horse which in their manner may well yield the Service of a Pike There hath been lately driven into Dartmouth and since taken a French Vessel loaden altogether with Images and Knives of a very large proportion in length nineteen Inches and in breadth two Inches and an half what they were designed for God only knows THREE LETTERS I. A Letter from a Iesuit of Liege to a Iesuit at Friburg giving an Account of the Happy Progress of Religion in England IT cannot be said what great Affection and Kindness the K. hath for the Society wishing much Health to this whole Colledg by R. P. the Provincial and earnestly recommending himself to our Prayers The Provincial Alexander Regnes being come back for England the K. was graciously pleased to send for him several Earls and Dukes waiting his coming at the hour appointed the Q. being present the King discoursing familiarly with him asked him How many young Students he had and how many Scholasticks To which when the Provincial had answered That of the latter he had Twenty of the former more than Fifty he added That he had need of double or treble that number to perform what he in his Mind had designed for the Society and commanded that they should be very well exercised in the Gift of Preaching for such only saith he do we want in England You have heard I make no doubt that the K. hath sent Letters to Father Le Cheese the French King's Confessor about Wadden-house therein declaring that he would take in good part from him whatsoever he did or was done for the English Fathers of the Society Father Clare Rector of the said House going about those Affairs at London found an easy access to the King and as easily obtained his Desires He was forbid to kneel and kiss the King's Hand as the manner and custom is by the K. himself saying Once indeed your Reverence kissed my Hand but had I then known you were a Priest I should rather have kneeled and kissed your Reverences hand After the Business was ended in a familiar Discourse the K. declared to this Father That he would either Convert England or die a Martyr and that he had rather die to morrow that Conversion wrought than reign fifty Years without that in Happiness and Prosperity Lastly He called himself a Son of the Society the Welfare of which he said he as much rejoiced at as his own And it can scarce be said how joyful he shewed himself when it was told him That he was made partaker by the most Reverend Father N. of all the Merits of the Society of which number he would declare one of his Confessors Some report R. P. the Provincial will be the person but whom he designs is not yet known Many do think an Archbishoprick will be bestowed on Father Edmond Petre chiefly beloved very many a Cardinals Cap to whom within this Month or two that whole part of the K. Palace is granted in which the K. when he was Duke of York used to reside where you may see I know not how many Courtiers daily attending to speak with his Eminency for so they are said to call him upon whose Counsel and also that of several Catholick Peers highly preferred in the Kingdom the K. greatly relyes which way he may promote the Faith without violence Not long since some Catholick Peers did object to the K. that he made too much haste to establish the Faith to whom He answered I growing old must make great steps otherwise if I should die I shall leave you worse than I found you Then they asking him why therefore was he not more sollicitous for the Conversion of his Daughters Heirs of the Kingdom He answered God will take care for an Heir leave my Daughters for me to Convert do you by your example reduce those that are under you and others to the Faith. In most Provinces he hath preferred Catholicks and in a short time we shall have the same Justices of the Peace as they are called in them all At Oxford we hope Matters go very well one of our Divines is always Resident therein a publick Catholick Chappel of the Vice-Chancellor's who hath drawn some Students to the Faith. The Bishop of Oxford seems very much to favour the Catholick Cause He proposed in Council Whether it was not expedient that at least one Colledg in Oxford should be allowed Catholicks that they might not be forced to be at so much Charges by going beyond Seas to Study What Answer was given is not yet known The same Bishop inviting two of our Noblemen with others of the Nobility to a Banquet drank the King's Health to an Heretical Baron there wishing a happy Success to all his Affairs and he added That the Faith of Protestants in England seemed to him to be little better than that of Buda was before it was taken and that they were for the most part mere Atheists who defended it Many do embrace the Faith and four of the chiefest Earls have lately posfessed it publickly The Reverend Father Alexander Regnes Nephew to our Provincial to whom is committed the Care of the Chappel of the Ambassador of the most Serene Elector Palatine is whole days busied in resolving and shewing the Doubts or Questions of Hereticks concerning their Faith of which number you may see two or three continually walking before the Dores of the Chappel disputing about Matters of Faith amongst themselves Prince George we can have nothing certain what Faith he intends to make profession of We have a good while begun to get footing in England We teach Humanity at Lincoln Norwich and York At Warwick we have a publick Chappel secured from all Injuries by the King's Souldiers We have also bought some Houses of the City of Wigorn in the Province of Lancaster The Catholick Cause very much increaseth In some Catholick Churches upon Holy Days above 1500 are always numbred
Estates that they are not to be subjected to the Arbitrary Proceedings of Papists that are contrary to Law put into any Employments Civil or Military Both We our selves and our Dearest and most Entirely Beloved Consort the Princess have endeavoured to signify in terms full of Respect to the King the just and deep Regret which all these Proceedings have given us and in Compliance with his Majesties Desires signified to us We declared both by word of Mouth to his Envoy and in writing what our Thoughts were touching the repealing of the Test and Penal Laws which we did in such a manner that we hoped we had proposed an Expedient by which the Peace of those Kingdoms and a happy Agreement among the Subjects of all Perswasions might have been settled but those Evil Counsellors have put such ill Constructions on these our good Intentions that they have endeavoured to alienate the King more and more from us as if We had designed to disturb the Quiet and Happiness of the Kingdom The last and great Remedy for all those Evils is the calling of a Parliament for securing the Nation against the evil Practices of those wicked Counsellors but this could not be yet compassed nor can it easily be brought about For those Men apprehending that a lawful Parliament being once assembled they would be brought to an account for all their open Violations of Law and for their Plots and Conspiracies against the Protestant Religion and the Lives and Liberties of the Subjects they have endeavoured under the specious Pretence of Liberty of Conscience first to sow Divisions among Protestants between those of the Church of England and the Dissenters The Design being laid to engage Protestants that are all equally concerned to preserve themselves from Popish Oppression into mutual Quarellings that so by these some Advantages might be given to them to bring about their Designs and that both in the Election of the Members of Parliament and afterwards in the Parliament it self For they see well that if all Protestants could enter into a mutual good Understanding one with another and concur together in the preserving of their Religion it would not be possible for them to compass their wicked Ends. They have also required all Persons in the several Counties of England that either were in any Imployment or were in any considerable Esteem to declare before-hand that they would concur in the Repeal of the Test and Penal Laws and that they would give their Voices in the Elections to Parliament only for such as would concur in it Such as would not thus preingage themselves were turned out of all Imployments and others who entred into those Engagements were put into their places many of them being Papists And contrary to the Charters and Priviledges of those Buroughs that have a Right to send Burgesses to Parliament they have ordered such Regulations to be made as they thought fit and necessary for assuring themselves of all the Members that are to be chosen by those Corporations and by this means they hope to avoid that Punishment which they have deserved tho it is apparent that all Acts made by Popish Magistrates are null and void of themselves so that no Parliament can be lawful for which the Elections and Returns are made by Popish Sheriffs and Mayors of Towns and therefore as long as the Authority and Magistracy is in such hands it is impossible to have any lawful Parliament And tho according to the Constitution of the English Government and immemorial Custom all Elections of Parliament-Men ought to be made with an entire Liberty without any sort of Force or the requiring the Electors to chuse such Persons as shall be named to them and the Persons thus freely elected ought to give their Opinions freely upon all matters that are brought before them having the Good of the Nation ever before their Eyes and following in all things the Dictates of their Consciences yet now the People of England cannot expect a Remedy from a free Parliament legally called and chosen But they may perhaps see one called in which all Elections will be carried by Fraud or Force and which will be composed of such Persons of whom those Evil Counsellors hold themselves well assured in which all things will be carried on according to their Direction and Interest without any regard to the Good or Happiness of the Nation Which may appear evidently from this that the same Persons tried the Members of the last Parliament to gain them to consent to the Repeal of the Test and Penal Laws and procured that Parliament to be dissolved when they found that they could not neither by Promises nor Threatnings prevail with the Members to comply with their wicked Designs But to crown all There are great and violent Presumptions inducing us to believe that those Evil Counsellors in order to the carrying on of their ill Designs and to the gaining to themselves the more time for the effecting of them for the encouraging their Complices and for the discouraging of all good Subjects have published that the Queen hath brought forth a Son tho there have appeared both during the Queen's pretended Bigness and in the manner in which the Birth was managed so many just and visible grounds of Suspicion that not only We our selves but all the good Subjects of those Kingdoms do vehemently suspect that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born by the Queen And it is notoriously known to all the World that many both doubted of the Queen's Bigness and of the Birth of the Child and yet there was not any one thing done to satisfie them or to put an end to their Doubts And since our Dearest and most Entirely Beloved Consort the Princess and likewise We our Selves have so great an Interest in this Matter and such a Right as all the World knows to the Succession to the Crown Since also the English did in the Year 1672. when the States General of the Vnited Provinces were invaded in a most unjust War use their uttermost Endeavours to put an end to that War and that in opposition to those who were then in the Government and by their so doing they run the hazard of losing both the Favour of the Court and their Imployments And since the English Nation has â—ver testified a most particular Affection and Esteem both to our Dearest Consort the Princess and to Our Selves We cannot excuse our selves from espousing their Interests in a Matter of such high Consequence and from contributing all that lies in us for the maintaining both of the Protestant Religion and of the Laws and Liberties of those Kingdoms and for the securing to them the continual Enjoyment of all their just Rights To the doing of which we are most earnestly solicited by a great many Lords both Spiritual and Temporal and by many Gentlemen and other Subjects of all Ranks Therefore it is that we have thought fit to go over to England and to carry over
so well that he doubted not in a little time their Business would be managed to the utter Ruin of the Protestant Party The effecting whereof was so desirable and meritorious that if he had a Sea of Flood and an hundred Lives he would lose them all to carry on the Design And if to effect this it were necessary to destroy an hundred Heretical Kings he would do it Singleton the Priest affirmed That he would make no more to stab forty Parliament-Men than to eat his Dinner Gerard and Kelley to encourage Prance to kill Sir E. B. G. told him It was no Murther no Sin and that to kill twenty of them was nothing in that case which was both a charitable and meritorious Act. And Grant one of the Massacring Gun-powder Traitors said upon his Execution to one that urged him to repent of that wicked Enterprize That he was so far from counting it a Sin that on the contrary he was confident that that noble Design had so much of Merit in it as would be abundantly enough to make Satisfaction for all the Sins of his whole Life See Everard Digby speaking to the same purpose also the Provincial Garnet did teach the Conspirators the same Catholick Doctrine viz. That the King Nobility Clergy and whole Commonalty of the Realm of England Papists excepted were Hereticks and That all Hereticks were accursed and excommunicated and That no Heretick could be a King but that it was lawful and meritorious to kill him and all other Hereticks within this Realm of England for the advancement and inlargement of the Authority and Jurisdiction of the Pope and for the restoring of the Romish Religion This was that Garnet whom the Papists here honoured as a Pope and kissed his Feeâ— and reverenced his Iudgment as an Oracle and since his Death given him the Honour of Saintship and Martyrdom Dugdale deposed That after they had dispatched the King a Massacre was to follow But surely it may be supposed that the Temper of such a Prince or his Interest would oblige him to forbid or restrain such violent Executions in England Yea but what if his Temper be to comply with such Courses Or his Temper be better Whâ—t if it be over-rul'd What if he be perswaded as other Catholicks are that he must in Conscience proceed thus What if he cannot do otherwise without hazard of his Crown and Life For he is not to hold the Reins of Government alone he will not be allowed to be much more than the Pope's POSTILLION and must look to be dismounted if he act not according to Order The Law tells us That it is not in the Power of any Civil Magistrate to remit the Penalty or abate the Rigour of the Law. Nay if the Prince should plight his Faith by Oath that he would not suffer their Bloody LAWS to be executed upon his Dissenting Subjects this would signify nothing For they would soon tell him That Contracts made against the Common Law are invalid though conâ—irmed by Oath And That he is not bound to stand to his Promise though he had sworn to it And That Faith is no more to be kept with Hereticks than the Council of Constance would have it So that Protestants are to be burnt as Io. Huss and Ierom of Prague were by that Council though the Emperor had given them his safe Conduâ—t in that Solemn manner which could secure them only as they said from the Civil but not Church-Process which was the greatest For 't is their General Rule That Faith is either not to be given or not kept with Hereticks Therefore saith Simanca That Faith ingaged to Hereticks though confirmed by Oath is in no wise to be performed For saith he if Faith is not to be kept with Tyrants and Pirats and others who kill the Body much less with Hereticks who kill the Souls And that the Oath in favour of them is but Vinculum Iniquitatis A Bond of Iniquity Though Popish Princes the better to promote their Interest and to insnare the Protestant Subjects to get advantage upon them to their Ruin have made large Promises and plighted their Faith to them when they did not intend to keep it As the Emperor to Iohn Huss and Ierom Charles the Ninth of France to his Protestant Subjects before the Massacre the Duke of Savoy to his Protestant Subjects before their designed Ruin and Queen Mary before her burning of them But if there were neither Law nor Conscience to hinder yet in point of Interest he must not shew favour to Hereticks without apparent hazard both of Crown and Life for he forfeits both if he doth The Pope every Year doth not only curse Hereticks but every Favourer of them from which none but himself can absolve Becanus very elegantly tells us If a Prince be a dull Cur and fly not upon Hereticks he is to be beaten out and a keener Dog must be got in his stead Henry the Third and Henry the Fourth were both Assassinated upon this Account because they were suspected to favour Hereticks And are we not told by the Discoverers of the Popish Plot That after they had dispatch'd the King they would depose his Brother also that was to succeed him if he did not answer their Expectations for rooting out the Protestant Religion But may not Parliaments secure us by Laws and Provisions restraining the Power which endangers us Not possible if once they secure and settle the Throne for Popery For First They can avoid Parliaments as long as they please and a Government that is more Arbitrary and Violent is more agreeable to their Designs and Principles It being apparent that the English Papists have lost the Spirit of their Ancestors who so well asserted the English Liberties being so generally now fix'd for the Pope's Universal Monarchy sacrificing all to that Roman Moloch being much more his Subjects than the King 's and though Natives by Birth yet are Foreigners as to Government Principle Interest Affection and Design and therefore no Friends to Parliaments as our Experience hath told us But Secondly if their Necessity should require a Parliament there is no question but they may get such a one as will serve their turns For so have every of our former Princes in all the Changes of Religion that have been amongst us As Henry the 8 th when he was both for and against Popery Edward the 6 th when he was wholly Protestant Queen Mary when she was for Burning Alive and Queen Elizabeth when she ran so Counter to her Sister And the Reason is clear that he who has the making of the publick Officers and the Keys of Preferment and Profit influenceth and swayeth Elections and Votes as he pleaseth And by how much the Throne comes to be fix'd in Popery the Protestants must expect to be excluded from both Houses as they have excluded the Papists For as Hereticks and Traitors they as ignominous Persons c. you
tugging and strugling to regain them whence continual disturbance will ensue and a standing Army must be kept on foot to support this ill acquired Grandâ—ur For those Subjects that contended with King Iohn and King Henry the Third c. tho' they were Papists and of the same Religion with those Princes could not brook it to be Slaves to their Arbitrary Pleasures in their Civil Rights Besides what a waking dream is it for any King that is free from the Roman Yoke to think to make himself more Absolute by involving himself and his Kingdoms in Thraldom to the Church of Rome wherein not only the Pope pretends a Right to domineer over him but every Ecclesiastick esteems himself wholly exempt from his Jurisdiction and all his People will be but half his Subjects viz. in Temporals for in Spirituals and in ordine ad spiritualia a monstrous draw net that may include almost all the Actions of Humane Life they are wholly to be Conducted by his Holiness and his Subordinate Ministers How therefore can your Highness if a Roman Catholick complain of the late successive Houses of Commons for pressing a Bill to exclude you Is it any Disloyalty to endeavour to preserve the Imperial Crown of England from a truckling and shameful Servitude to a Foreign Usurper's Power Or is it any such unheard of thing to debarr a Prince from a Throne that hath obstinately disabled himself Certainly above all Men the Roman Catholicks ought not to murmur at this for did not the Pope issue forth a Bull to exclude your Grandfather King Iames unless he would turn Papist And did not the Romanists though they acknowledged the Title of your other Grandfather Henry the Great to the French Diadem yet refuse to pay him any Obedience because a Protestant and on that only score fought against him as long as he continued so and thought it no Rebellion Your Highness perhaps will say What though they did so true Protestants and the Church of England do not own such Principles Well then if the Protestant Principles be better than those of the Church of Rome what Madness is it in your Highness to abandon the first and chuse the latter I am a dutiful and hearty Lover of Monarchy and when establish'd on such an Equi-pois'd Basis of Wisdom as ours is shall ever assert it to be the best Form of Government in the World and most agreeable to the Genius of English-men But that lineal descent is so sacred a thing that the Heir presumptive can for no default or crime whatsoever be debarr'd from the Crown by an Act of Parliament or publick Decree of State I do not understand For I am sure the practice in all Ages both at home and abroad in almost every Nation in the Earth hath run contrary And as to Right those that pretend such Succession in all Cases to be Iure Divino would do well to shew in what Texts of Scripture the same is prescribed till then they do but talk not argue and if a Candidate to the Crown for any Reasons whatsoever may without offence to the Law of God or Nature be Excluded by an Act of King Lords and Commons Then the Iune-divino-ship vanishes and nothing is left to be considered But whether such next Heir have done such Acts or is so qualified that in Prudence it be necessary for the Tranquillity of the Publick to Exclude him Now I believe there are but few of the Church of England but if the Bill had passed the Lords and his Majesty had given his Royal Assent to it would have acquiesc'd therein and consequently they do not believe the Exclusion to be simply unlawful by the Law of God or Nature for against either of them no Humane Ordinances ought to prevail But all true Loyalists do not despair but your Highness may yet prevent all Occasions of such Disputes by opening your eyes or rather that God in whose hands are the Hearts of Princes may irradiate your Royal Understanding and let you see the horrid Blackness of those Men who have endeavour'd to seduce you and of those Principles to which they would have inveigled you on purpose to have made your Highness a Property to their Ambition and Avarice and that under the shadow of your Illustrious Name they might one day Tyrannize at Pleasure over these Three Kingdoms If Heaven shall be pleased to work such an happy Inclination in your Highness you shall presently see the whole British Empire echoing with Praises and Acclamations and instead of murmurs of Seclusion every good Subject shall erect you a Throne in his heart But the grand difficulty will be to satisfie the prejudiced World of your sincerity herein for if your Highness which God forbid should declare your self a Protestant only to serve a present turn and use the Sacred Name of our Religion but as an Engine to advance the design of our bloody Enemies you would act at once the most dishonourably and in the end most prejudicially to your own Interest in the world and must certainly expect the blasts of Heaven and curses of Earth on all your future proceedings for Hypocrisie is odious to God and Man nor is there any Monster so abominable to serious Men of both sides as a Church-Papist Your Royal Highness I hope will excuse our fears for we are not ignorant of the Arts and Craft of Rome that she esteems no means unlawful to obtain her ends How shall any Oaths be sufficient Tests when a private dispensation may at once allow the taking and warrant the breaking of them Or what signifies the participation of our Sacraments to one that is taught We have no true Ministers of Christ if so no consecration consequently nothing but an ordinary Breakfast of common Brâ—ad and Wine and who shall lose the hopes of three Crowns rather than not taste such harmless viands Not that I dare imagine your Highnesses Understanding would suffer you to believe the lawfulness or your Princely Generosity permit you to practise these lewd dissimulations yet since such Doctrines are daily taught in the Roman Church how shall Protestants be assured they have no Influence on your Conduct I must therefore with all humble freedom assure your Highness that after so general an Opinion of your Highnesses having been a Roman Catholick though you should go never so duly to Church receive the Sacrament a thousand times and take Oaths all the way from Holy-rood House to St. Iames's yet the People would scarce believe the reality of your Conversion unless withal they see it accompanied with some other Demonstrations For as Faith without works is dead so Profession of a Religion without agreeable endeavours to advance it will be vain If his Royal Highness will the People say be a good Protestant he will undoubtedly discourage all Papists the sworn inveterate Enemies of our Religion he will not suffer a Popish Priest to approach his Person or Palace If he have had any intimation of
yet if these few should happen to be Persons of Character of known Prudence and Abilities Integrity and Honesty in Church or State their Examples would give a terrible Shock to such a new tottering Government tho they were never so Tame and Peaceable void of Faction and Sedition themselves And yâ—t lâ—t me tell you you must not judge of the Numbers of â—hese Men by the late general defection The whole Nation I confess was very unanimous for the Prince great numbers of Gentlemen nay of the King 's own Soldiers went over to him very few but Papisâ—s offered their Service to the King but the reason of this was very evident not that they were willing to part with the King and set up another in his room but because they were horribly afraid of Pâ—pery and very desirous to see the Laws and Religion of the Nation settled upon the old Foundations by a Free Parliament which was all the Prince declared for but many who were Well-wishers to this Design will not renounce their Allegiance to their King and now they see what is like to come of iâ— are ashamed of what they have done and ask God's pardon for it and are ready to undo it as far as they can 2. Besides a thousand occasions of Discontent which may happen in such a Change of Government as this which no Body can possibly foresee and yet may have very fatal Consequences there are some very visible occasions for it besides the sense of Loyalty and Conscience How many Discontents think you may arise between the Nobility and Gentry who attend the new Court Every Man will think he has some Merit and expect some marks of Favour to have his share of Honour and Power and Profit and yet a great many more must miss than those who speed and many of those who are Rewarded may think they han't their Deserts and be disconternted to see others preferred before them and those whose expectations are disappointed are disobliged too and that is a dangerous thing when there is another and a righful King to oblige for Duty and Discontent together to be revenged if a new King and to be reconciled to an old One will shake a Throne which has so sandy a Foundation The like may be said of the Soldiery who are generally Men of Honour and Resentment and have the greater and sharper Resentments now because they are sensible of their mistake when it is too late yet as they ought not to have Fought for Popery nor against the Laws and Liberties of their Country fo neither ought they to have deserted the defence of the King's Person and Crown but have brought the Prince to Terms as well as the King. Thus you easily foresee what a heavy Tax must be laid upon the Nation to defray the Charge of this Expedition and I believe the Country would have paid it very chearfully and thankfully had the Prince resâ—ored to them their Laws and Liberties and Religion together with their King but you know Men are apt to complain of every thing when Money is to be paid and it may be it will be thought hard to lose their King and to pay so deaâ— for it too And tho what the Convention does is none of the Prince's fault no more than it was his design yet angry People don't use to distiâ—guish so nicely But there is a greater Difficulty still than all this There are no Contentions so fierce as those about Religion this gave Life and Spirit to the Prince's Design and had the main stroke in this late Revolution And though Popery were a hated Religion yet most Men are as zealous for their own Religion as they are against Popery Those of the Church of England are very glad to get rid of Popery but they will not be contented to part with their Church into the Bargain for this would be as bad as they could have suffered under Popery The several Sects of Dissenters are glad to get rid of Popery also but now they expect glorious Days for themselves and what they expect God Almighty knows for I am confident they don't know themselves Now consider how difficult it will be for any Prince who has but a crazy Title to the immediate possession of the Crown to adjust this matter so as neither to disgust the Church of England nor the Dissenters and if either of them be disobliged there is a formidable Party made against them This being the Case should the King be deposed and any other ascend the Throne it will be necessary for them to keep up a standing Army to quell such Discontents for where there are and will be Discontents without any tye of Conscience to restrain Men there can be no defence but only in Power and this will raise and encrease new Discontents for it alters the frame of our Constitution from a Civil to a Military Government which is one of the great Grievances we have complained of and I believe English People will not be better pleased with Dutch or German or any foreign Souldiers than they were with their own Country-Men and I believe English Souldiers will not be extreamly pleased to see themselves disbanded or sent into other Countries to hazard their Lives while their Places are taken up by Foreigners who live in ease plenty and sasety And when things are come to this pass which is so likely that I cannot â—ee how all the Wit of Man can prevent it I will suppose but one thing more which you will say is not unlikely that the King return with a foreign Force to recover his Kingdoms how ready will the Men of Conscience and the Men of Discontent be to join him nay to invite him Home again and if he returns as a Conqueror you will wish when it is too late that you had treated with him and brought him back upon safe and honourable Terms Secondly Let us suppose now that all this should be over-voted for I am sure it can never be answered and the Convention should resolve to proclaim the next Heir 1. You must be sure to examine well who is the next Heir that is you must throughly examine the Pretences of the Prince of Wales and yet if you have not good Proofs of the Imposture you had better let it alone For tho the Nation has had general presumptions of it yet a Male Heir of the Crown is mightily desired and People would be very fond of him if they had one and seem to expect some better Proofs than meer Presumptions against him because common Fame has promised a great deal more and if you should either say nothing to it or not what is expected it would be a very plausible pretence for discontented People to quarrel 2. Suppose the Princess of Orange should aâ—pear to be the next Heir what if a Lady of her eminent Vertue should scruple to sit upon her Father's Throne while he lives Or what if she should scruple it hereafter and
Right Line and in the Legal Steps and Degrees And this being done I am persuaded nothing can divide the English Nation or lessen their Zeal and Affection to the Prince of Orange who has deserved the Crown if it were ours to give him The Postscript which is an Huy and Cry after the French League to cut our Throats I leave to the Convention And if I durst be so bold as to ask a Favour of them it should be to enquire what the Ro. Catholick meant by that Threat of theirs so frequently printed and spoken by them If fair means would not obtain the Repeal of our Penal Laws and Tests foul should Now for a Conclusion I would desire you Sir to propose your method of Restoring the King and Securing our Laws and Religion and it shall go hard but I will shew you it is impracticable or impossible that it will never be granted or if it be never observed And if you please to bless the World with a Receipt of an Obligation that will bind the Conscience of any other Roman Catholick so fast that neither Iesuit and Pope can break or untie it I assure you I will joyn with you in a Petition to the Convention for a Treaty forthwith without any other Terms to be proposed than the giving us that Security whatever it is And in the Interim I am SIR YOURS Ian. 24. 1688 9. FINIS The EIGHT Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England VIZ. I. Proposals to the present Convention for Setling the Government II. Several Queries relating to the present Proceedings in Parliament III. A Protestant Precedent offer'd for the Exclusion of King Iames the Second IV. Reasons offer'd for placing the Prince of Orange singly in the Throne during his Life V. A Breviate for the Convention represented to the Lords and Commons of England VI. King Iames the First his Opinion of a King and of a Tyrant and of the English Laws Rights and Priviledges VII Proposals to the present Convention for perpetual Security of the Protestant Religion and Liberty of the Subjects of England London printed and are to be sold by Rich. Ianeway in Queen's-head Court in Pater-Noster Row 1689. PROPOSALS Humbly offered To the Lords and Commons in the present CONVENTION for Settling of the Government c. My Lords and Gentlemen YOV are Assembled upon Matters of the highest Importance to England and all Christendom and the result of your Thoughts in this Convention will make a numerous Posterity Happy or Miserable If therefore I have met with any Thing that I think worthy of your Consideration I should think my self wanting in that Duty which I owe to my Country and Mankind if I should not lay it before You. If there be as some say certain Lineaments in the Face of Truth with which one cannot be deceiv'd because they are not to be counterfeited I hope the Considerations which I presume to offer You will meet with your Approbation That bringing back our Constitâ—tion to its first and purest Original refining it from some gross Abuses and supplying its Defects You may be the Ioy of the present Age and the Glory of Posterity FIrst 'T is necessary to distinguish between Power it self the Designation of the Persons Governing and the Form of Government For 1. All Power is from God as the Fountain and Original 2. The Designation of the Persons and the Form of Government is eirther First immediately from God as in the Case of Saul and David and the Government of the Ievs or Secondly from the Community chusing some Form of Government and subjecting themselves to it But it must be noted that though Saul and David had a Divine Designation yet the People assembled and in a General Assembly by their Votes freely chose them Which proves that there can be no orderly or lasting Government without Consent of the People Tacit or Express'd and God himself would not put Men under a Governor without their Consent And in case of a Conquest the People may be called Prisoners or Salves which is a State contrary to the Nature of Man but they cannot be properly Subjects till their Wills be brought to submit to the Government So that Conquest may make Way for a Government but it cannot constitute it Secondly There is a Supreme Power in every Community essential to it and inseparable from it by which if it be not limited immediately by God it can form it self into any kind of Government And in some extraordinary Occasions when the Safety and Peace of the Publick necessarily require it can supply the Defects reform the Abuses and re-establish the true Fundamentals of the Government by Purging Refining and bringing Things back to their first Original Which Power may be called The Supreme Power Real Thirdly When the Community has made choice of some Form of Government and subjected themselves to it having invested some Person or Persons with the Supreme Power The Power in those Persons may be called The Supreme Power Personal Fourthly If this Form be a mix'd Government of Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy and for the easy Execution of the Laws the Executive Power be lodg'd in a single Person He has A Supreme Power Personal quoad hoc Fifthly The Supreme Power Personal of England is in Kings Lords and Commons and so it was in Effect agreed to by King Charles the First in his Answer to the nineteen Propositions and resolved by the Convention of Lords and Commons in the Year 1660. And note That the Acts of that Convention tho never confirmed by Parliament have been taken for Law and particularly by the Lord Chief Justice Hales Sixthly The Supreme Power Personal of England fails three Ways 1. 'T is Dissolved For two Essential Parts fail 1. A King. 2. A House of Commons which cannot be called according to the Constitution the King being gone and the Freedom of Election being destroyed by the King's Incroachments 2. The King has forfeited his Power several Ways Subjection to the Bishop of Rome is the Subjection against which our Laws cry loudest And even Barclay that Monarchical Politician acknowledges That if a King alienate his Kingdom or subject it to another he forfeits it And Grotius asserts That if a King really attempt to deliver up or subject his Kingdom he may be therein resisted And that if the King have part of the Supreme Power and the People or Senate the other part the King invading that part which is not his a just Force may be opposed and he may lose his Part of the Empire Grotius de Bello c. Cap. 72. But that the King has subjected the Kingdom to the Pope needs no Proof That the has usurp'd an absolute Power superior to all Laws made the Peoples Share in the Legislative Power impertinent and useless and thereby invaded their just Rights none can deny 'T were in vain to multiply Instances of his Forfeitures And if we consider the Power exercis'd
in the case of the Lawful Heirs whom every good Englishman and Protestant to their utmost Danger and Peril are ready to defend and maintain to take such Measures for our future Security and lawful Establishment as shall not by any Humane Art or Endeavour be liable to Interruption But as Precedents are least satisfactory or least confronting to obstinate Opposers where they make only for one party A Popish Sigismund deposed for Male-Administration in a Protestant Kingdom may not perhaps be allowed to carry its sufficient Justification with the Romanists and therefore the Tables ought to be turn'd and the Ballance made by Parallels of their own side the most prudent way of combating and securing a Victory in this matter being to lay the Scene of War in the Enemies Country To confute therefore and silence all the Romish Pretensions of Disgust and Murmur against the Injustice of such a Deprivation from Examples of Popish Deposals of Male-administring Protestants we 'll begin with Henry of Navarre afterwards Henry the Fourth of France The famous Holy League enter'd into by the Pope himself and so many potent Allies together with all the Romish Subjects of Franâ—e against that undoubted Heir of the Crown of France and at that time by succession the rightful King is so notoriously known to the World that all the tedious Particulars of the History would be impertinent Let it suffice here was a Prince the unquestion'd Inheritor of the Crown of France actually by all Open and Hostile Means and all such Hostility avowed and abetted and his very Birth-right fore-closed by the Pope himself opposed and denied his Accession to the Throne for no other Unqualifications but be a Hugonot that is of a Perswasion contrary to the Establish'd and Regnant Romish Religion in France being in all other Respects acknowledged a most excellent Prince Insomuch that after all other ineffectual Endeavours of recovering his Birth-right he had no means left to repeal his Exclusion and Debarment from the Throne but by his Abjuration of the Reformed Religion and return to the Romish Worship This Case of Henry the Fourth instead of a Parallel to ours does not come up to half the Justification of the present Measures of England For here was a Soveraign Prince under Deprivation for no other Default but his meer Religion for this Henry the Fourth being then but in his Entrance to the Empire if truly that was consequently yet at least whatever they might fear under no Dilemmas of the least breach of Compact with his People no Forfeitures for Male-Administration or Violation of the Laws of the Land or Rights of his Subjects their Dangers as then being only Apprehensions If therefore the meer private Opinion of a Crowned Head different from the Establish'd Religion of the Land has been of weight enough it self alone in their own Scales to oversway the Birth-Right of Princes and make a Bar to Empire and that too so solemnly confirmed and ratified even by the Sanction Apostolick the Decretals of Rome it self What Objections or Allegations can our Romish Disputants whether Foreign or Domestick make against the like Bar in Empire after so notorious an actual Male-Administration in the present Case of England such too visible Ruptures of the Laws of the Land and in defiance of all Obligations of Engagements Covenant Word Honour or OATHS themselves The next Example I shall point them to is that of the late Portuguese King who by the Ordinance of the States of Portugal ratified by the Pope's Assent was dethroned and his Brother invested with the Soveraignty and not only that but his Queen too taken from him Divorced and by a Dispensation married to his Brother The Grounds of this Deposal being only this that the King was sometimes taken with Delirious Fits. If such a Personal Infirmity was ground sufficient to displace the Crown Have not the Peopâ—e or Community of England in Convention asseâ—bled as much Right on their Side for the Deposal of a King for a far greater Infirmity of the two a more violent Madness his loâ—g tried and radicated Incapacity of being held either by the Bonds or Ties of Honour Laws or Oaths There being this infinite Difference between the Outrages of the one and the other as that a Prince so bigotted resolved for the Introduction right or wrong of his own Religion is the more Dangerous Frantick For his Superstitious Frency may push him to Violences that will hurt whole Nations whereas the Outrages of the other can be only Personal And if the Hands of the Lunatick Portuguese were thought Just to be tied up with no less Shackles than taking both his Kingdom and Queen away from him who shall Arraign the Wisdom of the English for depriving their King of his Kingdom much good may do him with his Queen under an infinite larger Capacity and more dangerous propensity to Mischief And for so doing what Warrant shall they want when the present unforced Desertion of the King and quitting the Helm has put the Power of Decision in that Point into their own Hands and lost him all Right of Appeal against the Alienation I shall venter to add one last Consideration viz. The Bull of Pope Pius Quintus against Queen Elizabeth by which the Pope deprives her of all Title to the Imperial Crown and all Dominion Dignity and Priviledg whatever declaring that all the Nobility Subjects and People of England and all others which have in any sort sworn unto her to be for ever absolved from any such Oath and all manner of Duty of Dominion Allegiance and Obedience c. and all forbidden to obey her or her Motions Mandates or Laws upon pain of Anathema Vide Bishop of Lincoln's Brutum Fulmen p. 6. I recite this unjust Deposal of a Lawful Queen by the pretended Authority of the Pope no other than to let the World know that the Romish Party have the least Reason in Nature to complain of the Deprivation of Princes They whose Infallible Guides can so insolently and arbitrarily place or displace Crown'd Heads not to mention the Illegality of the Pope's Interposition in the Affair in any kind for only acting by Law in Matters of Religious Changes for such were all Ecclesiastick Alterations of that Queen by the unquestion'd Authority of Acts of Parliament can be but ill furnish'd with Arguments against the present Deprivation enacted by the whole Community of England for such violent Measures and Foundations already form'd and begun for the subversion of Church and State against all Law. Reasons humbly offer'd for placing his Highness the Prince of Orange singly in the Throne during his Life I. IT will be a clear Assertion of the Peoples Right Firm Evidence of a Contract Broken and a sure Precedent to all Ages when after a most Solemn Debate the Estates of England Declare That the King having Abdicated the Government and the Throne thereby Legally Vacant They think fit to Fill it again with One who is
Divine Infatuation in it However certainly no rational Man will think that all the Princes of Europe would sit still and suffer the French King to conquer Britain under pretence of restoring Iames the Second to that Throne which he had abandon'd because he could not bring the Prince of Orange their Allie and all his Protestant Subjects to his own Terms And yet if none of them should interpose but the Hollanders alone the English and Dutch Fleets being united would render the landing a French Army so difficult and uncertain that it would be next door to madness to trust one to their Navy which is so much inferior to either of the others singly taken So that all things considered either Iames the Second ought to have stayed at home and have made as good terms as he could with the Prince of Orange and his own Subjects Or if he would have abandon'd his Kingdoms he ought to have despaired of any restitution and have betaken himself to a private Life as Christina Queen of Sweden did But we have now certain Intelligence that Iames the Second Landed the 12 th of March at Kingsale in Ireland so that now it cannot be doubted but that he hopes to recover England and Scotland by the help of the Irish as well as the French. His succeeding in this Design laying us at the Mercy of an Irish-French Roman Catholick Army whose Civility and Kindness to our Nation we may learn from our Country-men who after having lost all but their Lives have been forced to flee over to us for Shelter and Protection I shall not add any other consideration to perswade my Country-men to defend their King Queen and the whole Protestant Succession their Lives Liberties Priviledges and Religion because this alone is sufficient The Iudgment of the Court of France concerning the Misgovernment of K. James the Second THE Author who is a Papist that wrote that smart Treatise called A Letter from Monsieur to Monsieur concerning the Transactions of the Times c. writes thus concerning the late King Iames viz. King Iames ought to learn what he has to expeâ—t from France into whose Arms he has thrown himself France already knows all his Faults and publishes them For this Composure issuing immediately from that Court owns 1. His whole Conduct was very little judicious 2. That he has followed blind Counsels and such as are very pernicious to his own Repose and Security 3. That he has unadvisedly affected to pull down the Protestant Religion which was that of the State. 4. That he has used an imprudent Rigour as well to the Bishops as to the Universities 5. That he was unwise in going about to take off the Test and Penal Laws which the English look upon as the Sanctuary of the Kingdom 6. That his Gust and Fondness for the Court of Rome and the Monks whom he meant to restore was ridiculous and whimsical 7. That his going about to give Imploys to Catholicks by taking them away from Protestants gave but two much reason to all the Members of the State to complain This is exactly the Judgment passed by the Court of France upon the late K. Iames of England I leave him to think what Succours he is like to expect from a Court that values him so little and that without any more ado speaks of him at this rate would he have more It roundly declares to him That the restoring the King of England is not an Enterprise easy to be executed by a King how great soever he may be against whom all the Powers of Europe are preparing to make War. This is a Hint broad enough o' Conscience and King Iames ought to be satisfied that he knows the French Courts mind The Emperor of Germany's Account of K. James's Misgovernment in joining with the King of France the Common Enemy of Christendom in his Letter to King James viz. LEOPOLD c. WE have received your Majesties Letters dated from St. Germans the sixth of February last by the Earl of Carlingford your Envoy in our Court By them we have understood the Condition your Majesty is reduced to and that you being deserted after the landing of the Prince of Orange by your Army and even by your Domestick Servants and by those you most confided in and almost by all your Subjects you have been forced by a sudden Flight to provide for your own safety and to seek Shelter and Protection in France Lastly that you desire Assistance from us for the recovering your Kingdoms We do assure your Majesty that as soon as we heard of this severe turn of Affairs we were moved at it not only with the common sense of Humanity but with much deeper Impressions suitable to the sincere Affection which we have always born to you And we were heartily sorry that at last that was come to pass which though we hoped for better things yet our own sad thoughts had suggested to us would ensue If your Majesty had rather given Credit to the Friendly Remonstrances that were made you by our late Envoy the Count de Kaunitz in our Name than the deceitful Insinuations of the French whose chief aim was by fomenting continual Divisions between you and your People to gain ther by an Opportunity to insult the more securely over the rest of Christendom And if your Majesty had put a stop by your Force and Authority to their many Infractions of the Peace of which by the Treaty at Nimegen you are made the Guarantee and to that end entred into Consultations with us and such others as have the like just Sentiments in this matter We are verily perswaded that by this means you should have in a great measure quieted the Minds of your People which were so much exasperated through their aversion to our Religion and the publick Peace had been preserved as well in your Kingdoms as here in the Roman Empire But now we refer it even to your Majesty to judg what condition we can be in to afford you any Assistance we being not only engaged in a War with the Turks but finding our selves at the same time unjustly and barbarously Attacked by the French contrary to and against the Faith of Treaties they then reckoning themselves secure of England And this ought not to be concealed that the greatest Injuries which have been done to our Religion have flowed from no other than the French themselves who not only esteem it lawful for them to make Presidious Leagues with the sworn Enemies of the Holy Cross tending to the destruction both of us and of the whole Christian World in order to the checking our Endeavours which were undertaken for the Glory of God and to stop those Successes which it hath pleased Almighty God to give us hitherto but further have heaped one Treachery upon another even within the Empire it self The Cities of the Empire which were surrendered upon Articles signed by the Dolphin himself have been exhausted by excessive Impositions and
manner following April 11 1689. THeir Majesties being come from Whitehal to Westminster and the Nobility c. being put in Order by the Heralds They came down in State into Westminster-hall where the Swords and Spurs were presented to them After which the Dean and Prebendaries of Westminster having brought the Crowns and other Regalia presented them severally to their Majesties which with the Swords and Spurs were thereupon delivered to the Lords appointed to carry them Then the Procession began in this manner Drums and Trumpets Six Clerks in Chancery two abreast as all the rest of the Proceeding went Chaplains having Dignities Aldermen of London Masters in Chancery Solicitor and Attorney General Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber Judges Children of Westminster and of the King's Chappel Choir of Westminster and Gentlemen of the Chappel Prebends of Westminster Master of the Jewel-house Privy Councellors not Peers Two Pursuivants Baronesses Barons Bishops A Pursuivant a Vicountess Vicounts Two Heralds Countesses Earls A Herald a Marchioness Two Heralds Dutchesses Dukes Two Kings of Arms The Lord Privy Seal Lord President of the Council Archbishop of York His Royal Highness Prince George of Denmark Two Persons representing the Dukes of Aquitain and Normandy Next the Lords who bore their Majesties Regalia viz. The Earl of Manchester St. Edward's Staff and the Lord Grey of Ruthin the Spurs The Earl of Clare the Queens Scepter with the Cross and the Earl of Northampton the King's The Earls of Shrewsbury Derby and Pembroke the 3 Swords Next Garter King of Arms between the Usher of the Black Rod and the Lord Mayor of London The Lord Great Chamberlain Single The Earl of Oxford with the Sword of State between the Duke of Norfolk Earl Marshall and the Duke of Ormond Lord High-Constable for that Day then the Earl of Bedford with the Queens Sceptre of the Dove and the Earl of Rutland with the King 's the Duke of Bolton with the Queen's Orb and the Duke of Grafton with the King 's the Duke of Somerset with the Queen's Crown and the Earl of Devonshire Lord Steward of his Majesties Houshold who was made Lord. High Steward of England for that Day with the King 's The Bishop of London with the Bible between the Bishop of St. Asaph with the Paten and the Bishop of Rochester with the Chalice Then the King supported by the Bishop of Winchester and the Queen by the Bishop of Bristol under a Canopy born by Sixteen Barons of the Cinque Ports His Majesties Train born by the Master of the Robes assisted by the Lord Eland Lord Willoughby Lord Landsdowne and the Lord Dunblaine and Her Majesties Train by the Dutchess of Somerset assisted by the Lady Elizabeth Pawlett Lady Diana Vere Lady Elizabeth Cavendish and the Lady Henrietta Hyde After the King a Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber and two Grooms of the Bed-Chamber and after the Queen a Lady of the Bed-Chamber and two of Her Majesties Women Lastly the Captain of His Majesties Guard between the Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard and the Captain of the Band of Pensioners followed by the Officers and Band of Yeomen of the Guard. The Sergeants at Arms going on each side of the Regalia and the Gentlemen Pensioners on each side of the Canopy Thus Their Majesties in Their Robes of Crimson Velvet the King with a Cap and the Queen a Circlet on her Head All the Nobility in Crimson Velvet Robes with their Coronets in their Hands and the rest of the Proceeding in their proper Habits marched on foot upon Blew Cloth to Westminster-Abby all the Way and Houses on each side being Crouded with vast Number of Spectators expressing their great Joy and Satisfaction by loud repeated Acclamations Being Entred the Church and all duly seated the Bishop of London who performed this great Solemnity began with the Recognition which ended with a mighty Shout Then Their Majesties Offered and the Lords who bore the Regalia presented them at the Altar The Litany was sung by two Bishops and after the Epistle Gospel and Nicene Creed the Bishop of Salisbury Preach'd on this Text 2 Sam. 23. 3 4. After Sermon Their Majesties took the Oath and being Conducted to their Regal Chairs placed on the Theater that they might be more Conspicuous to the Members of the House of Commons who were seated in the North Cross were Anointed and presented with the Spurs and Sword and Invested with the Palls and Orbs and then with the Rings and Scepters and at Four of the Clock the Crowns were put on their Heads At sight whereof the People shouted the Drums and Trumpets sounded the great Guns were discharged and the Peers and Peeresses put on their Coronets Then the Bible was presented to Them and after the Benediction They vouchsafed to Kiss the Bishops Being Inthroned first the Bishops and then the Temporal Lords did their Homage and Kissed their Majesties left Cheeks while the Treasurer of the Houshold threw about the Coronation Medals Next followed the Communion And Their Majesties having made their second Oblation received the Holy Sacrament Then the Bishop Read the final Prayers and Their Majesties retiring into St. Edward's Chappel and being new Arrayed in Purple Velvet returned to Westminster-Hall wearing Their Rich Crowns of State and the Nobility their Coronets The Nobility c. being seated at their respective Tables which were all ready furnished before their coming in The first Course for Their Majesties Table was served up with the proper Ceremony being preceded by the great Officers and the High-Constable High-Steward and Earl-Marshall And before the second Course Charles Dymoke Esq Their Majesties Champion between the High-Constable and the Earl-Marshall performed the Challenge After which the Heralds proclaimed Their Majesties Styles Dinner being ended and the whole Solemnity performed with great Splendor and Magnificence About Eight in the Evening Their Majesties returned to White-hall A Proclamation declaring WILLIAM and MARY King and Queen of England to be King and Queen of Scotland Edinburgh April 11. 1689. WHereas the Estates of this Kingdom of Scotland by their Act of the Date of these Presents have Resolved That William and Mary King and Queen of England France and Ireland Be and Be declared King and Queen of Scotland to hold the Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdom of Scotland to them the said King and Queen during their Lives and the longest Liver of Them and that the Sole and Full Exercise of the Regal Power be only in and Exercised by the said King in the Names of the said King and Queen during their joynt Lives As also the Estates having Resolved and Enacted and Instrument of Government or Claim of Right to be presented with the Offer of the Crown to the said King and Queen They do Statute and Ordain that William and Mary King and Queen of England France and Ireland be accordingly forthwith Proclaimed King and Queen of Scotland at the Mercat Cross of Edinburgh by the Lyon King at Arms