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A28178 An history of the civill vvares of England betweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke the originall whereof is set downe in the life of Richard the Second, their proceedings, in the lives of Henry the Fourth, the Fifth, and Sixth, Edward the Fourth and Fifth, Richard the Third, and Henry the Seventh, in whose dayes they had a happy period : written in Italian in three volumes / by Sir Francis Biondi, Knight ... ; Englished by the Right Honourable Henry, Earle of Mounmouth, in two volumes.; Istoria delle guerre civili d'lnghilterra tra le due case di Lancastro e Iore. English Biondi, Giovanni Francesco, Sir, 1572-1644.; Monmouth, Henry Carey, Earl of, 1596-1661. 1641 (1641) Wing B2936; ESTC R20459 653,569 616

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Sterling in the Church of the Dominicans with the title of King of England Henry had great good fortune so happily to acquit himself of this conspiracy otherwise in likelihood hee might have beene oppressed by evills which on three sides hung over him for during all his life his fortune was through dangers to arrive at happinesse and at safety by the Rockes of precipice France had made great preparations of man and shipping to succour Richard with intention to come for England relying upon his partakers upon the envy contracted by the new King and upon the inconstancy of popular affection their former hatred was changed into compassion They were all in Picardy under the command of Count St. Paul ready to take shipping when together with advertisement of the conspiracy came newes of the unhappy successe thereof which amazed them all To proceed farther under colour of revenge which brought along with it suspicion of invasion had now beene rashnesse since they were dead in whom they did most affie Greater preparations were to be made for the invasion of England these not being sufficient without some correspondency from within the Land And as the home conspiracy gave the last blow to Richards life so did the forraigne preparations confirme Henry in that resolution which he would not have willingly taken without these sharpe provocations so as that which was intended for his liberty caused his death The forces in France were all disbanded Charles upon good advice desired onely the restitution of his daughter a just request and not to be had but by civill meanes the which hee obtained sending over Embassadours to that purpose who were graciously received but the King referred his answer to certain commissioners who were to go to Callis to treat together with this of other affairs which neerely concerned both the Crownes Charles sent thither the Duke of Bourbon and Henry Edward Duke of Aumerle who by the late death of his father did now succeed in the title and inheritance of the Duke of Yorke together with whom hee sent Henry Earle of Northumberland Bourbon required the restitution of the Queene which they denyed not but desired that by the approbation of France she might yet remaine in England since by birth and yeares she was a fit match for the Prince of Wales as wife for whom they did desire her But Charles not willing to consent to this having conceived an opinion that the aliance with England would prove unfortunate for France a perpetuall peace was propounded by Yorke This being likewise found a difficult businesse France being resolved not to quit what it was possest of the English Edmund endevoured to bridle his insolency The battell was on both sides manfully fought Glendor had two advantages the number of men and his being their Captaine By these meanes hee proved victor obedience and good order having wonne him the Lawrell The Herefordshire men on the other side fewer in number and led by the Earle onely in regard unto his quality obeyed many and sometimes none doing what they listed so as distracted and not resolved what to do they made good the field till night rather out of an obstinate resolution then any reason or order At last they yeelded but fled not for none did pursue them Glendor was contented that he had overcome for finding himselfe in an enemies Countrey the night being darke many of his men slaine and the rest or weary or wounded hee forbare to pursue the victory Two thousand were left dead in the field the Earle was taken prisoner and kept in the bottome of a Tower no respect being had to his person neither did the King though by many much importuned indevour his liberty for he thought this his imprisonment to bee one of the happiest things that ever befell him Let me here bee permitted to relate a Story of the Welsh Women the like to which I have not met withall in any other history They ran like so many Bacchanals to the place of battell they cut off the noses and privities from as many as there they found dead they put the privie members which they had cut off into the mouthes of the dead with the testicles hanging out and the noses into their posteriors nor would they suffer their bodies to be taken away without ransome An action wherein eagernesse dishonesty cruelty and avarice were equally seene and were it to bee disputed which of these foure were most abusive whosoever should give his opinion in favour of any of them might lawfully feare the being thought unjust each of them having arguments to plead for the priority of mischiefe but if I were to be Judge herein I should beleeve that avarice were not to bee pleaded For though it bee a vice naturall to that Sex yet in what belongs to their houshold government it may bee accounted a vertue I should absolve them of cruelty as not an absolute cause but an effect of the fiercenesse of their nature And I would free them from dishonesty because no dishonesty being without delight this action was thereof incapable so as fiercenesse would win the plea were it not that the inveterate hatred which they bare unto the English had been the onely thing which made them fierce dishonest avaritious and cruell Glendor kept on his course sacking and spoyling the confines These two victories had made him bee esteemed by his owne men and feared by his enemies there was none the King being busied about more weighty affaires who withstood him but good fortune is like the flowing of the Sea which ebbes againe for a full sea is alwayes followed by an ebbe The Scots had at this very time taken their best advantage of the alterations in England they readily made use thereof and Northumberland was the place wherein they laid their first Scene The truce continued of force betweene the two kingdomes and because warre was not publickly proclaimed the truce was not esteemed broken for disorderly incursions are pardoned between nations at continuall enmity Nor was King Robert to be blamed herein unlesse it were for conniving The Scots having ransacked the countrey betooke themselves to doe mischiefe at sea and to endammage the fishing businesse But the English were not wanting unto themselves for having sacked the Ilands of the Orcades they met with the enemies Fleet who under the command of Robert Logon went to encounter them in fight they tooke many of them An action of small consequence and onely worthy of the name of Reprisall but occasions of open hostility ensuing hereupon Henry was unwillingly enforced to undertake a warre The King of Scotland had contracted a match between the daughter of George Dumbar Earle of the Marches and Prince David his eldest sonne the Earle having readily paid in a great summe of money by the way of portion Archibald Earle Douglas a high spirited man not able to endure this addition of power in any one much lesse in Dumbar who was of himselfe great and
what was most Essentiall as that his Father was a Jew that he himself was born in London held at the Font by King Edward and the Dutchesse of Burgundy her practises He confessed his going to Portugall but not that he was sent by Her In like manner he confest his journey to Ireland Whereupon the Confession being first written with his own hand and afterwards Printed did not satisfie the Peoples curiosity since they saw the name of the afore-said Dutchesse the chief Actor in this Comedy purposely concealed But the King would not irritate her any farther thinking it sufficient punishment for her to be so diversly spoken of as shee was together with her own vexation that her inventions not succeeding should be made evident to the world The Civill wars whereof I write ought to end with the death of Richard the 3. without any further progress but the fire therof though quenched having left hot ashes and caused the alterations of those two Impostours Symnell and Warbeck it was requisite for me to write This life likewise though with intention to end it according to the Object and Title propounded to my self with the Imprisonment of the Later of the two the last exhalation of all these Heats But it would have mis-become me to have left it abruptly off there remaining so Little of it without discovering the fountains head from whence the Kings of Scotland derive their lawfull succession to the Crown of England and without setting down the punishment of Warbeck and of the Earl of Warwick the last Male of Plantagenets race whose death freed the Kingdom from Pretenders I wil then proceed with the greatest Brevitie that may be The truce between England and Scotland was no sooner made but that an unexpected accident hapned which had wel nigh broke it and turn'd all things to their former troublesom condition The Castle of Norham is parted from the confines of Scotland by the river Tweed so as neighbour-hood having caused conversation and friendship between some young men of Scotland and of England the young men of Scotland had wont to passe over the River and come to drinke and sport with those of Norham the Souldiers of the Garrison growing mistrustful of this custom their grudges not being totally extinguished by the Truce did not thinke their coming proceeded from Friendship but out of a desire to pry into the Fortifications whereupon falling first to Words and then to Blows the Scotch-men by the disadvantage of place and ods in number were hardly treated and some of them were slain King Iames taking this as done purposely to injure Him dispatcht away an expresse Herauld to complain thereof and in case the King should not give good satisfaction to denounce War Henry who minded nothing but his quiet answer'd That he was sorry for the Accident which hee neither knew of nor did allow of that hee would inquire into the Actors of it and give them such punishment as there should be no occasion to breake the Truce But time passing on and nothing done Iames thinking this was but his Dissembling with intention that Delay working Forgetfulnesse might exempt the faulty from Punishment was more offended then formerly and certainly somewhat of mischiefe would have hapned had not the Bishop of Durham who was Lord of Norham wisely taken order in it For knowing that the injury was done by His men he wrote in so civill a manner to Iames about it as that he rested satisfied and desired the Bishop to come unto him that they might treate upon the present occasion and upon certaine other things that concern'd both the Kingdoms The Bishop acquainted Henry with this who gave him leave to goe hee therefore went to the Abbey of Melrosse where the King then was who at their first meeting complained of the injury done The Bishop answer'd that could not be call'd an injury where there was no intention of Offending He confest the too much Rashnesse of his men occasioned by misfortune not out of any intention to offend Him the offence if any there were must needs proceed either from the King or the Garrison not from the King for he was not of such a nature which if he were it was not likely he would make a Truce to Breake it immediatly without any Advantage or Occasion nor did it proceed from the Souldiers who were sure to be Punished for it a chance unthought of caused by suspition could not be termed an Injury not that hee did not confesse the Authors Guilty of it but with the Distinction allow'd of by the Lawes between Accidentall and Premeditated faults that as the Later were worthy of severe Punishment so were the Other of Clemency and Pardon obtainable upon request from so generous a Prince as was His Majestie The King being pacified said He pardon'd the offence in respect of the Friendship contracted the Continuance whereof he desired And then drawing him aside pursued to say His desire was to have a Long and Good peace the which if Henry likewise desired the true way to effect it would be by Henrie's giving him for wife his Eldest daughter Margaret for that thereby the friendship between the two nations would be perpetuall that this was the reason why he had desired him to come into Scotland hoping that by his wisdom he might bring the busines to a good end The Bishop after having modestly answer'd for what concern'd Himselfe promised him all the Furtherance his service could doe him in effecting his desire Being returned to England he acquainted Henry with the King of Scotlands desire wherewith King Henry was much pleased The busines being long debated in Counsell the match was agreed upon so as Peace might precede it which was done Peace being concluded during the lives of the two Kings and for one Year after and the Marriage was to be celebrated but not Yet the Bride who was born the 29. of November 1689. being too young Charles the eighth King of France died this yeare on the 7. of Aprill whose Funerals were with great pomp celebrated in London the King being very sorrowfull for his death as calling to mind the Favours he had received from him Perkin was this mean while in Prison but so carelesly looked unto as cosening his Keepers he made an Escape Not knowing whether to fly for safety being followed and diligently sought for he returned to London presented himself before the Prior of the Monastery of Bedlam a man of great esteem desiring hee might be received into that Sanctuary the Prior acquainted the King with it desiring him to pardon his life the Counsell were for the most part of a contrary opinion desirous that he should be taken from the Sanctuary and executed so to end their fears but the King at the Priors intercession pardoned him his life being contented that he should stand in the Pillory from whence hee was brought with Irons upon his feet to Westminster yard where hee again read his
appointed and had already begun their carreere with lance in rest when they were commanded to hold their hands The King having a long while disputed the businesse upon the Scaffold which was sumptuously built for his Majesty to see the Duell caused proclamation be made that for good respects his Majesty would not have the combat further proceeded in and that his pleasure was that the Duke of Hereford should bee banished the kingdome for ten yeares upon perill of his life and the Duke of Norfolke for ever upon the like penalty It was observed that this sentence was given the same day twelve-month that Norfolke had caused Gloster to bee strangled at Callais He forthwith left England and in little more then one yeare after died for griefe at Venice 'T was thought that the Kngs rigour towards him proceeded from a desire he had to be rid of him for hee having been formerly of the Barons faction and having of late wrought himself into the Kings favour by the ruine of others he thought that upon occasion he might serve him as he had done his friend the Duke of Gloster and the Earle of Arundell his sonne-in-law Princes though they doe not punish themselves for the evill they commit punish the instruments of evill to the end that they may not be thought altogether unjust The Duke of Hereford who when he took his leave in token of the Kings good will was remitted foure yeares of his banishment parted from England being generally bewailed and was well received in France where the Duke of Berry would have given him his daughter for wife had he not been hindred by Richard fearing least the favour of that Duke in France and the peoples love in England might prove dangerous Richard by reason of superfluous expences was in continuall want and money past through his hands as water through a sieve Continuall necessity was the continuall feaver which caused this thirst in him the which not able to bee quenched by the ordinary revenues of the Crowne nor yet by the extraordinary helpes of Parliament hee was inforced to digge new Welles Hee borrowed money of all the Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall by way of privy Seale obliging himselfe to pay them but never did The which though it bee somewhat hard yet not sufficient to make subjects take their last resolutions For particular men doe sometimes borrow and never pay But the violating of justice under the pretence of doing justice was that which turned patience to despaire Seventeene whole Shires had almost sided with the Duke of Gloster at least they were so said to have done They were all held notwithstanding the last generall pardon guilty of high treason wherewithall being threatned they were compelled to compound for a great summe of money to take againe the oath of allegeance and the richest amongst them to signe and seale unto a blanke into which the officers appointed for this businesse might insert what summe they pleased a thing able to undoe whole families and Shires The like was done in London to the great distate of the Citizens Iohn Duke of Lancaster this meane while died and the King tooke possession of his goods without any pretence of title hee bereft his exiled sonne of his inheritance The which when the Duke of York observed hee thought it was no longer safe for him to stay in Court whereupon he retired to his owne home But the King being resolved to goe himselfe in person into Ireland to revenge the death of Roger Mortimer Earle of Marsh slaine there by the rebels he who in case succession should want was the presumed heire to the Crowne sent for the Duke backe assigning over unto him the government of the Kingdome in his absence This was the last expedition he made for having left his subjects ill affected and augmented their distates by his taking along with him great store of provisions without paying for them hee departed with thirty thousand men and had such good successe as had hee not been compelled to returne he would have brought that Island to totall obedience This meane while the Towne of London the Prelates Nobles and People those especially of the abovesaid seventeen shires who thought themselves worst dealt withall resolved to call in the new Duke of Lancaster not onely to the recovery of his owne inheritance but of the Crowne and Kingdome They sent expresse messengers to Cullen to the end that Thomas Arundel late Archbishop of Canterbury who in his banishment made his abode there might goe into France and perswade the young Duke thereunto who though he found it a businesse of difficulty the dangers considered as likewise the peoples changeablenesse yet being brought to live by borrowing deprived of his estate and out of hope of ever recovering it by any other meanes hee entertained the motion hee pretended to King Charles who otherwise would not have suffered him to depart that he went to see his cousin the Duke of Brittanny and so with his approbation imbarked himselfe with some few followers amongst which number Thomas sonne to the late Earle of Arundel beheaded who not many daies before was fled from England was one When hee was come upon the English coast hee would not land but coasting along the Country to discover the peoples inclinations hee cast anchor at Revenspur in Yorkshire where he needed no invitation for the Lords and Prelates flockt all thither as soone as they heard of his arrivall So as having assembled an Army of sixty thousand fighting men and all places by which he passed yeelding unto him hee was with great acclamation and expressions of joy received into London The Duke of Yorke governour of the Kingdome who at his Nephewes first appearance had called the Councell together was thereby advised to leave London and goe to S. Albans where they might gather forces to give him battell An advice assuredly dangerous for the head ought first and chiefly to be defended The forces on the Councels side were no sooner gathered together but that they made a protestation they would not fight against the Duke of Lancaster for having from the beginning declared that he pretended to nothing but to what in right did descend unto him from his Father and Mother every man was of opinion that since his inheritance was unjustly taken from him he did justly in taking up of Armes to repossesse himselfe thereof Hereupon those of the Kings more intimate Councell as William Earle of Wilshire Lord Treasurer Sir Iohn Bushy and Sir Henry Greene leaving the Duke of Yorke the Bishop of Exceter Lord Chancellour and the rest fled to Bristoll in the castle whereof they thought they might be safe Sir William Bagot one of the same fraternity went more advisedly over to Ireland The Duke of Yorke seeing that it was dangerous for him and to no purpose to tarry where hee was went towards Wales where he thought he should meet the King at his returne from Ireland Hee stayed at
Beckly till such time as the Duke of Lancaster came thither with whom seeing the Kings affaires went so ill he soone accorded Lancaster finding by this time his good fortune went to Bristoll took in the Castle and those three which had fled thither were by the mad multitude soon beheaded This newes was long in comming to Ireland by reason of the horrible tempests at Sea which for six weeks space suffered not a little vessell to passe over But when it was knowne the King did not as he should have done make suddenly for England being advised by the Duke of Aumerle to tarry till his ships which were scattered might be gathered together and such provisions made as were fitting for the Fleet. He caused the two young sons the one the Duke of Glosters son who died in his return and the other the sonne of this Lancaster who was afterwards King Henry the fifth to be kept in safe custody in the Castle of Tremni He sent the Earle of Salisbury for England with directions to gather together as many people as he could in Cheshire and Wales his two beloved Countreyes to the end that being ready at his arrivall which should be within sixe dayes he might encounter the enemy before his forces grew greater The Earle departed came to Wales and had got together fourty thousand good and faithfull men by meanes of whom if the King had come at his time appointed hee had either repossest himselfe of all againe or had at least given the enemy enough to doe but landing in Milford haven in Pembroke shire 18 dayes after hee found that a false report of his death being raised and his party having fifteen dayes expected him they had disbandoned themselves part of them comming over to the young Duke the rest retiring to their owne homes Whereupon astonished at so unfortunate an encounter his courage failed him And though those who were returned with him promised to die at his feet he contrary to his dignity and reputation chose rather to lose his Kingdome then hazard his life A weaknesse which this nation mightily detests for the inhabitants thereof no wayes fearing death nor willing to endure the troubles of the minde chose rather to die then live in misery As soone as Lancaster understood his arrivall he left the Duke of York at Bristoll and took his way towards Conaway where the King was without either forces or retinue All places as he went along surrendred themselves the town of Chester formerly so faithfull did the like The King resolved not to make use of his souldiers dismissed them that he with the lesse incumbrance might goe whither his fears drove him And for that purpose he gave order to Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester the Lord high Steward of his houshold to discharge his family wishing they might be reserved for a better fortune Others will have it that Worcester formerly distasted for that Richard had a little before declared the Earle of Northumberland his brother to be a traytor did of himselfe in publicke breake the staffe of his office and went unto the Duke of Lancaster and that upon this occasion the Courtiers did disperse themselves Those who counselled Richard were of opinion that he should goe into France to his wives father or else returne to Ireland where failing of hopes in England he might furnish himselfe with forraigne souldiers to make such use of occasions as time should administer But that if he would needs tarry in Wales a countrey yet well affected unto him be should doe well to passe further into the heart thereof whilst his presence changing the lookes of fortune some would follow him out of affection many out of duty and others by reason of the usurpers scandalous actions But all their perswasions were in vaine for it is the property of cast downe minds patiently to expect the blowes of Fortune And whilst their honour egges them on unto defence their pusillanimity is such as makes them suffer oppression Hee adhered to those who shewed him that his hopes of France were dangerous that the assistance he might have from thence would confirme his subjects in their rebellion lest they might be by them subdued That to returne into Ireland would bee to no end since hee could not promise himselfe much from the particular forces of that countrey That hee should doe amisse to hope in the repentance of the English For if they had out of hate abandoned him they would persist in their contumacie as despairing of pardon having so highly offended him that forraigne forces would bee rather harmfull then of any use especially the French So as there being no hope of help from abroad and despairing of any at home his best resolution would bee to thinke upon his owne safety and by giving away what he could not keepe endeavour a safe and private life These reasons made him listen unto the Archbishop of Canterbury and Earle of Northumberland the one by him banished the other proclaimed traytor with whom he agreed to resigne up his Kingdome upon condition he might be permitted to live a private life and have the lives granted him of eight persons such as hee should nominate The which being largely promised him by them readily approved of by the Duke they met together the Duke using all due respects which are requisite from an obedient subject to his naturall Prince Whilst Richard minding nothing but his present condition did things unworthy of his greatnesse and dignity hee gave himselfe up into the Dukes hands the 20. of August 1399. together with all his money horse and furniture his money amounting to above a million of gold The manner of this imprisonment is by others diversly related They say that the King despairing of his affaires sent the Dukes of Exeter and of Surrey to treat with Lancaster who keeping the former with himselfe who was his cousin and putting the other into the Castle at Chester did in their stead send the Earle of Northumberland unto the King who followed by a thousand Bow-men and four hundred lances was when he should be come nigh to Conaway to make thereof two Ambuscadoes and passing forward himself with only foure or five horsemen hee was under a safe conduct to goe into the Castle That the propositions he was to make were That Richard would speake with Lancaster and satisfie him in two particulars The one that processe might bee made against such as had had a hand in the death of Gloster and his companions The other that hee would give him an authenticall pardon for whatsoever former offence hee had committed against him that netled at these demands made unto him as King in a condition of not denying any thing he tooke horse and the Duke riding before under pretence of providing his dinner at Rutland stayed where the ambush was and where the King with his followers among the which were the Earle of Salisbury the Bishop of Salisbury and the Lord Scroope were
the Earle of Warwicke restoring them to their dignities and goods which had been taken from them The Dukes of Aumerle Surrey and Exceter the Marquis Dorset his owne brother by the father and the Earle of Glocester as being those who had chalenged Arundell and Warwicke were deprived of such titles as had after that act been conferred upon them and of all the goods which from that time they enjoyed given them by Richard by confiscation or otherwise the Titles and incomes which they formerly enjoyed remaining onely unto them so as Aumerle from Duke was reduced to be Earle of Rutland Surrey of Kent and Exceter of Huntington the Marquis Dorset his brother to be Earle of Somerset and the Earle of Gloster to be Lord Spencer I call those chalengers who accuse others and offer to prove their accusations by single combat as these had accused the above-named to gratifie King Richard and as in this Parliament in hopes of pleasing King Henry Aumerle Salisbury and divers others were accused as traytors to the King and offered to bee proved so by Duell But the King considering the time and humours knowing that Clemencie and Grace would more redound to his glory then by giving eare to accusations to make himselfe bee beleeved their on-fetter appeased them pardoning all of them and prohibiting any further discourse concerning that matter Hee thought to doe the same another way and to winne the friendship of his most profest enemies those whom he found to be so in the behalfe of the deposed King The three degraded Dukes were the chiefe of these Aumerle Richards cousin-german and he who was most intimate with him while hee reigned hee hoped to win the good will of the other two though Exceter were King Richards brother and Surrey his nephew sonne to his other brother who died two yeares before hee feared not Exceter having some interest in him as who had married his sister Elizabeth but beleeved to make good use of him concerning Surrey if need should bee so as if hee would not suffer the combates to proceed nor that the people should triumph in their deaths as they seemed desirous all three of them being the causers of infinite grievances and extortions it was out of these respects which were not in likelihood to deceive him the present good turne which hee did them being likely to oblige them very much for though with justice he might have satisfied the people and secured himselfe hee chose by pardoning them to displease his subjects and prejudice himselfe whilst he might so justly have rid his hands of them An excuseable fault for a Prince who stands upon such ticklish tearmes An enemy resembles glasse which never can be peeced And though Christian Religion have the secret of peecing an enemy which is for the love of God yet Christians though they should do seldome arrive at so great perfection and though Nature may pretend to have the same secret yet ought shee not therein to be beleeved unlesse it proceed from two great extravagancies either from a dead and senslesse pusillanimity or from a generositie onely by imagination to be comprehended The first is not to bee trusted for basenesse and cruelty are tearmes convertible And of the second they onely are capable who like Iulius-Caesar and King Henry beleeve that benefits are able to blot out injuries but others who judge their enemies good conditions by their owne bad ones beleeve that good turnes are baits to revenge and abhorring him so much the more for that they are made the Looking-glasse wherein his noblenesse and glory may be seen they are Diamonds to all other impressions wax to the impression of hatred as in the three above-named and divers others we shall shortly see The first newes which France heard of these alterations in England was by the Merchants and those so uncertaine as they knew not what to thinke thereof Madame de Cousi had the charge of the young Queene who being commanded to be gone without demanding any question or further troubling of her mistresse obeyed and was waited upon to the Sea side where a ship stayed for her and conveyed her over to Bullen she was the first that brought any true relation The which when Charles understood he was thereat so much grieved as that while hee was thinking upon revenge he relapsed into one of his wonted frenzies the Councell not knowing what to resolve upon they perceived by the generall hatred against Richard and the universall consent in Henry's election that in a businesse of this nature 't was bootlesse to use force for England is not to bee undone but by division The Duke of Burgondy who had been no lesse averse to this match in France then was the Duke of Gloster in England upbraided them with the small account they made of his counsell and was of opinion that the businesse was not to bee remedied by a sudden warre but that they should doe well to wait for such occasions as are by discontented subjects offered unto their neighbours such as were those of Gascoigne who were the more displeased at Richards being deposed for that hee was borne among them and was alwayes called Richard of Burdeaux A wise consideration if this ill bloud had growne to a rebellion or if Sir Robert Knolles Lievetenant of Aquitaine a wise and valiant Gentleman had not hindred them by remonstrances and reasons who likewise advertised England of the danger This meane while the French were not wanting to themselves The Constable de Sanserres was the first who presented himselfe upon their confines endevouring to blow the already glowing Coal The Duke of Burbon had recourse thither likewise provoking the Nobility and people offering all they could desire adding withall such promises as upon such like occasions are usuall with as much readinesse of speech as they proved afterwards difficult in performance Bayon Burdeaux and other townes being required sent him their Deputies who having no further directions then onely to heare returned laden with offers But these first passions being calmed the comparative condition of France and England the latter free from Burdens the other subject to perpetuall taxes pointed out unto them the wholesomest resolve For the common people love nothing more then to cultivate their owne grounds to their owne proper use and to enjoy the fruits of their owne industry not being forced thereout to feed officers or souldiers While things were thus carried Thomas Percy Earle of Worster came thither with a fresh supply of souldiers upon whose arrivall all practises ceased while Richards friends endeavouring his liberty did thereby hasten his death which was the onely meanes to free him of the miseries wherein he now lived The Dukes of Aumerle Exeter and Surrey as hath beene before said were friendly embraced by the King who hoped by his good usage to win their love but the latter two not being able to withstand the power of blood nor the first the like of friendship the which was
of the Prince and so to lose together with their wealth their reputation which in so great a losse ought to bee kept unspotted for the dignity of their profession and not to give a colour of reason to the wrong they were to receive Every one thought the Kings warlike inclination would bee the Canon which should batter them to pieces but hee not having as yet made choyce of an enemy warre with France would be of a vaste expence Scotland was neerer hand and easier to bee invaded Iames the first their King being prisoner in England they thought that his pretentions to the Crowne of France as most proportionate to the greatnesse of his minde would serve for an argument and that by perswading him to that enterprise they should stay the proposition which was to be made against them The Parliament being met the Archbishop of Canterbury a Chertosin Monke failed not in a well ordered speech opportunely to propound it his principall heads were the equity of his Majesties pretentions the honour of the King the reputation of the State and the occasions now offered of making it feasable by reason of the troubles that Kingdome was in In the first he shewed how the King was the naturall ancient heire of Normandy Angier Poictou Umena and Gascony of all which he now possessed onely a little part of Gascony That being heire to Edward the third hee was likewise heire to France otherwise the title which he thereof assumed would be unjust He declamed against the Salique Law as invented in those dayes onely to exclude England no mention being made thereof in Chronicles or other memorialls but since I cannot give you the very words the story necessary requires me to shew you the Law in a rough draught to the end that you may examine the late undertakings of Edward the third or the present ones of this Henry against that Kingdome be justifiable or no. Edward the second King of England married Isabell daughter to Philip the faire King of France Philip besides this his daughter Isabell left three sonnes Lewis Hutin Philip the long and Charles the faire all which reigned Kings one after another and though Lewis left a daughter named Iane and his wife with child of a sonne which soone after dyed and that Odone Duke of Burgony Uncle by the mother side to Iane did what in him lay to make her succeede unto her father yet Philip the long her Uncle who was crowned in Rheims whilst armed and the gates shut having then foure daughters did by marriage appease those Princes who did oppose him giving his eldest daughter to this Duke of Burgony together with the County of Burgony the which by her mother did belong to the said Iane and to Lewis Count of Eureux the most pote●… Prince of all the adversaries hee gave the same Iane and for her portion the Kingdome of Navarre the County of Brye and Shampania so as the businesse thus layed asleepe and he afterwards dying Charles succeeded him not interrupted by Iane since her giving way to her other Uncle passed as a ruled case Charles dyed leaving his wife with child Edward the third King of England who was neerest of bloud as borne of Isabell sister to these three Kings pretended to the regency in case the child the Queen went withall should live if otherwise to the Crown On the other side Philip Count of Vallois sonne to Ch●…rles who was brother to Philip the faire made the like pretence as neerest heire male alledging that the Law Salique which did exclude the women did likewise exclude such sonnes as were by them borne Whereupon the three States gathered together Philip got the regencie and the Queen Dowager bringing but a daughter the Kingdome Edward alledged in his behalfe that this law was never knowne till then and then invented to defraude him of succession no mention being made thereof in the memory of man nor by any whatsoever ancient Authentique writer That to give it a being when it had none and cause it to rise up in one night like a mushrome was likely not onely not to give it a subsistence but also to make it not to be credited That hee did not deny the succession of the male in all times past but that the succession of the female sex had not hapned to the Crowne till these present times That the relinquishment made by Iane to her owne prejudice and pursued without his consent or knowledge ought not to prejudice him nor ought it be concluded that shee having laide aside her claime to the prejudice of a third the third should likewise quit his claime to the prejudice of succession That she had yeelded by force being doubly betrayed by her Uncle that he mig●…t usurpe the Country of Burgony and by her husband that he might make himselfe King of Navarre both of them being contented with the certainty of this gaine the hopes which they might promise unto themselves by warre being uncertaine and of lesse account That if the Law were fundamentall as they would have it beleeved to be it would not have beene violated in the two first races That in the first race the French writers made a doubt whether Morevius were the sonne of Claudian or not and that if he were not his son it is to be beleeved say they that hee was his next a kin which is as much as to conjecture the one and doubt of the other They affirme him to have succeeded not so much by vertue of the Lawes as by the free election of the States not being aware that the terme free election doth contradict the Law Salique it being impossible that there should bee any sort of election much lesse free where the Lawes doe determine an undoubted successour otherwise one of two inconveniencies would necessarily ensue either that the election should annull the Law or the Law make the election superfluous the next in bloud all others excluded being by the Law without election appointed to the Crowne That it cannot be denyed that when Childericus was driven out of the Kingdome Aegidius a Citizen of Rome was chosen King and that his sonne Siagrius after the death of Childericus who was received as King again did pretend unto the Crowne by vertue of his fathers election which he never would have done had there beene such a Law to oppugne him Clodoveus left foure sonnes of which one was a bastard they were all called Kings not onely of such proportions as was left unto them by their father but of all France whilst the Law Salique supposeth but one King and doth not admit of bastards Dagobert left the Crowne of France to Clodoveus the second his younger son and to Sigisbert his eldest sonne the Kingdome of Austracia without any manner of dispute whilest that the Law Salique aimes not so much at the exclusion of women as to the advantage the first borne sonne should have over the younger The same Sigisbert
he should come which was not long after On the other side to Talbot came the Lord Lisle his sonnes the Lord Mullins and Harrington and Lord Camus the Bastard of Somerset Sir Iohn Talbot Sir Iohn Howard Sir Iohn Montgomery and Sir Iohn Vernon who brought with them 2200. souldiers munition victualls Charles being come to Lusignano mustered his men which flockt unto him from all parts when hee was come to Saint Iohn d'Angeli he understood how that Iaques de Chabanes had taken Chales and slaine many of the English he divided his army which consisted of 22000. men into two parts to the end that he might weaken the enemy who were to divide theirs likewise he gave 15000. to Count Cleremont and sent the Marishall Lorhac with the rest to besiege Castillion In this case Talbot resolved to fight with one of the armies and made choise of the weaker to succour Chastillion he went thither with 800. horse commanded by 3 Barons his sonne Lasle Mullins and Camus and 3. Knights Sir Edward Hall Sir Iohn Howard and Sir Iohn Vernon and gave order for 5000. foote to follow him conducted by the Count de Candalle and Monsieur Desparres In his march he tooke a Tower which the French had fortified and slew as many as he found there meeting with 500. of the enemy who were gone a forredging he slew some of them the rest saved themselves before Chastillion which was the cause of the ruine which ensued for feare having caused them to withdraw from the siege and draw into the field fortified with trenches and deepe ditches they put themselves in order to expect his comming and hee though hee knew it would bee to his disadvantage to set upon them in that posture yet fearing what hee could not shun viz. that if new troopes of the enemy should come up the enterprise would bee the more difficult hee resolutely gave in amongst them the fight continued along time before it could bee discerned which side had the better but certaine forces sent by the Duke of Britanny to assist Charles comming up unto them when the battell was at the hottest conducted by Messieurs de Montalbon and Hunnandy they tooke some colours and made the rest retreat Talbot rid every where up and downe upon a little ambling nag his age not permitting to fight in any other manner when struck with a peece of Artillery he and his horse were borne to the ground above 300. more faring alike with him so as being ready to dye and seeing his sonne close by him he advised him to save himselfe the which his sonne refusing to doe the Father replied that his valour which in this case was to be esteemed meere rashnes ought to bee reserved for a better occasion that it did misbecome him being old to run away since thereby he should darken the luster of his past actions but that it was not so with him who being young and but a novice in armes could not bee prejudiced by a flight grounded upon reason but all these admonitions wrought nothing upon the generous youth hee chose rather to imitate his Fathers actions then to obey his desires he dyed by his side though not without revenge for hee fell valiantly fighting with his sword all bluody in his hand His Bastard brother Henry Talbot and Sir Edward Hall were slaine together with him the Lord Moullins and 60. more were taken prisoners most of those that fled saved themselves within Burdeaux amongst which Monsieur Desparres was one A thousa●…d of the English were left dead upon the field according to the English-writers and 2000. according to the French this was the end of Iohn Talbot Earle of Shrewsbery the terrour of France hee put a period to his victories and his life the 13. of Iuly in his 80. yeare of age after a long uninterrupted warfare he was borne not to dye by humane hands had he not beene slaine by the hellish humane invention of guns Chastilion served for a short refuge to many especially to Messieurs de Monferant d'Anglades and the Count d'Candalles sonne but after ten dayes defence they yeelded up themselves and the Towne upon conditions all other places followed their example except Burdeaux which would yet have held out longer had not want of victualls enforced it to capitulate and Charles who could not hope to keepe there long for the plague grew very hot amongst his people received their offers without any shew of severity making them onely promise never to rebell againe He suffered the English freely to depart and reserved 20. of those who were chiefe authours of the rebellion to be banished France for ever amongst which Monsieur d'Espares and Monsieur de Duras The losse of this Dutchy according to the English stories was as prejudiciall to particular men as to the Crowne for being of no charge but rather of benefit both within and without the revennes thereof being great and the commerce very great it was of great consequence for the breeding up and maintaining the youth of England as in an Academy of warre especially younger bretheren who having but little to live on were there provided for with honourable entertainement Hence forward I shall not speake of France save in such occurrences as often times happens betwixt neighbouring Countries for though these two Kingdomes did not cease to doe mischiefe each to other as much as in them lay yet did they it not in like manner as formerly they had done but answerable to the common state rule to keepe their neighbours from growing greater and if they should have beene otherwise minded it was out of their power to mischiefe one an other it was hard for the one to recover what was lost since they had lost all and very difficult for the other to wage warre with the former in his owne home The Queene of England was brought to bed of her only sonne Prince Edward the thirteenth of October in this present yeare such as bore ill will to the house of Lancaster and endeavoured the subversion thereof talked lewdly of this birth They would have the child to bee the issue of adultery affirming Henry to bee insufficient whether hee were adulterously got or not was onely knowne to the Queene but that the King should be unsufficient is a thing which could not by any one bee better knowne then by himselfe and i●… to the prejudice of others he should avowe a child for his owne which he knew was not so he should not have beene that sanctified Prince which by his very enemies he was at all times acknowledged to be in celebration of this birth or for that he thought it otherwise convenient he made his two brothers by the mothers side Edmond and Iasper Earles Edmond who was Father to Henry the seaventh Earle of Richmond and Iasper who dyed without issue Earle of Pembrooke We have already spoken of and we shall now continue to relate the art and cunning used by the Duke of
esteem amongst the Flemings she was the third wife to Charles Duke of Burgundy who being slain before Nanci left no Heir behinde him save Mary born to him by Elizabeth of Burbon his second wife who was married to Maximilian of Austria son to the Emperour Frederick the third to whom she bare Philip and Margaret which their mother being dead were brought up with much charity and affection by this window she doing for Them as she could have done had they been her Own children which caused the Subjects moved thereunto by her so great Charity to honour and obey her as if she had been their Naturally-reigning Princesse Her husband had left her a very great Dowry so as she having had no other occasion of Expence saving her frugal Domestick affairs she might by the Moneys she had gathered in so many yeers of her Self unassisted by any Other undertake this business She therefore willingly listened to the Embassie not that she was Ignorant of the Falshood of it for she knew her Nephew so strictly kept as he could not escape but that she might have an occasion to trouble Henry His marriage with her Neece which should have reconciled her to him did the more Incense her against him since it was the way to Establish him in the Kingdom and to take it from Her House without any Hope of ever Recovering it again whereupon she readily Promised Assistance and in it's due time Sent it more Readily The King when he heard of this Rebellion in Ireland was very much troubled being too-late aware he had done ill to leave that Nation under the Command of such as depended upon his Predecessor And though he could not have imagined such an accident as This yet was he not to be excused for Wisedom ought to foresee not onely Evident but Contingent dangers neither was it Contigency to trust Ireland in the hands of such as were Well-wishers to the Adverse party it was not to be believed that together with their Prince they would change their Inclinations for Hatred in inveterate Factions is seldome changed But having no ready remedie nor being able to exercise his own Valour upon this occasion as he had done upon Others by reason of the Sea's interposal he called his Council together to know their Opinions and to resolve upon what was to be done They propounded and concluded upon Three expedients First a General Pardon for All faults Treason against the Kings Person not excepted to all such as within a Prefixt time should Confesse themselves guilty a thing most Usual upon Other occasions but necessary at This time since Ordinary Treason which is usually pardonable was not Now treated of but treason grown to such a Height as makes the partakers therein Desperate even to the Uttermost Hazard their welfare being incompatible with the welfare of the Prince This Article was resolved on in consideration of Sir Thomas Broughton who had saved the Lord Lovel for being a powerful man in his Countrey he might have assembled many men who joyned to the rest might have done much harm and though there was no doubt of his Correspondency with the Irish yet it was Now no fitting time to proceed against him with Severity it was thought fittest for the Present Danger not to put him to Desperation not to Provoke him to Mischief and to shew him a way to save himself Secondly that Edward Plantagenet should be taken out of the Tower and shewn to the People to the end they might know he was not dead and that the supposed Plantagenet in Ireland was a meer Chimaera framed onely to trouble the State Thirdly that the Queen-mother should be confined to the Nunnery of Bermondsey and that her goods should be confiscated for that having promised the Princesse Elizabeth to the now-King whilst he was in Britanny she had contrary to the Articles of Agreement delivered Her and the rest of her sisters up to Richard The issue of these three Resolutions were Broughton bit not at this bait of Pardon Edward Plantagenet was led in Procession to Pauls being by the way discoursed withal by divers of the chief of the Nobility that knew him especially by such of whom the King had any Suspition to the end they might be convinc't in their reason The which though it availed in England yet did it no good in Ireland where the King was accused That out of an intent to rob Edward the Sixth of his Inheritance which he had Tyrannously enjoy'd he had shewed to the view of the People a young boy who was somewhat like him to the end they might believe a Falshood thereby cheating the World and by an unparallel'd Imposture profaning the Church and sacred Ceremonies The resolution concerning the Queen was that Alone which took Effect though not without Scandal for there being no other cause then what was alleadged the punishment savoured too much of Avarice and Cruelty of Avarice because the King got thereby her Confiscation which was very Great of Cruelty because the Weaknesse and Vanity of a Woman the Weaknesse caused by the Threats the Vanity by the Promises of a Tyrant and the Irksomnesse of a Sanctuary an End whereof she was Never to expect did not deserve so Severe a punishment Not but that her fault was very Great since she did what in Her lay to render the Kings return vain and to make those Lords for ever lose their Countrey and their Possessions who upon her promises were gone into Britanny but the Difficulty of so dangerous an enterprise under the conduct of a Young man without Forces against a powerful King a skilful Warriour together with the Example of the Duke of Buckingham who first began it with so Unfortunate Successe were able to have made a Stronger minde then Hers to have Waver'd the sufferings of her Body and Minde made her covet a Quiet which she could not hope for from a few Exil'd People and if This were her Onely fault wherefore was she not at first proceeded against before her daughter's Marriage and the Prince's birth in all which time the King shewed no distaste against her neither held her as a Delinquent But in my Opinion it is to be thought that the Kings nature though Covetous yet not Wicked did not move him to deal so injuriously with her rather that he was induced to these proceedings out of some Hidden cause and that those Forces above mention'd which made her guilty in the highest degree made him so exceeding Severe else he would have punisht her Before as in Justice he might have done But Princes Imaginations are not as manifest as their Actions This Queen was one of Fortune's greatest works whose Inconstancy in the enterchanges of her Felicity and Misery proved Constant from being a widow to a bare Knight she was made wife to a great King who being fled away deposed and banished she was enforced for the Safety of her Self and the Prince her son which she bare there to take
desirous of Peace knowing that Ursewick's pains would be to no purpose for the Duke of Britanny was not in case to rely upon his Own Judgement having indeed None at all and the Duke of Orleans would not hear of it for being injured by him it was not likely he should trust him He on the other side should by this means justifie himself to Henry since the making of peace stuck not at Him so as he should not have any occasion to enterprise ought against Him the fault in all appearance not being His. Ursewick being come to Britanny found the Duke so very ill as it was impossible for him to treat with him who had lost almost all the faculties of judgement it behoved him to treat with the Duke of Orleans whom he acquainted with the King his Master's desire and with the good inclination he found in the King of France thereunto so as there remained nothing to establish a good Agreement but to conclude upon the means to every one's satisfaction The Duke being far from any such thought knowing that Charles his intention was other then he made shew for and he himself thirsting to make war with Another man's purse and with the hopes of getting the Dutchy of Britanny answer'd He wonder'd that so Wise a King as Henry would suffer himself to be over-reached by so very Young a King as Charles and that those reasons to which he was bound by Honour and Gratitude bore no sway with him that he should do well to remember the Duke of Britanny had been in lieu of a Father t●… him from his Childhood till his promotion to the Crown to the which though Nature Birth and the Kingdom had play'd their parts he had Never attained had he not used that charity towards him which obliged Henry to do the like for Him that the present Mediation did not correspond with the businesse that it was Destructive but Useful for Charles who thereby would gain time to do that which otherwise he could not that Aid was expected from Henry worthy of the Greatnesse of his Minde of his Tye of Friendship and of the imminent Danger the fair Appearances of France were nothing but Fraud and Cozenage 't would be too Late Dangerous and Dishonourable to know it by the Event that if Henry would believe Charles to be of as Candid a minde as was He himself he might do well to believe it with his Sword in Hand so that if it should prove Otherwise he might be ready to Chastise him that had abused him by doing this he should acquit himself on All hands nor could any one have just cause to complain of him And if the reasons of Gratitude which were the same with those of Honour were not of force enough to perswade him he ought to do it out of reason of State and take upon him that defence in Time without Offending Any One which should he undertake Unseasonably would be offensive to All Three to France by opposing it in Open War to Britanny by giving it too Late succour and to England by permitting a Great King to Increase in Power State and Situation hurtful to that Kingdom who was set upon on all sides subject to the discretion of England upon whose pleasure he depended having Seas Ports Commerce and all that could accommodate or incommodate secure or endanger England Ursewick was ready to answer That Princes could not chuse but in some sort believe one another especially where an Obliged friendship plays the part of a Surety not that Wisedom may not have her Exceptions but that she should too largely dispose of her self if where there is Parity of Friendship and Obligation she should believe a friend to be what he ought not to be that Henry's obligations to France arose from Britanny's failing him which if it were not through any fault of the Duke 't was through the fault of Landois Fortune and Chance 'T was Chance that when fleeing from England he would have gone to France brought him into Britanny Fortune when he would have stay'd in Britanny brought him into France whither he would not have gone nor have had any obligation to the King thereof had it not been for danger of being sold to Richard by Landois He did not accuse the Duke of this but neither ought the Duke to accuse him if Fortune bore him to Divide between Two that obligation which was formerly due to Him alone He could not but confesse this without the mark of Ingratitude neither could he take One of them into his consideration and leave the Other neglected More time was requir'd to arm by Sea and Land then to send an Embassie the One did not hinder the Other That an Ambassadour served for a Soul to such businesses as were to be brought to Life no resolutions of importance being taken between Prince and Prince but by Mediation But Ursewick not being suffer'd to say This nor what more he would have said for the Duke arose from him and would not hear him he returned to Charles who told him He had rightly foretold that the Duke of Orleans would not un-enforced yeeld to any Pacification that he would endeavour to force him to it as his obstinacy required in the mean time he desired Henry not to desist from doing good offices for by continuation thereof that Peace would be effected which He desired to which he for his part would Never be Averse and that under such conditions as Henry should prescribe him Lewis the father of this Prince would never suffer this his son to be taught more Latine then Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare wherein he so well profited as not having his brains troubled with any Other lesson and being thought by reason of his rough nature to have but a blunt judgement he deceived all men especially Ursewick whereby the King his Master was likewise deceived Some think that Henry's credulity was but feigned that he might have an Excuse not to intricate himself in a War he Hated and which would be of great Trouble to him But if he were not Deceived he deceived Himself for hoping it would be hard for Charles to make any Progresse in this businesse being unable at the same time to beat the Forces of Britanny and Orleans his party it proved clean Otherwise The French Army being entred Britanny and brought in by the confederate Barons made them soon repent it The Articles greed upon between them were instantly broken Cities besieged taken and Sacked no difference being put between the grounds and territories of the Confederate and Not confederate whilst the Duke abandon'd by his Subjects and not assisted by his friends escaped narrowly being taken at Vannes from whence with much ado he got to Nantes where being besieged and destitute of hope he sent the Count of Dunois and Viscount Coteman to get aid from England who having ridden by night thorow Forests and desert places in great danger the Countrey being wholly possest
by the Enemy got to S. Malo where they unluckily put four times to Sea and were as often driven back so as they gave over their employment believing the succour they went for would come too Late and that therefore they must look for some from Elsewhere but it was more then needed For the Frenchmen despairing to win the Town gave over the Siege Charles whilst he besieged Nantes had sent Bernard of Aubeny into England to re-assure the King of his desire of Peace and he either believing it or seeming so to do named the Abbot of Abington Sir Richard Tunsdal and the former Ursewick his Commissioners to treat thereof giving them full Authority though the circumstances afforded little hope Which Edward Woodvile Uncle to the Queen a gallant Gentleman perceiving he desired leave to go to assist the Duke with a Troop of Voluntiers with which he would Privately steal over so as the King of France should have occasion to complain of none but of Him It is not known whether the King did Privately give way thereunto or no but in Publike he denied his request charging him not to depart from Court notwithstanding he went to the Isle of Wight where of he was Governour and raised there Four hundred fighting men with which he sailed into Britanny causing thereby such an alteration among those of the Court of France as the Commissioners would have been evilly intreated had not Charles whose conscience accused him seemed to believe that Woodvile was come of his Own head since the Reputation of England and the Need of Britanny required Other manner of aid then Four hundred men The Commissioners having discover'd his minde return'd to England and acquainted the King that Charles his desire of Peace was but counterfeit the better to gain time and to make him lose the opportunity of hindering him from the Usurpation of Britanny Whereupon Henry resolved to Call a Parliament wherein succour being resolved upon he raised Moneys and muster'd Souldiers sending word to Charles that his Kingdom liked not this war with Britanny made by him there having always been an un-interrupted Friendship between that Dutchy and England wherefore they could not now abandon it since their Own commodity was concerned in the Losse thereof that He therefore could not oppose his People as Charles himself might judge that he thought good to give him Notice hereof as well to the end that his Moving or Marching might not be News unto him as likewise to entreat him that he would take away the Cause of his so doing which if he would not he assured him that his succour should onely tend to the Defence of Britanny from whence if the French would withdraw themselves they should not be Pursued by his men nor fought withal Out of Britanny so as their Friendship was not to go Lesse in the said War The Ambassadours arrived when Charles had brought the businesse to such a passe as he needed not greatly weigh the Late resolutions of England having received news of the surrender of Ancenis Fougeres Saint Aibine di Cormier and not long after that the Armies had met and that the Britons were discomfited The French-men thought that the Duke's Army would bend themselves for the Recovery of Saint Albine as they did whereupon following them and coming up to them not far from thence they fought with them and had the Victory they slew the Four hundred English with Woodvile their Commander took the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange prisoners who would not have purchased their Liberties at so Cheap a rate as they did had it not been for their Wives Orleans his wife being the King's sister and Orange's wife sister to the Duke of Burbon for after divers Removals from one prison to another they by the Intercession of their Wives obtained Liberty and Pardon Henry understanding of this defeat sent Eight thousand fighting men into Britanny under the Conduct of the Lord Brook which joyning themselves with the Duke's Forces marched towards the Enemy who knowing they loved not to Encamp themselves but to come to Blowes thought to cool their heat by Intrenching their Army and sallying out with their Light-horse which they did but with more Losse then Gain This mean while Francis the Second Duke of Britanny died leaving Two Daughters behinde him the younger whereof died not many months after and left the Inheritance wholly to Anne but the subversion of her State was caused by her father's death A month before this the Duke was constrain'd to Compound with Charles and subscribe to the Articles of Agreement remitting the Difference to Arbitratours Charles pretended to this Dukedom out of Two reasons by the pretences of Iohn de Brosse and Nicholas of Britanny which were yeelded up to his father Lewis the Eleventh and by the rights of the Viscount of Rohan descended from Mary of Britanny sister to Margaret the first wife of Francis the Second the which right or claim the said Viscount had surrendred up to this Charles and these Two sisters being Daughters to Francis the First would in succession have preceded Peter the Second Arthur and Francis the Second had not Women been excluded from men of Name and Coat of Britanny as were the Three above-named The which being then brought into question made the dispute more intricate though it should not so have done for the Former Two's grant was annull'd in the Abbey de Victoire by a Treaty made with Lewis himself and the Viscount Rohan's relinquishment made by him not that he believed he had any Right thereunto but to please Charles was of no Validity since he descended from Women and the Nullification of such pretences appeared in his Contract of Marriage in the Wills of the Dukes and in the Decrees of the State of Britanny Reasons which though they were all of force enough yet were they not able to weigh against the force of the Weaker for the weakest pretences are sufficient so they have power enough to prove their right by force The King was Young and every one about him pretended to get an Armful of Wood by the fall of this Tree the Sister for her part had already in her conceipt devoured the City of Nantes the Britons who were Partakers pretended to participate therein whilst the rest that saw their fortunes and welfare depend upon the Weaknesse of an abandoned Orphan Maiden and under the Sword of a Powerful King resolved to Declare themselves for him before they were by force Constrained so to do Whereupon the English not able to Save what ran to so Headlong a Ruine returned into England after they had spent Eight months in Britanny and done nothing The Parliament had given certain Subsidies for the payment of these men which were readily paid by all the Shires save York-shire and the Bishoprick of Durham which Two Counties flatly denied to pay any They alleadged that they had suffered great grievances the Last yeers past and for the