Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	king_n	time_n	year_n	19,963	5	5.0438	4	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A54625	A treatise of taxes and contributions shewing the nature and measures of [brace] crown-lands, assessments, customs, poll-moneys, lotteries, benevolence, penalties, monopolies, offices, tythes, raising of coins, harth-money, excize, &c. : with several intersperst discourses and digressions concerning [brace] warres, the church, universities, rents and purchases, usury and exchange, banks and lombards, registries for conveyances, beggars, ensurance, exportation of money/wool, free-ports, coins, housing, liberty of conscience, &c. : the same being frequently applied to the present state and affairs of Ireland.	Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687.	1662 (1662)	Wing P1938; ESTC R33399	59,466	94

the infancies of those places were obnoxious These Offices are thererore Taxes upon such as can or will not avoid the passing through them and are born as men endure and run themselves into the mischiefs of Duelling the which are very great which side soever prevails for certainly men do not alwayes go to Law to obtain right or prevent wrong which judicious neighbours might perform as well as a Jury of no abler men and men might tell the Judge himself the merits of their Cause as well as now they instruct their Councel This therefore of Offices is a voluntary Tax upon contentious men as Excize upon Drink is to good Fellows to love it CHAP. XII Of Tythes THe Word Tythes being the same with Tenths signifie of it self no more then the proportion of the Excisium or part retrenched as if Customs upon imported and exported Commodities should be called by the name of Twentieths as it is sometimes called Tunnage and Poundage wherefore it remains to say that Tythes in this place do together with the said proportion consignifie the use of it viz. the maintenance of the Clergy as also the matter or substance out of which this Maintenance is cut viz. the immediate fruit of the Land and Waters or the proceed of mens Labour Art and Stock laid out upon them It signifies also the manner of paying it viz. in specie and not but upon special and voluntary causes in money 2. We said the matter of Tythes was the immediate Fruits of the Earth viz. of Grain as soon as 'c is ready to be removed from the ground that bare it and not of Bread which is Corn thresht winnowed ground tempered with liquor and baked 3. 'T is also the second choice out of the young of multipa●ous Cattle taken in specie so soon as the said Younglings can subsist without their Dams or else a Composition in Money for the Uniparons 4. 'T is Wool so soon as it is shorn 't is Fowl and Fish where Fowling and Fishing is rather a Trade then a meer Recreation sic de caeteris 5. Moreover in great Cities Tythes are a kinde of composition in Money for the labour and profit of the Artisans who work upon the materials which have paid Tythes before 6. Tythes therefore encrease within any Territory as the labour of that Countrey increases and labour doth or ought to increase as the people do now within four hundred years the people of England are about quadrupled as doubling every two hundred years and the proportion of the Rent of all the Lands in England is about the fourth part of the Expence of the people in it so as the other three parts is labour and stock 7. Wherefore the Tythes now should be twelve times as good as they were four hundred years ago which the rates of Benefices in the Kings books do pretty well shew by comparing of times something of this should be abated because the proportion between the proceed of Lands and Labour do vary as the hands of Labourers vary Wherefore we shall rather say that the Tythes are but six times as good now as four hundred years ago that is that the Tythes now would pay six times as many Labourers or feed six times as many mouthes as the Tythes four hundred years ago would have done 8. Now if there were not onely as many Parishes then as now more Priests in every Parish and also more Religious Men who were also Priests and the Religion of those times being more operose and fuller of work then now by reason of Confessions Holydayes Offices c. more in those dayes then now the great work in these dayes being a compendious teaching above a thousand at once without much particular Confession and Catechising or trouble about the Dead it seems clear that the Clergy now is far richer then heretofore and that to be a Clergy-man then was a kinde of a Mortification whereas now praised be God 't is matter of splendour and magnificence unless any will say that there were golden Priests when the Chalices were wood and but wooden Priests when the Chalices were gold or that Religion best flourisheth when the Priests are most mortified as was before said of the Law which best flourisheth when Lawyers have least to do 9. But what ever the increase of the Churches Goods are I grudge it them not onely wish that they would take a course to enjoy it with safety and peace to themselves whereof one is not to breed more Churchmen then the Benefices as they now stand shred out will receive that is to say if there be places but for about twelve thousand in England and Wales it will not be safe to breed up 24000. Ministers upon a view or conceipt that the Church means otherwise distributed might suffice them all for then the twelve thousand which are unprovided for will seek wayes how to get themselves a livelihood which they cannot do more easily then by perswading the people that the twelve thousand Incumbents do poison or starve their souls and misguide them in their way to Heaven Which needy men upon a strong temptation will do effectually we having observed that Lecturers being such a sort of Supernumeraries have preached more times in a week more hours in the day and with greater vehemence every time then the Incumbents could afford to do for Graeculus esuriens in Coelum jusseris ibit Now this vehemence this pains this zeal and this living upon particular donations makes the people think that those who act them are withall more Orthodox nay better assisted from God then the others Now let any man judge whether men reputed to be inspired will not get help to lift themselves into Church-livings c. But these things are too plain from the latest experiences 10. Now you will ask how shall that be done or how may we know how to adjust our Nursery to our Orchard To which I answer that if there be twelve thousand Church-livings in England Dignitaries included then that about four hundred being sent forth per ann into the Vineyard may keep it well served without luxuriency for according to the Mortality-Bill-observation about that number will dye yearly out of twelve thousand Adult-persons such as Ministers are as to age and ought to be as well as to speculative knowledge as practical experience both of themselves and others 11. But I have digressed my main scope being to explain the nature of the Tax of Tythes nevertheless since the end of such explanation is but to perswade men to bear quietly so much Tax as is necessary and not to kick against the pricks and since the end of that again and the end of all else we are to do is but to preserve the publick Peace I think I have not been impertinent in inserting this little Advertisement making so much for the Peace of our Jerusalem 12. But to return to Tythes as a Tax or Levy I say that in England it is

Highwayes building Bridges and Causeys and the making of Rivers Navigable in England would make English Horses an exportable Commodity and help to vend the Commodities of Ireland Ibid. The Causes of unquiet bearing of Taxes viz. 14 First That the Sovereign exacts too much 15 Secondly That Assessments are unequally laid Ibid. Thirdly That the Moneys levied are vainly expended Ibid. Fourthly Or given to Favourites Ibid. Fifthly Ignorance of the Number Trade and Wealth of the People 16 Sixthly Obscurity about the right of imposing Ibid. Seventhly Fewness of People Ibid. Eighthly Scarcity of Money and confusion of Coins 17 Ninthly That scarce an hundredth part of the Riches of this Nation is Coined Bullion Ibid. Tenthly The non-acceptance of Some Commodities in specie in discharge of Taxes Ibid. The Consequences of a Tax too heavy if there be too much Money in a Nation which may be or is there be too little and that either in a State well or ill governed 17 18 19 The first way of providing for the Publick Charge is the excinding or setting apart of a proportion of the Territory in the nature of Crown-Lands 20 The second is taking away the same proportion of the Rents of all Lands 21 The Nation is happy where either of the said two wayes is practised ab antiquo and upon original agreement and not exacted as a sudden contingent Surcharge upon the People 21 The Owners of settled Rents bear the burthen of a Land-Tax or Assessment others probably gaining thereby Ibid. A Land-Tax upon free Estates resolves into an Excize upon Consumptions 22 Assessment upon Housing more uncertain then that of Land Housing being of a double nature viz. either an instrument of gain or way of expence Ibid. The heavy taxing of Housing no discouragement to new Buildings nor is the discouragement of new Buildings any means to prevent the populousness of a City Ibid. Prohibition to build upon new Foundations serves onely to fix the Ground-plot of a City 23 The reason why the City of London removes its Ground-plot Westward Ibid. That 't is probable the King of Englands Palace will in process of time be towards Chelsey Ibid. That the present Seat of London will be the greatest Cohabitation of People ever whilst this Island is inhabited 24 The nature and natural Measures of the Rent of Land computed in Commodities of the growth of the said Land Ibid. The Par between food or other proceed of Land and Bullion or Coin 25 The Par between Gold and Silver Ibid. Gold and Silver are not natural Standards of the Values of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26 The prime Denominations of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are but two viz. Land and Labour as the Denominations of Money in England are Pounds Shillings Pence Ibid. Of the Par between Land and Labour Ibid. The reason of the number of years Purchase that Land is worth in several Countreys 27 Why Land in Ireland is worth fewer years Purchase then in England 27 28. The Description and Ratio formalis of Usury 29 The same of Exchange Ibid. The Measures of both 29 30 Why Usury hath been limited more then Exchange 30 A Parallel between the Changes of the Prince of Money and that of Land Ibid. How to compute and compare the Rents of Lands in order to a just Land-Tax or Assessment 31 The intrinsick value of Land is found by Surveys of the Quantity Figure and Scituation Ibid. And by the Survey of the Quality viz. its aptitude to bear first precious Commodities secondly the best of the kinde thirdly most in quantity Ibid. The extrinsick or accidental value depends upon the plenty of Money luxurious or frugal living the Opinions Civil Natural and Religious of the People Ibid. It is necessary to these Enquiries to know how to tell the Gold and Silver Coins of this present Age and compare the same with that of former times 32 How to compare not onely the Money of this present Age with that of the former but the entire Riches of the present with the former People Ibid. By the numbers of People and the proportion of Money amongst them the accidental values of Lands are to be computed 33 How to proportion the Rates of a Commodity in one place unto the Rates of the same in another place Ibid. That the Day-wages of Labourers and several other of the most vulgar Tradesmen ought to be ascertain'd and well adapted to the changes of time Ibid. That though the difficulty of computing the contingent values of Land be great yet there be greater reasons for undergoing it 34 The nature of Credit as the said word is commonly used among Tradesmen and otherwise Ibid. That the Sovereigns exact knowledge of the Subjects Estates would do them no harm Ibid. A descriptiou of the Duty of Customs 35 A Conjecture that Customs at first were a kinde of praemium for ensurance against Pyrates Ibid. The measures of the said Duty upon exported Goods 36 The inconvenience of too heavy Customs Ibid. What Commodities may be forced to pay Customs 37 The measures of Customs upon imported Goods Ibid. The inconveniences of raising money by the way of Customs Ibid. A Proposal that instead of Tunnage and Poundage upon shipped Goods a Tunnage were paid out of the ships Fraight 38 Or that the Customs were taken as an Ensurance praemium Ibid. Of prohibited Commodities in general Ibid. Of prohibiting the exportation of Money and Bullion 39 The said prohibition of Money serves as a sumptuary Law Ibid. About the exportation of Wool Ibid. The lessening of our Sheep-trade and encrease of Corn-tillage is an expedient in this case for many reasons 40 Other considerations tending to shew that the too vehement prohibitions of Wool may be ineffectual or to do more harm then good 41 Of prohibiting Importations Ibid. It were better to make and raise Commodities though to burn them then not to make them or let the makers lose their Faculty and be idle Ibid. Of Free Ports and in what cases they may do good or harm 42 Of Poll-money and the sorts of it Ibid. The faults of the late Poll-moneys 43 Of the most simple Poll-money where all pay alike its conveniencies and inconveniencies Ibid. Of Poll-money upon Titles Offices and Faculties 44 Harth-money is of the same nature with simple Poll-money but both are rather Accumulative Excizes 45 Grants for publick Lotteries are Taxes upon the people Ibid. Why Lotteries ought not to be allowed but by good authority Ibid. Raising of Money by Benevolence is a real Tax 46 Three cases where the way of a Benevolence may be made good Ibid Several reasons against it 46 47 The several species of Penalties 47 A doubt whether the Penalties set down in Moses Law ought to be inflicted now 47 The proper use and reason of every sort of Penalty 48 Perpetual Imprisonment is a kinde of slow death 49 In what case death mutilation imprisonment disgrace c. ought to be commuted for pecuniary mulcts

Ibid. The meaning of the double and multiple Restitutions mentioned in the Law of Moses Ibid. Of the wayes for punishing or permitting Heterodox Believers in Religion 50 That the Sovereign may do either 51 That all Pseudodoxies whatsoever may be safely muzzled from doing harm by pecuniary mulcts 51 52 That the Sovereign by punishing them with death mutilations or imprisonments doth therein punish himself and that too re infecta very often 51 That the Pastours ought in some measure to be punished for the errours and defections of their Flocks 52 The true use of the Clergy is rather to be patterns of Holiness then to teach men variety of Opinions de rebus divinis 53 The substance of all that hath been said in this whole discourse about the Church Ibid. The abuse of Penal Laws 54 Of Monopolies Ibid. The use and reason of instituting Monopolies 55 A Digression about new Inventions and the vexations incident to the Projectors of new practices Ibid. Offices instituted by the State with Fees of their own appointment are of a parallel nature to Monopolies 56 Why the Fees of Offices were great heretofore Ibid. How Offices are become as a saleable Commodity 57 Why many superfluous Offices are not abolished Ibid. A description of Tythes in several particulars 58 The causes why Tythes encrease Ibid. The Rent of the Lands of England is but a quarter of the Expence of the people 59 The Tythes in England are six times as much as they were four hundred years ago Ibid. The Clergy are far richer now then they were in ancient times and yet have less work to do Ibid. The danger of too many Church men 60 How to adjust the number of Church-men and Students in Divinity Ibid. Tythes is now no Tax or burthen upon the people 61 The way of Tythes is a good pattern for a Tax Ibid The way of paying Tythes in the City and Countrey is very disproportionable 61 The inconveniences of contributing to the Publick Charge after the manner of Tythes Ibid. A reason why the wayes of Taxing the people are often shifted 62 The State gains in several Countreys by being the common Cashier Usurer Ensurer Monopolist c. 63 The case of the Jews every where subject to great Taxes briefly stated 64 The way of leavying an aliquot part of mens Estates very dangerous Ibid. Alterations in the values of Coins is a Tax upon such as live by determined Rents Pensions Fees c. 65 What is embasing of Moneys and what is not Ibid. Of Tin and Copper money as well curiously as coursly wrought Ibid. Of the Tokens coined by retailing Shop-keepers Ibid. What is Gold and Silver embased 66 The reasons for embasing of money Ibid. Reasons against the same Ibid. What is properly raising of Money 67 The effect of raising both domestick and forreign Coins Ibid. Raising of money changes the species of moneys but lessens the Bullion Ibid. Why many wise States have raised their Moneys 68 Raising of Forreign money to a double value or abating the price of our Native commodities to half is not all one but the former is better 69 The way of computing and comparing the prices of Commodities upon natural grounds 69 70 Men are really and actually rich according to what they spend and enjoy in their own persons 71 Excize being a Tax upon such riches is a just way by which to defray the Publick Charge Ibid. That a proportion ought to be pitched between the Expence or Consumption of the whole Nation and the Publick Charge thereof ib. Commodities ought not to be taxed until they be just ripe for Consumption 72 Commodities of equal value may be unequally excized with justice ibidem Of accumulating the Excize of many things upon some one thing Ibid. Whether Native Commodities exported ought to pay Excize Ibid. The explication of Accumulative Excize 73 Reason for accumulating the Excize of all things upon some one thing Ibid. Why Beer ought not to be that one thing 74 Harth or Smoak-money is an Accumulative Excize with the reasons for and against it Ibid. Reasons in behalf of the Excize 75 Of framing persons to be fit for great Trusts as to be Cashiers Store-keepers Checques c. Ibid. CHAP. I. Of the several sorts of Publick Charges THe Publick Charges of a State are That of its Defence by Land and Sea of its Peace at home and abroad as also of its honourable vindication from the injuries of other States all which we may call the Charge of the Militia which commonly is in ordinary as great as any other Branch of the whole but extraordinary that is in time of War or fear of War is much the greatest 2. Another branch of the Publick Charge is the Maintenance of the Governours Chief and Subordinate I mean such not onely as spend their whole time in the Execution of their respective Offices but also who spent much in fitting themselves as well with abilities to that end as in begetting an opinion in their Superiours of such their ability and trustworthiness 3. Which Maintenance of the Governours is to be in such a degree of plenty and splendour as private Endeavours and Callings seldom reach unto To the end that such Governours may have the natural as well as the artificial Causes of Power to act with 4 For if a great multitude of men should call one of their number King unless this instituted Prince appear in greater visible splendour then others can reward those that obey and please him and do the contrary to others his Institution signifies little even although he chance to have g●●●ter corporal or mental faculties then any other of the number 5. There be Offices which are but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Sheriffs Justices of the Peace Constables Churchwardens c. which men may attend without much prejudice to their ordinary wayes of livelihood and for which the honour of being trusted and the pleasure of being feared hath been thought a competent Reward 6. Unto this head the Charge of the administring Justice may be referred as well between man and man as between the whole State or Commonalty and particular members of it as well that of righting and punishing past injuries and crimes as of preventing the same in time to come 7. A third branch of the Publick Charge is that of the Pastorage of mens Souls and the guidance of their Consciences which one would think because it respects another world and but the particular interest of each man there should not be a publick Charge in this Nevertheless if we consider how easie it is to elude the Laws of man to commit unproveable crimes to corrupt and divert Testimonies to wrest the sense and meaning of the Laws c. there follows a necessity of contributing towards a publick Charge wherewith to have men instructed in the Laws of God that take notice of evil thoughts and designs and much more of secret deeds and that punisheth eternally in another

Land with such another measure of Labour forasmuch as both Ships and Garments were the creatures of Lands and mens Labours thereupon This being true we should be glad to finde out a natural Par between Land and Labour so as we might express the value by either of them alone as well or better then by both and reduce one into the other as easily and certainly as we reduce pence into pounds Wherefore we would be glad to finde the natural values of the Fee simple of Land though but no better then we have done that of the usus fructus abovementioned which we attempt as followeth 19. Having found the Rent or value of the usus fructus per annum the question is how many years purchase as we usually say is the Fee simple naturally worth If we say an infinite number then an Acre of Land would be equal in value to a thousand Acres of the same Land which is absurd an infinity of unites being equal to an infinity of thousands Wherefore we must pitch upon some limited number and that I apprehend to be the number of years which I conceive one man of fifty years old another of twenty eight and another of seven years old all being alive together may be thought to live that is to say of a Grandfather Father and Childe few men having reason to take care of more remote Posterity for if a man be a great Grandfather he himself is so much the nearer his end so as there are but three in a continual line of descent usually co-existing together and as some are Grandfathers at forty years yet as many are not till above sixty and sic de caeteris 20. Wherefore I pitch the number of years purchase that any Land is naturally worth to be the ordinary extent of three such persons their lives Now in England we esteem three lives equal to one and twenty years and consequently the value of Land to be about the same number of years purchase Possibly if they thought themselves mistaken in the one as the observator on the Bills of Mortality thinks they are they would alter in the other unless the consideration of the force of popular errour and dependance of things already concatenated did hinder them 21. This I esteem to be the number of years purchase where Titles are good and where there is a moral certainty of enjoying the purchase But in other Countreys Lands are worth nearer thirty years purchase by reason of the better Titles more people and perhaps truer opinion of the value and duration of three lives 22. And in some places Lands are worth yet more years purchase by reason of some special honour pleasures priviledge or jurisdiction annexed unto them 23. On the other hand Lands are worth fewer years purchase as in Ireland for the following reasons which I have here set down as unto the like whereof the cause of the like cheapness in any other place may be imputed First In Ireland by reason of the frequent Rebellions in which if you are conquered all is lost or if you conquer yet you are subject to swarms of thieves and robbers and the envy which precedent missions of English have against the subsequent perpetuity it self is but forty years long as within which time some ugly disturbance hath hitherto happened almost ever since the first coming of the English thither 24. 2. The Claims upon Claims which each hath to the others Estates and the facility of making good any pretence whatsoever by the favour of some one or other of the many Governours and Ministers which within forty years shall be in power there as also by the frequency of false testimonies and abuse of solemn Oaths 25. 3. The paucity of Inhabitants there being not above the â…• th part so many as the Territory would maintain and of those but a small part do work at all and yet a smaller work so much as in other Countreys 26. 4. That a great part of the Estates both real and personal in Ireland are owned by Absentees and such as draw over the profits raised out of Ireland refunding nothing so as Ireland exporting more then it imports doth yet grow poorer to a paradox 27. 5. The difficulty of executing justice so many of those in power being themselves protected by Offices and protecting others Moreover the number of criminous and indebted persons being great they favour their like in Juries Offices and wheresoever they can Besides the Countrey is seldom enough to give due encouragement to profound Judges and Lawyers which makes judgements very casual ignorant men being more apt to be bold and arbitrary then such as understand the dangers of it But all this with a little care in due season might remedy so as to bring Ireland in a few years to the same level of values with other places but of this also elsewhere more at large for in the next place we shall come to Usury CHAP. V. Of Usury WHat reason there is for taking or giving Interest or Usury for any thing which we may certainly have again whensoever we call for it I see not nor why Usury should be scrupled where money or other necessaries valued by it is lent to be paid at such a time and place as the Borrower chuseth so as the Lender cannot have his money paid him back where and when himself pleaseth I also see not Wherefore when a man giveth out his money upon condition that he may not demand it back until a certain time to come whatsoever his own necessities shall be in the mean time he certainly may take a compensation for this inconvenience which he admits against himself And this allowance is that we commonly call Usury 2. And when one man furnisheth another with money at some distant place and engages under great Penalties to pay him there and at a certain day besides the consideration for this is that we call Exchange or local Usury As for example if a man wanting money at Carlisle in the heat of the late Civil Wars when the way was full of Souldiers and Robbers and the passage by Sea very long troublesome and dangerous and seldom passed why might not another take much more then an 100l at London for warranting the like summe to be paid at Carlisle on a certain day 3. Now the Questions arising hence are what are the natural Standards of Usury and Exchange As for Usury the least that can be is the Rent of so much Land as the money lent will buy where the security is undoubted but where the security is casual then a kinde of ensurance must be enterwoven with the simple natural Interest which may advance the Usury very conscionably unto any height below the Principal itself Now if things are so in England that really there is no such security as abovementioned but that all are more or less hazardous troublesome or chargeable to make I see no reason for endeavoring to limit Usury upon time any more

then that upon place which the practice of the world doth not unless it be that those who make such Laws were rather Borrowers then Lenders But of the vanity and fruitlessness of making Civil Positive Laws against the Laws of Nature I have spoken elsewhere and instanced in several particulars 4. As for the natural measures of Exchange I say that in times of Peace the greatest Exchange can be but the labour of carrying the money in specie but where are hazards emergent uses for money more in one place then another c. or opinions of these true or false the Exchange will be governed by them 5. Parallel unto this is something which we omit concerning the price of Land for as great need of money heightens Exchange so doth great need of Corn raise the price of that likewise and consequently of the Rent of the Land that bears Corn and lastly of the Land itself as for example if the Corn which feedeth London or an Army be brought forty miles thither then the Corn growing within a mile of London or the quarters of such Army shall have added unto its natural price so much as the charge of bringing it thirty nine miles doth amount unto And unto perishable Commodities as fresh fish fruits c. the ensurance upon the hazard of corrupting c. shall be added also and finally unto him that eats these things there suppose in Taverns shall be added the charge of all the circumstancial appurtenances of House-rent Furniture Attendance and the Cooks skill as well as his labour to accompany the same 6. Hence it comes to pass that Lands intrinsically alike near populous places such as where the perimeter of the Area that feeds them is great will not onely yield more Rent for these Reasons but also more years purchase then in remote places by reason of the pleasure and honour extraordinary of having Lands there for Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci. 7. Having finished our digression upon the measures of the Rents and Values of Lands and Moneys we now return to our second way of leavying Publick Charges which was the taking of a proportion of the Rent commonly called Assessment it follows next to speak of the way of computing the said Rents otherwise then according to the bargains which a few men make one with another through ignorance haste false suggestion or else in their passion or drink Although I acknowledge that the medium or common result of all the bargains made within three years or other such Cycle of time as within which all contingencies of Land revolve may be very sufficient to this purpose being but the summe synthetically computed by casual opinions as I would endeavour to cast up analytically by a distinct particularizing of the Causes 8. 1. Therefore I propound a Survey of the Figures Quantities and Scituations of all the Lands both according to the civil bounds of Parishes Farms c. and the natural distinctions thereof by the Sea Rivers ridges of Rocks or Mountains c. 9. 2. I propound that the quality of each denomination were described by the Commodities it had usually born in some Land some sort of Timber Grain pulse or root growing more happily then in others Also by the encrease of things sown or planted which it hath yielded communibus annis and withall the comparative goodness of the said Commodities not unto the common Standard money but to one another As for example if there be ten acres of Land I would have it judged whether they be better for Hay or Corn if for Hay whether the said ten Acres will bear more or less of Hay then ten other Acres and whether an hundred weight of the said Hay will feed or fatten more or less then the same weight of other Hay and not as yet comparing it to money in which the value of the said Hay will be more or less according to the plenty of money which hath changed strangely since the discovery of the West Indies and according to the multitudes of people living near this Land together with the luxurious or frugal living of them and besides all according to the Civil Natural and Religious Opinions of the said people As for example Eggs in the fore-part of Lent because their goodness and delicacy decayes before Lent be done being worth little in some Popish Countreys nor Swines flesh among the Jews nor Hedgehogs Frogs Snails Mushrooms c. to those that fear to eat them as poisonous or unwholesome nor Currans and Spanish Wines if they were all to be destroyed as the great thieves of this Nation by an Edict of the State 10. This I call a Survey or Inquisition into the intrinsick Values of Land that of extrinsick or accidentall follows We said that the change of the store of money would change the rates of commodities according to our reckoning in names and words pounds shillings and pence being nothing else as for example If a man can bring to London an ounce of Silver out of the Earth in Peru in the same time that he can produce a bushel of Corn then one is the natural price of the other now if by reason of new and more easie Mines a man can get two ounces of Silver as easily as formerly he did one then Corn will be as cheap at ten shillings the bushel as it was before at five shillings caeteris paribus 11. It behoves us therefore to have a way whereby to tell the money of our Countrey which I think I have and that in a short time and without cost and which is more without looking into particular mens pockets of which hereafter Now if we know what Gold and Silver we had in England two hundred years ago and could tell it again now and though we also knew the difference of our denominations then when thirty seven shillings were made out the same quantity of Silver as sixty two are now also that of the alloy labour in Coinage remedies for weight and fineness and duties to the King nay if we also knew the Labourers wages then and now yet all this would not shew the difference of the Riches of our Nation even in money alone 12. Wherefore we must adde to the premises the knowledge of the difference of the numbers of the people and conclude that if all the money in the Nation were equally divided amongst all the people both then and now that that time wherein each Devisee had wherewith to hire most labourers was the richer So that we want the knowledge of the People and Bullion which is now in this Land and which was heretofore all which I think may be found out even for the time past but more probably for the time present and to come 13. But to proceed suppose we had them then we would pitch the accidental values upon our Lands about London as thus viz. We would first at hazzard compute the materials for food and covering which the

belongs 29. Concerning Penalties and Penal Laws I shall adde but this that the abuse of them is when they are made not to keep men from sin but to draw them into punishment and when the Executers of them keep them hid until a fault be done and then shew them terrible to the poor immalicious offender Just like Centinels who never shew men the advertisements against pissing near their Guards till they have catcht them by the coats for the forfeiture they claim CHAP. XI Of Monopolies and Offices MOnopoly as the word signifies is the sole selling power which whosoever hath can vend the commodity whereupon he hath this power either qualified as himself pleases or at what price he pleaseth or both within the limits of his Commission 2. The great example of a Monopoly is the King of France his Gabel upon Salt whereby he sells that for sixty which costs him but one now Salt being a thing of universal use to all degrees of men and scarce more to the poor then the rich it seems to be of the same effect with the simplest Poll-money abovementioned in case all men spent equally of it or if men be forced to take it whether they spend it or not as in some places they are But if men spend or eat Salt unequally as they commonly do nor are bound to take or pay for more then they spend then is no other then an accumulative Excize especially if the salt be all of one uniform goodness otherwise it is a distinct species of Leavy viz. a Monopoly 3. The use or pretence of instituting a Monopoly is First Right of Invention forasmuch as the Laws do reward Inventions by granting them a Monopoly of them for a certain time as here in England for fourteen years for thereby the Inventor is rewarded more or less according to the acceptance which his Invention findes amongst men Where note by the way that few new Inventions were ever rewarded by a Monopoly for although the Inventor oftentimes drunk with the opinion of his own merit thinks all the world will invade and incroach upon him yet I have observed that the generality of men will scarce be hired to make use of new practices which themselves have not throughly tried and which length of time hath not vindicated from latent inconveniences so as when a new Invention is first propounded in the beginning every man objects and the poor Inventor runs the Gantloop of all petulent wits every man finding his several flaw no man approving it unless mended according to his own advice Now not one of an hundred out-lives this torture and those that do are at length so changed by the various contrivanees of others that not any one man can pretend to the Invention of the whole nor well agree about their respective shares in the parts And moreover this commonly is so long a doing that the poor Inventor is either dead or disabled by the debts contracted to pursue his design and withall railed upon as a Projector or worse by those who joyned their money in partnership with his wit so as the said Inventor and his pretences are wholly lost and vanisht Secondly a Monopoly may be of real use for a time viz. at the first introducing of a new Manufacture wherein is much nicety to make it well and which the generality of men cannot judge of as to the performance As for example suppose there were some most approved Medicament which one certain man could make most exactly well although several others could also make the same less perfectly in this case this same chief Artist may be allowed a Monopoly for a time viz. until others have had experience enough under him how to make the Medicament as well as himself First because the world may not have the Medicament variously made when as they can neither discern the difference by their senses nor judge of the effects thereof à posteriori by their reasons Secondly because others may be fully instructed by him that can best do it and thirdly because he may have a reward for such his communications But forasmuch as by Monopolies of this kinde great Leavies are seldom made they are scarce pertinent to our design Offices instituted by the State with Fees of their own appointment are of parallel nature to Monopolies the one relating to actions and employments as the other to things and have the same to be said for and against them as Monopolies have As a Kingdom encreaseth and flourisheth so doth variety of things of actions and even of words encrease also for we see that the language of the most flourishing Empires was ever the most copious and elegant and that of mountainous Cantons the contrary Now as the actions of this Kingdom encreased so did the Offices that is the power and faculty of solely executing and performing the said actions encrease likewise and on the contrary as the business of Offices encreased so did the difficulty and danger of discharging them amiss decrease proportionably from whence 't is come to pass that the Offices which at their first erecting were not performed but by the ablest most inventive and versatile Instruments such as could wrestle with all emergent difficulties and collect Rules and Axioms out of the Series of their own Observations with reference to the various casualties of their employments whereby to direct Posterity are now performed by the most ordinary formal pack-horse Deputies and Sub-Deputies And whereas at first such large Fees were allowed as considering even the paucity of them which might then be received should compensate the Art Trust and Industry of the Administratour yet the large said Fees are still continued although the skill and trust be lessened and the number of the said Fees so extreamly multiplyed so as now the profits of such Officers being become cleer and the work so easie as any man is capable of it even those that never saw it are bought and sold for Years or Lives as any other Annuity may be and withal the splendor arising from the easie gaines of those places in Courts of Justice is called the Flourishing of the Law which certainly flourisheth best when the Professors and Ministers of it have least to do And moreover when the burthen and uselesness of such an Office is taken notice of 't is nevertheless spared as a Subjects Freehold in favour of him that bought it Of these Offices are many in this Nation and such as might be a Revenue to the King either by their Annual profits or the Sale of them for many years together And these are the Offices that are properly Saleable viz. where the Fees are large as appointed when the number of them was few and also numerous as multiplying upon the increase of business and where the business is onely the labour of the meanest men length of time having made all the work so easie and found out security against all the frauds breaches of trust and male-administrations whereunto

in effect but at half the usual rate which unto them that want such commodities will as well yield the full so that abating our prices will as well allure strangers to buy extraordinary proportions of our Commodities as raising their money will do But neither that nor abating the price will make strangers use more of our Commodities then they want for although the first year they should carry away an unuseful and superfluous proportion yet afterwards they would take so much the less 14. If this be true as in substance it is why then have so many wise States in several ancient as well as modern times frequently practised this Artifice as a means to draw in money into their respective Dominions I answer that something is to be attributed to the stupidity and ignorance of the people who cannot of a sudden understand this matter for I finde many men wise enough who though they be well informed that raising of money signifies little yet cannot suddenly digest it As for example an unengaged person who had money in his purse in England and should hear that a shilling was made fourteen pence in Ireland would more readily run thither to buy Land then before not suddenly apprehending that for the same Land which he might have bought before for six years Purchase he shall now pay seven Nor will Sellers in Ireland of a sudden apprehend cause to raise their Land proportionally but will at least be contented to compound the business viz. to sell at six and an half and if the difference be a more ragged fraction men under a long time will not apprehend it nor ever be able exactly to govern their practice according to it 15. Secondly Although I apprehend little real difference between raising Forreign Money to double and abasing half in the price of our own Commodities yet to sell them on on a tacite condition to be paid in Forreign present Money shall increase our money forasmuch as between raising the money and abasing the price is the same difference as between selling for money and in barter which latter is the dearer or between selling for present money and for time barter resolving into the nature of uncertain time 16. I say suppose English Cloth were sold at six shillings a Yard and French Canvas at eighteen pence the Ell the question is whether it were all one in order to increase Money in England to raise the French Money double or to abate half of the price of our Cloth I think the former because that former way or proposition carries with it a condition of having Forreign Money in specie and not Canvas in barter between which two wayes the world generally agrees there is a difference Wherefore if we can afford to abate half our price but will not do it but for our neighbours money then we gain so much as the said difference between Money and Barter amounts unto by such raising of our Neighbours Money 17. But the fundamental solution of this Question depends upon a real and not an imaginary way of computing the prices of Commodities in order to which real way I premise these suppositions First then suppose there be in a Territory a thousand people let these people be supposed sufficient to Till this whole Territory as to the Husbandry of Corn which we will suppose to contain all necessaries for life as in the Lords Prayer we suppose the word Bread doth and let the production of a Bushel of this Corn be supposed of equal labour to that of producing an ounce of Silver Suppose again that a tenth part of this Land and tenth of the people viz. an hundred of them can produce Corn enough for the whole suppose that the Rent of Land found out as above-mentioned be a fourth part of the whole product about which proportion it really is as we may perceive by paying a fourth Sheaf instead of Rent in some places suppose also that whereas but an hundred are necessary for this Husbandry yet that two hundred have taken up the Trade and suppose that where a Bushel of Corn would suffice yet men out of delicacy will use two making use of the Flower onely of both Now the Inferences from hence are First That the goodness or badness or the value of Land depends upon the greater or lesser share of the product given for it in proportion to the simple labour bestowed to raise the said Product Secondly That the proportions between Corn and Silver signific onely an artificial value not a natural because the comparison is between a thing naturally useful and a thing in it self unnecessary which by the way is part of the reason why there are not so great changes and leaps in the pro●●ed of Silver as of other Commodities Thirdly That natural dearness and cheapness depends upon the few or more hands requisite to necessaries of Nature As Corn is cheaper where one man produces Corn for ten then where he can do the like but for six and withall according as the Climate disposes men to a necessity of spending more or less But Political Cheapness depends upon the paucity of Supernumerary Interlopers into any Trade over and above all that are necessary viz. Corn will be twice as dear where are two hundred Husbandmen to do the same work which an hundred could perform the proportion thereof being compounded with the proportion of superfluous Expence viz. if to the cause of dearness abovementioned be added to the double Expence to what is necessary then the natural price will appear quadrupled and this quadruple Price is the true Political Price computed upon naturall grounds And this again proportioned to the common artificiall Standard Silver gives what was sought that is the true Price Currant 18. But forasmuch as almost all Commodities have their Substitutes or Succedanea and that almost all uses may be answered several wayes and for that novelty surprize example of Superiours and opinion of unexaminable effects do adde or take away from the price of things we must adde these contingent Causes to the permanent Causes abovementioned in the judicious foresight and computation whereof lies the excellency of a Merchant Now to apply this Digression I say that to encrease Money it is as well necessary to know how to abate the raise the price of Commodities and that of Money which was the scope of the said Digression 19. To conclude this whole Chapter we say that raising or embasing of Moneys is a very pittiful and unequal way of Taxing the people and 't is a sign that the State sinketh which catcheth hold on such Weeds as are accompanied with the dishonour of impressing a Princes Effigies to justifie Adulterate Commodities and the breach of Publick Faith such as is the calling a thing what it really is not CHAP. XV. Of Excize IT is generally allowed by all that men should contribute to the Publick Charge but according to the share and interest they have in the Publick Peace that