so unjustly taken from her Neighbours For in fine if she has committed so many Outrages before she was in Possession of Strasburgh Luxemburgh and so many other Places and Provinces what will it be for the future if she comes to keep 'em by a Peace Two years of a good Harvest and Trade will make up all her Losses and render her more powerful than ever and put her in a condition to make all other Princes sensible of the deplorable effects of her Turbulent Humour and Ambition Now is the time to throw off that Yoke we have felt so heavy If we let it slip never must we hope to see it again For what appearance is there to expect such another Juncture or to see again so many Means and Forces which a happy Destiny has now united on purpose to deliver us from Slavery and Bondage Or now or Never Neither is it to be fear'd the thing should be stretch'd too far and the Enemies of France grow too great by Her becoming less as yet Monsieur d' Avaux endeavours to insinuate by a Confessien that undoubtedly has cost him very dear Ah! how far are we yet from it and how many things are there still required to put the Scales into a Balance which now entirely incline towards the French side There are some Limits may be prescribed to make that Balance even which will be done if things be set in the same posture they were in immediately after the Westphaly and Pyrenean Treaties for 't is from that time onwards that France did extremely outweigh the Balance XXXI And now we are come to Monsieur d'Avaux's Second Consideration which he lays before the King of Sueden in order to engage him to his Master's Interest on account of his own Honour The King his Master he says has strait accepted of the King of Sueden ' s Mediation and on the contrary the Confederates if you 'll believe him have rejected it as being unwilling to hearken to any Peace for some particular Ends of the Emperor and the King of Great Britain and from thence he concludes that the King of Sueden is in Honour engag'd to make himself to be look'd upon as a Great Prince such as he ought to be that is to say according to Monsieur d' Avaux he should either procure Peace to Christendom or side with one of the two Parties it being the thing he advances at the beginning of his Paper Now tho we may very well admit of this Proposition That the King of Sueden ought either to procure Peace to Christendom or side with one of the two Parties yet the Question is To what Party his Honour Glory Reason Justice and own Interest ought to incline him and we need but open our eyes to see that he ought to join with the Confederates as we have already proved by all we have said in this Answer In the mean time 't is not true that the Confederates have rejected the King of Sueden ' s Mediation they are on the contrary ready to embrace it persuaded as they are of his Majesty's Justice Equity Candor and Generosity 'T is then the French King's fault alone that the Mediation of Sueden has not as yet taken any effect in a Treaty of Peace and this Obstacle will not be removed as long as the French King sticks to his Proposals which he calls his Vltimata and the Confederates can never accept of since instead of a sure and durable Peace they would only obtain by them a delay of their Ruin and Misery and that if they should take place France would soon be in a condition to begin a New War and fiercer than ever and that at the latest in case Europe should have the misfortune to see the King of Spain die without Issue in the mean time France under the shadow of Peace would be busie in endeavouring to embroil the Affairs every where especially in England and Holland which as they are the two great Obstacles to her vast Designs so are they also the Objects of her Hatred XXXII But let us make an end by remembring the King of Sweden once more That the work of an honourable sure lasting and general Peace seems to be reserv'd in a great measure to his Glory That he needs no more but desire it by obliging France to restore all things in regard to the Empire into the same condition they were in by the Treaties of Westphaly and in regard to Spain if not exactly according to the Pyrenean Treaty yet the nearest to it as Justice and the security and welfare of the Catholick Countries and Europe requires and finally to let the other Confederates have also a just and reasonable Satisfaction which being done there will be no more dispute about the Proposals of Peace that then will offer themselves FINIS Books Sold by Richard Baldwin BIbliotheca Politica Or an Enquiry into the Antient Constitution of the English Government Both in respect to the just extent of Regal Power and the Rights and Liberties of the Subject Wherein all the Chief Arguments as well against as for the Revolution are impartially Represented and considered in Thirteen Dialogues Collected out of the Best Authors as well Antient as Modern To which is added an Alphabetical Index to the whole Work The Works of F. Rabelais M D. In Five Books or the Lives Heroick Deeds and Sayings of the Good Gargantua and Pantagruel and his Voyage to the Oracle of the Bottle As also his Historical Letters To which is added the Author's Life and Explanatory Remarks By Mr. Motteux Never before Printed in English The Four Epistles of A. G. Busbequius concerning his Embassy into Turky Being Remarks upon the Religion Customs Riches Strength and Government of that People As also a Description of their Chief Cities and Places of Trade and Commerce To which is added His Advice how to Manage War against the Turks Done into English The Bounds set to France by the Pyrenean Treaty and the Interest of the Confederates not to accept of the Offers of Peace made at this time by the French King To which are added Some short Reflections showing how far England is concern'd in the Restitution of that Treaty Together with a List of the Towns and Countries that the French have taken since that time Letters of State Written by Mr. John Milton To most of the Sovereign Princes and Republicks of Europe From the Year 1649. Till the Year 1659. To which is added An Account of his Life Together with several of his Poems And a Catalogue of his Works never before Printed Mathematical Magick Or the Wonders that may be performed by Mechanical Geometry In Two Books Concerning Mechanical Powers Motions Being one of the most easie pleasant useful and yet most neglected part of Mathematicks not before treated of in this Language Mercury Or the Secret and Swift Messenger Shewing how a Man may with Privacy and Speed communicate his Thoughts to a Friend at any distance A Compendious History of the Taxes of France and of the Opressive Methods of Rasing of them An Impartial Enquiry into the Advantages and Losses that England hath received since the beginning of this Present War with France The Gentleman's Journal Or the Monthy Miscellany In a Letter to a Gentleman in the Country Consisting of News History Phylosophy Poetry Musick Translations c June 1694. Sold by R. Baldwin Where are to be had compleat Sets for the two last years or single ones for every Month. A Collection of Speeches Of the Right Honourable Henry Late Earl of Warrington
of Nimeguen a thing never before heard of amongst Independant and Sovereign Princes Neither have they forgotten as yet what Statues were erected in the Place des Victoires and in the Court of the Townhouse at Paris what Representations and Inscriptions were made there what Panegyricks what Speeches and what Verses were composed the most outragious and most ignominious to the other Sovereigns that ever were heard of even without sparing the most Generous and Faithful Friend and Ally France had then I mean the Brave King of Sweden who after he had in those times hazarded his Kingdom together with his dearest Interest in favour of the French King had no other Reward but the Injurious Reproaches of his having reestablish'd him on his Throne These are the fine and immortal Monuments which as they strike a just Horror into the Confederates so they make them cautious not to be treated so a second time Secondly It may be alledged by the Allies That they find no Security for themselves in the Proposals made by France They know but too well and by sad Experience That France acknowledges no other Limits to her Treaties than what agree with her Designs 'T is this which the Pyrenean Treaty that of Aix la Chapelle of Nimeguen and the Truce of Twenty Years the most solemn and the most advantageous to France that ever were made lay continually before her eyes and of which they are yet more convinc'd by the Maxims of the French Writers who maintain That their King can alienate nothing of what once has been incorporated into that Crown nay That he cannot renounce upon Oath his Rights whether true or but pretended so as to bind his Successors by it Who will then assure us That the Treaty that is now to be made will last I will not say for ever but any longer than those that have been made already and which have been broken as soon as ever a fallacious Peace has first seperated and then disarm'd the Confederates VI. But says another at this rate we shall have here an everlasting War since this last reason will always hold and be ready to be made use of by the Confederates on all occasions To which I answer No this is not in the least their intention They desire a Peace as much as France but it must be a sure an honourable and a general one And to obtain such an one they believe there are no other means but to reduce her to such Terms as will make it her interest to live hereafter in Peace with her Neighbours notwithstanding her dangerous Maxims This is also without doubt the reason why the Confederates have not as yet returned any Answer to the Proposals of France since there is some time required to agree amongst themselves about an Answer proper to obtain these ends and which at the same time may be approved of by every one of them VII Monsieur d' Avaux maintains further That one cannot wish for more advantageous Terms than the King his Master has offered the Confederates This is a thing worth our enquiry VIII He begins with those offered to the States-General and that he may not leave undecided that question Who is the Author of this War and consequently the Aggressor Since 't is of great weight in this matter he charges the States General of having been the Cause of it by lending their Assistance to the Prince of Orange that he might make himself Master of England A mighty Point which it concerns us to enquire into All the World knows That in the year 1688 there was no War in Europe but that with the Turks which of all the Princes and States that are now in Confederacy against France the Emperor bore alone the weight of all the rest liv'd in a profound Peace when France on a sudden being puffed up with her Fortune and Grandeur and bent to improve the opportunity of securing to her self for ever what she did but enjoy for twenty years made that bloody Invasion into the Empire that did so little expect it as thinking it self secure under the shelter of a dear-bought Truce She attack'd and took Philippsburg and possess'd her self of all the Rhine save only Coblentz Rhinfelt and Cologne and 't is to be noted That this Invasion which was resolv'd upon in the Councel of France as soon as Belgrade was taken by the Emperor from the Turks was executed immediately after to wit at the beginning of September and consequently two Months before the then Prince of Orange came over into England What relation then has this War with the Assistance given by the States-General to that Prince Since notwithstanding there was then a defensive Treaty between the Emperor and the States-General still in being yet their Alliance was not renewed till May 1689. by a defensive and offensive Treaty being grounded on the rupture of France This was not done till a year after the taking of Philipsburg Heidelberg Manheim Frankendal and Mayence and in fine after a general devastation of the Palatinat and the Circles of the Upper Rhine of Suabia and Franconia France as all the world knows and as the nature of so vast and unbounded designs did require it had taken her measures to enslave the Rhine before the Prince of Orange's passing the Sea was ever thought of either in England or Holland 'T is true some time before its being put in execution they began to suspect a design of the Prince by the fitting out a Fleet in Holland and afterwards by an agreement made with some Princes of the Empire about some Troops of theirs but 't is no less true that in France this Design was look'd upon as Chimerical and those as Blockheads that gave a hint in their Letters that it was laid against England Howsoever they flattered themselves that they should have done soon enough with Germany to be able to bridle afterwards the Prince of Orange and the States-General and behold here one of the greatest effects of the Divine Providence that ever was For 't is certain that if the French King instead of invading the Empire had sent a good Army towards the Frontiers of the Netherlands though it had been only to threaten them with a War never could the Prince of Orange have been able to come over into England The Emperor the Empire the King of Spain had still been in Peace with France England had been Enslaved by King James and the rest of Europe by the French King Besides we have still place for another Reflection which is that at the bottom France has put the Late King James out of and set the Prince of Orange on the Thrones of Great Britain 'T is long since that France looks on the Power and Greatness of England with jealous eyes as the only Kingdom capable of prescribing Limits to her unbounded Designs For which reason she has held for a State-Maxime to destroy England by its own Forces by Domestick Troubles and Intestine Wars She
AN ANSWER to a PAPER Written by Count d'Avaux The French King's Ambassador in Sueden Concerning the PROPOSALS of PEACE MADE BY FRANCE TO THE CONFEDERATES LONDON Printed for Richard Baldwin near the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane MDCXCIV A TABLE OF THE Principal MATTERS contained in this ANSWER I. GEneral Reflections on Count d' Avaux's Paper Page 1. II. He endeavours to remove the Fear of the Allies about the Offers of Peace made by the King his Master Page 2 III. Enquiry whether this Fear be well or ill grounded ibid. IV. An Objection against it ibid. V. An Answer to that Objection Page 3 VI. A second Objection with its Answer Page 4 VII VIII Enquiry into the Conditions Monsieur d' Avaux brags to be very Advantageous And first into those concerning the States-General together with an Examination of that important and foregoing Question Who is the Author of this War and consequently the Aggressor ibid. IX The Interest of the States General about the Re-establishment of Peace Page 7 X. Terms concerning the King of Great Britain Page 8 XI Terms offered to the King of Spain ibid. XII Some Important Reflections on the French King 's desisting from his Pretensions to the Spanish Netherlands in favour of the Elector of Bavaria Page 9 XIII A continuation of the same Reflections on the pretended nullity of the French King 's renouncing to the Succession of the King of Spain Page 11 XIV Terms offered to the House of Lorrain ibid. XV. Terms proposed to the Empire Page 12 XVI A Continuation of the Reflections on the same Subject with a refutation of Monsieur d' Avaux's Reasons Page 14 XVII Some particular Remarks concerning the City of Strasbourgh Page 16 XVIII Monsieur d' Avaux's Accusation of his Imperial Majesty answer'd ibid. XIX Remarks on the taking of the City of Strasbourgh Page 17 XX. On its present Condition under the Yoke of France ibid. XXI As also on the Importance of this Place Page 18 XXII Answer to Monsieur d' Avaux's Objection on this Subject Page 19 XXIII XXIV An Answer about the Equivalent proposed in lieu of the City of Strasbourgh Page 20 XXV An Answer about the Mediatorship proposed concerning the Re-unions Page 21 XXVI That the Proposals of France tend only to get more ground upon the Confederates ibid. XXVII The Vnbyas'd Sentiments of his Suedish Majesty compared with those of Monsieur d' Avaux Page 22 XXVIII Monsieur d' Avaux's Reasons he makes use of to prove that the King of Sueden is engaged by his Interest to press the Allies to accept of the Proposals made ibid. XXIX Enquiry into his Reasons Page 23 XXX A Refutation of what Monsieur d' Avaux alledges against the House of Austria concerning its Pretended Aim at an Universal Monarchy Page 24 XXXI An Answer to Monsieur d' Avaux's Reasons by which he endeavours to engage the Honour of the King of Sueden Page 26 XXXII The Conclusion Page 27 AN ANSWER TO A PAPER written by the Count d' AVAUX concerning the Proposals of PEACE made to the Allies by FRANCE I. ONE shall hardly meet with a more specious and subtle Paper than that by which the Count d' Avaux the French King's Ambassador in Sueden has supported the Offers and Conditions of Peace made by his Master Every thing there seems plausible and if one only considers the beautiful and lively Colours which he so artificially makes use of one would think that all the Reason and Justice lay on the French King's as all the Wrong on the Confederates side and this too in an Affair of the highest nature since 't is to put an end to an almost General War amongst Christians in all the parts of the World and to reestablish a Peace which is to decide either the Liberty or the Dependancy of all the Princes and States in Christendom But whereas in Affairs of this Importance instead of being drawn in by outward appearances we ought to sound the bottom let us narrowly enquire into his manner of Reasoning without any Passion or Prejudice which are as blind Guides as they are deprav'd Counsellors The matter in hand deserves it and if ever there was required a true Touchstone in State-Affairs we stand now in need of it II. The Count d' Avaux endeavours strait to remove the Fears of the Confederates who considering the great Eagerness the French King shows to enter upon a Treaty of Peace have a shrewd guess That his only Design in doing so is to seperate and disunite them In order to which he alledges That the King his Master has offered advantageous Terms to all not excepting any of his Enemies III. Now to judge whether these Fears are well or ill grounded we ought to remember what has been done in this Affair in particular with the Duke of Savoy the Emperor the Elector of Bavaria and even to the King of Spain by the Holy Father's Mediation Again we ought to consider what pains have been taken to make this War pass for a War of Religion with the zealous Roman-Catholicks The Emergency of the Affairs of England and the late King James's Misfortunes have furnish'd France with some specious Pretences for it With the Protestant Princes other Engines have been set at work and a show has been made of some other Pretences which the Northern Crowns can prove with a witness Neither ought we to forget the famous Negotiation of the Treaty at Nimeguen which was no sooner set on foot but France obtain'd her Ends viz. To seperate the then Allies An unhappy Seperation which plung'd them into all those Misfortunes they have been forc'd to undergo since that time and which no man can give a better account of than Monsieur d'Avaux himself 'T is then this sad Experience that has made them more wise and 't is also the only and true Reason that has oblig'd the French King to make Proposals and Terms of Peace to every one of them as having lost all hopes of disuniting them by Seperate Treaties IV. But says one what means this wavering Would it not be better to enter strait upon the matter Does it not seem strange that the Allies have not thought fit as yet to make the least Declaration about the Terms proposed by France That they do not name the Place of Assembly Nay that they will not so much as hearken to the Preliminaries of a Treaty And has not France reason to cry out against this Conduct of theirs and to accuse them that they will have no Peace but that on the contrary they are resolved to continue the War for ends sinistrous and prejudicial to the Tranquility and common good of all Christendom V. To which the Confederates will perhaps answer First That they do not like that Haughty Air of Superiority which France assumes in making the Proposals as if it was her due to give Peace to her Enemies when and on what Terms she pleases It was in this manner they were treated at the Peace
began to put it in practice in the Reigns of the Two Charles's the First and the Second and thinking she was just upon the point of obtaining her Ends when James the Second with whom she had had a long and strict Alliance and whose Bigottry and Ambition she but too well knew mounted on the Throne she did not fail to improve that opportunity and the Passions of that Prince to push him on to a Despotick and Arbitrary Government and the bringing in of Popery against the Fundamental Laws of the Realm of which the English are more jealous than any Nation in the World besides is of theirs This is a Truth the Late King James could not be ignorant of and consequently he might easily judge that without a powerful Assistance from abroad it would be impossible for him to compass so vast and so monstrous a Design and who was likelier to lend it him but the French King puissant and dreadful to all the World In short the thing was as readily granted as desired but at the same time it was whispered in the Late King's ear that all would be in vain except the States General were overturn'd as being the only in the World that might oppose his Designs and that would infallibly do it by reason of the great Interest which together with the Prince of Orange their Stadtholder they had in this Affair Wherefore a Secret League was concluded between the two Kings in order to a total destruction of the Vnited Provinces which was to be put in execution on the first opportunity and France who had a mind to strike the Iron whilst it was hot was not willing to put it off till after she had finisht her Conquest of the Rhine and forc'd the Emperor and the Empire to confirm her in the possession of it by a shameful Peace whilst the Late King James by the means of his Army was to render himself Master of all at home to the Subversion of the Government and Religion establish'd by Law in the Three Kingdoms This is the true cause of all King James's Undertakings in England Scotland and Ireland against his true Interest which was to govern his People according to Law and to oppose the pernicious Designs of France But his having been drawn in by her has cost him very dear for the English being resolv'd not to outlive the loss of their Laws their Religion their Liberties and Properties call'd secretly to their assistance the then Prince of Orange who was oblig'd to it by a thousand Reasons But the Prince being wise and cautious and knowing perfectly the consequence of so great an Enterprize suffer'd himself long to be solicited and did not hearken at last but to the Threatnings that were made him from England to abandon entirely his and that Incomparable Princess his Wife's Interest and to give way to some desperate Action would have cost them Rivers of Blood Nevertheless it was not till August 1688. that the States-General were acquainted with this great Affair and they did not grant the Prince their Assistance till the very time the French King's Armies were on their march to invade the Empire and to attack Philipsbourg and then they were not like to refuse it since otherwise they would only have had the advantage of being swallowed up last Now this being well consider'd must not one have a strong Forehead to affirm that the States-General are the cause of this War But besides in granting the Prince of Orange ' s Request did they do the least thing against France or did they infringe the least Article of the Treaty that was then in being with her There is no man of sense can aver it and Monsieur d' Avaux himself in his thundring and threatning Speeches he made then at the Hague could alledge nothing but that his Master found himself oblig'd to assist his Allie Was it then requisite that the States-General should have tamely waited for the mortal Stroke that was prepared for them and being perfectly acquainted with the League of both Kings that had sworn their ruin should they have let slip the only means to save them and which indeed secured them effectually from the Attempts of France who was going to build on their Ruin her vast Designs of an Vniversal Soveraignty over all the States in Europe IX And now to come to the point 't is evident by what has been said that the great Interest the States-General have to observe by a re-establishment of Peace is the securing themselves effectually for the future by Sea and by Land without which all they have to expect will be a suspension only of their total Ruin so much the more inevitable the less hopes they can have ever to meet with so fair an opportunity as they have now at this present to secure their State their Commerce and their Tranquility for the future The fatal Consequences of the precipitated Peace of Nimmeguen are yet too fresh to be forgotten and the boasted of Barriere France offers to restore will no more establish their quiet for the future than it has done for the time past Besides France does not offer to restore the entire Barriere since she pretends to keep Luxenburgh of which more hereafter X. Monsieur d' Avaux passes but slightly over the Terms which the King of Great Britain is to have and it seems he fancies forsooth His Majesty wants nothing but to remain in possession of his Three Kingdoms and that on that score he 'll not scruple to restore what England has taken from France in the West-Indies But in this Monsieur d' Avaux is so much out of the road that we have reason to doubt whether Their Majesties will ever permit that it be inserted as a Condition into a Treaty of Peace that France is to acknowledge Their Dignity and Title which is sufficiently establish'd by the right of Blood and by the Offer the Representatives of both Nations have made Their Majesties of the Three Crowns after the Late King Jame's Abdication and his Retreat into France Besides all Potentates of Europe having acknowledged the Title of and congratulated Their Majesties there is no doubt but France will be forced to make use of the same Language in case she has a mind the King should ever enter with her on Articles of Peace But do they think us tame enough to rest satisfied with that or rather do they not imagine we shall ask for somewhat more some small Terms for our Safety being acquainted as we are with the dangerous Maxims and Designs of France that tend to our destruction Is it probable the King will abandon his Principality of Orange and his other Lands by Inheritance taken from him and confiscated against all manner of Justice a long time before the beginning of this War and in the midst of Peace XI And what are the Terms propos'd to Spain Monsieur d' Avaux talks very high and makes a mighty noise about them Five fine Places
taken in Flanders and Catalonia which the King his Master offers to restore are no Sugar-Plumbs and his desisting from his pretensions to all the Spanish Netherlands in favour of the Elector of Bavaria carries so mighty a weight with it that Spain cannot but chuse to embrace these Proposals with both hands But has not the Catholick King already rejected them with scorn and declared rather to die and to carry on the War all alone then to accept them Which if it be done with reason we are now to consider The King of Spain knows well that the Places France offers to restore especially those in Flanders will be no longer his than during the French King's pleasure and that their distance from him and their Situation in regard to his Crown will make them fall again sooner or later with the remainder of the Spanish Low Countries into the French King's hands at least if it be not prevented by the King of England's Assistance and that of the States-General Neither will a Resignation in favour of the Elector contribute more to the fixing of that Turbulent Humour of the French than that which was formerly pass'd in favour of the Arch-Duke Albert and the Arch-Dutchess Isabella The King of Spain therefore will think perhaps fit to demand some greater and more real Pledges of his Safety by a Barriere that may effectually cover the rest of his Netherlands and 't is left to every ones judgment Whether he has not reason to demand them after the frequent Infractions of the Pyrenean Treaty that of Aix la Chapelle of Nimeguen and the last Truce on the French King's side In the second place France has a mind to keep for ever the Fortress and Dutchy of Luxemburgh and the rather because the States-General have consented to the leaving of them in her hands during the space of Twenty Years and that this Fortress is without the Barriere But is there no difference between a forc'd Resignation and that only for some years and a voluntary one and that for ever Besides we ought to consider that the City and Province of Luxemburg is of greater Importance to the King of Spain than one half of his Low-Countries not so much by reason of its Extent and Revenue as by its commodious Situation which opens and shuts the Gates to the Succors which he that is in Possession of the Netherlands may expect and receive from the Emperor and the Empire and that it is a Bulwark of those Provinces against France XII But there remains yet another Point to be cleared of a far greater nay of the highest nature which is That the French King in desisting in favour of the Elector of Bavaria from his Pretensions to the Low-Countries does still reserve to himself his Pretensions to the Succession of the King of Spain in case he should happen to dye without Issue Which is in plain English That in case a Peace should be concluded to day and the King of Spain happen to dye without Issue to morrow we should then have a new and as fierce a War as ever in the old world as well as in the new one Monsieur d' Avaux indeed calls this a very Malicious Interpretation and charges the Emperor with it as being the nearest concerned therein But he is not aware that he does himself establish and confirm it more than any body besides For to maintain as he does in his Paper That the Renunciation made not by the French Queen only as he does insinuate but also by the King her Husband for himself and for his Successors I say that this Renunciation made upon Oath and the most solemn one that ever was pass'd amongst Sovereigns is null and void of it self and to propose to the King of Sueden the Arbitration of that great Succession What does it mean else but that the French King pretends to it more than ever Otherwise he should have spoke out That the King his Master scorn'd to do it as being resolv'd religiously to observe the Laws he has dictated to himself by this Renunciation But by the way Monsieur d' Avaux flatters himself that by making these Proposals to the King of Sueden he has hit the Point in Politicks that will effectually engage that Prince into the French King's Interest and he boasts of it as an Honour that was never conferr'd on any Prince within the memory of men Indeed to see one self an establish'd Arbiter of a Difference that concerns no less than the greatest and richest part of the New World and so many Kingdoms and Provinces in the Old one is a thing capable of flattering a mind tho possest with the highest Ambition and yet the King of Sueden is too Generous to be drawn in by it If it was a difference of an intricate and dubious nature something might be said for it but since it is about the most frivolous and unjust Pretension that ever was I think the King of Sueden has not much Honour done him by being made an Arbiter of what undoubtedly belongs to another All Sovereigns are engag'd not to suffer an Example of such ill consequence otherwise farewell all Right and Possession since none would be the better for ' em Would not the King of Sueden think it a great Injury and a piece of the highest Injustice in case it should be propos'd to him to submit his Kingdom and Dominions that undoubtedly belong to him to the Decision of a Third Person tho his Brother or his dearest Friend And save this consideration the highest that ever was the Emperor and the King of Spain do confide so much in the King of Sueden's Justice Candour and Generosity that they would gladly receive him as an Arbiter in any other Difference but this In this they 'll undoubtedly stick to the French King 's sworn Renunciation which excludes him from all Pretensions to the Dominions of the King of Spain and the effect of which will never be removed for all either Monsieur d'Avaux can say or the mercenary Pens of France on which he grounds himself can write at least as long as any Contract and Obligation amongst Sovereigns does subsist and Laws Divine and Human are in force XIII Neither does Monsieur d'Avaux prove better the pretended Nullity of this Renunciation by reason that the Spaniards as he pretends have not discharged the Sums they were to pay in a limited time For in the first place it ought to be prov'd that it has been the fault of the Spaniards that the Portion of the late French Queen has not been paid and that they have had no reason to imagine that the Arrears of the Portion of Elizabeth of France Queen of Spain and Mother to the late French Queen might well account for it But in the second place suppose the Spaniards had been backward in this point the Contract of Marriage of the French Queen does not say That in case her Portion should not be paid within the time
of the Lower and Vpper Alsace in the same manner the House of Austria did possess it the Suntgau and the Provinoial Mayery of the Ten Cities Nevertheless Count d' Avaux passes over this great and delicate morsel in silence and pretends to swallow it up without so much as speaking of it There are no instances at least for several Ages That the Empire has Invaded its Neighbours An Offensive War does not at all agree with its Constitution since to resolve upon it more than 200 Voices are requisite of Princes and States that are of a different not to say opposite Interests When on the contrary all Europe smarts by the frequent Invasions and Insults of France All Ages furnish us with Instances of that kind and the present more than all the rest And how can we expect better for the future from that unruly and turbulent Nation XXIII As to the Count 's maintaining That the King his Master offers the Empire a more than sufficient Equivalent for the City of Strasbourg we have already Answered that the Surrender of whatever the French King has Possess'd himself of during this unjust War is so far from being a Compensation for that Place that on the contrary he is holden to make the Empire Restitution of it with Cost and Damages XXIV And indeed 't is matter of wonder to see That Monsieur d' Avaux who is and Writ in Sweden dares not only advance that more than Two thirds of the Palatinat belong uncontrovertedly to the Dutchess of Orleans but that also he takes upon him to offer and to dispose as an equivalent of the Palatinat and the Dutchy of Deux-Ponts the latter of which belongs as undoubtedly to the King of Sweden as he has Right of Succession to the first This is a Point indeed of the highest consequence but 't is left to the decision of that Prince who as he is most concerned therein so he 'll know without doubt how to maintain his Interest We shall only alledge here the Memorial presented in the year 1685 to the Diet of Ratisbonne by the Minister of the Prince Palatine in which it has been made out that according to the Constitutions and Customs of the House Palatine which the Duke and Dutchess of Orleans have acknowledged by their Contract of Marriage and by a solemn Acquittance delivered on the Payment of her Portion the present Dutchess of Orleans has no manner of pretensions no more than the rest of the Princesses Palatin either to the Territories of that House or to what depends from them as long as there are Princes Palatine and Dukes of Bavaria alive who altogether descend in a direct Line from Stephen Count Palatine their Common Father and Author and Founder of this Constitution which since that time has been acknowledged by so many solemn Renunciations of all the Princesses Palatine and more particularly by that of the present Dutchess of Orleans We 'll content our selves also with admiring the boldness to say no more of Monsieur d' Avaux in offering to restore the Dutchy of Deux-Ponts in the Condition it was in when his Master seiz'd it For what will become of the use and revenues of that Dutchy he has enjoy'd during his Vsurpation According to all Laws they ought to be made good at least to the King of Sweden XXV As to what regards the Reunions made for the time past and the Proposals to submit the decision of them to some Commsssaries or to the Arbitration of the Republick of Venice 't is of the same nature with the Succession of the King of Spain which we have examined already The name alone of Reunions Barbarous and unknown to all other Languages will be for ever detested by the Germans so far are they from disputing about and agreeing to an Arbitration of that kind And would it not be a tacit acknowledgment that France had had some reason to make them For we ought never to enter upon the debate but of such Points that are not as this is obvious clear and evident on the Empires side What if the Arbiter should happen to decide in Favour of France Would not that goodly work of Reunions go bravely on anew And the French Writers would not they have a fair play to maintain that what had once been their King 's Right must be always so in spight of what all future Treaties might decide against it Far be it therefore from the Germans to submit a certain and undoubted Right to the chance of a doubtful decision Besides the French King pretends to remain in Possession of the Reunions till that decision be made Now suppose those Commissaries or the Republick of Venice just and bold enough to give these Re-unions to the Germans How shall they come at them but by the means of a New War XXVI And thus far have we followed Monsieur d' Avaux close in the Enquiry of the Proposals he has made and tho we have reason to believe that we have sufficiently demonstrated the Injustice and Unreasonableness of them yet this will be more conspicuous yet if we consider that there is not one of the Allies on whom the French King by these Proposals does not endeavour to get ground and that he treats every one of them as a Conqueror would do his vanquish'd and prostrate Enemies of which I am going to give an Account but in a few words France demands of England what has been taken from her in the West-Indies of the States-General that they are to acquiesce in the renewing of the Treaties of Peace and a Commerce with France on the same foot as they were before the beginning of this War Of Spain the Dutchy and Fortress of Luxemburgh with an Establishment of her Pretensions to the Succession of that Prince Of the Duke of Lorrain Four important Places with a Passage for his Troops that are to pay for what they have And of the Empire the City of Strasburgh will all its Forts as also That the Decision of the Reunions may be left to some Commissaries or an Arbiter XXVII The King of Sueden was so sensible of the Extravagancy of these Proposals that when his Ministers presented them to the Confederates they declared in the Name of the King their Master That it was by no means his Majesty's Intention to Persuade much less to Force the Parties concerned to acquiesce in them And yet Monsieur d' Avaux has the boldness to say no more to maintain to the King of Sueden's face That it is his Interest as well as for his Honour to press the Enemies of France to accept of the Proposals of Peace she has made them and that whosoever talks to him otherwise has no true Zeal for his Service nor a due unconcernedness towards all the other Princes of Europe Good God! who could have expected such a Declaration from the French Ambassador in Sueden who has so great a Reputation We need not again but turn the Tables and say with