it is a general and common The rule of thirds rule of lavv that the vvyfe after the decease of her husband shal enioy the thyrd of his landes but yet the Queene shal not enioye the third parte of the Crovvn after the kings death as vvel appeareth by experience and is to be seene by lavv Anno. 5. 21. of Edvvard the third and Tennant by courtisie Anno. 9. 28. of Henrie the sixte Also it is a common rule that the husband shal hold his vvyues lands after her death as tennaunt by courtisie duringe his life but yet it holdeth not in a kingdom In like maner it is a general and common rule Diuision among daughters that if a man die seased of lād in fee simple hauing daughters and no sonne his landes shal be deuided by equal portions among his daughters vvhich holdeth not in the Crovvn but rather the eldest daughter inheriteth the vvhole as if she vvere the issue male So also it is a common rule of our lavv Executours that the executour shal haue al the goodes and chattels of the testatour but yet not in the Crovvn And so in manie other cases vvhich might be recited it is euident that the Crovvn hath priuiledge aboue others and can be subiect to no rule be it neuer so general except expresse mention be made therof in the same lavv as it is not in the former place and a statute alleaged but rather to the contrarie as after shal be shevved ther is expresse exception for the prerogatiue of such as descend of Royal blood Their second reason is for that the demaund or The secōd reason title of a Crovvn cannot in true sense be comprehended vnder the vvordes of the former statute forbidding Aliens to demaund heritage vvithin The Crovvn no such inheritaunce as is meant in the statute the alegiaunce of England and that for tvvoe respectes The one for that the Crovvn it self cannot be called an heritage of alegiaunce or vvithin alegiaunce for that it is holden of no superior vpon earth but immediatelie from God him self the seconde for that this statute treateth onlie and meaneth of inheritaunce by discēt as heire to the same for I haue shevved before that Aliens may holde lādes by pourchase vvithin our dominion then say they the Crovvn is a thing incorporat descēdeth not according to the cōmon course of other priuate inheritaunces but goeth by succession as other incorporations do In signe vvherof it is euident The Crovvn a corporation that albeit the king be more fauoured in al his doinges then anie common person shal be yet cannot he auoide by lavv his grauntes and letters patentes by reason of his nonage as other infantes common heires vnder age may do but alvvayes be said to be of ful age in respecte of his Crovvn euen as a Prior Person Vicare Deane or other person incorporat shal be vvhiche cannot by anie meanes in lavv be said to be vvithin age in respect of their incorporations VVhich thing maketh an euident difference in our case frō the meaning of the former statute for that a Prior Deane or Person being aliens and no denizens might alvvayes in tyme of peace demaund landes in England in respect of their corporations notvvythstanding the sayd statute or common lavv against aliens as apeateth by manie boke cases yet extant as also by the statute made in the tyme of K. Richard the secōd vvhich vvas after the foresaid statute of king Edvvard the third The third reason is for that in the former statute The third reason it selfe of K. Edvvard ther are excepted expreslie frō this general rule INFANTES DV ROY that is the The Kīgs issue excepted by name kings ofspring or issue as the vvord INFANT doth signifie bothe in Fraunce Portugale Spaine and other countries as the latin vvord liberi vvhich ansvvereth the same is taken commonlie in the L. liberorum F. de verb sign Ciuil lavv Neither may vve restreine the french vvordes of that statute INFANTES DV ROY to the kings childrē onlie of the first degre as some do for that the barraynnes of our lāguage doth yeld vs no other vvorde for the same but rather that therby are vnderstood as vvel the nephevves and other discendantes of the king or blood Royal as his immediate children For it vvere both vnreasonable and ridiculous to imagine that K. Edvvar◠by this statute vvould goe about to disinherit hi◠ovvn nephevves yf he shoulde haue any borne ou◠of his ovvn aleagiaunce as easilie he myght a◠that tyme his sonnes being much abrode from England and the blacke Prince his eldest sonne hauing tvvoe children borne beyonde the seas and consequentlie it is apparent that this rule o◠Maxima set dovvn against Aliens is no vvay to be stretched against the descendantes of the king or of the blood Royal. Their fourth reason is that the meaning of king The fovvrth reason The kīgs meaning Edvvard and his children liuing at such tyme as this statute vvas made could not be that anie of their linage or issue might be excluded in lavv from inheritaunce of their right to the Crovvn by their forreine byrth vvhersoeuer For othervvise it is not credible that they vvould so much haue dispersed their ovvn bloode in other countries as they did by giuing their daughters to straungers and other meanes As Leonel the The matches of England vvyth forreyners kinges third sonne vvas married in Millan and Iohn of Gaunte the fourth sonne gaue his tvvoe daughters Phylippe and Katherine to Portugal Castile and his neipce Ioan to the king of Scottes as Thomas of VVoodstock also the yongest brother married his tvvoe davvghters the one to the king of Spain and the other to the Duke of Brytane VVhich no doubt they being vvyse Princes and so neere of the bloode Royal vvould neuer haue done yf they had imagined that herebie their issue should haue lost al clayme and title to the Crovvn of England and therfore it is moste euident that no such barre vvas then extante or imagined Their fift reasō is that diuers persons borne out The fifte reason Exāples of forreiners admitted of al English dominion and aleagiaunce both before the conquest and sithence haue bene admitted to the succession of oure Crovvne as lavvful inheritours vvythoute anie exception againste them for theyr forreyne byrthe As before the conquest is euident in yong Edgar Etheling borne in Hungarie and thence called home to inherit the Crovvn by his great vncle king Edvvard the Confessor vvith ful consent of the vvhole Realm the Bishop of VVorcester being sent as Ambassador to Flores hist An. 1066. fetch him home vvith his father named Edvvard the ovvtlavve And since the conquest it appeareth plainlie in kinge Stephen and kinge Henrie the seconde bothe of them borne out of English dominions and of Parentes that at their birth vvere not of the English alleagiaunce and yet vvere they both
admitted to the Crovvn Yonge Arthure also Duke of Bretaigne by his mother Constance that matched vvith Geffray K. Henrie the secondes sonne vvas declared by K. Richard his Pol. lib. 15 Flor. hist 1208. vncle at his departure tovvardes Ierusalem and by the vvhole Realm for lavvfull heire apparent to the Crovvne of England though he vvere borne in Bretaigne out of English alleagiaunce and so he vvas taken and adiudged by all the vvorlde at that day albeit after king Richards death his Kinge Iohâ— a Tyraunt other vncle Iohn moste Tyrannouslie toke both his kingdome and his lyfe from him For vvhich notable iniustice he vvas detested of all men both abrode at home and most apparentlie scourged by God vvith grieuous and manifolde plagues both vppon him selfe and vppon the Realme vvhich yeelded to his vsurpation So that by this also it appeareth vvhat the practize of our countrie hath bene from tyme to tyme in this case of forreine birth vvhich practize is the best interpretor of our common English lavv vvhich dependeth especialie and moste of al vpon custome nor can the aduersarie aleage anie one example to the contrarie Their sixt is of the iudgement and sentence of K. The sixt reason The iudgement and sentence of K Henry the seuenth Henrie the seueÌ„th and of his Councell vvho being together in consulation at a certaine tyme about the mariage of Margaret his eldest daughter into Scotland some of his Councell moued this doubt vvhat should ensue if by chaunce the kinges issue male should faile and so the succession deuolue to the heires of the said Margaret as novv it doth VVherunto that vvise and moste prudent Prince made ansvvere that if anie such euent should be it could not be preiudicial to England being the bigger parte but rather beneficial for that it should dravve Scotland to EnglaÌ„d that is the lesser to the more euen as in tymes paste it hapened in Nor mandie Aquitane and some other Prouinces VVhich ansvvere apeased all doubtes and gaue singular contention to thes of his Councell as Polidore vvriteth that liued at that tyme and vvrote the special matters of that reigne by the kinges ovvn instruction So that hereby vve see no question made of K. Henrie or his Councellours tovvching forreine birth to let the succession of Ladie Margarets issue vvhich no doubt vvould neuer haue bene omitted in that learned assemblie if anie lavv at that tyme had bene estemed or imagined to barre the same And thes are sixe of their principalest reasons to proue that neither by the vvordes nor meaning of our common lavves nor yet by custom or practize of our Realm an Alien may be debarred froÌ„ claime of his interest to the Crovvn vvhen it falleth to him by rightful discent in blood and successioÌ„ But in the particular case of the Q. of Scottes and her The seuenth reason The Q of Scot. and her sonne no Aliens sonne they do ad another reason or tvvo therby to proue theÌ„ in verie deed to be no Aliens Not only in respect of their often coÌ„tinual mixture vvith English blood froÌ„ the beginning and especialie of late the Q GrauÌ„dmother husbaÌ„d being English so her sonne begoten of an English father but also for tvvo other causes reasoÌ„s vvhich seme in trueth of verie good importaunce The first is for that Scotland by al Englishe men hovv so euer the Scottes denie the same is taken holdeÌ„ as subiect to EnglaÌ„d by vvay of Homage vvhich manie of their kinges at diuers tymes haue acknovvledged coÌ„sequeÌ„tlie the Q. and her sonne being borne in Scotland are not borne out of the aleagiaunce of England and so no forreyners The second cause or reason is for that the forenamed statute of forreyners in the fyue and tvventie yeare of K. Edvvard the third is intituled of those that are borne beyond the seas And in the bodie of the same statute the doubt is moued of children borne out of English aleagiaunce beyond the seas vvherby cannot be vnderstood ScotlaÌ„d for that it is a peece of the coÌ„tinent land vvithin the seas And al our olde recordes in England that talke of seruice to be done vvithin thes tvvo countries haue vsualy thes latin vvordes infra quatuor Maria or in frensh deins lez quatre mers that is vvithin the foure seas vvherby must needes be vnderstood as vvel Scotland as England and that perhapes for the reason before mentioned of the subiectioÌ„ of Scotland by vvay of Homage to the Crovvn of England In respect vvherof it may be that it vvas accompted of olde but one dominion or aleagiaunce And consequently no man borne therin can be accompted an Alien to England And this shal suffice for the first point touching forreine Natiuitie For the secoÌ„d impedimeÌ„t obiected vvhich is the The second impediment against the Q. of Scot. and her sonne vvhich is K. HeÌ„rie the eight his Testament TestameÌ„t of K. HeÌ„rie the eight authorized by parliameÌ„t vvherby they affirme the successioÌ„ of Scotland to be excluded it is not precisely true that they are excluded but only that they are put back behiÌ„d the succession of the house of Suffolk For in that pretended TestameÌ„t vvhich after shal be proued to be none indeed king Henrie so disposeth that after his ovvn children if they should chaunce to die vvithout issue the Crovvn shal passe to the heirs of Fraunces and of Elenore his neipces by his yonger sister Marie Q. of Fraunce and after them deceasing also vvithout issue â—he succession to returne to the next heires againe VVherby it is euideÌ„t that the successioÌ„ of Margaret Q. of ScotlaÌ„d his eldest sister is not excluded but thrust back only froÌ„ their due place and order to expect the remainder vvhich may in tyme be left by the yonger VVherof in mine opinion do ensue some considerations Forreine birth no impediment in the iudgment of K. Henry the eight against the present pretenders them selues First that in K. Henries iudgement the former pretended rule of forreine birth vvas no sufficient impedimeÌ„t against ScotlaÌ„d for if it had bene no doubt but that he vvould haue named the same in his aleaged Testament and therby haue vtterlie excluded that succession But there is no such thing in the Testament Secondlie yf they admit this Testament vvhich The succession of Scotland nexte by the iudgment of the coÌ„petitours alloteth the Crovvn to ScotlaÌ„d next after Suffolk then seing that al the house of Suffolk by thes mens assertion is cexcluded by Bastardie it must needes folovv that Scotland by their ovvn iudgement is next and so this testament vvil make against them as indeed it doth in al pointes moste apparentlie but onelie that it preferreth the house of Suffolk before that of Scotland And therfore I think Sir that you mistake somvvhat about their opinion in aleaging this Testament For I suppose that no man of my Lord of Huntingtons faction vvil aleage or vrge the testimonie of
kynge and could haue bene content by the help of vs in England to haue put hym dovvn and placed an other of theyr ovvn religion yet vvhen they savve vs once seazed of Nevvhauen and so like to proced to the recouerie of some parte of our states â—unce on that side the sea they quicklie ioined vvith ther ovvn Catholiques againe to expell vs. In Flaunders likevvise though MoÌ„sieur vvere called Flaunders thither by the protestantes especialie for defence of their religion against the Spaniard yet vve see hovv daintie diuers chief protestaÌ„tes of Antvvarpe Gaunt and Bruges vvere in admitting him hovv quick in expelling so soone as he put them in the least feare of subiection to the french And as for Portugal Portugall I haue heard some of the chiefest Catholiques among them say in this late contention about their kingdom that rather then they vvould suffer the Castilian to come in vpon them they vvould be coÌ„tent to admyt vvhatsoeuer aides of a contrarie religion to them selues to aduenture vvhatsoeuer alteration in religion or other incoÌ„uenience might befal them by that meanes rather then endaunger their subiection to their ambitious neighbour The like is reported in diuers histories of the The old harred of east Grecians tovvardes the vvest Latins GreciaÌ„s at this day vvho do hate so much the name and dominion of the Latines as they had rather to endure al the miseries vvhich dailie they suffer vnder the Turk for their religion and othervvise then by calling for aid froÌ„ the vvest to hazard their subiection to the said Latines So that by thes examples you see that feare horrour of external subiection may stay men in al states and consequentlie also both Papistes and Puritanes in the state of England from passing to the second kinde or degree of treason albeit they vvere neuer so deep in the first and had both abilitie time vvil and oportunitie for the other SCHOL Here I presumed to interrupt their speech said that this seemed to me most cleare and that novv I vnderstood vvhat the Lavvier meant before vvhen he affirmed that albeit the moste parte of Papistes in general might be said to deal against the state of England at this day in that they deal so earnestlie for the maintenaunce encrease of their religion and so to incurre some kinde of treason yet perhaps not so farfurth nor in so deep a degre of proper treason as in this boke is presumed or inforced though for my parte said I I do not se that the boke Not all Papistes properly traytors presumeth or inforceth al Papistes in general to be properlie traitors but onlie such as in particular are therin named or that are by lavv attainted coÌ„dempned or executed and vvhat vvil you say quoth I to those in particular LAVV. Surelie quoth he I must say of thes much after the maner vvhich I spak before that some here named in this boke are openlie knovven to haue bene in the second degre or kinde of treason as VVestmerland Norton Saunders and the like But diuers The Priestes and Seminaries that vvere executed others namelie the Priestes and Seminaries that of late haue suffred by so much as I could see deliuered and pleaded at their arraignments or heard protested by them at their deathes or gathered by reason and discourse of my self for that no forrain Prince or vvise councellor vvould euer commit so great maters of state to such instrumentes I cannot I say but think that to the vvise of our state that had the doing of this busines the first degree of treason vvherin no doubt they vvere vvas sufficient to dispatch and make them avvay especialie in such suspitious times as thes are to the end that being hanged for the first they should neuer be in daunger to fal into the second nor yet to dravv other men to the same vvhich perhaps vvas moste of al misdoubted After the lavvyer had spoken this I held my peace to heare vvhat the geÌ„tlemaÌ„ vvoulde ansvvere vvho vvalked vp and dovvn tvvo vvhole turnes in the gallerie vvythout yeelding anie vvorde againe and then staying vpon the sudden cast his eyes sadlie vpon vs both and said GENTL My masters hovv so euer this be vvhich in dede apperteineth not to vs to iudge or discusse but rather to persvvade our selues that the state hath reason to do as it doeth and that it must often times asvvel preuent inconueniences as remedie the same vvhen they are happened yet for my ovvn parte I must confesse vnto you that vpon some considerations vvhich vse to come vnto my mynd I take no smal grief of these differences among vs vvhich you terme of diuers different religions for vvhich vve are driuen of necessitie to vse discipline tovvards diuers vvho possiblie othervvise vvould be no great malefactours I knovv the cause of this difference VVise coÌ„sideratioÌ„s is grounded vpoÌ„ a principle not easie to cure vvhich is the iudgemeÌ„t conscience of a man vvhervnto obeyeth at length his vvil and affection vvhat soeuer for a tyme he may othervvise dissemble outvvardlie I remember your speech before of the doubtful and daungerous inclination of such as lyue discontented in a state of a different religion especialie vvhen either indeed or in their ovvn conceipt they are hardlie dealt vvythal and vvher euerie mans particular punishment is taken to reach to the cause of the vvhole I am not ignorant hovv that misery procureth amitie and the opinion of calamitie moueth affection of mercie and compassion euen tovvardes the Miserie moueth mercie vvicked the better fortune alvvaies is subiect to enuie and he that suffereth is thought to haue the better cause my experience of the diuers raignes and procedinges of king Edvvard Q. Marie and of this our moste gratious soueraigne hath taught me not a litle touching the sequele of thes affaires And finalie my good friendes I must tel you plaine A good vvishe quoth he and this he spake vvyth great asseueration that I could vvysh vvyth al my hart that either thes differences vvere not amonge vs at al or els that they vvere so temperatlie on al partes pursued as the common state of our countrie the blessed raigne of her Ma. and the common cause of true religion vvere not endaungered therby But novv and ther he brak of and turned aside LAVV. The lavvier seing him holde his peace departe he stepped after him and taking him by the govvne said merylie Syr al men are not of your complexion some are of quicker and more stirring spirites and do loue to fishe in vvater that is troubled for that they do participate the Black moors humour that dvvel in Guinea vvherof I suppose you haue heard and seene also some in this land vvose excercise The nature and practize of the Guineans at home is as some vvrite the one to hunt catche and sell the other and alvvayes the stronger to make money of the vveaker for the
nature and said that he alvvayes mistrusted the same considering hovv much his Lordship vvas in debt to him and he made pryuie to his Lordship fovvle secretes vvhich secrets he vvould ther presentely haue vttered in the face of all the vvorld but that he feared tormeÌ„tes or speedie death vvith some extraordinarie crueltie if he should so haue donne and therefore he disclosed the same onely to a Gentleman of vvorshippe vvhom he trusted speciallie vvhose name I may not vtter for some causes but it beginneth vvith H. I am in hope ere it be long by means of a frieÌ„d of myne to haue a sight of that discourse reporte of Gates vvhich hytherto I haue not sene nor euer spake I vvith the GeÌ„tleman that keepeth it though I be vvel assured that the vvhole mater passed insubstance as I haue here recounted it SCHOL VVherunto I ansvvered that in good faith it vvere pittye that this relation should be lost for that it is very lyke that many rare thinges be declared This relation of Gates may serue hereafter for an addition in the secoÌ„d editioÌ„ of this boke therin seing it is donne by a man so priuie to the affayres them selfes vvherin also he had bene vsed an instrument I vvill haue it quoth the Gentleman or els my friendes shal fayle me hovvbeit not so soone as I vvould for that he is in the vvest countrie that should procure it for me vvill not returne for certaine monethes but after I stall see him agayne I vvill not leaue him vnril he procure it fot me as he hath promissed vvell quoth I but vvhat is become of that euidence founde in Ireland vnder my Lords hand vvhich no man dare pursue auouche or behold GENTL Treulie said the Gentilman I am informed that it lyeth safelie reserued in good custodie to be brought furth and auovvched vvhen so ouer it shal please God so to dispose of her Ma. hart as to lend an indifferent eare asvvell to his accusers as to him self in iudgement Neither must you think that this is straunge nor that the thinges are fevv vvhich are in such sorte reserued in deck for the tyme to come euen amoÌ„g The deck reserued for Leycester great personages and of high calling for seing the present state of his povver to be such and the tempest of his tyrannie to be so strong and boisterous as no man may stand in the rage therof vvithout peril for that euen from her Ma. her self in the lenitie of her Princelie nature he extorteth vvhat he designeth either by fraud flattery false informatioÌ„ Leycester puyssant vyolence vvith the Prince her self request pretence or violent importunitie to the ouer-bearing of al vvhom he meaneth to oppresse No maruaile then though manie euen of the best and faythfullest subiectes of the land do yeeld to the present tyme and do keep silence in some matters that othervvise they vvould take it for duetie to vtter And in this kinde it is not long sithence a vvorshipful and vvise friende of myne tolde me a testimonie in secret from the mouth of as noble and graue a Councellor as England hath enioyed thes The Erle of Sussex his speech of the Erl of Leices manie hundreth yeares I meane the late L. Chamberlayne vvith vvhom my said friend being alone at his house in London not tvventie daies before hsi death conferred somvvhat familiarlie about thes and like maters as vvith a true father of his countrie and common vvealth and after manie complaintes in the behalf of diuers vvho had opened their griefes vnto Councellors and savve that no notice vvould be taken therof the said noble man turning him self somvvhat about from the vvater for he satte neare his pond syde vvher he beheld the taking of a pike or carpe said to my friend It is no maruaile Sir for vvho dareth intermedle him self in my Lords affaires I vvil tel yovv quoth he in confidence betvven you and me ther is as vvyse a man and as graue and as faythful a Councellor as England breedeth meaning therby The L. Bâ—rghlei the L. Treasurer vvho hath asmuch in his keping of Leycesters ovvn hand vvriting as is sufficient to hang him if either he durst present the same to her Ma. or her Ma. do iustice vvhen it should be presented But indeed quoth he the time permitteth neither of them both therfore it is in vaine for anie man to struggle vvith him Thes vvere that noble mans vvordes vvherby you may consider vvhether my L. of Leicester be strong this daye in Councell or no and vvhether his fortification be sufficient in that place But novv if out of the Councell vve vvil turne Leycester povver in the country abrod but our eye in the countrie abrode vve shal finde as good fortification also ther as vve haue pervsed alredie in Court and Councell and shal vvel perceiue that this mans plot is no fond or indiscrete plot but excellent vvel grounded and such as in al proportions hath his due correspondence Consider then the chiefe and principal partes of this land for martial affaires for vse and commoditie of armoure for strength for opportunitie for libertie of the people as dvvelling farthest of from the presence and aspect of their Prince such partes I saye as are fittest for sudden entreprises vvithout daunger of interception as are the Northe the VVest the countries of VVales the Ilandes round about the land and sundry other places vvythin the same Are they not al at this day at his disposition are they not all by his procurement in the onelie handes of his friendes and allies or of such as by other matches haue the same complot and purpose vvith him Yorke Erle of Huntington In York is president the man that of al other is fittest for that place that is his nearest in affinitie his dearest in friendship the head of his faction open competitor of the Scepter In Barvvik is Captaine Barvvick The L. HunsdeÌ„ his vvyues vncle moste assured to him self HuntinghtoÌ„ as one vvho at conuenient tyme may as much aduaunce their designementes as anie one man in England In VVales the chiefe authoritie from the Prince VVales Siâ— HeÌ„rie Sidney The Er. of PeÌ„brook The vvest Earle of Bedford is in his ovvn brother in lavv buâ— among the people of natural affectioÌ„ is in the Earle of Penbrook vvho both by Mariage of his sisters daughter is made his allie and by dependence is knovven to be vvholie at his dispositioÌ„ The vvest parte of EnglaÌ„d is vnder Bedford a man vvholie deuoted to his the Puritanes faction In IrelaÌ„d vvas gouernour of The L. Grey †Her Ma. as he saith for stricking of M. Fortescue called him lame vvretch that gryeued hâ—m so for that he vvas hurt in her seruice at Lyeth as he said he vvould liue to be reuenged late the principall instrument appointed for their purposes both in respect of his heat and affection tovvard their
SCHOL Here said I for the rest vvhich you speak of besides the vvatch-vvord it is common and euerie vvhere treated in talke amōg them but yet for the vvatch-vvord it self for that you name it I think Sir manie knovv it not if I vvere the first that The vvatch-vvord of the conspirators tolde you the storie as perchaunce I vvas For in trueth I came to it by a rare happe as then I tolde you the thing being vttered expoūded by a Baron of their ovvn faction to an other noble man of the same degre and religion though not of the same opinion in thes affaires And for that I am requested not to vtter the secōd vvho tolde it me in secret I must also spare the name of the first vvhich othervvise I vvould not nor the tyme and place vvher he vttered the same LAVV. To this said the Lavvyer you do vvel in that but yet I beseech you let me knovv this vvatch-vvord if ther be anie such for mine instruction and help vvhen need shal require For I assure you that this gentlemans former speech of halters hath so terrified me as if anie should come and aske or feele my inclination in these matters I vvoulde ansvvere them fullie to their good contentment if I knevv the vvatch-vvord vvherby to knovv thē For of al thinges I loue not to be hanged for quarrells of kingdomes The vvatch-vvorde is said I. VVHETHER YOVV BE SETLED OR NO and if you ARE YOV SETLED ansvvere yea seeme to vnderstand the meaning therof then are you knovven to be of their factiō so to be accōpted and dealt vvythall for thinges to come But if you staggar or doubt in ansvvering as yf you knevv not perfectlie the misterie as the noble man my good Lord did imagining that it had bene ment of his religion vvhich vvas verie vvel knovven to be good setled in the ghospel then are you discried therby either not to be of their side or els to be but a Punie not vvel instructed A great misterye and consequentlie he that moueth you the question vvil presentlie break of that speach and turn to some other talk vntil aftervvard occasion be giuē to persvvade you or els instruct you better in that affaire Marie the noble man vvherof I spake before perceyuing by the demaūding that ther vvas some misterie in couert vnder the question tooke holde of the vvords vvould not suffer the propoūder to slip avvaye as he endeuored but vvith much intreatie brought him at length to expound the ful meaning purpose of the ridle And this vvas the first occasion as I think vvherby this secret came abrode Albeit aftervvardes at the publique communions vvhich vvere made thoughout so manie shires the matter became more common especialie amonge the straungers that inhabite as you knovv in great numbers vvith vs at this daye Al vvhich as they say are made moste assured to this faction and redie to assist the same vvith great forces at al occasions LAVV. Good Lord quoth the Lavvyer hovv manie misteries secretes be ther abrode in the vvorld vvherof vve simple men knovv nothing suspect lesse This vvatch-vvord should I neuer haue imagined Assēblyes at Communions and for the great and often assemblies vnder pretence of Communions though of them selues oft her ovvn nature they vvere vnaccustomed consequētlie subiect to suspition yet did I neuer cōceiue so far foorth as novv I do as nether of the Straūgers vvythin the Land lodging and enterteining of so manie straungers in the Realm vvherof our Artizās do cōplaine euerie vvhere But novv I see the reason therof vvhich no doubt is foūded vpon great policy for the purpose And by this also I see that the house of Huntington presseth far forvvarde for the game shouldreth neare the goale to lay hādes vppon the same VVhich to tel you plainlie liketh me but a litle both in respecte of the good vvil I beare to the vvhole line of K. Henrie vvhich hereby is like to be dispossessed as also for the miserie vvhich I do forsee muste necessarilie ensue vpon our countrie The peril of oure countrie if Hūtingtons claime take place if once the chalenge of Huntington take place in our Realm VVhich challenge being deriued from the title of Clarence onlie in the house of Yorke before the vnion of the tvvo great houses rayseth vp againe the olde cōtention betvven the families of Yorke and Lancaster vvherin so much English blood vvas spilt in tymes past and much more like to be poured out novv if the same contention should be set on foot againe Seing that to the controuersie of titles vvould be added also the controuersie of religion vvhich of al other differences is most daungerous GENTL Sir quoth the Gentleman novv you touche a matter of consequence indeed such as the verie naming therof maketh my hart to shake trēble I remember vvel vvhat Philippe Cominus setteth dovvne in his history of our countries calamitie by that cōtention of thos tvvo houses distingvvished The read rose and the vvhyt by the read rose the vvhyte but yet both in their armes might iustlie haue borne the coulour of read vvith a firie svvorde in a black field to signifie the aboundaunce of bloode and mottalitie vvhych ensued in our countrie by that moste vvoful and cruel contention I vvil not stand here to set dovvn the particulars obserued gathered by the forsaid author though a straunger vvhich for the moste parte he savv him self vvhile he liued about the Duke of Burgundie king Levves of Fraūce of that tyme namely the pitiful description of diuers right noble mē of our Realm vvho besides al other miseries vvere driuen The miserie of England by the cōtentiō betvvē York and Lācaster to begge openlie in forraine countries the like Mine ovvn obseruation in reading ouer our cōtrie affaires is sufficiēt to make me abhorre the memorie of that tyme and to dread al occasion that may lead vs to the like in tyme to come seing that in my iudgement neither the ciuil vvarres of Marius Sylla or of Pompey Caesar among the Romanes Guelphians Gibilines nor yet the Guelphiās Gibilines among the Italiās did euer vvork so much vvoe as this did to our poore coūtrie VVherin by reason of the cōtention of York and Lancaster vvere foughten sixtiene or seuentiene pitched fieldes in lesse then an hūdreth yeares That is from the eleuenth or tvvelfth yeare of K. Richard the second his reigne vvhen this controuersie first began to bud vp vnto the thirtienth yeare of K. Henrie the seuenth At vvhat tyme by cutting of the chiefe titler of Huntingtōs Edvvard Plantaginet Erle of vvarvvik house to vvit yong Edvvard Plantaginet Earle of VVarvvik sonne and heire to George Duke of Clarence the contention moste happily vvas quēshed and ended vvherin so manie fieldes as I haue said vvere foughten betvven brethren inhabitantes of our
For first they affirme that Hērie Marques Dorset vvhen he married the Ladie Fraunces had to vvife the olde Earle of Arundels sister vvho liued both then and manie years after and had a prouision out of his liuing to her dying day vvherby that mariage could no vvay be good Secondlie that the Ladie Katherin daughter to the said Lady Fraunces by the Marques by vvhom the Earle of Hartford had his children vvas lavvfulie maried to the Earle of Penbrook that novv liueth and consequentlie could haue no lavvful issue by anie other during his life Thirdlie that the said Katherin vvas neuer lavvfulie maried to the said Earle of Hartford but bare him thos childrē as his Concubine VVhich as they say is defined and regestred in the Archbisshop or Cāturburies Court vpon due examination taken by order of her Ma. that novv reigneth and this is in effect so much as I haue heard them aleage about thes affaires SCHOL It is much quoth I that you haue said if it may be al proued Marie yet by the vvay I cannot but smile to heare my Lord of Leycester alovve of so manie bastardies novv vppon the issue of Ladie Fraunces vvhom in tyme paste vvhen lane her Leicester dealing vvith the house of Suffolk eldest daughter vvas married to his brother he aduaunced in legitimation before both the daughters of K. Henrie the eight But to the purpose I vvould gladie knovv vvhat groundes of veritie thes alegations haue and hovv far in trueth they may stoppe from inheritance for indeed I neuer heard them so distinctlie aleaged before GENTL VVherto ansvvered the Gentleman that our friend the Lavvier could best resolue that if it pleased him to speak vvythout his fee though in some points aleaged euerie other man quoth he that knovveth the state and common gouernment of England may easily giue his iudgement also As in the case of Bastardie if the matter may be proued Bastardy ther is no difficultie but that no right to inheritaunce can iustlie be pretended as also perhaps Forreyne byrth in the case of forreine birth though in this I am not so cunning but yet I see by experience that forreiners borne in other landes can hardlie come and claime inheritaunce in England albeit to the contrarie I haue heard great and long disputes but such as indeed passed my capacitie And if it might please our friēd here present to expound the thing vnto vs more clearly I for my parte vvould gladlie bestovv the hearing and that vvith attention LAVV. To this ansvvered the Lavvyer I vvil gladie Sir tel you my mind in anie thīg that it shal please you demaund much more in this matter vvherin by occasiō of oftē cōference I am somevvhat perfect The impedimētes vvhich thes men aleage against the succession of K. Henrie the 8. his sisters are of tvvo kindes as you see The one knovven and alovved in our lavv as you haue vvel said if it may be proued and that is bastardie vvherby they seck Bastardies lauful stops to disable al the vvhole Line and race of Suffolk as also Arbella of the second and later house of Scotlād VVherof it is to smal purpose to speak any thing here seing the vvhole controuersie stādeth vpon a matter of fact onlie to be proued or improued by recordes and vvitnesses Onlie this I vvil say that some of thes bastardies before named are rife in manie mens mouthes auovved by diuers that yet liue but let other men loke to this vvho haue moste interest therin and may be moste damnified by them if they fal out true The impedimentes agaīst Scotland three in number The other impedimentes vvhich are aleaged onlie against the Q of Scottes and her sonne are in number three as you recite them that is forreine birth K Henries Testamēt and religion vvherof I am contente to say somevvhat seing you desire it albeit ther be so much published alredy in bokes of diuers languages beyond the sea as I am enformed concerning this matter as more cannot be said But yet so much as I haue heard passe among Lavvyers my betters in conference of thes affaires I vvil not let to recite vnto you vvith this Prouiso A protestation and protestation alvvayes that vvhat I speake I speak by vvay of recital of other mens opinions not meaning my self to incurre the statute of affirming or auovving any persons title to the Crovvn vvhatsoeuer First then touching forreine birth ther be some Touchīg the first impediment of f 〈…〉 yue by 〈…〉 men in the vvorld that vvil say that it is a common and general rule of our lavv that no straunger at al may inherit anie thing by anie meanes vvithin the lād vvhich in trueth I take to be spoken vvithout ground in that general sense For I could neuer yet come to the sight of anie such common or vniuersal rule and I knovv that diuers examples may be alleaged in sundrie cases to the contrarie and by that vvhich is expreslie set dovvne in the seuenth and ninthe yeares of K. Edvvard the fouerth and in the eleuenth and fouertienth of Henrie the fourth it appeareth plainlie that a An Alien may purchasse straunger may purchase landes in England as also inherite by his vvife if he marrie an inheritrix VVherfore this common rule is to be restreined from that generalitie vnto proper inheritaunce onlie in vvhiche sense I doe easilie graunte The true Maxima against Aliens that our common lavv hathe bene of auncient and is at this day that no person borne out of the aleagiaunce of the kinge of England vvhos father and mother vvere not of the same aleagiaunce at the tyme of his birthe shal be able to haue or demaunde anie heretage vvithin the The statute of K. Edvvard vvhence the Maxima is gathered same aleagiaunce as heire to anie person And this rule of our common lavve is gathered in thes selfe same vvordes of a statute made in the 25. yeare of K. Edvvarde the thirde vvhiche in deede is the only place of effecte that can be aleaged out of our lavve against the inheritaunce of straungers in suche sense and cases as vve novv treate of Reasons vvhy the Scottish title is not leted by the Maxima Against Aliens And albeit novv the cōmon lavv of our countrie do runne thus in general yet vvil the friends of the Scottishe clayme affirme that hereby that title is nothing let or hindered at al tovvards the Crovvn and that for diuers manifest and vveighty reasons vvherof the principal are thes vvhich ensue First it is common and a general rule of our The first reason English lavves that no rule Axiome or Maxima of lavv be it neuer so general can touche or binde the Crovvn except expresse mētion be made therof in the same for that the king and Crovvn haue great preuiledge and prerogatiue aboue the state and affayres of subiectes and great differences alovved in pointes of lavv As for example
of Condie in the contrarie parte vvould King of Nauarre Prince of Condye think them selues greatlie iniuried by the state of Fraunce vvhich is different from them in religion at this day if after the death of the king that novv is his brother vvithout issue yf God so dispose they should be barred froÌ„ inheriting the Crovvn vnder pretence onlie of their religion My Lord of HuntingtoÌ„ him self also is he not knovveÌ„ to be of My L. of Huntingtons religion a different religioÌ„ from the present state of EnglaÌ„d and that yf he vvere king to morovve next he vvould alter the vvhole gouernment order condition state of religion novv vsed estblished vvythin the Realm But as I said in the beginning yf one of a vvhole familie or of diuers families be culpable or to be The title of thos vvhiche ensevve the Q. of Scottes touched herein vvhat haue the rest offeÌ„ded therby vvil you exclude al for the mislike of one And to descend in order yf the first in K. Henries line after her Ma. may be touched in this point yet vvhy should the rest be damnified therby The king of Scotland her sonne that next ensueth to speake in equitie vvhie should he be shut out for his religion And are not al the other in like maner protestantes vvhos discent is consequent by nature order and degre SCHOL For the yong king of Scotland quoth I the trueth is that alvvayes for mine ovvn parte I haue had great hope and expectation of him not onlie The yoÌ„g kâ—ng of Scotland for the conceipt vvhich commonlie men haue of such Orient youthes borne to kingdomes but especialie for that I vnderstod froÌ„ tyme to time that his educatioÌ„ vvas in allearning priÌ„celie exercises instruction of true religioÌ„ vnder rare and vertuous men for that purpose VVherby I conceyued hope that he might not onelie become in tyme an honorable and profitable neighbour vnto vs for assurance of the ghospel in thes partes of the vvorld but also yf God should depriue vs of her Maiesty vvhithout issue might be a meane by his sucâ—ssion to vnite in Concord and Gouernment the tvvoe Realmes together vvhich heretofore hath bene sought by the price of manie a thousand mens blood and not obteyned Marie yet novv of late I knovv not by vvhat meanes ther is begon in mens hartes a certaine mislike or grudge against him for that it is giuen ouâ— euerie vvhere that he is inclyned to be a Papist an enimie to her Ma. proceedinges VVhich argueth him verelie of singular ingratitude if it be true considering the great helpes and protection vvhich he hath receyued from her highnes euer sithence he vvas borne GENTL And are you so simple quoth the Genleman as to beleeue euerie report that you heare of this matter knovv you not that it is expedient for my L. of Leycester and his factioÌ„ that this youth aboue al other be held in perpetual disgrace vvyth her Ma. and vvyth this Realm You knovv that Richard The deuice to set out her Ma vvith the yong king of ScotlaÌ„d of Glocester had neuer bene able to haue vsurped as he did if he had not first persvvaded kiÌ„g Edvvard the fovverth to hate his ovvn brother the Duke of Clarence vvhich Duke stood in the vvaye betvvene Richard and the thing vvhich he moste of al thinges coueted That is the possibility to the Crovvn and so in this case is ther the lyke deuice to be obserued For truelie for the yong king of Scotlands religion it is euident to as manie as haue reason that it caÌ„ be no other of it self but inclined to the best both in respect of his education instruction coÌ„uersation vvith thos of true religion as also by hiâ— former Actions Edictes Gouernment and priuatâ— behauiour he hath declared Marie thes men vvhos profit is nothing lesse then that he or any other of that race should do vvel do not cease daylie by al secrete vvayes driftes and molestations possible to driue him either to mislke of our religion or els to incur the suspitioÌ„ therof vvith such of our Realm as othervvise vvould be his best friendes or if not this yet for verie need feare of his ovvn lyfe to make recourse to such other Princes abrode as may most offend or mislik this state And for this cause they suborne certaine busie felovves of their ovvn crevv and faction perteyning to the ministerie of Scotland but vnvvorthy of so vvorthie a caliÌ„g to vse such insoleÌ„cy tovvards The intolerable procedinges of certayne Ministers in ScotlaÌ„d agaiÌ„st theyâ— kig by sâ—bornation of â—ys â—â—ymyes in England their king and Prince as is not onlie vndecent but intollerable For he may do no thing but they vvil examin and discusse the same in pulpit If he go but on hunting vvhen it pleaseth them to cal him to their preaching if he make but a dinner or supper vvhen or vvhere or vvyth vvhom they like not if he receiue but a coople of horses or other preseÌ„t froÌ„ his friendes or kinsmen beyond the seas yf he salute or vse courteouslie anie maÌ„ or messiger vvhich coÌ„meth from them as you knovv Princes of their nobilitie courtesie are accustomed though they come froÌ„ their enimies as often hath bene seene highlie commended in her Ma. of England yf he deale familiarlie vvyth anie Ambassadour vvhich liketh not them or finalie if he do say or signifie any one thing vvhatsoeuer that pleaseth not their humour they vvil presentlie as seditious tribunes of the people exclame in publique and stepping to the pulpit vvher the vvord of the Lord only ought to be preached vvil excite the commonaltie to discontentation inveying against their souerain vvith such bitternes of speech vnreuerend tearmes and insoleÌ„t controlmentes as is not to be spokeÌ„ Novv imagine vvhat her Ma. her graue couÌ„cell vvould do in England if such procedinges should be vsed by the cleargie against them STHOL No doubt quoth I but that suche vnquiet spirites should be punished in our Realm And so I said of late to their moste Reuerend and vvorthie Prelat Primat the Archbisshop of S. Andrevves vvith vvhom it vvas my Luck to come acquainted Sir Patrik Adamson Archbishop of S. Andrevves in London vvhether he vvas come by his kings apointment as he said to treate certaine affaires vvith our Quene and Councell And talking vvith him of this disorder of his Ministerie he confessed the same vvith much greife of minde tolde me that he had preached therof before the king him self detesting and accusing diuers heades therof for vvhich cause he vvas become verie odious to them and other of their faction both in Scotland EnglaÌ„d But he said that as he had giuen the reasons of his doinges vnto our Quene so meaneth he shortlie to do the same vnto Monsieur Beza and to the vvhole church of Geneua by sending thither the articles of his and their doinges Protesting vnto me that the procedinges
and attemptes of thos factious and corrupt men vvas moste scandalous seditious and perilous both to the kinges person and to the Realm being sufficient indeed to alienate vvholie the yong Prince from al affection to our religion vvhen he shal see the chiefe professours therof to behaue them selues so vnduetifulie tovvards him GENTL That is the thing vvhich thes men his competitours moste desire quoth the Gentleman hoping therby to procure him moste euil vvil daunger Treasons Plotted Against the K. of Scottes both at home frō Englād For vvhich cause also they haue practized so manie plotes treacheries vvith his ovvn subiectes against him hoping by that meanes to bring the one in distrust and hatred of the other and consequentlie the king in daunger of destruction by his ovvn And in this machination they haue behaued them selues so dexterouslie so couertlie vsed the manage and cōtriuing herof and so cunninglye conueied the execution of many thinges as it might indeed seme aparent vnto the yong king that the vvhole plot of treasons against his Realm person doth come from England therby to driue him into ielousie of our state our state of him and al this for their ovvn profit Neither is this anie nevv deuice of my Lord of Leycester to dravv men for his ovvn gaine into daunger hatred vvith the state vnder other pretences For I could tel you diuers stories and stratagemes of his cunning in this kinde and the one far different from the other in deuice but yet al to one end I haue a friend yet liuing that vvas tovvardes the olde Earle of Arundel in good credit and by that meanes had occasion to deal vvith the late Duke of Norfolke in his chiefest affaires before his troubles This mā is vvount to report straunge thinges from the Dukes ovvn mouth of my Lord Leycester cunning deuice for ouerthrovvīg the Duke of Norforke of Leycesters moste treacherous dealing tovvardes him for gayning of his blood as after apeared albeit the Duke vvhen he reported the same mistrusted not so much my Lordes malice therin But the summe of al is this in effect that Leycester hauing a secret desire to pul dovvn the said Duke to the end that he might haue no man aboue him selfe to hinder him in that vvhich he moste desireth by a thovvsand cūning deuises drevv in the Duke to the cogitation of that mariage vvyth the Q. of Scotland vvhich aftervvard vvas the cause or occasion of his ruine And he behaued him self so dexterouslie in this drift by setting on the Duke on the The impudencie of Iudas one side and intrapping him on the other as Iudas him self neuer played his parte more cunninglie vvhen he supped vvyth his master and set him self so nere as he dipped his spoone in the same dishe durst before others aske vvho should betraye him meaning that night to do it him self as he shevved soone after supper vvhē he came as a Captaine vvyth a band of conspiratours and vvyth a courteous kisse deliuered his person into the hādes of thē vvhō he vvel knevv to thirst after his blood The very like did the Erle of Leycester vvyth the Duke of Norfolk for the arte of treason though in the parties betrayed ther vvere great difference of innocēcie Namely at one time vvhen her Ma. vvas at Basing in Hampshire the Duke attēded their lo haue audience vvyth great indifferencie in him self to folovv or leaue of his sute for mariage for The speaches of Leices to the D. of Norfolk that novv he began to suspect her Ma. liked not greatlie therof my Lord of Leicester came to him and counsayled him in anie case to perseuere not to relent assuring him vvyth manie othes and protestations that her Ma. must should be brought to alovv therof vvhether she vvould or no and that him self vvould scale that purpose vvyth his blood Neither vvas it to be suffred that her Ma. should haue her vvil herein vvyth manie other like speaches to this purpose vvhich the Duke repeated againe then presentlie to my said friend vvyth often laying his hand vpon his bosome and saing I haue here vvhich assureth me sufficientlie of the fidelitie of my L. of Leycester meaning not onlie the foresaid speeches but also diuers letters vvhich he had vvriten to the Duke of that effect Ley. cousynage of the Quene as likevvise he had done to some other person of more importaunce in the Realm vvhich matter comming aftervvard to light he cousyned most notablie her Ma. by shevving her a reformed copie of the said letter for the letter it self But novv hovv vvel he performed his promis in dealing vvyth her Ma. for the Duke or against the Duke in this matter her highnes can best tel and the euent it self shevved For the Duke being admitted soone after to her Ma. speech at an other place and receyuing a far other ansvvere then he had in hope conceyued vpon Leycester promisses retired him self to London vvhere the same night folovving he receyued letters both from Leycester The Duke of Norfolks flyīg into Norfolk and Syr Nicholas Throgmarton vpon Leycesters instigation for they vvere at that tyme both friēdes and of a faction that he should presentlie flee into Norfolk as he did vvhich vvas the last and final complement of al Leycesters former deuices vvherby to plunge his friende ouer the eares in suspition and disgrace in such sorte as he should neuer be able to dravv him self out of the ditch againe as indeed he vvas not but died in the same And herein you see also the same subbtile Machauilian Machauellian Sleyghtes sleight vvhich Imentioned before of driuing men to attēpt somevvhat vvherby they may incur daunger or remaine in perpetual suspition or disgrace And this practize he hath long vsed and doth daylie against such as he hath vvil to destroye As for example VVhat say you to the Leycester deuises for the overthrovv of Syr Christopher Hatton deuice he had of late to intrap his vvel deseruing friende Sir Christopher Hatton in the matter of Hall his Priest vvhom he vvould haue had Sir Christopher to send avvay hide being touched and detected in the case of Ardent therby to haue dravven in Sir Christopher him self as Sir Charles Candis he can vvel declare yf it please him being accessarie to this plot for the ouerthrovv of Sir Christopher To vvhich intent moste diuelishe drift perteyned I doubt not yf the matter vvere duelie examined the late interception of letters in Paris from one Aldred of Lyons then in Rome to Henrie Vmpton seruaunt to Sir Christopher in vvhich letters Sir Christopher is reported to be of such credit and special fauour in Rome as if he vvere the greatest Papist in England VVhat meaneth also thes pernitious late dealīges Leycester deuises against the Earle of Shrevvsburie against the Earle of Shrevvsburie a man of the moste auncient and vvorthiest nobilitie of our Realm vvhat
and had borne him out in certaine of his vvickednes or at least not punished the same after it vvas detected and complained vpon the parties grieued accompting the crime more proper and hainous on the parte of him vvho by office should do iustice and protect other then of the perpetrator vvho folovveth but his ovvn passion and sensualitie let passe Attalus and made their reuenge vpon the blood and life of the king him self by one Pausanias Pausanias suborned for that purpose in the mariage day of the kings ovvn daughter Great store of like examples might be repeated out of the stories of other countries nothing being more vsual or frequēt amōg al nations then the afflictions of Realmes and kingedomes and the ouerthrovv of Princes and great potentates them selues by their to much affection tovvardes some vnvvorthie particular persons a thing inded so common and ordinarie as it may vvel seme to be the specialest rock of al other vvherat kinges and Princes do make their shipvvrackes For if vve loke into the states and Monarchies of al Christendom and consider the ruines that haue bene of anie Prince or ruler vvithin the same vve shal finde this point to haue bene a great and principal parte of the cause therof and in our ovvn state coūtry the matter is toto euidēt For vvheras Kinges of Englād ouer throvven by to much fauoring of some particular men since the conquest vve number principalie thre iust and lavvful kinges to haue come to cōfusion by alienation of their subiectes that is Edvvard the second Richard the second and Henry the sixt this onlie point of to much fauour tovvardes vvicked persons vvas the chiefest cause of destruction in al thre As in the first the excessiue fauour tovvardes Peter Gauesten and tvvo of the Spencers In the second the like extraordinarie and indiscrete affection K. Edvvard 2. tovvardes Robert Vere Earle of Oxeford and Marques of Dubline and Thomas Movvbray tvvo K. Richard 2. moste turbulent and vvicked men that set the kinge againste his ovvne vncles and the nobilitie In the third being a simple and holie man albeit no great exorbitant affection vvas sene tovvards K. Henrie 6. any yet his vvife Quene Margarets to much fauour and credit by him not controled tovvards the Marques of Suffolke that after vvas made Duke by vvhos instinct and vvicked Counsail she made avvay first the noble Duke of Glocester and aftervvard committed other thinges in great preiudice of the Realm and suffred the said moste impious sinful Duke to range make hauock of al sorte of subiectes at his pleasure much after the fashion of the Earle of Leycester novv though yet not in so high and extreme a degre this I say vvas the principal and original cause both before God and man as Polidore vvel noteth of al the Pol. lib. 23. hist Angl. calamitie and extreme desolation vvhich after ensued both to the kinge Queene and theyr onelie child vvith the vtter extirpation of theyr familie And so likevvyse novv to speak in our particular case if ther be anie grudge or griefe at this day anie mislike repining complaint or murmure against her Ma. gouernment in the hartes of her true and faithful subiectes vvho vvish amendmēt of that vvhich is amisse and not the ouerthrovv of that vvhich is vvel as I trovv it vvere no vvisdom to imagine ther vvere none at al I dare auouch vpon conscience that either al or the greatest parte therof procedeth from this man vvho by the fauour of her Ma. so afflicteth her people as neuer did before him either Gauestō or Spēcer or Vere or Movvbray or anie other mischieuous Tyraunt that abused moste his Princes fauour vvithin our Realm of England VVherby it is euident hovv profitable a thing it should be to the vvhole Realme hovv honorable to her Ma. and hovv grateful to al her subiectes if this man at length might be called to his accompt LAVV. Sir quoth the Lavvyer you aleage great reason and verilie I am of opinion that if her Ma. knevv but the tenth parte of this vvhich you haue here spoken as also her good subiectes desires and complaint in this behalfe she vvould vvel shevv that her highnes feareth not to permit iustice to passe vpon Leycester or anie other vvithin her Realm for satisfaction of her people vvhat soeuer some men may think and report to the contrarie or hovv soeuer othervvise of her ovvne mylde disposition or good affection tovvardes the person she haue borne vvith him hitherto For so vve see that vvise Princes can do at tymes conuenient for peace tranquilitie and publique vveale though contrarie to their ovvn particular and peculiar inclination As to goe no furder then to the last example named and aleaged by your self before though Queene Margaret the vvife of K. Henrie the sixt The punishemēt of VVilliā Duke of Suffolke had fauoured moste vnfortunatlie manie yeares together VVillm Duke of Suffolke as hath bene said vvherby he committed manifold outrages afflicted the Realm by sundrie meanes yet she being a vvoman of great prudence vvhen she savv the vvhole communaltie demaund iustice vppon him for his demerites albeit she liked and loued the man still yet for satisfaction of the people vpon so general a complaint she vvas content An. 30. of King◠Hērie 6. first to commit him to prison and aftervvard to banish him the Realm but the prouidence of God vvould not permit him so to escape for that he being incountred and taken vpon the sea in his passage he vvas beheaded in the ship and so receyued some parte of condigne punishment for his most vvicked loose and licentious life And to seeke no more examples in this case vve knovv into vvhat fauour and special grace Sir Edmond Dudley my Lord of Leycesters good Graundfather vvas crept vvith king Henrie the seuenth in the later end of his reigne and vvhat intollerable vvickednes mischiefe he vvrought againste the vvhole Realme and againste infinit particular persons of the same by the poolinges oppressions vvhich he practised vvherby though the king receyued great temporal commoditie at that tyme as her Ma. doth nothing at al by the present extorsions of his nephevv yet for iustice sake for meere compassion tovvardes The punishmēt of Edmond Dudley his afflicted subiectes that complained greuouslie of this iniquitie that moste vertuous and vvise Prince K. Henrie vvas content to put from him this levvde instrument and deuillishe suggestour of nevv exactions vvhom his sonne Henrie that insued in the Crovvn caused presentlie before al other busines to be called publiquelie to accompt and for his desertes to leese his head So as vvhere the interest of a vvhole Realm or cōmon cause of manie taketh place the priuate fauour of anie one cannot stay a vvise and godlie Prince such as al the vvorld knovveth her Ma. to be frō permitting iustice to haue her free passage GENTL Truelie it should not quoth the