frustated which made the King willinger to assist ALPIN in his pretension to the Kingdom of Picts in which Attemt he was drown'd and left to ALPIN that which he before had so nobly refus'd who making use of the former rais'd an Army beat the Picts in many signal Victorys but at last was slain by them leaving his name to the place of his Death and the Kingdom to his Son KENNETH This man seeing the People broken with the late War and unwilling to fight drew them on by this Subtilty he invites the Nobility to dinner and after plying them with Drink till midnight leaves them sleeping on the floor as the manner was and then hanging Fishskins about the Walls of the Chamber and making one speak thro a Tube and call them to war they waking and half asleep suppos'd somthing of Divinity to be in it aud the next morning not only consented to War but so strange is deluded imagination with unspeakable Courage fell upon the Enemy and put them to the rout which being confirm'd by other great Victorys utterly ruin'd the Pictish Name This man may be added to the two FERGUSES and truly may be said to be the Founder of the Scots Empire not only in making that the middle of his Dominion which was once the bounds but in confirming his Acquisitions with good Laws having the opportunity of a long Peace which was sixteen years his whole time of Government being twenty This was he that plac'd that Stone famous for that illusory Prophecy Ni fallat fatum c. which first was brought out of Spain into Ireland and from thence into Argyle at Scoon where he put it in a Chair in which all his Successors till EDWARD the First brought it away were crown'd and since that all the Kings of England till the happiness of our Commonwealth made it useless His Brother DONALD was his Successor a man made up of extremitys of Virtues and Vices no man had more bravery in the Field nor more Vice at home which increasing with his yeras the Nobility put him in prison where either for fear or scorn he put an end to his days leaving behind him his Brother CONSTANTIN a Man wanting nothing of him but his Vices who strugling with a potent Enemy for the Picts had call'd in the Danes and driving them much into despair a Bravery that has not seldom rain'd many excellent Captains was taken by them put into a little Cave and there slain He was succeded by ETHUS his Brother who had all his eldest Brother's Vices and none of his second 's Virtues Nature it seems making two extremes and a middle in the three Brethren This man voluptuous and cowardly was forc'd to resign or as others say dy'd of Wounds receiv'd in a Duel from his Successor who was GREGORY Son of DONGAL who was not only an excellent Man but an excellent Prince that both recover'd what the others had lost and victoriously travers'd the Northern Countys of England and a great part of Ireland of whose King a Minor and in his power he generously made no advantage but settled his Country and provided faithful and able Guardians for him These things justly yield him the name of Great DONALD Son of CONSTANTIN the Second by his recommendation succeded in his Power and Virtues notwithstanding some say he was remov'd by Poison Next was CONSTANTIN the the Third Son of ETHUS an unstable person who assisted the Danes which none of his Predecessors would do and after they had deserted him basely yet yielded them Succors consisting of the chief of the Scots Nobility which with the whole Danish Army were routed by the Saxons This struck him so that he retir'd among the Culdys which were as the Greec Caloyers or Romish Monks at this day and there bury'd himself alive After him was MILCOM Son of DONALD the Third who tho a good Prince and well skil'd in the Arts of Peace was slain by a Conspiracy of those to whom his Virtue was burdensom His Successor was INDULF by what Title I find not who fighting with the Danes that with a Navy unexpectedly came into the Frith was slain DUF his Son succedes famous for an Accident which if it be true seems nearly distant from a Fable He was suddenly afflicted by a sweating Disease by which he painfully languish'd yet no body could find the cause till at last a Girl that had scatter'd som words after torments confest that her Mother and som other women had made an Image of Wax which as it wasted the King should wast by sweating much the place being diligently search'd it was found accordingly so the Image being broke he instantly recover'd That which disturb'd his five years Reign was the turbulency of the Northern People whom when he had reduc'd and taken with intent to make exemplary Punishment DONALD the Commander of the Castle of Forres where he then lay interceded for som of them but being repuls'd and exasperated by his Wife after he had made all his Servants drunk slew him in his Bed and bury'd him under a little Bridg lest the cutting of Turfs might discover a Grave near Kilros Abby tho others say he turn'd aside a River and after he had bury'd him suffer'd it to take its former Chanel CULEN the Son of INDULF by the Election of Parlament or Convention of the People succeded good only in this one Action of inquiring and punishing his Predecessor's Death but after by the neglect of Discipline and the exquisiteness of his Vices became a Monster and so continued three years till being weakned and exhausted in his Body and vext with perpetual Diseases he was summon'd by the Parlament and in the way was slain by a Thane so they then call'd Lieutenants of Counties whose Daughter he had ravish'd THEN came KENETH Brother to DUF tho the forepart of his Reign was totally unlike his who being invaded by the Danes beat them in that famous Battle which was won by the three HAYS Husbandmen from whom all the HAYS now give three Shields Gules who with their Sythes reinforc'd the lost Battle but in his latter time he lost this reputation by poisoning MILCOLM Son of DUF to preserve the Crown for a Son of his Name tho of less merit for says BUCHANAN They use to chuse the fittest not the nearest which being don he got ordain'd in a Parlament that the Succession should be lineal the Son should inherit and be call'd Prince of Scots and if he were a Minor be govern'd by som wise Man here coms the pretence of Succession wheras before it was clearly Elective and at fifteen he should chuse his Guardian himself But the Divine Vengeance which seldom even in this life passes by Murder overtook him for he was ensnar'd by a Lady whose Son he had caus'd to be executed and slain by an Arrow out of an Ambush she had laid CONSTANTIN the Son of CULEN notwithstanding all the Artifice of KENNETH by his reasoning
against the Act perswaded most of the Nobility to make him King so that MILCOLM the Son of KENNETH and he made up two Factions which tore the Kingdom till at length MILCOLMS Bastard Brother himself being in England assisting the Danes fought him routed his Army and with the loss of his own Life took away his they dying of mutual Wounds GRIME of whose Birth they do not certainly agree was chosen by the Constantinians who made a good Party but at the Intercession of FORARD an accounted Rabbi of the times they at last agreed GRIME being to enjoy the Kingdom for his Life after which MILCOLUMB should succede his Father's Law standing in force But he after declining into Leudness Cruelty and Spoil as Princes drunk with Greatness and Prosperity use to do the People call'd back MILCOLUMB who rather receiving Battle than giving it for it was upon Ascension-day his principal Holy-day routed his Forces wounded himself took him pull'd out his Eyes which altogether made an end of his Life all Factions and Humors being reconcil'd MILCOLUMB who with various Fortune fought many signal Battles with the Danes that under their King SUENO had invaded Scotland in his latter time grew to such Covetousness and Oppression that all Authors agree he was murder'd tho they disagree about the manner som say by Conâ—ederacy with his Servants som by his Kinsmen and Competitors som by the Friends of a Maid whom he had ravish'd DONALD his Grandchild succeded a good-natur'd and inactive Prince who with a Stratagem of sleepy Drink destroy'd a Danish Army that had invaded and distrest him but at last being insnar'd by his Kinsman MACKBETH who was prick'd forward by Ambition and a former Vision of three Women of a sour human shape whereof one saluted him Thane of Angus another Earl of Murray the third King he was beheaded THE Severity and Cruelty of MACKBETH was so known that both the Sons of the murder'd King were forc'd to retire and yeild to the times while he courted the Nobility with Largesses The first ten years he spent virtuously but the remainder was so savage and tyrannical that MACDUF Thane of Fife fled into England to MILCOLM Son of DONALD who by his persuasions and the assistance of the King of England enter'd Scotland where he found such great accessions to his Party that MACKBETH was forc'd to fly his Death is hid in such a mist of Fables that it is not certainly known MILCOLUMB the third of that name now being quietly seated was the first that brought in those gay inventions and distinctions of Honors as Dukes Marquesses that now are become so airy that som carry them from places to which they have as little relation as to any Iland in America and others from Cottages and Dovecotes His first trouble was FORFAR MACKBETH'S Son who claim'd the Crown but was soon after cut of Som War he had with that WILLIAM whom we call falsly the Conqueror som with his own People which by the intercession of the Bishops were ended At length quarrelling with our WILLIAM the Second he laid siege to Alnwick Castle which being forc'd to extremity a Knight came out with the Keys on a Spear as if it were to present them to him and and to yield the Castle but he not with due heed receiving them was run through the Ey and slain Som from hence derive the name of PIERCY how truly I know not His Son and Successor EDWARD following his Revenge too hotly receiv'd som Wounds of which within a few days he dy'd DONALD BANE that is in Irish White who had fled into the Iles for fear of MACKBETH promis'd them to the King of Norway if he would procure him to be King which was don with ease as the times then stood but this Usurper being hated by the People who generally lov'd the memory of MILCOLM they seâ— DUNCAN MILCOLM'S Bastard against him who forc'd him to retire to his Iles. DUNCAN a military Man shew'd himself unfit for Civil Government so that DONALD waiting all advantages caus'd him to be beheaded and restor'd himself But his Reign was so turbulent the Ilanders and English invading on both sides that they call'd in EDGAR Son of MILCOLM then in England who with small Assistances possest himself all Men deserting DONALD who being taken and brought to the King dy'd in Prison EDGAR secure by his good Qualitys and strengthen'd by the English Alliance spent nine years virtuously and peaceably and gave the People leave to breathe and rest after so much trouble and bloodshed His Brother ALEXANDER sirnam'd ACER or the Fierce succeded the beginning of whose Reign being disturb'd by a Rebellion he speedily met them at the Spey which being a swift River and the Enemy on the other side he offer'd himself to ford it on Horseback but ALEXANDER CAR taking the Imployment from him forded the River with such Courage that the Enemy fled and were quiet the rest of his Reign Som say he had the name of ACER because som Conspirators being by the fraud of the Chamberlain admitted into his Chamber he casually waking first slew the Chamberlain and after him six of the Conspirators not ceasing to pursue the rest till he had slain most of them with his own hands this with the building of som Abbys and seventeen years Reign is all we know of him HIS Brother DAVID succeded one whose profuse Prodigality upon the Abbys brought the Revenue of the Crown so prevalent was the Superstition of those days almost to nothing He had many Battels with our STEPHEN about the Title of MAUD the Empress and having lost his excellent Wife and hopeful Son in the flower of their days he left the Kingdom to his Grandchildren the eldest wherof was MILCOLUMB a simple King baffl'd and led up and down into France by our HENRY the Second which brought him to such contemt that he was vex'd by frequent Insurrections especially them of Murray whom he almost extirpated The latter part of his Reign was spent in building Monasterys he himself ty'd by a Vow of Chastity would never marry but left for his Successor his Brother WILLIAM who expostulating for the Earldom of Northumberland gave occasion for a War in which he was surpriz'd and taken but afterwards releas'd upon his doing Homage for the Kingdom of Scotland to King HENRY of whom he acknowledg'd to hold it and putting in caution the Castles of Roxboro once strong now nothing but Ruins Barwic Edinburg Sterling all which notwithstanding was after releas'd by RICHARD Coeur de Lyon who was then upon an Expedition to the Holy War from whence returning both he and DAVID Earl of Huntingdon Brother to the King of Scots were taken Prisoners The rest of his Reign except the rebuilding of St. Johnston which had bin destroy'd by Waters wherby he lost his eldest Son and som Treatys with our King JOHN was little worth memory only you will wonder that a Scotish King could reign forty nine
is nothing of Religion 36. GOVERNMENT is of human Prudence and human Prudence is adequat to man's Nature 37. THE Prudence or Government that is regardless of Religion is not adequat nor satisfactory to man's Nature 38. WHERE the Government is not adequat or satisfactory to man's Nature it can never be quiet or perfect 39. THE major part of Mankind gives it self up in the matter of Religion to the public leading 40. THAT there may be a public leading there must be a National Religion 41. WHERE the minor part takes away the National Religion there the major part is depriv'd of Liberty of Conscience by the minor 42. WHERE the major part is depriv'd of Liberty of Conscience by the minor there they will deprive the minor of that Liberty of Conscience which they might otherwise injoy 43. IN Israel there was an indow'd Clergy or Priesthood and a National Religion under inspection of the Magistrat whence the Christians in Apostolic Times defraying their own Ministry could have Liberty of Conscience wheras if the Christians by going about to take away Tithes and abolish the National Religion had indeavor'd to violat the Consciences of the unconverted Jews these being far greater in number must needs have taken away the Liberty of Conscience from the Christians 44. PAVL in Athens could freely and undisturbedly convert DIONYSIUS and others therfore in Athens there was Liberty of Conscience but if PAUL and his Converts had gon about to drive Hirelings or an indow'd Priesthood or Clergy out of that Church who sees not that the Athenians would have driven PAUL and his Converts out of Athens 45. THAT there may be Liberty of Conscience there must be a National Religion 46. THAT there may be a National Religion there must be an indow'd Clergy 47. COMMONWEALTHS have had three ways of Union As the Athenians by bringing their Confederats to subjection As the United Provinces by an equal League or as the Romans by an inequal League The first way is tyrannical In the second one Commonwealth under the League is no more than another and each one as to her self has a Negative which kind of Union is not only obstructive but tends as we have seen both in Holland and Switzerland towards Division In the third way the Commonwealth uniting other Commonwealths retains to her self the leading of the whole League leaving to each of the rest her own Laws and her own Liberty 48. TILL a Commonwealth be first fram'd how such a Commonwealth should make an effectual Union with another Nation is not possible to be seen 49. THE new unpractis'd and heretofore unheard Union as it is vulgarly spoken with Scotland by uniting Deputys of divers Nations not in a Council apart or by way of States General as in the United Provinces but in the standing Councils of som one Common-wealth in the League is destructve to Liberty both in England and in Scotland 50. IF the Commonwealth of England receives Deputys from Scotland in a greater number than that of her own she receives Law from a foren Interest and so loses her own Liberty 51. IF Scotland be receiv'd in an equal number it obstructs the freedom of both or occasions War or Dissension 52. IF Scotland be receiv'd in an inferior number she receives Law from England and so loses her Liberty The like is understood of Ireland 53. WHERAS a well order'd Commonwealth should give the Balance to her Confederats and not receive it from them the Councils in which divers others are thus united tho in a far inferior number of Deputys yet if these â—y in wait or lay their heads together may be overrul'd obstructed or overbalanc'd by foren Interests 54. WHERE Countrys are divers in their Laws and yet are to receive Laws one from the other neither the Commonwealth giving Law knows what to give nor the Commonwealth receiving Law understands what she receives in which case the Union returns to Force or Confusion 55. THE best way of holding a Nation different or not different in Laws is the Roman that is by way of Province 56. A PROVINCE especially if she has strong holds may by defraying of a small Guard be kept to a just League and for the rest injoy her own Laws her own Government and her perfect Liberty Other ways of Union will be found more chargeable and less effectual on both sides for if England has no Army in Scotland Scotland will receive no Law from England and if England has an Army there her hold consists not in the Union but in the Force The like is to be understood of Ireland 57. IF a Country be very small and not able to subsist of it self as Wales it may be safely united and held but the advantage that Wales has in participation of all Magistracys and Offices is not that which England is able to afford to such a Country as Scotland without subjecting her neck to the yoke 58. THE order of a Commonwealth requires that it consists first of a Civil secondly of a Religious thirdly of a Military and fourthly of a Provincial part The manner of uniting Provinces or different Nations pertains to the last part and in the formation of a Commonwealth to begin with that first which is naturally last is to invert the Order and by consequence the Commonwealth it self which indeed is nothing but Order 59. WHERE there can be any other Government there can be no Commonwealth 60. WHERE there can be a Commonwealth what tumults soever there happen and which soever prevail there can be no other Government that is to say without foren Invasion which throout I must be understood to except 61. IF Sir GEORGE BOOTH had prevail'd he must either have introduc'd a Commonwealth or have restor'd the King 62. IF the King were restor'd he must either govern by an Army or by Parlaments 63. A KING governing now in England by an Army would for the same Causes find the same Effects with the late Protector 64. A KING governing now in England by Parlaments would find the Nobility of no effect at all 65. A PARLAMENT where the Nobility is of no effect at all is a mere Popular Council 66. A MERE Popular Council will never receive Law from a King 67. A MERE Popular Council giving Law to a King becoms therby a Democracy or equal Commonwealth or the difference is no greater than in the imperfection of the Form 68. A COMMONWEALTH or Democracy to be perfect in the Form must consist especially of such an Assembly the Result wherof can go upon no Interest whatsoever but that only which is the common interest of the whole People 69. AN Assembly consisting of a few may go upon the Interest of one man as a King or upon the Interest of one Party as that of Divines Lawyers and the like or the Interest of themselves and the perpetuation of their Government 70. THE Popular Assembly in a Commonwealth may consist of too few but can never
years and yet die in peace ALEXANDER his Son succeded famous for little except som Expeditions against our King JOHN som Insurrections and a Reign two years longer than his Father's His Son was the third of that name a Boy of eight years old whose Minority was infested with the turbulent CUMMINS who when he was of age being call'd to account not only refus'd to appear but surpriz'd him at Sterling governing him at their pleasure But soon after he was awak'd by a furious Invasion of ACHO King of Norway under the pretence of som Islands given him by MACBETH whom he forc'd to accept a Peace and spent the latter part amidst the Turbulencys of the Priests drunk at that time with their Wealth and Ease and at last having seen the continu'd Funerals of his Sons DAVID ALEXANDER his Wife and his Daughter he himself with a fall from Horse broke his neck leaving of all his Race only a Grandchild by his Daughter which dy'd soon after THIS Man's Family being extinguish'd they were forc'd to run to another Line which that we may see how happy an expedient immediat Succession is for the Peace of the Kingdom and what Miseries it prevents I shall as briefly and as pertinently as I can set down DAVID Brother to K. WILLIAM had three Daughters MARGARET married to ALLAN Lord of Galloway ISABEL married to ROBERT BRUCE Lord of Annandale and Cleveland ADA married to HENRY HASTINGS Earl of Huntingdon Now ALLAN begot on his Wife DORNADILLA married to JOHN BALIOL afterwards King of Scotland and two other Daughters BRUCE on his Wife got ROBERT BRUCE Earl of Carick having married the Heretrix therof As for HUNTINGDON he desisted his claim The question is whether BALIOL in right of the eldest Daughter or BRUCE being com of the second but a Man should have the Crown he being in the same degree and of the more worthy Sex The Controversy being tost up and down at last was refer'd to EDWARD the First of that name King of England He thinking to fish in these troubled waters stirs up eight other Competitors the more to entangle the business and with twenty four Counsellors half English half Scots and abundance of Lawyers fit enough to perplex the matter so handled the business after cunning delays that at length he secretly tampers with BRUCE who was then conceiv'd to have the better right of the business that if he would acknowlege the Crown of him he would adjudg it for him but he generously answering that he valu'd a Crown at a less rate than for it to put his Country under a foren Yoke He made the same motion to BALIOL who accepted it and so we have a King again by what Right we all see but it is good reason to think that Kings com they by their Power never so unjustly may justly keep it BALIOL having thus got a Crown as unhappily kept it for no sooner was he crown'd and had don homage to EDWARD but the ABERNETHYS having slain MACDUF Earl of Fife he not only pardon'd them but gave them a piece of Land in controversy wherupon MACDUF'S Brother complains against him to EDWARD who makes him rise from his Seat in Parlament and go to the Bar He hereupon enrag'd denies EDWARD assistance against the French and renounces his Homage EDWARD immediatly coms to Berwiâ— takes and kills seven thousand most of the Nobility of Fife and Lowthian and afterwards gave them a great Defeat at Dunbar whose Castle instantly surrender'd After this he march'd to Montrose where BALIOL resign'd himself and Crown all the Nobility giving homage to EDWARD BALIOL is sent Prisoner to London and from thence after a years detention into France While EDWARD was possest of all Scotland one WILLIAM WALLACE arose who being a privat man bestir'd himself in the Calamity of his Country and gave the English several notable foils EDWARD coming again with an Army beat him that was already overcom with Envy and Emulation as well as Power upon which he laid by his Command and never acted more but only in slight Incursions But the English being beaten at Roslin EDWARD coms in again takes Sterling and makes them all render Homage but at length BRUCE seeing all his Promises nothing but smoke enters into League with CUMMIN to get the Kingdom but being betray'd by him to EDWARD he stab'd CUMMIN at Drumfreis and made himself King This man tho he came with disadvantage yet wanted neither Patience Courage nor Conduct so that after he had miserably lurk'd in the Mountains he came down and gathering together som Force gave our EDWARD the Second such a defeat near Sterling as Scotland never gave the like to our Nation and continu'd the War with various fortune with the Third till at last Age and Leprosy brought him to his Grave His Son DAVID a Boy of eight years inherited that which he with so much danger obtain'd and wisdom kept In his Minority he was govern'd by THOMAS RANDOLF Earl of Murray whose severity in punishing was no less dreaded than his Valor had bin honor'd But he soon after dying of poison and EDWARD BALIOL Son of JOHN coming with a Fleet and stâ—engthn'd with the assistance of the English and som Robbers the Governor the Earl of Mar was routed so that BALIOL makes himself King and DAVID was glad to retire into France Amidst these Parties EDWARD the Third backing BALIOL was Scotland miserably torn and the BRUCES in a manner extinguish'd till ROBERT after King with them of Argile and his own Family and Friends began to renew the claim and bring it into a War again which was carried on by ANDREW MURRAY the Governor and afterwards by himself So that DAVID after nine years banishment durst return where making frequent Incursions he at length in the fourth year of his return march'd into England and in the Bishoprick of Durham was routed and fled to an obscure Bridg shew'd to this day by the Inhabitants There he was by JOHN COPLAND taken prisoner where he continu'd nine years and in the thirty ninth year of his Reign he dy'd ROBERT his Sisters Son whom he had intended to put by succedes and first brought the STUARTS which at this day are a plague to the Nation into play This man after he was King whether it were Age or Sloth did little but his Lieutenants and the English were perpetually in action He left his Kingdom to JOHN his Bastard Son by the Lady MORE his Concubin whom he marry'd either to legitimat the three Children as the manner was then he had by her or else for old Acquaintance his Wife and her Husband dying much about time This JOHN would be crown'd by the name of ROBERT his own they say being unhappy for Kings a wretched inactive Prince lame and only govern'd by his brother WALTER who having DAVID the Prince upon complaint of som Exorbitancys deliver'd to his care caus'd him to be starv'd upon which the King intending to send
of this Government Wherfore it being inavoidable in the Turkish Empire that either the Janizarys or the Timariots may do what they list in regard that whether of them be able to give Law to the other must at the same time be able to give Law to the Prince and to bring them to an equal Balance were to make a Civil War or at least to sow the Seed of it the native Wound of Monarchy by Arms remains incur'd and incurable What more may be don for Monarchy founded upon a Nobility coms next to be try'd In this the Considerer gives his word that there never rises any danger to the Crown but when either a great part of the Soverain Power is put into the hands of the Nobility as in Germany and Poland Consid p. 47. where it should seem by him that the Electors and the Gentry do not put Power into the hands of the Emperor or King but the Emperor or King puts Power into the hands of the Electors or Gentry or when som Person or Family is suffer'd to overtop the rest in Riches Commands and Dependence as the Princes of the Blood and Lorrain not long since in France and of old the MONTFORTS and NEVILS in England The first of these he declares to be a vicious Government and a Monarchy only in name The second he undertakes shall easily admit of this Remedy That the great ones be reduc'd decimo sexto to a lesser Volum and level'd into an Equality with the rest of their Order HIS Putpin is pretty The Emperor puts Power into the hands of the Electors and the King of Poland puts Power into the hands of the Gentlemen Which Governments therfore and all such like as when the King of England did put Power into the hands of the Barons at such a time as he was no longer able to keep it out of their fingers by which means the antient and late Government of King Lords and Commons was restor'd are vicious Constitutions and Monarchys only in name such as he will not meddle with and therfore let them go Well but where is the Patient then if these be not Monarchys by Nobility Book I what do we mean by that thing or what Government is it that we are to cure Why such a one where som Person or Family is suffer'd to overtop the rest in Riches Commands and Dependence as the Princes of the Blood and Lorrain not long since in France and of old the MONTFORTS and the NEVILS in England So then the same again for these are no other upon recollection are those that admit of this easy cure Let the great Ones be reduc'd to a lesser Volum and level'd with the rest of their Order But how if they be the weaker Party they are not the Great Ones and if they be the stronger Party how will he reduce them Put the case a man has the Gout his Physician dos not bid him reduce his overtopping Toes to the Volum of the other Foot nor to level them to equality with the rest of their Order but prescribes his Remedys and institutes the Method that should do this feat What is the Method of our AESCULAPIUS Point de Novelle or where are we to find it e'en where you please The Princes of the Blood and of Lorrain in France the MONTFORTS and the NEVILS in England overtop'd not their Order by their own Riches or Power but by that of the Party which for their Fidelity Courage or Conduct intrusted them with the managing of their Arms or Affairs So the Prince that would have level'd them must have level'd their Party which in case the Controversy be upon the Right or pretended Right of the Nobility in the Government which commonly makes them hang together may com to the Consid p. 49. whole Order what then Why then says he the Prince must preserve his Nobility weighty enough to keep the People under and yet not tall enough in any particular Person to measure with himself which abating the figure is the same again and so I have nothing to answer but the figure Now for this the Prince himself is no otherwise tall than by being set upon the shoulders of the Nobility and so if they set another upon the same shoulders as in HENRY the 4 th or the 7 th who had no Titles to the Crown nor could otherwise have measur'd with the Prince be he never so low he coms to be tall enough in his particular person to measure with the Prince and to be taller too not only by those old examples but others that are younger than our selves tho such the Nobility having not of late bin weighty enough to keep the People under as derive from another Principle that of popular Balance A Prince therfore preserving his Nobility weighty enough to keep the People under must preserve in them the balance of that kind of Empire and the balance containing the Riches which are the Power and so the Arms of the Nation this being in the Nobility the Nobility when willing must be able to dispose of the King or of the Government Nor under a less weight is a Nobility qualify'd to keep down the People as by an Argument from the contrary HENRY the 7 th having found the strength of his Nobility that set him in a Throne to which he had no right and fearing that the Tide of their Favor turning they might do as much for another abated the dependence of their Tenants and cut off their Train of Retainers which diminution of their weight releasing the People by degrees has caus'd that Plain or Level into which we live to see the Mountain of that Monarchy now sunk and swallow'd wherfore the Balance of the Nobility being such as failing that kind of Monarchy coms to ruin and not failing the Nobility if they join may give Law to the King the inherent disease of a Monarchy by a Nobility remains also uncur'd and incurable Chap. 9 THESE are points to which I had spoken before but somthing The Balance of France concerning France and foren Guards was mumbl'd by the Prevaricator in a wrong place while he was speaking of Turky where there is no such thing This lest I be thought to have courted opposition for nothing shall open a new Scene while I take the occasion in this place to speak first of the Balance of the French Monarchy and next of the Nature and Use of Foren Guards THE whole Territory of France except the Crown Lands which on this account are not considerable consists of three shares or parts wherof the Church holds one the Nobility another and the Presidents Advocats other Officers of the Parlaments Courts of Justice the Citizens Merchants Tradesmen the Treasures Receivers of the Customs Aids Taxes Impositions Gabels all which together make a vast body hold a third by how equal Portions I am sorry that I do not know nor where to learn but this is the Balance of the
native Interest may upon like occasions be of more Expedition and Trust Being com thus to foren Arms which is the point I more especially propos'd to my self in the present Discourse one Objection in relation to what has bin already said seems to interpose it self Seeing France while it is not govern'd by the Assembly of States is yet of the same Balance it was when govern'd by the Assembly of States it may be said that a Government of the same Balance may admit of divers Administrations TO which I need make no other answer than to put you in mind that while this Government was natural or administer'd by the Assembly of States it is celebrated by MACCHIAVEL to have bin the best order'd of any Monarchy in the world and that what it is or has bin of later times you may believe your own eys or ears Of Arms and their kind THERE be yet before I can com to foren Guards som previous Considerations All Government as is imply'd by what has bin already shewn is of these three kinds A Government of Servants A Government of Subjects or a Government of Citizens The first is absolute Monarchy as that of Turky The second Aristocratical Monarchy as that of France The third a Commonwealth as those of Israel of Rome of Holland Now to follow MACCHIAVEL in part of these the Government of Servants is the harder to be conquer'd and the easier to be held The Government of Subjects is the easier to be conquer'd and the harder to be held To which I shall presume to add that the Government of Citizens is both the hardest to be conquer'd and the hardest to be held MY Authors Reasons why a Government of Servants is the hardest to be conquer'd com to this that they are under perpetual Disciplin and Command void of such Interests and Factions as have Hands or Power to lay hold upon Advantages or Innovation whence he that invades the Turk must trust to his own strength and not rely upon Disorders in the Government or Forces which he shall be sure enough to find united HIS Reasons why this Government being once broken is easily held are that the Armys once past hope of rallying there being no such thing as Familys hanging together or Nobility to stir up their Dependents to further Reluctancy for the present or to preserve themselves by complacence with the Conquerors for future Discontents or Advantages he that has won the Garland has no more to do but to extinguish the Royal Line and wear it ever after in security For the People having bin always Slaves are such whose condition he may better in which case they are Gainers by their Conqueror but can Book I never make worse and therfore they lose nothing by him Hence ALEXANDER having conquer'd the Persian Empire he and his Captains after him could hold it without the least dispute except it arose among themselves Hence MAHOMET the Second having taken Constantinople and put PALAEOLOGUS the Greec Emperor whose Government was of like nature with the Persian together with his whole Family to the Sword the Turk has held that Empire without reluctancy ON the other side the Reasons why a Government of Subjects is easilier conquer'd are these That it is supported by a Nobility so antient so powerful and of such hold and influence upon the People that the King without danger if not ruin to himself or the Throne an example wherof was given in HEN. 7 th of England can neither invade their Privileges nor level their Estates which remaining they have power upon every discontent to call in an Enemy as ROBERT Count of Artois did the English and the Duke of Guise the Spaniard into France THE Reasons why a Government of Subjects being so easily conquer'd is nevertheless the harder to be held are these That the Nobility being soon out of countenance in such a case and repenting themselves of such a bargain have the same means in their hands wherby they brought in the Enemy to drive him out as those of France did both the English and the Spaniard FOR the Government of Citizens as it is of two kinds an equal or an inequal Commonwealth the Reasons why it is the hardest to be conquer'd are also of two kinds as first the Reasons why a Government of Citizens where the Commonwealth is equal is hardest to be conquer'd are that the Invader of such a Society must not only trust to his own strength inasmuch as the Commonwealth being equal he must needs find them united but in regard that such Citizens being all Soldiers or train'd up to their Arms which they use not for the defence of Slavery but of Liberty a condition not in this world to be better'd they have more specially upon this occasion the highest Soul of Courage and if their Territory be of any extent the vastest Body of a well disciplin'd Militia that is possible in nature wherfore an example of such a one overcom by the Arms of a Monarch is not to be found in the World And if som small City of this Frame has happen'd to be vanquish'd by a potent Commonwealth this is her Prerogative her Towers are her Funeral Pile and she expires in her own flame leaving nothing to the Conqueror but her Ashes as Saguntum overwhelm'd by Carthage and Numantia by Rome THE Reasons why a Government of Citizens where the Commonwealth is inequal is next the former the hardest to be conquer'd are the same with this difference that tho her Peace be not perfect within her condition is not to be better'd by any thing without Wherfore Rome in all her strife never call'd in an Enemy and if an Enemy upon occasion of her strife and hopes of advantage by it came without calling he presented her with her most Soverain Cure who had no leisure to destroy her self till having no Enemy to find her work she became her own Nondum tibi defuit hostis In te verte manus Nor is there any example that a Government of this kind was ever Chap. 9 subdu'd by the Arms of a Monarch tho som indeed may be found that have call'd or suffer'd foren Princes or Force to com in as Holland by Marriages of their Princes and Genoa thro her Factions as those of the FIESCI and ADORNI. Guic. l. 11. TO conclude this part as to the Reasons why a Government of Citizens so acquir'd or possest as thro Marriage or Faction is the hardest to be held there needs no more than that men accustom'd to their Arms and their Libertys will never indure the Yoke Wherfore the Spaniard tho a mighty King no sooner began in Holland a small Commonwealth to innovat or break her Orders than she threw him off with such Courage and Disdain as is admirable to the World And somwhat of the like kind did Genoa by the help of her DORIA in the vindication of her Liberty from France Proper and Improper Arms. TO com by this
Chirothesia or Imposition of Hands but take heed of that Divines will not allow the Chirothesia to be an Act of the People but in this proceding the whole people acted in the Ordination of the Levits wherfore the Levits also were ordain'd by the Chirotonia Consent Vote or Suffrage of the whole People imply'd in this action But for the Ordination of Priests and Levits whatever it was it is not to the present purpose Divines deriving not theirs from Priests and Levits but from Dukes Generals and Magistrats from that of JOSHUA and of the Sanhedrim always provided that this were of the same nature with the former that is by the Chirothesia or Imposition of Hands and not by the Chirotonia of the People However the Ordination of the Exod. 29 Magistracy was certainly Political and so in this deduction they themselves confess that their Ordination also is a Political Constitution yet wheras MOSES is commanded by God to bring AARON and his Numb 8. Sons to the door of the Tabernacle of the Congregation and having wash'd them there to adorn them with the Priestly Robes with the Miter and to anoint them wheras he is commanded the Children of Israel having first laid their Hands upon the Levits to cleanse them and offer them for an Offering Divines of the Hierarchy and the Presbytery tho it be otherwise with WALLAEUS and such as acknowlege Popular Government give the Congregation or Consent of the People for nothing and put the whole Ordination of the Priests and Levits upon the washing and cleansing or other Ceremonys of Consecration as if to put the Ordination of SAUL upon the Ceremony of anointing by SAMUEL tho perform'd by the immediat Command of God were not absolutely contradictory to Scripture and to the known Law of Israel which speaking of the People expresly says One from among thy Brethren shalt thou set King over thee Book II upon which place says PHILO Most wise MOSES never intended that Philo de inst principiis the Royal Dignity should be acquir'd by lot but chose rather that the Kings should be elected by the Chirotonia or Suffrage of the whole People The Congregations of the People assembl'd upon this as upon other public affairs and requir'd a sign or confirmation from God forasmuch as by his will Man is to the rest of Nature what the Face is to the Body Wherto agrees that of the Heathens Os homini sublime dedit Coelumque tueri jussit and their Divinations upon the like occasions by Intrals none of which were ever understood as destructive of the liberty of the People or of the freedom of their Chirotonia WHERE SOLOMON is made King and ZADOCK Priest by the People tho the Ceremony of anointing was doubtless perform'd and perhaps by the Prophet NATHAN it is wholly omitted in the place as not worth the speaking of The opinion that the Ordination of the Priests and Levits lay in the Ceremonys of their Consecration is every whit as sober and agreable to reason as if a man should hold the Kings of England to have bin made by the Unction of the Bishops Israel from the institution of MOSES to the Monarchy was a Democracy or Popular Government in Popular Government the Consent of the People is the Power of the People and both the Priests and Levits were ordain'd by the Consent of the People of Israel TO bring these things to the Citys in the perambulation of the Apostles which by the former Chapter I have prov'd to have bin Ditm. c. 10. Popular Governments it is acknowleg'd by GROTIUS to the Citys of Asia not only that they us'd the Chirotonia but in the strictest sense of the word that is to give their Suffrage by the holding up of Hands And that they had the liberty of their Religion the choice of their Magistrats both Civil and Ecclesiastical in their Ecclesi◠or Congregations has bin also undeniably evidenc'd whence it must needs follow that there were Citys in Asia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chirotonizing or ordaining them Elders that is Magistrats and Priests in every Congregation with Reverence be it spoken long before CHRIST was in the flesh or the Apostles any of them were born Wherfore to sum up what in this Chapter I conceive to be sufficiently prov'd I may boldly conclude That the Chirotonia derives from popular Constitution and that there was a way of Ordination by the Chirotonia CHAP. IV. The deduction of the Chirothesia from Monarchical or Aristocratical Government and of the second way of Ordination from the Chirothesia In which is contain'd the Commonwealth of the Jews as it stood after the Captivity WHAT pleases the Prince says JUSTINIAN has the force of a Law seeing the People in his Creation have devolv'd their whole Power upon his Person which is with the most But when Popular Government is chang'd into Monarchical either the whole Power of the People or a great part of it must of necessity accrue to the King Hence says SAMUEL he will appoint him Captains over Thousands Chap. 4 and Captains over Fiftys in which words perhaps is intimated the Judges of the inferior Courts or Jethronian Prefectures so that hereby 1 Sam. 8. 12. SAMUEL tells the People they shall no more have the Election of their Rulers but the King will have it who it may be chang'd the nature of som of these Magistracys or added others for when DAVID came to reign over all Israel JOAB was over the Host his 2 Sam. 8. 15. Strategus or General JEHOSHAPHAT was Recorder ZADOC and ABIMELEC were the Priests SERAIAH was the Scribe and BENAIAH was over the Pelethits and the Cherethits that is was Captain of his Regiments of Guard call'd perhaps by these names as those of ROMULUS were call'd Celeres But it should seem that few or none of these Officers were elected by the Chirotonia that is by the People but by the Prince which kind of Election as will be shewn anon may be call'd Chirothesia For the deduction of this kind of Ordination or Election we shall do well to hearken first to Dr. HAMMOND who in his Query or Discourse concerning Ordination §. 10. by the Imposition of Hands puts it thus To lift up the Hands was a Ceremony in Prayer and accordingly to lay hands on any differing Exod. 17. 11. no otherwise from lifting up than by the determining that Action to a peculiar Object the Person that was pray'd for was generally among the Jews a Ceremony of benediction us'd first by the Father to the Children in bestowing the Blessing upon them and with that the succession to som part of his Estate or Inheritance as appears in JACOB'S blessing the Children of JOSEPH he stretch'd out his right hand and laid it upon EPHRAIM'S Gen. 48. 14. head and his left hand on MANASSES and so he bless'd c. From thence it was accommodated among them to the communicating of any part of Power to others
as in the Ordination of STEPHEN and last of all by excluding the People to degenerat wholly into the Chirothesia of the Presbytery as in the Ordination of TIMOTHY all this by the testimony of Scripture and in the purest times even the age of the Apostles Whence my Undertaking to shew that as CHRIST intended his Doctrin should be preach'd to all Nations so he intended his Disciplin should be such as might sute with any Government as indeed if the choice of any of these three be lawful it dos exactly is I hope perform'd For where the Government is Popular it is the same with the first where it is Aristocratical or Monarchical it agrees with the last and where it is mix'd it is between both and responsible to the second Of these three in the farther exercise of their natural and Chap. 5 intended compliance with Human Prudence it may be convenient to give som fuller Exemplification THAT any other Ordination than that of the first kind for the original Authority or Practice of it whether in the Commonwealth of Israel or in the Church of Christ and indeed for the Prerogative of the same in nature should have bin introduc'd by the Apostles where it might much less where the nature of the civil Policy would admit of no other is neither probable by Scripture nor Reason whence it is that in the Citys of Lycaonia and Pisidia the Government of these being then Popular we do not find any mention at all of the Chirothesia the Apostles in these places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chirotonizing Elders in every Congregation TO evade this place our Adversarys turn tail to the things and make their whole flight at the words In taking one of them into the Disputation I shall take in all for they run all upon the same Quotations or with little addition §. 3. THAT the word Chirotonizing says Dr. HAMMOND in this place signifys no more than ordaining by the Imposition of Hands is not so generally acknowleg'd by late Writers but that it may be useful to give som few Testimonys out of those Writers which were nearest the times of the Scripture Thus PHILO JUDAEUS of JOSEPH 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was ordain'd Governor of all Egypt under the King So again of MOSES 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was constituted their Ruler So of AARON'S Sons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God constituted them Priests ALEXANDER Son of ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES writes to JONATHAN 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Joseph An. L. 13. c. 5. We in the regal stile constitute thee High Priest LUCIAN says of HEPHESTION 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that ALEXANDER made him a God when he was dead APPIAN which is added out of GROTIUS whence most of the rest is taken to signify Election of Magistrats made by the Roman Emperors uses no other word and later Writers speak of som that were chirotoniz'd Emperors by their Fathers For the use of the word among Christian Writers take one place in the Author of the Constitutions L. 7. c. 45. for many CLEMENT after the death of LINUS 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was ordain'd Bishop of Rome by PETER But what need any more CHRIST'S Disciples are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 design'd Act. 10. 41. or foreconstituted by God the witnesses of his Resurrection by all which that of PAUL and BARNABAS 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is but constituting or creating Elders in every Church Wherfore they that have look'd so far back to the Original as to think it necessary to render the word to create by Suffrages are sure guilty of a very impertinent nicety I promise you had this bin against one of our Doctors it might have bin a rude Charge but it is only against ERASMUS BEZA DIODATI and such as took upon them to translate the Switz French Italian Belgic and till the Episcopal correction the English Bibles And what apparent cause is there of such confidence What necessity is there even in the places alleg'd why the word Chirotonia should be understood in the sense impos'd The People of Egypt till having sold their Lands they came to lose their Popular balance were not Servants to PHARAOH wherfore when JOSEPH was made Governor over all Egypt they were free Book II now that a King should make a Governor of a free People without their consent or som advice as we say of his Parlament is altogether improbable the rather because a Protector in the absence or minority of the King has bin no otherwise made in England nor pretends the present Protector to any other title than the like Chirotonia But that MOSES is said by the same Author who affirm'd that he introduc'd the Chirotonia in Israel to have bin chirotoniz'd Ruler of the People can in my judgment be no otherwise than originally and literally taken seeing God himself was no otherwise made King in Israel than by the Suffrage of the People That the like must be understood of the Sons of AARON has bin already shewn The Doctor is the first has told me that the plural number for the Royal Stile is so antient as EPIPHANES Sure I am it was not deriv'd from his Macedonian Predecessors for in the Letters to the Athenians and the Thebans De Cor. recited by DEMOSTHENES PHILIP of Macedon writes in the singular number But the Letter of EPIPHANES to JONATHAN must it seems import that he at single hand tho the words carry double had chirotoniz'd a High Priest of the Jews Who can help it Som Princes have not only given out that their Priests have bin chirotoniz'd when they were not but that themselves have bin chirotoniz'd when there was no such matter When a Prince says that he was chirotoniz'd or elected by the People to talk of Rhetoric is to have none Divines in this case commonly understand it to be proper or literally meant for to impose a new sense is to spoil the word and spoil the word spoil the Prince LUCIAN is a Drol and intends a Jest but not so good a one as that he of all others should com nearest to help up with a Hierarchy For the Chirotonia or Election of the Roman Magistrats by the Suffrage of the People or of the Army every man knows that it is literal SUIDAS himself interpreting the word by this very example where he affirms it to signify Election or Ratification by the Many The Quotation out of the Constitutions with those of Bishop BILSON and others out of the Greec Fathers and out of Councils do not only imply the word Chirotonia but the thing while they all relate to that kind of Ordination which being in those Churches yet administer'd as at the Ordination of STEPHEN was not confer'd without the consent of the People But it is above all that laboring to prove the Chirotonia and the Chirothesia to be the same thing they should rely most upon the place where the Apostles are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have bin
forechirotoniz'd by God as if it were clear in this that God ordain'd the Apostles by the laying on of Hands for so it must be understood or it makes no more for them than for us Or if they mean it only to shew that the word Chirotonia or Suffrage is us'd for som Ordination that cannot be taken in our sense so the word Chirothesia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or laying on of Hands where ANANIAS being neither Bishop nor Presbyter but only a Disciple that is a Christian lays his hands upon PAUL is us'd for som Ordination that cannot be taken in their sense or a man not ordain'd may ordain as well as they for to say that the Call was extraordinary where the like is or is pretended will avail little But there is no need that we should go so near the wind wherfore to give them all these places in their own sense even till we com to the Citys in question What word in any Language is not somtimes nay frequently us'd in som other than the proper sense With what elegance if this be forbidden can any Chap. 5 man write or speak Is a word like a Woman that being taken with a Metaphor it can never be restor'd to the Original Virtue If Chirotonia has as Divines pretend lost all other but their signification how shall we understand it in Isaiah or where PAUL speaks it of the Brother 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chirotoniz'd or chosen by 2 Cor. 8. 19 the Churches Certainly in this one place at least it is of our sense and in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is but once yet in all the New Testament of any other so that if we gain the place in controversy we have it twice of our sense in Scripture for once not in theirs but in any other and in human Authors they will not so much as pretend to have it once for them of a hundred times for us which is pretty well for the vindication of the property of one word and somwhat more perhaps than can be don for another But in the sense of words that are somtimes properly and somtimes improperly taken may we admit of the things wherof they are spoken for Interpreters Or if Lillys and Roses have bin almost as often said of Ladys Cheeks must we understand them no otherwise when we are speaking of Gardens YES says Dr. HAMMOND and therfore to say of the Apostles PAUL and BARNABAS that they created Elders by their own Suffrages is no more than to say that they jointly did create and indeed being but two there could be no place for Suffrages and to affirm they did it by the Suffrages of others is not agreable to the pretended use of the word for where it is us'd of chusing by Suffrages as when the People are said to chirotonize it is certain that their own and not others Suffrages are meant by it His own words to Mr. Hobbs §. 118. IT were hardly possible to have contriv'd a greater number of Affirmations in so small a compass nor to have gon farther in them from all truth Phrases as words are to be understood according to the Rule and Law of Speech which is Use and thus that the Apostles created Elders by their own Suffrage is not said that they did it by the Suffrage of others is necessarily imply'd as also that the People are understood to chirotonize as well when it is said of the Presidents of their Assemblys as of themselves Diruit aedificat mutat quadrata rotundis WHEN a man is said to build a House or marry a Daughter he is not understood to be the Mason or the Bridegroom but the Apostles built Churches in these Citys therfore the People were not the Masons The Apostles marry'd CHRIST to these Nations therfore the People gave not their Consent or Suffrage what a Construction were this in ordinary discourse or writing and yet in the Language as I may say of a Commonwealth the Phrase is more usual How often dos DEMOSTHENES speak of his Laws see my Psephisma De Coron peruse my Law and those of other privat men after which Copy the Parté or Laws in the Commonwealth of Venice are call'd by the names of the Proposers as were those of Rome Rupilia Cornelia Trebonia in which manner we have POYNING'S Law and som Statutes bearing no other Stile than Enacted by the King 's most Excellent Majesty which nevertheless are known to have bin all enacted by the Parlament Thus the Laws of MOSES RHADAMANTHUS Book II MINOS LYCURGUS SOLON ROMULUS King EDWARD were leges consuetudines quas vulgus elegerit such as the People had confirm'd or chosen by their Chirotonia But they may say granting you this use of speech in relation to Laws what have you of this kind for Elections The Exception is nice but to leave none THE High Sherifs in England proposing to their Countys the Names of such as stand are said to elect Parlament-men They that thus propose Competitors to the Great Council in Venice are call'd Electors and said to elect the Magistrats The Proedri certain Magistrats to whom it belong'd to put the Question in the Representative of the People of Athens consisting of one thousand were said Demost cont Timocrat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to give or make the Suffrage The Thesmothetae who were Presidents at the creation of Magistrats were said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pol. l. 8. c. 8. to chirotonize the Generals JOSEPHUS renders those words of God to SAMUEL Hearken to the Voice of the People 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ant. l. 6. c. 4. I command thee to chirotonize them a King which Authors vindicating LUKE for his understanding both of the Grecian Customs and property of Speech at each of which he was expert com up to the full and genuin interpretation of the place in controversy where PAUL and BARNABAS 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chirotonizing them Elders in every Congregation can be no otherwise understood than that they here as MOSES at the institution of the Sanhedrim SAMUEL at the Election of the King the Proedri at the passing of Laws the Thesmothetae at the creation of Magistrats the Electors in the great Council of Venice and the High Sherifs in the Countys of England were no more than Presidents of that Chirotonia which was given or made by the Suffrage of the People WHERFORE the Greec is thus render'd by these several Translations of the Bible That of Zurich WHEN they had created them Elders by Suffrages in every Congregation That of Beza WHEN they had created them Elders by Suffrages in every Congregation The French WHEN by the advice of the Assemblys they had establish'd Elders The Italian WHEN by the advice of the Congregation they had constituted them Elders That of Diodati WHEN they had ordain'd them in every Church by the common votes of the Elders That appointed by the Synod of Dort WHEN in each Church by the
the Heavens are the Lords but the Earth has he given to the Children of Men Yet says God to the Father of these Children In the sweat of thy Face shalt thou eat thy Bread Dii laborantibus sua munera vendunt This Donation of the Earth to Man coms to a kind of selling it for INDUSTRY a Treasure which seems to purchase of God himself From the different kinds and successes of this Industry whether in Arms or in other Exercises of the Mind or Body derives the natural equity of Dominion or Property and from the legal establishment or distribution of this Property be it more or less approaching towards the natural equity of the same procedes all Government The balance of Empire consists in Property THE distribution of Property so far as it regards the nature or procreation of Government lys in the overbalance of the same Just as a man who has two thousand pounds a year may have a Retinue and consequently a Strength that is three times greater than his who injoys but five hundred pounds a year Not to speak at this time of Mony which in small Territorys may be of a like effect but to insist upon the main which is Property in Land the overbalance of this as it was at first constituted or coms insensibly to be chang'd in a Nation may be especially of three kinds that is in One in the Few or in the Many The generation of Absolute Monarchy THE overbalance of Land three to one or therabouts in one Man against the whole People creates Absolute Monarchy as when JOSEPH had purchas'd all the Lands of the Aegyptians for PHARAOH The Constitution of a People in this and such cases is capable of intire servitude Buy us and our Land for Bread and we and Gen. 47. 19. our Land will be Servants to PHARAOH The generation of Regulated Monarchy 1 Sam. 8. THE overbalance of Land to the same proportion in the Few against the whole People creates Aristocracy or Regulated Monarchy as of late in England And hereupon says SAMUEL to the People of Israel when they would have a King He will take your Fields even the best of them and give them to his Servants The constitution of a People in this and the like cases is * Nec totam libertatem nec totam servitutem pati possunt Tacit. neither capable of intire Liberty nor of intire Servitude The generation of Popular Government THE overbalance of Land to the same proportion in the People or where neither one nor the few overbalance the whole People creates Popular Government as in the division of the Land of Canaan to the whole People of Israel by lot The constitution of a People in this and the like cases is capable of intire Freedom nay not capable of any other settlement it being certain that if a Monarch or single Person in such a State thro the corruption or improvidence of their Counsils might carry it yet by the irresistible force of Nature or the reason alleg'd by MOSES I am not able to bear all this People alone Numb 11. 14. Book I because it is too heavy for me he could not keep it but out of the deep Waters would cry to them whose feet he had stuck in the mire Of the Militia and of the Negative Voice WHEREVER the balance of a Government lys there naturally is the Militia of the same and against him or them wherin the Militia is naturally lodg'd there can be no negative Vote IF a Prince holds the overbalance as in Turky in him is the Militia as the Janizarys and Timariots If a Nobility has the over-balance the Militia is in them as among us was seen in the Barons Wars and those of York and Lancaster and in France is seen when any considerable part of that Nobility rebelling they are not to be reduc'd but by the major part of their Order adhering to the King IF the People has the overbalance which they had in Israel the Judg. 20. Militia is in them as in the four hundred thousand first decreing and then waging War against Benjamin Where it may be inquir'd what Power there was on earth having a Negative Voice to this Assembly This always holds where there is Settlement or where a Government is natural Where there is no Settlement or where the Government is unnatural it procedes from one of these two causes either an imperfection in the Balance or else such a corruption in the Lawgivers wherby a Government is instituted contrary to the Balance Imperfect Government IMPERFECTIONS of the Balance that is where it is not good or down weight cause imperfect Governments as those of the Roman and of the Florentin People and those of the Hebrew Kings and Roman Emperors being each exceding bloody or at least turbulent Tyranny Oligarchy Anarchy GOVERNMENT against the balance in One is Tyranny as that of the Athenian PISISTRATUS in the Few it is Oligarchy as that of the Roman DECEMVIRS in the Many Anarchy as that under the Neapolitan MAZINELLO The Divine right of Government WHEREVER thro Causes unforeseen by Human Providence the Balance coms to be intirely chang'd it is the more immediatly to be attributed to Divine Providence And since God cannot will the necessary cause but he must also will the necessary effect or consequence what Government soever is in the necessary direction of the Balance the same is of Divine Right Wherfore tho of the Israelits God says â—os 8. 4. They have set up Kings but not by me they have made Princes and I knew it not yet to the small Countries adjoining to the Assyrian Empire â—â—r 27. 6 17. he says Now have I given all these Lands into the hand of the King of Babylon my Servant Serve the King of Babylon and live CHAP. II. Shewing the variation of the English Balance THE Land in possession of the Nobility and Clergy of England till HENRY 7 th cannot be esteem'd to have overbalanc'd those held by the People less than four to one Wheras in our days the Clergy being destroy'd the Lands in possession of the People overbalance those held by the Nobility at least nine in ten In shewing how this change came about som would have it that I assume to my self more than my share tho they do not find me delivering that which must rely upon Authority and not vouching my Authors But HENRY the Seventh being conscious of infirmity in his Title yet finding with what strength and vigor he was brought in by the Nobility Chap. 2 conceiv'd jealousys of the like Power in case of a decay or change of Affections Nondum orbis adoraverat Romam The Lords yet led Country lives their Houses were open to Retainers Men experienc'd in Military Affairs and capable of commanding their Hospitality was the delight of their Tenants who by their Tenures or Dependence were oblig'd to follow their Lords in Arms.
Liberty of the People which sense also is imply'd by their upbraiding him in Scripture Is it a small thing that thou hast Numb 16. 13. brought us up out of the Land that flows with Milk and Hony to kill us in the Wilderness except thou makest thy self altogether a Prince over us But wheras the Scripture in all this presumes these Incendiarys to have That Moses was no King bely'd MOSES som will have all they thus laid to his charge to be no more but less than truth in as much as they will needs have MOSES not only to have bin a King but to have bin a King exercising Arbitrary Power and such Arbitrary Power as being without any bounds fully amounts to Tyranny Sect. 2 That Moses propos'd his Laws to the People and their Suffrage THE word King is not a sufficient definition of the Magistrat so stil'd Between a Lacedemonian King and a Persian King or between either of these and a King of England there was a vast difference Both the Kings in Lacedemon were but as one Duke in Venice The Venetians therfore if it had so pleas'd them might as well have call'd their Duke a King Certainly it is that he is not so much in the Commonwealth as are a few of his Counsillors and yet all Acts of the Government run in his name as if there were no Common-wealth Deut. 34. 4. In what sense Moses may be call'd a King IT is said according to our Translation MOSES commanded us a Law c. according to the Original MOSES propos'd or gave us a Law which is an Inheritance to the Congregation of JACOB The Duke of Venice has a right to propose or give Law in the Congregation or great Council of Venice where he who sees him sitting would believe he were a King And if MOSES were King in Jesurun Ver. 5. or Israel it was when the Heads of the People and the Tribes of Israel were gather'd together PAUL epitomizing the story of the Acts 13. People of Israel in his Sermon to the Antiochian Jews shews how God chose their Fathers exalted the People destroy'd for their sakes seven Nations in the Land of Canaan and divided their Land to them by Lots but speaks not a word of any King given to them till expresly after their Judges But if MOSES were a King yet that he did not propose but command by his power the Laws which he gave to Israel dos not follow For DAVID was a King who nevertheless did no otherwise make any Law than by Proposition to the People and their â— Chron. 13. free Suffrage upon it DAVID consulted with the Captains of thousands and hundreds and with every Leader of which Military Disciplin of the Congregation of Israel more in due place will be shewn and DAVID said to all the Congregation If it seems good to you and that it be of the Lord our God tho he was a King and a man after God's own heart he makes the People Judges what was of God let us send abroad to our Brethren every where that are left in all the Land of Israel and with them also to the Priests and Levits that are in their Citys and Suburbs that they to the end this thing may be perform'd with the greatest solemnity may gather themselves to us and let us bring the Ark of God to us for we inquir'd not at it in the days of SAUL 1 Sam. 4. In the days of ELI the Ark was taken by the Philistins who being smitten till there was a deadly destruction throout all the City and their Divines attributing the cause therof to the detention of the Ark after seven months sent it to Bethshemesh whence it was brought to Kirjath-jearim and there lodg'd in the house of AMINADAB before SAUL was King where it remain'd till such time as DAVID propos'd in the manner shewn to the People the reduction of the same Upon this Proposition the People giving Suffrage are unanimous Chap. 1 in their result All the Congregation said that they would do so not 1 Chron. 13. 4. that they could do no otherwise by a King for they did not the like by REHOBOAM but that the thing was right in the eys of all the People Moreover DAVID and the Captains of the Host separated to Chap. 25. the Service som of the Sons of ASAPH and of HEMAN and of JEDUTHUN who should prophesy with Harps with Psalterys and with Cymbals that is propos'd these Laws for Church Disciplin or Offices of the Priests and Levits to the same Representative of the People of which more in other places Thus much in this to shew that if MOSES were a King it dos not follow that he propos'd not his Laws to a Congregation of the People having the power of Result To say that the Laws propos'd by MOSES were the Dictat of GOD is not to evade but to confirm the necessity of proposing them to the People seeing the Laws or Dictats of GOD or of CHRIST can no otherwise be effectually receiv'd or imbrac'd by a People or by a privat man than by the free suffrage of the Soul or Conscience and not by Force or Rewards which may as well establish the Laws of the Devil That there lay no appeal from the 70 Elders to Moses Numb 11. 16. BUT for another way such a one as it is of crowning MOSES Sect. 3 som are positive that there lay an appeal from the seventy Elders to Him Now the Command of God to MOSES for the institution of the Seventy is this Gather to me seventy men of the Elders of Israel that they may stand with thee Upon which words let me ask whether had MOSES thenceforth a distinct or a joint political Capacity If the Seventy stood with MOSES or it were a joint Capacity then MOSES was no King in their sense and if it were distinct then lay there to MOSES no appeal even by his own Law for thus in the case of Appeals it is by him directed If there arises a Controversy too Deut. 6. hard for thee in Judgment thou shalt com to the Priests and Levits that is to the seventy Elders According to the sentence of the Law which they shall tell thee thou shalt do And the man that will do presumtuously and will not hearken even that man shall dy In which words all color of appeal from the seventy Elders is excluded BUT whether MOSES were a King or no King either his Sect. 4 Power was more than that of King DAVID or without proposition to and result of the People it is plain that he could pass no Law Now the Senat Sanhedrim or seventy Elders came in the place of MOSES or stood with him therfore their Power could be no more than was that of MOSES So that if the Power of MOSES were never more in the point of Lawgiving than to propose to the People then the power of the Sanhedrim
what they will It is ask'd of the Commons what the other House shall be and it can be nothing but what the Commons will The Commons are ask'd whose the Army whose the Militia whose the Negative Vote is nor can these be otherwise determin'd than as they please The Commons are ask'd whether they will make such a War whether they will pay such a Debt whether they will advance such a Sum all which are intirely at their discretion therfore actually and positively England is a Commonwealth Nay and that there remain not the least doubt whether it be safe for any man to say thus much the present Government has either no legal denomination at all or is legally denominated the Commonwealth the question of the future state of it coms not one whit upon the matter which is already granted but upon the form only A Commonwealth for the matter makes it self and where they will not bestow upon it the Form necessary fails not of coming to ruin or at least to disgrace the Workmen Or to speak more properly and piously a Commonwealth is not made by Men but by God and they who resist his holy Will are Weapons that cannot prosper Feb. 20. 1659. Six Political TRACTS Written on Several Occasions VIZ. I. Valerius and Publicola A Dialog II. A System of Politics delineated in short and easy Aphorisms now first publish'd from the Author 's own Manuscript III. Political Aphorisms IV. Seven Models of a Commonwealth Antient and Modern c. V. The Ways and Means of introducing a Commonwealth by the Consent of the People VI. The humble Petition of divers well affected Persons with the Parlament's Answer therto Valerius and Publicola Or the True FORM OF A POPULAR COMMONWEALTH Extracted Ex puris Naturalibus Quos perdere vult JUPITER hos dementat prius To the READER THE way of Dialog being not faithfully manag'd is of all others the most fraudulent but being faithfully manag'd is the clearest and most effectual for conveying a mans sense into the understanding of his Reader There is nothing in this World next the favor of God I so much desire as to be familiarly understood which because great men have thought below them has prov'd hitherto but the ruin of themselves and the detriment of the Public for which reason having try'd all other means I now add this My work if I be not given over to utter blindness is the same with or nearest that of the Nation and the Work of the Nation being not understood is in extreme danger of utter ruin Valerius DEAREST PUBLICOLA how have I long'd to meet you and in the favorable silence of this long Walk Publicola What has my noble Friend VALERIUS to command his faithful Servant Val. Why really notwithstanding the tumult of these extravagant Changes your last Discourse had so much of my attention then and has had such a digestion with me since that I feel it running in my Veins Pub. Do you find in that any temtation to the buckling on of High-shoon Val. My thoughts PUBLICOLA are quite of another strain somtimes I fancy I see England grasping at Empire like Rome it self Pub. Why then VALERIUS my Discourses are not such as they say there runs nothing of them in your Veins that has imbas'd your noble Blood Val. The Heraldry of them is of as high a pitch as the Policy but I would have them be a little lower in som things Pub. What are those Val. The Vulgar complain of you that you are too learn'd Pub. I thought it was not you VALERIUS Val. For all that I could be contented to see you raise your Structure by your own strength and without the help of other Authors Pub. That I dare say you may when you please Val. I must see it then before I lose the covert of these reverend Elms. Pub. You take care that the Building should be well situated and for the Foundation I may presume by what has already past between you and me that we are long since agreed Val. That the threefold Balance or Distribution of Property is the cause of the triple way of Government I fully consent with you as also that the Balance now in England is in the People plainly and exclusively both of a King and Lords Pub. You are not of them that grant this and then ask which way a Commonwealth should be introduc'd in England Val. Why truly yes seeing not only the People are so wholly unacquainted with the means but their Leaders so averse to it Pub. Think you that a Plant grows the worse for not understanding the manner of its Vegetation Val. A Plant is not a free Agent but among Men who are free Agents the Introduction of Government seems to be Arbitrary Pub. What where there is no more than Hobson's choice this or none Val. It is true that if they can have nothing else they must at length have a Commonwealth but tho they can have nothing else to be holding yet they will be trying other things Pub. There is all the mischief Val. And enough to ruin the Nation Pub. To hurt it very sore but not to ruin it nor yet to evade a Commonwealth except they expose us to foren Invasion Val. I am glad of your Confidence Pub. You may let it pass for Confidence if you please but if there be no other way except that only of Invasion wherby the present Balance can receive a change sudden enough to admit of any other Form the reason why we must have a Commonwealth is coercive Val. And putting the case it be the Will of God to defend us from foren Invasion how long will it be ere they see at home the coerciveness of this Reason or which is all one that all Power is in and from the People Pub. Good VALERIUS how long is it since this was both seen and declar'd in Parlament Val. Perhaps as they meant it might be admitted as a Principle even in Monarchy Pub. This with your pardon you will revoke seeing you well remember that this their Declaration of Power in the People has bin exclusive of King and Lords and that in express terms Val. But in this they related not at all to the Distribution of Property Pub. Why then there is not such a difference between the growing of a Plant and of a Commonwealth as you thought seeing a Commonwealth knowing as little dos no less Val. This of all others is to me a Consideration fullest of comfort Pub. It will in time procede accordingly thro a mere necessity of nature or by feeling but your desire I suppose is to know how it should be rationally introduc'd or by seeing and that with more ease and greater speed Val. If it might please God I would live to have my share of it tho I fear I never shall Pub. You carve for your self ill for by hope a man injoys even that which he never coms to attain and by fear he is depriv'd even of
That Vulgus is to be understood of the Parlament and the Parlament consisted wholly of the better sort Pub. It is true but then that Commonwealth acted in all things accordingly Val. It was you will say no Democracy Pub. And will you say it was Val. No truly yet this deriv'd in part from the free Election of the People Pub. How free seeing the People then under Lords dar'd not to elect otherwise than as pleas'd those Lords Val. Somthing of that is true but I am persuaded that the People not under Lords will yet be most addicted to the better sort Pub. That is certain Val. How then will you prevent the like in your Institution Pub. You shall see presently The diffusive Body of the People in which the Power is and is declar'd to be consists in the far greater part of the lower sort wherfore their Representative to rise naturally and to be exactly comprehensive of the common Interest must consist also in the far greater part of the lower sort Val. Of what number will you have this Representative Pub. Suppose a thousand or therabout Val. What proportion will you have the meaner sort in it to hold to the better Pub. Suppose about six to four Val. How will you order it that it shall be so constituted Pub. Why thus Let the People in every Precinct or Shire at Election chuse four under one hundred pounds a year in Lands Goods or Mony together with three at or above that proportion Val. I see not but this Representative must be exact Pub. It is yet none at all that is unless you presume Changes for one thousand without change governing the whole People amounts neither to a Representative nor to a Commonwealth but coms still to your hard name Val. How do you order your Changes Pub. By annual election of one third part for three years Val. So that every year one third part of your Assembly fallsout of it and a new third part at the same time enters into the same Pub. Even so Val. This causes the Representative to be perpetually extant Pub. It dos so But to respit that a little I should be glad before I stir farther to know which way the Vote of a Representative thus constituted can go one hairs breadth beside the common and public Interest of the whole diffusive Body of the People Val. No way in the Earth that I can imagin except thro ignorance Pub. No Human Ordinance is infallible and what is don thro mere ignorance or mistake at one time will be found and amended at another Val. A thousand men and six to four of the lower sort perpetually extant this must be a grievous Charge to the most of them it will be hard to bring them and impossible to hold them together Pub. Upon such as are elected and com not considerable Fines must be levy'd and such as com and stay together must have good Salarys Val. Salarys to so many what will that com to Pub. Not with the rest of the Commonwealth to three hundred thousand pounds a year Val. Why the Kings have rarely had above six Pub. And did England ever grudg them any part of that proportion Val. I must confess the Quarrel grew when they would not be contented with so little Pub. Now if England never did nor needed grudg a King six hundred thousand pounds a year to be spent among Courtiers why should we imagin she should grudg a Commonwealth three hundred thousand pounds a year to be spent among Magistrats Val. But Parlamentmen have taken nothing Pub. Have the People given nothing Val. That was for the maintenance of Armys Pub. And whether had you rather maintain Armys or Magistrats Val. But putting the case that this Assembly needed not to be perpetually extant this Charge in the whole or in the far greater part might be abated Pub. I cannot tell for how often think you fit that this Assembly should convene Val. Parlaments at most met not above once a year Pub. If they had bin perpetually extant there would have bin no King Val. No truly except in name only Pub. Therfore the Popular Assembly in a Commonwealth ought not to be perpetually extant Val. To the end you will say that there may be som King Pub. Mock not or what other guard of Liberty is there in any Commonwealth but the Popular Assembly Val. Com let them assemble twice a year upon their ordinary Guard Pub. And what if there be an extraordinary occasion Val. Then as often as there is any such occasion Pub. How much will this abate of their necessary Charge or of the Salarys And how much better were it for a Representative to lead the Life of Statesmen than of Carriers Val. Commonwealths whose Assemblys have bin of the former kind have call'd them no otherwise than at stated times or upon extraordinary occasions Pub. But then their Assemblys were not equal Representatives but consisted of such as being next at hand were still ready upon any occasion Val. That makes indeed a considerable difference But were this Representative always extant I cannot see but it would have nothing to do Pub. And in case it be not always extant you imagin that it may have somthing to do Val. Yes Pub. Then whether gos it better with the Commonwealth when the Representative has somthing to do or when it has nothing to do Val. This is very quaint Pub. No truly VALERIUS it is plain that the Guard of Liberty perpetually extant in doing nothing must do much and not perpetually extant in doing much may do nothing Val. I am afraid that having nothing to do they will make work Pub. Such I warrant you as the Parlament and the Army made the other day Val. Nay I am not so wide A civil Council and a standing Army must needs have Interests much more distinct than two civil Assemblys and where there is not a like cause I know well enough there cannot be the like effect Pub. I shall desire no more than that you will hold to this and then tell me what Disputes there us'd to be between the Senat of Venice and the great Council which is perpetually extant and consists of about two thousand Val. Nay certain it is that between those two there never was any dispute at all Pub. Then tell me for what cause such a thing should any more happen between the Assemblys propos'd or according to your own rule from like causes expect like effects Val. You put me to it Pub. Nay it is you that put me to it for you will be presuming that this Assembly can have nothing to do before we com to consider what are their proper Businesses and Functions Val. I beg your pardon and what are those Pub. Why surely no small matters for in every Commonwealth truly Popular it is inseparable from the Assembly of the People that first they wholly and only have the right of Result in all matters of Lawgiving of making Peace
their Caps for joy and immediatly return to their Houses Pub. But VALERIUS thus much has bin said in Parlament when the House was fuller when they who were for this Restitution were back'd by a single Person in actual possession of the Throne when over and above the zeal of the Presbyterians there were Partys that knew no other means of selfpreservation as without Divines belaboring the Oak of every Pulpit and within Laywers Officers and Pensioners yet was it so far from being carry'd that the single Person has bin forc'd to dissolve Parlaments and that thro apparent danger of being overrun by the Principles of a Commonwealth not in being But if this were so when a Commonwealth could scarce be hop'd what will it be when the Commonwealth shall be in such a condition as cannot be withstood for the Senat can never com to propose any thing to the People without first agreing upon debating what it is they will propose nor is it possible that such Debate should be brought to any end but by reasons therto conducing now it must not only be impossible to find reasons for the restitution of Monarchy but the reasons why Monarchy ought not to be restor'd must be obvious not only in regard that it is quite contrary to the interest of the Nation and of these Assemblys but to the interest ten to one of every particular man in either of these Assemblys nor are or have the reasons bin less obvious or less ventilated in Parlament why Monarchy as to this Nation is impossible in it self Val. Will you say the like for Liberty of Conscience Pub. Yes because without Liberty of Conscience Civil Liberty cannot be perfect and without Civil Liberty Liberty of Conscience cannot be perfect Val. These things are true but they never will see them never PUBLICOLA you your self say That the People cannot see but they can feel Pub. I meant that of the diffusive Body of the People not of the People under good Orders in which case they are the sharpest sighted of any kind of Government whatsoever and therfore it is not modest that you or I or any particular Man or Party blinded with selfconceit should pretend to see with such a Constitution or shew me that Ey under the Sun that sees like that of Venice But putting the case it were otherwise as to seeing these things are plainly palpable or obvious to feeling Val. I have indeed observ'd that in Commonwealths there are very few that see or understand them and yet their affection to that way of Government is exceding vigorous Pub. Whence can this otherwise be than from feeling But one thing VALERIUS I take at your hands extreme heavily Val. What is that PUBLICOLA Pub. That you with one little Speech of a single Senator should run so regardlesly over these two Assemblys without taking any notice at all of the necessary Course of them Val. What Course PUBLICOLA Pub. Why you might easily have thought that among three hundred Senators there might have bin at least one hundred as good Speakers as yours Val. Have I said any thing to the contrary Pub. And do you or I what we can ten to one of them will be longer winded than you have allow'd Val. For that matter let them please themselves Pub. Ay but then you should not have made an end of your Debate in a minute Val. What is all this Pub. Why I say They would have bin debating on that point at least a fortnight Val. Well and when that had bin don would never have agreed Pub. No. Val. Did not you say that before Pub. Well but I am now upon another point that was to the matter in debate this is to the manner of proceding imagin the matter had bin such upon which they could have agreed Val. What then Pub. Then such an agreement had bin a Decree of the Senat. Val. Is a Decree of the Senat binding Pub. If it be upon a Law made it is binding if upon a Law to be made it is to be propos'd to the People Now every Proposition to the People is to be promulgated that is printed and publish'd to the whole Nation six weeks before the time that the Representative is to assemble and give the Vote of the Commonwealth or that test without which no such Proposition can be any Law Val. By this means it must follow that the whole People both by Discourse and Letters debate six weeks together upon the matter Pub. You are right Val. How is it then that you say The Representative of the People must not debate You allow to these less privilege than to the whole People Pub. No less nor in this point any more Val. Yet dos this amount to Debate in those that are of the Representative Pub. You say well but not to any Debate at all in the Representative Val. Why this Representative is nothing else but an Instrument or Method wherby to receive the Result of the whole Nation with order and expedition and without any manner of tumult or confusion Pub. And is that any thing the worse Val. No but I am glad you have told it me for that those of the Representative would one way or other have Debate I knew certainly Pub. In sum are you satisfy'd that the Spirit of the Nation or the People however they may now under no Form at all and in detestation of such as having govern'd them by force will let them see no way out of confusion desire their old Government as having never yet known any other yet under such a Form as is propos'd can never go about to introduce Monarchy without obvious discovery that as to their Interest it is quite contrary and as to it self impossible Val. The satisfaction is pretty good Pub. Pretty good give me but half so good that the Spirit of the Army not formerly obedient to Parlaments and now dreading or despising them must apprehend the restitution of Monarchy to be quite contrary to their interest Val. You surprize me for if the Army will have no Parlament and a King restor'd can now in England without an Army have no Government they may imagin this their only way to Greatness and Continuance Pub. Had not the Oligarchy then if they meant well better to have us'd sober expressions and minded what those true and real Interests are which in the foundation and preservation of every kind of Government are paramount than to have overcast them with the mist of new affected Phrases and fallen on conjuring up Spirits Val. You have conjur'd up a Spirit that will keep me waking Pub. Set him on pulling down the Law and the Ministry when that is don let him blow up Windsor Castle Hampton Court and throw Whitehall into the Thames Val. It is the only way for then there can be no King Pub. You may be sure of that seeing the Count of Holland's Domain and his Houses are yet not only standing but diligently preserv'd by
Cassiopoeia Pub. VALERIUS if the Major of the Petition extends as far as is warranted by SOLOMON I mean that there is nothing new under the Sun what new things there may be or have bin above the Sun will make little to the present purpose Val. It is true but if you have no more to say they will take this but for shifting Pub. Where there is Sea as between Sicily and Naples there was antiently Land and where there is Land as in Holland there was antiently Sea Val. What then Pub. Why then the present posture of the Earth is other than it has bin yet is the Earth no new thing but consists of Land and Sea as it did always so whatever the present posture of the Heavens be they consist of Star and Firmament as they did always Val. What will you say then to the Star in Cassiopoeia Pub. Why I say if it consisted of the same matter with other Stars it was no new thing in nature but a new thing in Cassiopoeia as were there a Commonwealth in England it would be no new thing in Nature but a new thing in England Val. The Star you will say in Cassiopoeia to have bin a new thing in nature must have bin no Star because a Star is not a new thing in nature Pub. Very good Val. You run upon the matter but the newness in the Star was in thâ— manner of the generation Pub. At Putzuoli near Naples I have seen a Mountain that rose up from under water in one night and pour'd a good part of the Lake antiently call'd Lucrin into the Sea Val. What will you infer from hence Pub. Why that the new and extraordinary generation of a Star or of a Mountain no more causes a Star or a Mountain to be a new thing in nature than the new and extraordinary generation of a Commonwealth causes a Commonwealth to be a new thing in nature ARISTOTLE reports that the Nobility of Tarantum being cut off in a Battel that Commonwealth became popular And if the Pouder Plot in England had destroy'd the King and the Nobility it is possible that Popular Government might have risen up in England as the Mountain did at Putzuoli Yet for all these would there not have bin any new thing in nature Val. Som new thing thro the blending of unseen causes there may seem to be in shuffling but Nature will have her course there is no other than the old game Pub. VALERIUS let it rain or be fair weather the Sun to the dissolution of Nature shall ever rise but it is now set and I apprehend the mist Val. Dear PUBLICOLA your Health is my own I bid you goodnight Pub. Goodnight to you VALERIUS Val. One word more PUBLICOLA Pray make me a present of those same Papers and with your leave and license I will make use of my Memory to commit the rest of this Discourse to writing and print it Pub. They are at your disposing Val. I will not do it as has bin don but with your name to it Pub. Whether way you like best most noble VALERIUS Octob. 22. 1659. Chap. 1 A System of Politics Delineated in short and easy APHORISMS Publish'd from the Author 's own Manuscript CHAP. I. Of GOVERNMENT 1. A PEOPLE is either under a state of Civil Government or in a state of Civil War or neither under a state of Civil Government nor in a state of Civil War 2. CIVIL Government is an Art wherby a People rule themselves or are rul'd by others 3. THE Art of Civil Government in general is twofold National or Provincial 4. NATIONAL Government is that by which a Nation is govern'd independently or within it self 5. PROVINCIAL Government is that by which a Province is govern'd dependently or by som foren Prince or State 6. A PEOPLE is neither govern'd by themselves nor by others but by reason of som external Principle therto forcing them 7. FORCE is of two kinds Natural and Unnatural 8. NATURAL Force consists in the vigor of Principles and their natural necessary Operations 9. UNNATURAL Force is an external or adventitious opposition to the vigor of Principles and their necessary working which from a violation of Nature is call'd Violence 10. NATIONAL Government is an effect of natural Force or Vigor 11. PROVINCIAL Government is an effect of unnatural Force or Violence 12. THE natural Force which works or produces National Government of which only I shall speak hereafter consists in Riches 13. THE Man that cannot live upon his own must be a Servant but he that can live upon his own may be a Freeman 14. WHERE a People cannot live upon their own the Government is either Monarchy or Aristocracy where a People can live upon their own the Government may be Democracy Chap. II 15. A MAN that could live upon his own may yet to spare his own and live upon another be a Servant but a People that can live upon their own cannot spare their own and live upon another but except they be no Servants that is except they com to a Democracy they must wast their own by maintaining their Masters or by having others to live upon them 16. WHERE a People that can live upon their own imagin that they can be govern'd by others and not liv'd upon by such Governors it is not the Genius of the People it is the Mistake of the People 17. WHERE a People that can live upon their own will not be govern'd by others lest they be liv'd upon by others it is not the Mistake of the People it is the Genius of the People 18. OF Government there are three Principles Matter Privation and Form CHAP. II. Of the Matter of Government 1. THAT which is the Matter of Government is what we call an Estate be it in Lands Goods or Mony 2. IF the Estate be more in Mony than in Land the port or garb of the Owner gos more upon his Monys than his Lands which with privat Men is ordinary but with Nations except such only as live more upon their Trade than upon their Territory is not to be found for which cause overbalance of Riches in Mony or Goods as to the sequel of these Aphorisms is altogether omitted 3. IF the Estate be more in Land than in Goods or Mony the garb and port of the Owner whether a Man or a Nation gos more if not altogether upon his Land 4. IF a Man has som Estate he may have som Servants or a Family and consequently som Government or somthing to govern if he has no Estate he can have no Government 5. WHERE the eldest of many Brothers has all or so much that the rest for their livelihood stand in need of him that Brother is as it were Prince in that Family 6. WHERE of many Brothers the eldest has but an equal share or not so inequal as to make the rest to stand in need of him for their livelihood that Family is as it
out to debate or examination that a man having the mind to weigh discourse upon or object against this Model may do it in the parts with the greatest convenience ANY examination of or objection against the whole or any part in print or in writing the Author holds himself bound to acknowlege or answer But as to mere discourse upon matters of this compass it is usually narrow besides that in writing a man must put himself upon better aim than he can be oblig'd to take in discourse ANY one objection lying in writing against any one Order in this part of the Model after such manner as to shew that the Part or Order so invaded ought to be expung'd alter'd or amended unless it may be expung'd alter'd or amended accordingly destroys the whole AND any one or more Objections so lying against any one or more of these Orders or Propositions that therby they may be expung'd alter'd or amended must in the whole or in part make a better Model IN this case therfore or in case no Objection lys the use of these Propositions will be such as therby any Man or any Assembly of men considering or debating upon them in order may find or make a true Model of a well order'd Commonwealth AND that an Assembly can never make or frame a Model of any Government otherwise than in som such manner is provable first by a demonstration from the effect and secondly by a demonstration from the cause THE demonstration from the Effect is that an Assembly no otherwise frames a Law or Order than by having it first pen'd by som one man and then judging upon it and the Model of a Commonwealth must consist of many Laws or Orders THE demonstration from the Cause is that wheras Reason consists of two parts the one Invention and the other Judgment a Man may be as far beyond any Assembly for Invention as any Assembly can be beyond a Man for Judgment or which is more that the formation of a Model of Government requires a strong faculty of Invention and that an Assembly is naturally void of all manner of Invention Nov. 13. 1658. THE Ways and Means Wherby an Equal and Lasting COMMONWEALTH May be suddenly introduc'd and perfectly founded with the free Consent and actual Confirmation of the Whole People of England Scire tuum nihil est nisi te scire hoc sciat alter Pers A WORD fitly spoken is like Apples of Gold in Pictures of Silver THE Desire of the People of England now runs strongly to have a Free Parlament LET there be a free Parlament TO the end that the People may be most equally represented or that the Parlament may be Freest LET there be a new Division of England and Wales with as much equality as may stand with convenience into fifty Shires LET every Shire elect annually two Knights to be of one House and seven Deputys to be of another House of Parlament for the term of three years For the first year only let the Deputys in each Division be elected triple that is seven for the term of one year seven for the term of two years and seven for the term of three years The like for the Knights save only that the present Parlament remain that is let two Knights in each Division be elected the first year only for the term of one year two other Knights at the same time for the term of two years and let the present Parlament be the triennial part of the Knights House for the first Election THE House of Knights and the House of Deputys being assembl'd let the House of Knights debate and propose LET what is propos'd by the House of Knights be promulgated for the space of six weeks PROMULGATION being thus made let the House of Deputys meet and give their Result upon the Proposition LET what was thus propos'd by the Senat or House of Knights and resolv'd by the People or House of Deputys be the Law IN this Constitution these Councils must of necessity contain the Wisdom and the Interest of the Nation IN this method Debate must of necessity be mature IF it be according to the Wisdom and the Interest of the Nation upon mature debate that there be a King let there be a King IF it be according to the Wisdom and the Interest of the Nation upon mature debate that there be a Commonwealth two Assemblys in this Order are actually a Commonwealth and so far a well order'd Commonwealth that they are capacitated and inclin'd to reach to themselves whatever furniture shall be further necessary in more particular Orders which also is at hand TILL this or the like be don the Line of the late King and the People must be fellowsufferers in which case the impatience of the People must be for the restitution of that Line at all adventures BUT this or the like being once don immediatly the Line of the late King and the People becom Rivals in which case they will never restore Monarchy WILL never may som say But if the Senat and the Popular Assembly be both Royalists they both will and can restore Monarchy THO both Royalists they neither will nor can for let them that look no further than home or self say what they will to affirm that a Senat and a Popular Assembly thus constituted can procreat Monarchy is to affirm that a Horse and a Mare can generat a Cat that Wheat being rightly sown may com up Pease or that a River in its natural channel may run upwards IN the present case of England Commonwealthsmen may fail thro want of Art but Royalists must fail thro want of Matter the former may miss thro impotence the latter must thro impossibility Or where the State is purely popular that is not overbalanc'd by a Lord or Lords let there be one Example or one Reason given that there is was or ever can be Monarchy There will be this when all fails for the aftergame tho the work should fall as is like enough into the hands of Royalists CERTAIN it is that where any privat Citizen or Freeman might not som way or other propose there never was a well order'd Commonwealth UPON this incouragement I offer'd this Paper to good hands but it was according to custom thrown after me SO it went in the Protector 's time in every Revolution since La fortuna accieca gli animi de gli huomini but that is Atheism that 's MACCHIAVEL WELL but now says the Protectorian Family O that we had set up the equal Commonwealth So say broken Parlaments and Statesmen so say the sadly mistaken Sectarys so say the cashier'd Officers so says he that would have no nay but Oligarchy was a good word and so will more say after these except they learn to say after another Aut reges non exigendi fuerunt aut plebi re non verbo danda libertas either the Kings ought not to have bin driven out or the People to