were exasperated by the proceedings of their seventh King named Lucius Tarquinus surnamed the proud who for that as Livius saith he neglected the Laws of Government prescribed to him by the Commonwealth as namely in that he consulted not with the Senate in matters of great importance and for that he made War and Peace of his own head and for that he appointed to himself a Guard as though he had mistrusted the People and for that he did use Injustice to divers particular men and suffered his Children to be insolent he was Expelled with all his Posterity and the Government of Rome changed from a Kingdom unto the Regiment of Consuls after that the other had endured two hundred years And thus much for those Kingdoms of Italy and Greece And if likewise we will look upon other Kingdoms of Europe we shall see the very same to wit that every Kingdom and Country hath its Laws prescribed â—o their Kings by the Common-wealth both for their Government Authority and Succession in the same For if we behold the Roman Empire it self as it is at this day annexed to the German Electors though it be the first in dignity among Christian Princes yet shall we see it so restrained by particular Laws as the Emperor can do much less than other Kings in theirs for he can neither make War nor exact any contribution of Men or Money thereunto but by the free leave and consent of the German Dyet or Parliament and for his Children or next in Kin they have no Action Interest or Pretence at all to succeed in their Fathers Dignity but only by free Election if they shall be thought worthy Nay one of the chiefest points that the Emperor must swear at his entrance as Sleydan writeth is this That he shall never go about to make the Dignity of the Emperor peculiar or hereditary to his Family but leave it unto the seven Electors free in their power to chuse his Successor according to the Law made by Pope Gregory the fifth and the Emperor Charles the fourth in this behalf The Kingdoms of Polonia and Bohemia do go much after the same fashion both for their restraint of Power and Succession to their Kings For first touching their Authority they have great limitation neither can they do any thing of great moment without the consent of certain principal men called Palatines or Castellans neither may their Children or next of Bloud succed except they be chosen as in the Empire In Spain France and England the priviledges of Kings are far more eminent in both these points for that both their Authority is much more absolute and their next in Bloud do ordinarily succeed but yet in different manner For as touching Authority it seemeth that the Kings of Spain and France have greater than the King of England for that every Ordination of these two Kings is Law in it self without further approbation of the Commonwealth where no general Law can be made without consent of Parliament But in the other point of Succession it appeareth that the restraint is far greater in those other two Countries than in England for that in Spain the next in Bloud cannot succeed be he never so lawfully descended but by a new approbation of the Nobility and Bishops and States of the Realm as it is expresly set down in the two ancient Counsels of Tolledo the fourth and fifth In confirmation whereof we see at this day that the King of Spain's own Son cannot succeed nor be called Prince except he be first sworn by the said Nobility and States in token of their new consent and so we have seen it practiced in our days towards three or four of King Philip's Children which have succeeded the one after the other in the title of Princes of Spain and at every change a new Oath required at the Subjects hands for their admission to the said Dignity which is not used in the Kings Children of France or England In France the World knoweth how Women are not admitted to succeed in the Crown be they never so near in Bloud neither any of their Issue though it be Male. For which cause I doubt not but you remember how King Edward the third of England though he were Son and Heir unto a Daughter of France whose three Brethren were Kings and left her sole Heir to her Father King Philip the fourth surnamed the Fair yet was he put by the Crown as also was the King of Navar at the same time who was Son and Heir unto this Womans eldest Brothers Daughter named Lewis Huttin King of France which King of Navar thereby seemed to be before King Edward of England but yet were they both put by it and Philip de Vallois a Brothers Son of Philip the Fair was preferred to it by general Decree of the States of France and by Verdict of the whole Parliament of Paris gathered about the same Affair Neither did it avail that the two Kings aforesaid alledged That it was against Reason and Conscience and Custom of all Nations to exclude Women from the Succession of the Crown which appertained to them by propinquity of Bloud seeing both Nature and God hath made them capable of such Succession every where as appeareth by Example of all other Nations and in the Old Testament among the People of God it self where we see Women have been admitted unto Kingdoms by Succession But all this I say prevailed not with the French as it doth not also at this day for the admission of Dona Isabella Eugenia Clara Infanta of Spain unto the said Crown of France though by descent of Bloud there be no question of her next propinquity for that she is the eldest Child of the last Kings eldest Sister The like Exclusion is made against the Prince of Lorrain that now liveth though he be a Man and Nephew to the last King for that his Title is by a Woman to wit his Mother that was younger Sister unto the last King Henry of France And albeit the Law called Salica by the French-men by virtue whereof they pretend to Exclude the Succession of Women be no very ancient Law as the French themselves do confess and much less made by Pharamond their first King or in those ancient times as others without ground do afirm yet do we see that it is sufficient to bind all Princes and Subjects of that Realm to observe the same and to alter the course of natural descent and nearness of Bloud as we have seen and that the King of Navar and some other of his Race by vertue of this only Law do pretend at this day to be next in Succession to this goodly Crown though in nearness of Bloud they be farther off by many degrees from the last King Henry the third than either the foresaid Infanta of Spain or the Prince of Lorrain that now is who are Children of his
Royal Ornaments of this Crown of France and that you will swear Fealty unto him and do him Homage Thus said the King and then having asked every one of the Assistance in particular for his consent and esterwards the whole Assembly in general whether they would swear Obedience to him or no and finding all to promise with a good will he passed over the Feast of the Ascension with great joy in Paris and after went to Rhemes with all the Court and Train to celebrate the Coronation upon the Feast of Whitsunday Thus far are the words of William de Nangis alledged in the History of France by Belforest And it is to be noted First how the King did request the Noblity and People to admit his Son and secondly how he did ask their consents apart for that these two points do evidently confirm that which I said at the beginning that only Succession is not sufficient but that Coronation ever requireth a new consent which also includeth a certain Election or new Approbation of the Subject This is proved also most manifestly by the very Order of Coronation which ensueth in Belforest taken word for word out of Tillet in his Treatise of Records in the Chapter of anointing the Kings of France in these words In the year of Grace 1059 and the 32 year of the Reign of King Henry the first of that Name of France and in the 4 th year of the Seat and Bishoprick of Rhemes and on the 23 d. day of May being Whitsunday King Philip I. was anointed by the said Archbishop Gervais in the great Church of Rhemes before the Altar of our Lady with the Order and Ceremony that ensueth The Mass being done when it came to the reading of the Epistle the said Lord Archbishop turning about unto Philip the Prince that was there present declared unto him what was the Catholick Faith and asked him Whether he did believe it and wheâ— he would defend it against all persons whatsoever who affirming that he would his Oath was brought unto him whereunto he must swear which he took and read with an audible voice and signed it with his own hand and the words of the Oath were these Je Philippe par le grace de Dieu prochain d'estre ordonné Roy de France promets au jour de mon sacré devant Dieu fes Sanctes c. That is in English for I will not repeat all the Oath in French by reason it is somewhat long I Philip by the grace of God near to be ordained King of France do promise in this day of my anointing before Almighty God and all his Saints That I will conserve unto all that Ecclesiastical Prelates all Canonical Priviledges and all Law and Justice due unto every one of you and I will defend you by the help of Godâ— as much as shall lie in my power and as every King ought to do and as by Right and Equity he is bound to defend every Bishop and Church to him committed within his Realm And furthermore I shall administer Justice unto all people given me in charge and shall preserve unto them the defence of Laws and Equity appertaining unto them so far forth as shall lie in my Authority So God shall help me and his holy Evangelists This Oath was read by the King holding his hands between the hands of the Archbishop of Rhemes and the Bishop of Syen and Bisanson Legats of the Pope standing by with a very great number of other Bishops of the Realm And the said Archbishop taking the Cross of St. Remigius in his hand he shewed first to all the audience the ancient Authority which the Archbishops of Rhemes had even from the time of St. Remigius that baptized their first Christian King Clodoveus to Anoint and Crown the Kings of France which he said was confirmed unto them by the Priviledge of Pope Hormisda that lived in the year of Christ 5 16. and after also by Pope Victor and this being done he then by license first asked of King Henry the Father there present did choose Philip for King II eslent le dit Philippe son fils en pour Roy de France which is word for word the Archbishop chose the said Philip King Henry 's Son in and for King of France which the Legates of the Pope presently confirmed and all the Bishops Abbots and Clergy with the Nobility and People in their order did the like crying out three times in these words Nous le approvouns nous le voulons soit fait nostre Roy that is We will have him let him be made our King And presently Te Deum Laudamus was sung in the Choir and the rest of the Ceremonies of Anointing and Coronation were done according to the ancient order of this Solemnity used in the time of King Philip 's Predecessors Kings of France Thus far do French stories recount the old and ancient manner of Anointing and Crowning their Kings of France which had endured as I have said for almost 600 years that is to say from Clodoveus unto this King Philip the First who was crowned in France seven Years before our William the Conquerour who also was present at this Coronation and had the third place among the Temporal Princes as Duke of Normandy entred into England but after this time the manner and ceremonies were somewhat altered and made more Majestical in outward shew and this especially by King Lewis sirnamed the Younger Nephew to the foresaid King Philip who leaving the substance of the Action as it was before caused divers external additions of Honour and Majesty to be adjoined thereunto especially for the Coronation of his son Philip the Second sirnamed Augustus whom he caused also to be crowned in his days as his Grand-father Philip had been and as himself had been also in his Fathers days This Man among other Royal ceremonies ordained the Officers of the twelve Peers of France six Ecclesiastical and six Temporal who are they which ever since have had the chiefest Places and Offices in this great Action for that the foresaid Arch-Bishop of Rhemes entituled also Duke of Rhemes hath the first and highest Place of all others and anointeth and crowneth the King The Bishop and Duke of â—aon bear the glass of Sacred Oyl The Bishop and Duke of Langres the Cross the Bishop and Earl of Bevais the mantle-Royal the Bishop and Earl of Noion the King's Girdle And last of all the Bishop and Earl of Chalons do carry the Ring And these are the six Ecclesiastical Peers of France with their Offices in the Coronation The Temporal Peers are the Duke of Burgundy Dean of the Order who in this day of Coronation holdeth the Crown the Duke of Gascony and Guyene the first Banner quartered the Duke of Normandy the second Banner quartered the Earl of Tolousa the Golden Spurs the Earl of Champany the Banner Royal or Standard of War
by the name of King Vermudo the Second who left after him Don Alonso the Fifth and he again his son Don Vermudo the Third who marrying his sister Dona Sancha that was Heir unto Don Ferdinando the first Earl and then King of Castile who was second son to Don Sancho Mayor King of Navar as before hath been said he join'd by these means the Kingdoms of Leon and Castile together which were separate before and so ended the line of Don Pelayo first Christian King of Spain after the entrance of the Moors which had endured now three hundred years and the Bloud of Navar entred as you see and so continued therein until the entrance of those of Austria as before hath been said which was almost five hundred years together And thus much I thought good to note out of the Histories of Spain for this first descent of the Spanish Kings after the entrance of the Moors neither mean I to pass much further both for that it would be too long as also for that mine Author Morales who is the most diligent that hath written the Chronicles of that Nation endeth here his History with King Vermudo the Third and last of the Gothish Bloud Notwithstanding if I would go on further there would not want divers evident Examples also to the same purpose which Stephen Garabay another Chronicler of Spain doth touch in the continuation of this History whereof for Examples sake only I will name two or three among the rest And first about the year of Christ 1201. there was a Marriage made by King John of England for Dona Blancha his Neece that is to say the daughter of his Sister Dame Eleanor and of Don Alonso the Ninth of that name King and Queen of Spain which Blancha was to marry the Prince of France named â—uys Son and Heir to King Philip sirnamed Augustus which Luys was afterwards King of France by the name of Luys the VIII and was Father to Luys the IX sirnamed the Saint This Lady Blancha was Neece as I have said unto King John and to King Richard the First of England for that her Mother Lady Eleanor was their sister and daughter to King Henry the Second and King John made this Marriage thereby to make peace with the French and was content to give for her Dowry for that he could not tell how to recover them again all those Towns and Countreys which the said King Philip had taken from the English by this King 's evil Government in Normandy and Gascony and moreover promise was made that if the Prince Henry of Spain that was the only brother to the Lady Blanch should die without issue as after he did then this Lady should succeed in the Crown of Spain also But yet afterwards the State of Spain would not perform this but rather admitted her younger sister Dona Berenguela married to the Prince of Leon and excluded both Blanch and her son the King S. Luys of France against the evident Right of Succession and propinquity of Bloud and the only Reason they yielded hereof was not to admit Strangers to the Crown as Garabay testifieth This happened then and I do note by the way that this Dona Berenguela second Daughter of Queen Eleanor the English Woman was married as hath been said to the Prince of Leon and had by him Don Fernando the Third of that name King of Castilia sirnamed also the Saint So as the two Daughters of an English Queen had two Kings Saints for their sons at one time the elder of France and the younger of Spain After this again about threescore years the Prince of Spain named Don Alonso sirnamed de la cerda for that he was born with a great gristle-hair on his breast called Cerda in Spanish which Don Alonso was Nephew to the King Fernando the Saint and married with the Daughter of Saint Luys King of France named also Blancha as her Grand-mother was and had by her two Sons called Alonso and Hornando de la cerda as the Prince their Father was named which Father of theirs dying before the King the Grand-father left them commended to the Realm as lawful Heirs apparent to the Crown yet for that a certain Uncle of theirs named Don Sancho younger Brother to their Father which Don Sancho was sirnamed afterwards el bravo for his valour and was a great Warriour and more like to manage well the matters of War than they he was made Heir apparent of Spain and they put back in their Grand-fathers time and by his and the Realms consent their father as I have said being dead and this was done in a General Parliament holden at Segovia in the year 1276. And after this Don Sancho was made King in the year 1284 and the two Princes put into prison but afterwards at the suit of their Uncle King Philip the Third of France they were let out again and endued with certain Lands and so they remain unto this day and of these do come the Dukes of Medina Celi and all the rest of the House of Cerda which are of much Nobility in Spain at this time and King Philip that reigneth cometh of Don Sancho the younger Brother Not long after this again when Don Pedro sirnamed the Cruel King of Castile was driven out and his bastard brother Henry the Second set up in his place as before hath been mentioned the Duke of Lancaster John of Gant having married Dona Constantia the said King Peter's daughter and Heir pretended by Succession the said Crown of Castile as indeed it appertained unto him but yet the State of Spain denied it flatly and defended it by Arms and they prevailed against John of Gant as did also the race of Henry the Bastard against his lawful Brother and the race of Don Sancho the Uncle against his lawful Nephews as hath been shewed and that of Dona Berenguela against her elder Sister all which Races do reign unto this day and these three Changes of the True Line happened within two Ages and in the Third and principal descent of the Spanish Kings when this matter of Succession was most assuredly and perfectly established and yet who will deny but that the Kings of Spain who hold by the latter Titles at this day are true and lawful Kings Well one Example will I give you more out of the Kingdom of Portugal and so will I make an end with these Countreys This King Henry the Bastard last named King of Spain had a son that succeeded him in the Crown of Spain named John the First who married the Daughter and Heir named Dona Beatrix of King Fernando the First of Portugal but yet after the death of the said King Fernando the States of Portugal would never agree to admit him for their King for not subjecting themselves by that means to the Castilians and for that cause they rather took for their King a Bastard
as also he left a little Infant newly born of his lawful Wife Adeltrude Daughter to King Alfred of England which infant was King of France afterwards by the name of Charles the Simple albeit not immediatly after the death of his Father for that the Nobles of France said that they had need of a Man to be King and not a Child as Gerard reporteth and therefore the whole State of France chose for their Kings the two foresaid Bastards Luys the third and Carlomon the First of that name jointly and they were Crowned most solemnly and divided the whole Realm between them in the year of Christ 881. and Queen Adelâ—rude with her child true Heir of France fled into England to her Father and there brought him up for divers years in which time she saw four or five Kings Reign in his place in France one after the other for briefly thus it passed Of these two Bastard Kings the Elder named Luys reigned but four years and died without issue the second that is Carlomon lived but one year after him and left a son called also Luys which succeeded in the Kingdom by the name of Luys the Fifth and sirnamed Faineant for his idle and slothful life For which as also for his vitious behaviour and in particular for taking out and marrying a Nun of the Aâ—bey of S. Baudour at Chels by Paris he was deprived and made a Monk in the Abbey of S. Denis where he died and in his place was chosen King of France and Crowned with great Solemnity Charles the Fourth Emperour of Rome sirnamed le Gros for that he was fat and corpulent he was Nephew to Charles the Bald before mentioned and therefore the French Stories say that he came to the Crown of France partly by Succession and partly by Election but for Succession we see that it was nothing worth for so so much as Charles the Simple the right Heir was alive in England whom it seemeth that the French men had quite forgotten seeing that now they had not only excluded him three times already as you have heard but afterwards also again when this Gross Charles was for his evil Government by them deposed and deprived not only of the Kingdom of France but also of his Empire which he had before he was King and was brought into such miserable penury as divers write that he perished for want At this time I say the States of France Would not yet admit Charles the Simple though hitherto his Simplicity did not appear but he seemed a goodly Prince but rather they chose for King one Odo Earl of Paris and Duke of Angiers and caused him to be Crowned But yet after a few years being weary of this man's Government and moved also somewhat with compassion towards the Youth that was in England they resolved to depose Odo and so they did whilst he was absent in Gascony and called Charles the Simple out of England to Paris and restored him to the Kingdom of France leaving only to Odo for Recompense the State of Aquitaine with Title of a Duke wherewith in â—ine he contented himself seeing that he could get no more But yet his Posterity by vertue of this Election pretended ever after a Title to the Crown of France and never left it off until at length by Hugo Capetus they got it for Hugh descended of this King and Duke Odo This King Charles then sirnamed the Simple an English Womans Son as you have heard being thus admitted to the Crown of France he took to Wife an English Woman named Elgina or Odin Daughter of King Edward the Elder by whom he had a Son named Lowys and himself being a Simple man as hath been said was allured to go to the Castle of Peronne in Picardy where he was made Prisoner and forced to resign his Kingdom unto Ralph King of Burgundy and soon after he dyed through Misery in the same Castle and his Queen Ogin fled into England with her little son Luys unto her Uncle King Adelstan as Queen Adeltrude had done before with her Son unto King Alfred and one of the Chief in this Action for putting down of the Simple was Counte Hugh sirnamed the Great Earle of Paris Father unto Hugo Capetus which after was King But this new King Ralph lived but three Years after and then the States of France considering the right Title of Luys the lawful child of King Charles the Simple which Luys was commonly called now in France by the name of d' Outremer that is beyond Sea for that he had been brought up in England the said States being also greatly and continually solicited hereunto by the Embassadours of King Adelstan of England and by William Duke of Normandy sirnamed Long Spear Great Grandfather to William the Conquerour who by the King of England was gained also to be of the young Princes part for these Considerations I say they resolved to call him into France out of England as his Father had been before him and to admit and Crown him King and so they did and he Reigned 27 Years and was a good Prince and dyed peaceably in his Bed in the Year of Christ 945. This King Luys d' Outremer left two Sons behind him the Eldest was called Lothaire the First who succeeded him in the Crown of France the Second was named Charles whom he made Duke of Loraine Lothaire dying left one onely Son named Luys as his Grandfather was who was King of France by the name of Luys the V. and dying without issue after two Years that he had Reigned the Crown was to have gone by Lineal Succession unto his Uncle Charles the Duke of Lorayne second Son to Luys d' Outremer as is evident but the States of France did put him by it for mislike they had of his Person and did chuse Hugo Capetus Earl of Paris and so ended the Second Line of Pepin and of Charles the Greâ—t and entred the Race of Hugo Capetus which endureth unto this day and the French Stories do say that this Sirname Capet was given to him when he was a boy for that he was wont to snatch away his Fellows Caps from their Heads whereof he was termed Snatch-Cap which some do interpret to be an Abodement that he should snatch also a Crown from the true Owners Head in time as afterwards we see it fell out though yet he had it by Election and Approbâ—tion of the Commonwealth as I have said And in this respect all the French Chroniclers who otherwise are most earnest Defenders of their Law of Succession do justify this Title of Hugo Capetus against Charles for which cause Francis Belforest doth alledge the saying of William Nangis an antient and diligent-Chronicler of the Abbey of S. Denys in France who defendeth King Capetus in these words We may not grant in any case that Hugh Capet may be esteemed an Invader or Vsurper
Stow that he had all mens Good-will and was Crowned as his Brother had been at Kingston by Odo Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Reigned nine years with great good will and praise of all men He dyed at last without Issue and so his Elder Nephew Edwin was admitted to the Crown but yet after four years he was deposed again for his lewd and vitious Life and his younger brother Edgar admitted in his place in the year of Christ 959 This King Edgar that entred by deposition of his Brother was one of the rarest Princes that the World had in his time both for Peace and War Justice Piety and Valour Stow saith he kept a Navy of three thousand and six hundred Ships distributed in divers Parts for defence of the Realm Also that he built and restored 47 Monasteries at his own Charges and did other many such Acts he was Father to King Edward the Martyr and Grandfather to King Edward the Confessor though by two different Wives for by his first Wife named Egilfred he had Edwarâ— after martyrized and by his second Wife Alfred he had Etheldred Father to Edward the Confessor and to the end that Etheldred might Reign his Mother Alfred caused King Edward the son of Egilfred to be slain after King Edgar her Husband was dead After this so shameful Murther of King Edward many good men of the Realm were of opinion not to admit the Succession of Etheldred his half Brother both in respect of the Murther of King Edward his elder Brother committed for his sake as also for that he seemed a man not fit to Govern and of this opinion among others was the Holy man Dunston Archbishop of Canterbury as Polidor saith who at length in flat words denyed to consecrate him but seeing the most part of the Realm bent on Etheldred's side he foretold them that it would repent them after and that in this man's Life the Realm should be destroyed as indeed it was and he ran away to Normandy and left Sweno and his Danes in possession of the Realm though afterwards Sweno being dead he returned again and dyed in London This Etheldred had two Wives the first Ethelgina an English Woman by whom he had Prince Edmund sirnamed Ironside for his great strength and valour who succeeded his Father in the Crown of England for a year and at his death left two Sons which after shall be named and besides this Etheldred had by his first Wife other two Sons Edwin and Adelston and one Daughter named Edgina all which were either slain by the Danes or dyed without issue The second Wife of Etheldred was called Emma Sister to Richard Duke of Normandy who was Grandfather to William the Conquerour to wit Father to Duke Robert that was Father to William so as Emma was great Aunt to this William and she bare unto King Etheldred two Sons the First Edward who was afterwards named King Edward the Confessor Alerud who was slain traiterously by the Earl of Kent as presently we shall shew After the death also of King Etheldred Queen Emma was married to the Dane King Canutus the first of that name sirnamed the Great that was King of England after Etheldred and Edmond Ironside his Son and to him she bare a Son named Hardicaâ—utus who Reigned also in England before King Edward the Confessor Now then to come to our Purpose he that will consider the passing of the Crown of England from the death of Edmond Ironside elder Son of King Etheldred until the possession thereof gotten by William Duke of Normandy to wit for the space of 50 years shall easily see what authority the Commonwealth hath in such Affairs to alter titles of Succession according as publick necessity or utility stall require for thus briefly the matter passed King Etheldred seeing himself too weak for Sweno the King of Danes that was entred the Land fled with his Wife Emma and her two children Edward and Alerud unto her Brother Duke Richard of Normandy and there remained until the death of Sweno and he being dead Etheldred returned into England made a certain Agreement and Division of the Realm between him and Canutus the son of Sweno and so dyed leaving his eldest Son Edmond Ironside to succeed him who soon after dying also left the whole Realm to the said Canutus and that by plain Covenant as Canutus pretended that the Longest Liver should have all whereupon the said Canutus took the two Children of King Edmond Ironside named Edmond and Edward and sent them over into Sweedland which at that time was subject also unto him and caused them to be brought up honourably of which Two the Elder named Edmond dyed without issue but Edward was married and had divers Children as after shall be touched Etheldred and his Son Edmond being dead Canutus the Dane was admitted for King of England by the whole Parliament and Consent of the Realm and Crowned by Alerud Archbishop of Canterbury as Polidor saith and he proved an excellent King went to Rome and was allowed by that See also He did many Works of Charity shewed himself a good Christian and very loving and kind to Englishmen married Queen Emma an Englishwoman and Mother to King Edward the Confessor and had by her a Son named Hardicanutus and so dyed and was much mourned by the English after he had Reigned twenty Years though his entrance and Title was partly by Force and partly by Election as before you heard After this Canutus the First sirnamed the Great for that he was King jointly both of England Norway and Denmark was dead Polidor saith that all the States of the Realm met together at Oxford to consult whom they should make King and at last by the more part of Voices was chosen Herauld the first Son of Canutus by a Concubine by which Election we see injury was done to the Lineal Succession of three Parties first to the Sons of King Edmond Ironside that were in Sweedland then to the Princes of Edward and Alerud Sons to King Etheldred and Brothers to Ironside that were in Normandy and thirdly to Hardicanutus Son to Canutus by his Lawful Wife Emma to whom it was also assured at her Marriage that her Issue should succeed if she had any by Canutus After the death of this Harald who dyed in Oxford where he was elected within three years after his Election there came from Denmark Hardicanutus to claim the Crown that his Father and Brother had possessed before him of whose Coming Polidor saith libentissimis animis accipitur communique omnium consensu Rex dicitur He was received with great good-will of all and by common Consent made King and this was done by the States without any respect had of the Succession of those Princes in Normandy and Swedeland and who by birth were before him as hath been shewed and this is the second breach of Lineal Descent after Etheldred
and Nobles of the Royal Blood of England to all which by Law of Nature Equity and Reason he said that he bare reverent honour and respect and to discuss their several Pretentions Rights Interests and Titles to the Crown he said that his meaning was not to offend hurt or prejudicate none nor to determin any thing resolutly in favour or hinderance of any of their Pretences or Claims of what Side Family Faction Religion or other Party soever he or she were but rather plainly and indifferently without hatred or partial affection to or against any to lay down sincerely what he had heard or read or of himself conceived that might justly be alledged in favour or disfavour of every Titler And so much the rather he said that he would do this for that in very truth the Civilians speech had put him in a great indifferency concerning matter of Succession and had taken out of his Head many scrupulosities about nice Points of Nearness in Blood by the many Examples and Reasons that he had alledged of the Proceeding of Christian Commonwealths in this Affair preferring oftentimes him that was further off in Blood upon other Considerations of more weight and importance which Point seemed to him to have been so evidently proved as no man can deny it and much less condemn the same without the Inconveniences before alledged and mentioned of calling all in doubt that now is established in the World considering that not only foreign Countries but England also it self so often hath used the same putting back the next in Blood Wherefore he said that for as much as Commonwealths and the consent will and desire of each Realm was proved to have High and Soveraign Authority in this Affair and that as on the one side Nearness of Blood was to be respected so on the other there wanted not sundry considerations and circumstances of as great moment as this or rather greater for that oftentimes these considerations had been preferred before Nearness of Blood as hath been declared I do not know quoth he who of the Pretenders may next obtain the Garland whatsoever his Right by Propinquity be so he have someright as I think all have that do pretend and therefore I mean not to stand upon the justification or impugning of any one Title but rather to leave all to God and to them that must one day try and judge the same in England to whom I suppose this Speech of mine cannot be but grateful and commodious for the better understanding and discerning of those matters whereof of necessity ere it be long they must be Judges and Vmpires when God shall appoint and consequently for them to be ignorant or unacquainted with the same as men say that commonly most in England at this day cannot be but very inconvenient and dangerous In this manner he spake and after this he began his discourse setting down first of all the sundry Books and Treatises which he understood had been made or written hitherto of this Affair CHAP. I. Of the divers Books and Treatises that have been written heretofore about the Titles of such as pretend to the Crown of England aed what they do contain in favour or disfavour of sundry Pretenders ACcording to the Variety of mens Judgments and Affections of man in this behalf so said the Lawyer that divers had written diversly in sundry Books and Treatises that had come to light and went among men from hand to hand though all were not printed And First of all he said that not long after her Majesties coming to the Crown there appeared a certain Book written in the favour of the house of Suffolk and especially of the Children of the Earl of Hartford by the Lady Catharin Gray which Book offended highly the Queen and Nobles of England and was afterwards found to be written by one Hales sirnamed the Club foot who was Clerk of the Hamper and Sir Nicolas Bacon then Lord Keeper was presumed also to have had a principal part in the same for which he was like to have lost his Office if Sir Antony Brown that had been Chief Judge of the Common Pleas in Queen Maries time would have accepted thereof when her Majesty offered the same unto him and my Lord of Leicester earnestly exhorted him to take it but he refused it for that he was of a different Religion from the State and so Sir Nicolas Bacon remained with the same at the great instance of Sir William Cecill now Lord Treasurer who though he were to be privy also to the said Book yet was the matter so wisely laid upon Hales and Bacon and Sir William was kept free thereby to have the more Authority and Grace to procure the others pardon as he did The bent and butt of this Book was as I have said to prefer the Title of the Lady Catharine Gray Daughter of the Lady Frances Dutchess of Suffolk which Frances was Daughter to Mary the younger Daughter to King Henry VII before the Title of the Queen of Scots then living and of her Son which were descended of Lady Margaret eldest Daughter of the said King Henry And the reasons which this Book did alledge for the same were principally two râ—â— The First that the Laws of England did not admit any stranger or alien to inherit in England to wit any such as were born out of the Allegiance of our Realm for so are the words of the Law and for that the Queen of Scots and her Son are known to be so born therefore they could not succeed and consequently that the house of Suffolk descended of the second Daughter must enter in their place The second Reason is for that there is given Authority to King Henry VIII by two several Acts of Parliament in the 28. and 36. Year of his Reign to dispose of the Succession by his last Will and Testament as he should think best among those of his Kindred that did pretend after his Children aâ—â— that the said King according to his Commission did ordain that if his own Children did dye without issue then the Off-spring of his younger Sister Mary that were born in England should be preferred before the Issue of the elder that was Margaret married into Scotland and this was the effect of this first Book Against this Book were written two other soon after the First by one Morgan a Divine if I remember well sometimes Fellow of Oriel Colledge in Oxford a man of good account for Learning among those that knew him and he was thought to have written the said Book by the advice and assistance of the foresaid Judge Brown which thing is made the more credible by the many Authorities of our Common Law which therein are alledged and the parts of this Book if I forget not were three or rather they were three Books of one Treatise the first whereof did take upon it to clear the said Queen of Scots for the Murther of the Lord
to handle the same again and more largely hereafter These Points toucheth Highington though divers other he leave untouched which are of much importance for the resolution as whether after the Line extinguished of King Henry the IV. which was the eldest son of John of Gaunt there should have entred the Line of Lady Philippa the eldest Daughter lawfully begotten of Blanch first Wife of John of Gaunt or else the race of John Earl of Somerset younger son by his third Wife which then was base-born but legitimated by Parliament for of Philip do come the Kings of Portugal and of John came King Henry the VII And again these Points had been to be disputed as well touching the Succession to the Dukedom of Lancaster alone as also to the Crown jointly all which Articles shall severally afterwards be handled in their places And thus much of this Book More than these four Books I have not seen written of this Affair though I have heard of one made in Flanders in the behalf of the Duke of Parma that is now who by his Mother descendeth of the same Line of Portugal that the King of Spain doth and as this Book pretendeth if we respect the ordinary course of English Laws in particular mens Inheritances he is to be preferred before the said King or any other of the House of Portugal for that his Mother descended of the younger Son and the King of the elder Daughter of the King of Portugal and albeit according to the Law of Portugal the King Was adjudged Next Heir to that Crown yet say they by our Laws of England he cannot be which after must be examined Thus saith that Book and he alledgeth many Reasons for the same as it hath been told me for as I said I never came to have a view of the whole Book but divers of his Arguments I have seen laid together which I shall afterwards in place convenient alledge unto you with the Answers Censures and Replies that the contrary Parties do make thereunto Divers other Papers Nots and Memories I have seen also said he as well touching the Succession of those whom I have named as of others for that Sir Richard Shelly who dyed some years ago in Venice by the name of Lord Prior of S. Johns of England had gathered divers Points touching these Affairs and many more than he had Mr. Francis Peto that dyed in Millain and was a very curious and well read man in Genealogies as may appear by sundry Papers that I have seen of his There want not also divers in England who have traveled much in this business and I have had the the perusing of some of their Labours though I dare not discover their names lest thereby I should hurt them which were not convenient But one great Trouble find I in them all that every man seeketh to draw the whole Water unto his own Mill and to make that Title always most clear whom he most favoureth and this with so great probability of Reason and Authority many times as it is hard to retain a mans consent from that which is said until he have read the Reasons of the other Party and this also is a great Proof of the wonderful ambiguity and doubtfulness which in this most important Affair is to be found And by the way also I had almost forgotten to tell you how that of late I have lighted upon a certain new Discourse and Treatise made in the behalf of the King of Spain's eldest Daughter whom he had by his Wife Isabel the eldest Sister of the last King of France which Isabel and her Daughter the Infanta of Spain called also Isabel are presumed to be the Lawful Heirs to the State of Britany and to all other States that by that means of Britany or otherwise by Women have come to France or have or may fall upon a Woman of the House of France as the States of England and other States thereunto annexed may for that they follow not the Law Salique of France And so this Treatise proveth that by divers ways and for sundry considerations this Princess of Spain is also of the Blood Royal of England and may among others be entituled to that Crown by a particular Title of her own besides the pretence which her Father the King or her Brother the Prince of Spain have for themselves by the House of Portugal all which Reasons and Considerations I shall alledge afterwards in their place and time or at least wise the chief and principal of them And to the end they may be understood the better as also the clearness and pretentions of all the rest that have interest in this Affair I shall first of all for a beginning and foundation to all the rest that shall or may be spoken hereafter set down by way of historical narration all the descents of our English Kings and Pretenders that be important to this our Purpose from the Conquest unto our time which being compared with the Tree it self of Genealogies that shall be added in the end of this Conference will make the matter more plain and pleasant to the Reader CHAP. II. Of the Succession of the Crown of England from the Conquest unto the time of King Edward the III. with the beginning of three principal Lineages of the English Bloud-Royal dispersed into the Houses of Britain Lancaster and York NO man is ignorant said the Lawyer how William the Conqueror came to the Crown of England which was indeed by dint of Sword though he pretended that he was chosen by the will and testament of King Edward the Confessor But howsoever this were his posterity hath endured untill this day and two and twenty Princes of his race have worn the English Crown after him for the space of more then five hundred years and how many more may yet do the same God only knoweth but if we follow probabillity we cannot want of them seeing his bloud is so dispersed over the World at this day as by this Declaration ensueing will appear This King William according to Polidor and other Chronicles of England had by his Wife Mathilda Daughter of Baldwin Earl of Flanders four Sons and five Daughters his eldest Son was Robert whom he left Duke of Normandy who was afterwards deprived of that Dukedom by his younger and fourth Brother Henry when he came to be King of England His second Son was Richard that dyed in his youth his third Son was William surnamed Rufus for that he was of red Hair and the fourth Son was Henry which two last Sons were both Kings of England one after the other as the World knoweth by the names of William the second and Henry the first The Conquerours Daughters were first Cecilie that was a Nun and the second Constantia that was Married to Alayn surnamed Fergant Duke of Britanie and the third was Adela or Alis Married to Stephen County Palatine of Bloys Champagne
and Chartres in France and the other two Polidor said dyed before they were Married and so their names were not Recorded These are the Children of King William the Conqueror among whom after his death there was much strife about the Succession For first his eldest Son Duke Robert who by order of Ancestrie by birth should have succeeded him in all his Estates was put back first from the Kingdom of England by his third Brother William Rufus upon a pretence of the Conquerors Will and Testament for particular affection that he had to this his said third Son William though as Stow Writeth almost all the Nobility of England were against William's entrance But in the end agreement was made between the two Brothers with the condition that if William should dye without Issue then that Robert should succeed him and to this accord both the Princes themselves and twelve principal Peers of each side were Sworn but yet after when William dyed without Issue this was not observed but Henry the fourth Son entred and deprived Robert not only of this his Succession to England but also of his Dukedom of Normandy that he had enjoyed peaceably before all the time of his Brother Rufus and moreover he took him Prisoner and so carried him into England and there kept him till his death which happened in the Castle of Cardif in the year 1134. And whereas this Duke Robert had a goodly Prince to this Son named William who was Duke of Normandy by his Father and Earl of Flanders in the right of his grand Mother that was the Conquerors Wife and Daughter of Baldwin Earl of Flanders as hath been said and was established in both these States by the help of Lewis the VI. surnamed Le Gros King of France and admitted to do homage to him for the said States his Uncle King Henry of England was so violent against him as first he drove him out of the state of Normandy and secondly he set up and maintained a Competitor or two against him in Flanders by whom finally he was slaine in the year of Christ 1128. before the Town of Alost by an Arrow after he had gotten the upper hand in the Field and so ended the race of the first Son of King William the Conquerour to wit oâ— Duke Robert which Robert lived after the Death of his said Son and Heir Duke William Six years in Prison in the Castle of Cardiff and pined away with sorrow and misery as both the French and English Histories do agree The second Son of the Conqueror named Richard dyed as before hath been said in his Fathers time and left no Issue at all as did neither the third Son William Rufus though he Reigned 13. years after his Father the Conqueror in which time he established the Succession of the Crown by consent of the States of England to his elder Brother Duke Roberts issue as hath been said though afterwards it was not observed This King Rufus came to the Crown principally by the help and favour of Lanfrancus Archbishop of Canterbury who greatly repented himself afterward of the error which in that point he had committed upon hopes of his good Government which proved extream evil But this King William Rufus being slayn afterward by the Arrow of a Cross-bow in Newforrest as is well known and this at such time as the foresaid Duke Robert his elder Brother to whom the Crown by Succession apperteined was absent in the War of the Holy Land where according as most Authors do Write he was chosen King of Hierusalem but refused it upon hope of the Kingdom of England But he returning home found that his fourth Brother Henry partly by fair promises and partly by force had invaded the Crown in the year 1110. and so he Reigned 35. years and had Issue divers Sons and Daughters but all were either drounded in the Seas coming out of Normandy or else dyed otherwise before their Father except only Mathildis who was first Married to Henry the Emperour fifth of that name and after his death without Issue to Geffrey Plantagenet Duke of Anjow Touraine and Maine in France by whom she had Henry which Reigned after King Stephen by the name of Henry the II. And thus much of the Sons of William the Conqueror Of his two Daughters that lived to be Married and had Issue the elder named Constance was Married to Alayn Fergant Duke of Britain who was Son to Hoel Earl of Nants and was made Duke of Britain by William the Conquerors means in manner Following Duke Robert of Normanyd Father to the Conqueror when he went on Pilgrimage unto the Holy Land in which Voyage he dyed left for Governour of Normandy under the protection of King Henry the first of France Duke Alayne the first of Britain which Allayn had Issue Conan the first who being a stirring Prince of about 24. years old when Duke William began to treat of passing over into England he shewed himself not to favour much that enterprise which Duke William fearing caused him to be Poysoned with a pair of perfumed Gloves as the French stories do report and caused to be set up in his place and made Duke one Hoel Earl of Nantes who to gratifie William sent his Son Alaine surnamed Fergaâ—t with 5000. Souldiers to pass over into England with him and so he did and William afterward in recompence thereof gave him his eldest Daughter Constantia in Marriage with the Earldom oâ— Richmond by whom he had Issue Conan the second surnamed le Gross who had Issue a Son and a Daughter The Son was called Hoel as his Grand-Father was and the Daughters name was Bertha Married to Eudo Earl of Porhet in Normandy and for that this Duke Conan liked better his Daughter and his Son in-law her Husband then he did Hoel his own Son he disavowed him on his Death Bead and made his said Daughter his Heir who had by the said Eudo a Son named Conan surnamed the younger which was the third Duke of that name and this man had one only Daughter and Heir named Lady Constance who was Married to the third Son of King Henry the second named Geffrey and elder Brother to King John that after came to Reign and by this Lord Geffrey she had Issue Arthur the second Duke of Britain whom King John his Uncle put back from the Crown of England and caused to be put to death as after shall be shewed and he dying without Issue his Mother Constance Dutchess and Heir of Britain Married again with a Prince of her own House whom after we shall name in the prosecution of this Line and by him she had Issue that hath endured until this day the last whereof hitherto is the Lady Isabella infant of Spain and that other of Savoy her Sister whom by this means we see to have descended from King William the Conqueror by his eldest Daughter Lady
the great and Royal Houses of Burgundy and Orleans whereby all three Commonwealths I mean England Britany and France were like to have come to destruction and utter desolation And for that it may serve much to our purpose hereafter to understand well this controversie of Britany I think it not amiss in few words to declare the same in this place Thus then it happened The foresaid Arthur the second of that name Duke of Britanie and Son of Lady Beatrix that was Daughter as hath been said to King Henry the III. of England had two Wives the first named Beatrix as his Mother was and by this he had two Sons John that succeeded him in the State by the name of Duke John the III. and Guye that dying before his elder Brother left a Daughter and Heir named Joan and surnamed the lame for that she halted who was married to the Earl of Bloys that was Nephew to Phillip of Valois King of France for that he was born of his Sister But besides the two Children the said Duke Arthur had by his second Wife named Joland Countess and Heir of the Earldom of Monford another Son called John Breno who in the right of his Mother was Earl of Monford And afterward when Duke John the III. came to die without Issue the question was who should succeed him in his Dukedom the Uncle or the Neece that is to say his third Brother John Breno by half bloud or else his Neece Joan the lame that was Daughter and Heir to his second Brother Guye of whole bloud that is by Father and Mother which Lady Joan was married to the Earl of Bloys as hath been said And first this matter was handled in the Parliament of Paris the King himself sitting in Judgment with all his Peers the 30 day of September 1341 and adjudged it to the Earl of Bloys both for that his Wife was Heir to the elder Brother as also for that Duke John by his Testiment and consent of the States had appointed her to be his Heir but yet King Edward the III. and States of England did Judge it otherwise and preferred John Monford not knowing that the very case was to fall out very soon after in England I mean they Judged the State to John Breno Earl of Monford younger Brother to Guy and they assisted him and his Son after him with all their Forces for the gaining and holding of that State And albeit at the beginning it seemed that matters went against Monford for that himself was taken prisoner in Nantes and carried captive to Paris where he died in prison yet his Son John by the assistance of the English Armies got the Dukedome afterward and slew the Earl of Bloys and was peaceably Duke of Britanie by the name of John the IV. and his posterity hath endured until this day as briefly here I will declare This Duke John the IV. of the House of Monford had Issue John the V. and he Francis the first who dying without Issue left the Dukedom to Peter his Brother and Peter having no Children neither he left it to his Uncle Arthur the III Brother to his Father John the V. and this Arthur was Earl of Richmond in England as some of his ancestors had been before him by gifts of the Kings of England This Arthur dying without Issue left the Dukedom unto his Nephew to wit his Brothers Son Francis the II. who was the last male Child of that race and was he that had once determined to have delivered Henry Earl of Richmond unto his enemy King Edward the IV. and after him to King Richard the III. but that Henry's good fortune reserved him to come to be King of England This Duke Francis had a Daughter and Heir named Anna married first to Charles the VIII King of France and after his death without Issue to his Successor Lewis the XII by whom she had a Daughter named Claudia that was Heir to Britanie though not to the Crown of France by reason of the Law Salique that holdeth against women in the Kingdom of France but not in Britany and to the end this Dukdome should not be disunited again from the said Crown of France this Daughter Claudia was married to Francis Duke of Angolome Heir apparent to the Crown of France by whom she had Issue Henry that was afterward King of France and was Father to the last King of that Country and to Isabel Mother of the Infanta of Spain and of her Sister the Dutchess of Savoy that now is by which also some do affirm that the said Princess or Infanta of Spain albeit she be barred from the Succession of France by their pretended Law Salique yet is her title manifest to the Dukdome of Britanie that came by a woman as we have shewed and thus much of the House of Britany and of the Princess of Spain how she is of the Bloud Royal of England from the time of William the Conqueror himself by his eldest Daughter as also by other Kings after him and now we shall return to prosecute the Issue of these two Sons of King Henry the III. to wit of Edward and Edmond which before we left I shewed you before how King Henry the III. had two Sons Edward the Prince that was King after his Father by the name of Edward the first and Edmond surnamed Crouchback by some Writers who was the first Earl and County Palatine of Lancaster and beginner of that House And albeit some Writers of our time have affirmed or at least wise much inclined to favour a certain old report that Edmond should be the Elder Brother to Edward and put back only for his deformity of his body whereof Polidor doth speak in the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the IV. and as well the Bishop of Ross as also George Lilly do seem to believe it yet evident it seemeth that it was but a fable as before I have noted and now again shall briefly prove it by these reasons following for that it importeth very much for deciding the controversie between the Houses of Lancaster and York The first reason then is for that all Ancient Historiographers of England and among them Mattheus Westmonasteriensis that lived at the same time do affirm the contrary and do make Edward to be elder then Edmond by six years and two days for that they appoint the Birth of Prince Edward to have been upon the 16. day of June in the year of Christ 1239 and the 24. of the Reign of his Father King Henry and the Birth of Lord Edmond to have followed upon the 18. day of the same month 6 years after to wit in the year of our Lord 1245 and they do name the Godfathers and Godmothers of them both together with the peculiar solemnities and feasts that were celebrated at their several Nativities so as it seemeth there can be no error in this matter The 2d
of Kin also to King Henry the eighth of England yet could he never get to be restored but passed his time miserably partly in Banishment and partly in Prison until he died But it shall be best perhaps to end this short Narration with an Example or two out of England it self for that no where else have I read more remarkable accidents touching this point than in England but for brevity sake I shall only touch two or three that have happened since the Conquest for that I will go no higher though I might as appeareth by the Example of King Edwin and others neither will I begin to stand much upon the Example of King John though well also I might for that by his evil Government he made himself both so odious at home and contemptible abroad having lost Normandy Gascoin Guyen and all the rest in effect which the Crown of England had in France as first of all he was both Excommunicated and Deposed by the Sentence of the Pope at the Suit of his own people and was forced to make his peace by resigning his Crown into the hands of Pandulf the Pope's Legaâ—e as Polidor recounteth and afterwards falling back again to his old defects and naughty Government albeit by his promise to the Pope to go and make War against the Turks if he might be quiet at home and that his Kingdom should be perpetually tributary to the See of Rome he procured him to be of his side for a time and against the Barons yet that stayed not them to proceed to his Deprivation which they did effectuate first at Canterbury and after at London in the 18 th and last year of King John's Reign and meant also to have disinherited his Son Henry which was afterwards named King Henry the 3 d. and at that time a Child of Eight years old only and all this in punishment of the Father if he had lived and for that cause they called into England Lodowick Prince of France Son to King Philip the second and Father to St. Lewis the ninth and chose him for their King and did swear him Fealty with general consent in London in the year of our Lord 1216. And but that the Death of King John that presently ensued alter'd the whole course of that defignment and moved them to turn their purposes and accept of his Son Henry before matters were fully established for King Lodowick it was most likely that France and England would have been joyned by these means under a Crown But in the end as he said King Henry the third was admitted and he proved a very worthy King after so evil as had gone before him and had been Deposed which is a circumstance that you must always note in this Narration and he reigned more years than ever King in England did before him for he reigned full Fifty three years and left his Son and Heir Edward the first not inferiour to himself in Manhood and Virtue who reigned 34 years and left a Son named Edward the second who falling into the same or worse defects of Government than King John his Great-Grand-father had done was after 19 years reign Deposed also by Act of Parliament holden at London in the year 1326. and his Body adjudg'd to perpetual Imprisonment he being Prisoner at that present in the Castle of Wallingford whither divers both Bishops Lords and Knights of the Parliament were sent unto him to denounce the Sentence of the Realm against him viz. How they had deprived him and chosen Edward his Son in his stead For which act of choosing his Son he thanked them heartily and with many tears acknowledged his own unworthiness whereupon he was degraded his Name of King first taken from him and he appointed to be called Edward of Carnarvan from that hour forward and then his Crown and Ring were taken away and the Steward of his House brake the Staff of his Office in his presence and discharged his Servants of their Service and all other people of their Obedience or Allegiance towards him And towards his maintenance he had only a hundred Marks a year allowed for his Expences and then was he delivered also into the hands of certain particular Keepers who led him Prisoner from thence by divers other places using him with extreme indignity in the way until at last they took his Life from him in the Castle of Barklay and his Son Edward the third reigned in his place who if we respect either Valour Prowess length of Reign Acts of Chivalry or the multitude of famous Princes his Children left behind him was one of the noblest Kings that ever England had though he were chosen in the place of a very evil one as you have seen But what shall we say Is this worthiness which God giveth commonly to the Successors at these changes perpetual or certain by Descent No truly noâ— the example of one Prince's punishment maketh another to bewares for the next Successor after this noble Edwardâ— which was King Richard the second though he were not his Son but his Sons Son to wit Son and Heir to the renowned Black Prince of Walâ—s This Richard I say forgetting the miserable end of his Great-Grand-father for evil Government and the felicity and virtue of his Father and Grand-father for the contrary suffered himself to be abused and misled by evil Counsellors to the great hurt and disquiet of the Realm For which cause after he had reigned 22 years he was also Deposed by Act of Parliament holden in London in the year of our Lord 1399. and condemned to perpetual Imprisonment in the Castle of Pontefract where he was soon after put to death also and used as the other before had been And in this man's place by free Election was chosen for King the noble Knight Henry Duke of Lancaster who proved afterwards so notable a King as the World knoweth and was Father to King Henry the fifth commonly called the Alexander of England for that as Alexander the Great conquered the most part of Asia in the space of 9 or 10 years so did this Henry conquer France in less than the like time I might reckon also in this number of Princes Deposed for defect in Government though otherwise he were no evil man in life this King Henry the fourths Nephew I mean King Henry the sixth who after almost forty years Reign was Deposed and Imprisoned and put to death also together with his Son the Prince of Wales by Edward the fourth of the House of York and the sameâ— was confirmed by the Commons and especially by the people of London and afterwards also by publick Act of Parliament in respect not only of the Title which King Edward pretended but also and especially for that King Henry did suffer himself to be over-ruled by the Queen his Wife and had broken the Articles of Agreement made by the Parliament between
first Christian King Clodoveus not full 500. Years after Christ as French Authors do hold At what time also they recount a great miracle of Holy Oyl sent from Heaven by an Angel for anointing Clodoveus whereof they say they have still remaining for the anointing of their Kings at Rhemes which point I will not stand to treat or discourse in this place but rather will refer my Reader to the foresaid Chapter of Francis Belforest Chronicler of France who alledgeth divers Writers of almost 500. years antiquity that write of the same But howsoever that be very probable it seemeth that all the ceremonies of Coronation in Germany and Polonia before-recited which had their beginning long after the Reign of Clodoveus might be taken from thence and so the affinity and likeness of the one to the other doth seem to agree and Garribay also the Chronicler of Spain and of Navarre in his 22. Book talking of this Custom of Anointing and Crowning the Kings of Navarre saith that this excellent custom began there I mean in Navarre above 800 Years past and was brought in by certain Earls of Champayn of France named Theobaldes who coming to attain that Crown brought with them that Reverend Ceremony of Anointing and Crowning their Kings according to the use of the French which custom endureth until this day in that part of Navarre that is under the house of Vandome albeit in the other that is under the Spaniards which is far the greater it was left off in the Year 1513. when Ferdinand sirnamed the Catholick King of Spain entred thereupon for that the Spanish Kings are never anointed nor crowned but otherwise admitted by the Common-Wealth as before I have declared But among all other Kingdoms it seemeth that England hath most particularly taken this custom and ceremony from France not only for the reason before-alledged that divers of our English Kings have come out of France as William the Conquerour born in Normandy King Stephen son to the Earl of Blois and Bullen a Frenchman and King Henry the second born likewise in France and son to the Earl of Anjou but also for that in very deed the thing it self is all one in both Nations And albeit I have not seen any particular Book of this Action in England as in French there is yet it is easy to gather by Histories what is used in England about this affair For first of all that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury doth ordinarily do this ceremony in England as the Arch-Bishop of Rhemes doth it in France there is no doubt and with the same Solemnity and honour according to the condition and state of our Countrey and Polidor Virgil in his History noteth that Pope Alexander did interdict and suspend the Arch-bishop of York with his two assistants the Bishops of London and Salisbury for that in the absence of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury and without his Licence they did crown King Henry at his Fathers perswasion and divers do attribute the unfortunate success of the said King Henry the younger that rebelled against his Father to this disorderly and violent Coronation by his Father's appointment secondly that the first thing which the said Arch-bishop requireth at the new King's hands at his Coronation is about Religion Church matters and the Clergy as in France we have seen it appeareth evidently by these words which the same Arch-bishop Thomas sirnamed commonly the Martyr remaining in banishment wrote to the same King Henry the second which are these Memores sit is confessionis quam fecistis posuistis super altare apud Westmonasterium de servanda Ecclesiae liberiate quando consecrati fuistis uncti in Regem à praedecessore nostro Thebaldo Which is Do you call to your remembrance the Confession which you made and laid upon the Altar at Westminster for keeping and defending the liberty of the Church when you were consecrated and anointed King by Thebaldus our predecessor By which words appeareth that as the King of England was consecrated and anointed in those days by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury so did he swear and give up his Oath also in writing and for more solemnity and obligation laid it down or rather offered it up with his own hands upon the Altar so much as was required of him by the said Arch-bishop and Clergy for the special safety of Religion and these Ecclesiastical Liberties which is the self same point that we have seen before as well in the Oath of the Kings of France as also of Polonia and Spain and of the Emperours both Grecian and Gerusan The very like admonition in effect I find made by another Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury to another King Henry to wit by Thomas Arundel to King Henry the Fourth when in a Parliament holden at Coventry in the year 1404 the King was tempted by certain temporal men to take away the Temporalities from the Clergy whereunto when the said Arch-bishop Thomas had answered by divers reasons at last turning to the King he besought him saith Stow to remember the Oath which he voluntarily made that he would honour and defend the Church and Ministers thereof Wherefore he desired him to permit and suffer the Church to enjoy the Priviledges and Liberties which in time of his Predecessors it did enjoy and to fear that King which reigneth in Heaven and by whom all other Kings do reign Moreover he desired him to consider his promise also to all the Realm which was that he would preserve unto every man their Right and Title so far as in him lay By which speech of the Arch-bishop the King was so far moved as he would hear no more of that Bill of Laity but said that he would leave the Church in as good estate or better than he found it and so he did but yet hereby we come to learn what Oath the Kings of England do make at their Coronations touching the Church and Clergy The other conditions also of good Government are partly touched in the speech of the Arch-bishop and much more expressly set down in the King of Englands Oath recorded by ancient Writers for for that he sweareth as both Holinshead and others do testify in their English Histories in these very words to wit That he will during his Life bear reverence and honour unto Almighty God and to his Catholick Church and unto his Ministers and that he will administer Law and Justice equally to all and take away all unjust Laws Which after he had sworn laying his hands upon the Gospels then doth the Arch-bishop turning about to the people declare what the King hath promised and sworn and by the mouth of an Herauld at Arms asketh their Consents whether they be content to submit themselves unto this man as unto their King or no under the conditions proposed whereunto when they have yielded themselves then beginneth the Arch-bishop to put-upon him the Regal Ornaments
also in that of Polidor it may be noted that King Henry the Fifth was not called King until after his Coronation but only Prince though his Father King Henry the Fourth had been dead now almost a month before and secondly that the Parliament consulted de Rege creando more majorum as Polidor his words are that is of making a new King according to the antient custom of their Ancestors which argueth that he was not yet King though his Father were dead not that the manner of our old English Ancestors was to account him so before his Admission Thirdly That this demonstration of good-will of the Nobility to acknowledge him for King before his Coronation and Oath solemnized well and justly to Govern the Realm was very extraordinary and of meer good-will And Last of all That this was never done to any Prince before King Henry the Fifth All which Points do demonstrate that it is the Coronation and Admission that maketh a Perfect and True King whatsoever the Title by Succession be otherwise and that except the Admission of the Common-wealth be joyned to Succession it is not sufficient to make a lawful King and of the two the second is of far more importance to wit the Consent and Admission of the Realm than nearness of Bloud by Succession alone This I might prove by many Examples in England it self where Admission hath prevailed against Right of Succession as in William Rufus that succeeded the Conquerour and in King Henry the First his Brother in King Stephen King John and others who by only Admission of the Realm were Kings against the Order of Succession as after more at large I shall shew you in a particular speech of this point I shall make unto you and very specially it may be seen in the two Examples before-mentioned of the Admission of the two Kings Henry and Edward both sirnamed the Fourth whose entrances to the Crown if a man do well consider he shall find that both of them founded the best part and the surest of their Titles upon the Election Consent and Good-Will of the People yea both of them at their dying-days having some remorse of Conscience as it seemed for that they had caused so many men to die for maintainance of their several Rights and Titles had no better way to appease their own minds but by thinking that they were placed in that Room by the Voice of the Realm and consequently might lawfully defend the same and punish such as went about to deprive them Moreover you shall find if you look into the Doings of Princes in all Ages that such Kings as were most Politick and had any least doubt or suspicion of Troubles about the Title after their Deaths have caused their sons to be Crowned in their own days trusting more to this than to their Title by Succession though they were never so lawfully and lineally descended And of this I could alledge you many Examples out of divers Countreys but especially in France since the last line of Capetus came unto that Crown for this did Hugh Capetus himself to procure to be done to Robert his eldest Son in his own days and the like did King Robert procure for his younger son Henry the First as Gerard holdeth and excluded his Elder only by Crowning Henry in his own days Henry also did intreat the States of France as before you have heard to admit and Crown Philip the First his Eldest Son whilst himself reigned and this man's Son Luys le Cros did the same also unto two Sons of his First to Philip and after his death to Luys the younger which is the seventh of that name for more assuring of his Son named Philip the Second intreated the Realm to Admit and Crown him also in his own days with that great solemnity which in the former Chapter hath been declared And for this very same cause of Security it is not to be doubted but that always the Prince of Spain is sworn and admitted by the Realm during his Father's Reign as before hath been said The same consideration also moved King David to Crown his son Solomon in his own days as afterwards more in particular shall be declared and finally our King Henry also the second of England considering the alteration that the Realm had made in admitting King Stephen before him against the Order of Lineal Succession by propinquity of Bloud and fearing the like might happen also after him caused his eldest son named likewise Henry to be Crowned in his life time so as England had two King Henrys living at one time with equal Authority and this was done in the 16 year of his Reign and in the year of our Lord 1170. But his Device had no good success for that King Henry the Younger made War soon after upon King Henry the Elder and had both the Kings of France and Scotland and many Nobles of England and Normandy to take his part for which cause it is thought that this thing hath never been put in practice again since that time in England but yet hereby it is evident what the opinion of the world was in those days of the force of Coronation and Admission of the Commonwealth and how little Propinquity of Bloud prevaileth without that And for more ample proof hereof and fuller conclusion of all the whole matter I had thought to have laid down also in this place some number of the most notorious Examples that I have read for I have read many wherein the Common-wealth upon just Occasions hath extended her Authority to alter the natural course of Succession by Birth but for that the thing requireth some little study and looking over some Notes that I have taken out of Stories for help of Memory I shall deferr it until our next Meeting at what time I shall by God's Grace make this point very clear and so end my whole Discourse for I see that I have been much longer than at the beginning I purposed and now I desire much to give place unto our Temporal Lawyer here present who I doubt not hath matter to say of more delectation and pleasure than this though you of your courtesies have done me so much favour as to hear me hitherto with patience and attention Whereunto the whole company answered that not with patience but with great pleasure delight and contentation they had heard him and so they would do the Temporal Lawyer also in his turn But yet they desired him that nothing of this discourse might be omitted but wholly finished for that it gave very great satisfaction to all and opened many important Points unto them which they had never thought of before and with this they parted for that night every man unto his Lodging and Habitation CHAP. VII How the next in Succession by Propinquity of Bloud hath often-times been put back by the Cemmonwealth and other further off admitted in their
of the Crown of France seeing the Lords Prelates Princes and Governours of the Realm did call him to this Dignity and chase him for their King and Soveraign Lord Thus much Nangis Upon which words Belforest saith as followeth I have laid before you the Words and Censure of this Good Religious Man for that they seem to me to touch the Quick for in very Truth we can not by any other means defend the Title of Hugh Capet from Vsurpation and Felony than to justify his coming to the Crown by the consent and will of the Commonwealth and in this I may well excuse me from inconstancy and contradiction to my self that have so earnestly defended Succession before for he that will consider how and with what conditions I defended that shall easily see also that I am not here contrary to the same Thus much Belforest I think it not amiss also to put down here some part of the Oration or Speech which the Embassadour that was sent at that time from the State of France unto Charles of Loraine after their Election of Hugh Capet and Charles's exclusion did use unto him in their Names which Speech Gerard doth recount in these words Every man knoweth Lord Charles that the Succession of the Crown and Realm of France according to the ordinary Law and Rights of the same belongeth unto you and not unto Hugh Capet now our King but yet the very same Laws which do give unto you this Right of Succession do judge you also unworthy of the same for that you have not endeavoured hitherto to frame your Life and Manners according to the Prescript of those Laws nor according to the Vse and Custom of your Countrey of France but rather have allyed your self with the German Nation our old Enemies and have acquainted your self with their vile and base manners Wherefore seeing you have forsaken and abandoned the Antient Vertue Sweetness and Amity of the French We have also abandoned and left You and have Chosen Hugh Capâ—t for Our King and have put You back and this without any Scruple or Prejudice of our Consciences at all esteeming it far better and more just to live under Hugh Capet the present Possessor of the Crown with enjoying the antient Vse of our Laws Customs Priviledges and Liberties than under You the Inheritor by nearness of Bloud in Oppression strange Customs and Cruelty For even as those which are to make a Voyage in a Ship upon a dangerous Sea do not so much respect whether the Pilot is to Guide the Stern be Owner of the Ship or not but rather whether he be skilful valiant and like to bring them in safety to their Ways end or to drown them among the Waves even so our Principal Care is that we have a Good Prince to Lead and Guide us happily in this way of Civil and Politik Life which is the End why Princes were appointed for that this man is fitter to be our King This Message did the States of France send to Charles of Lorayne in defence of their Doings and with this he lost his Succession for ever and afterwards his Life also in Prison and the French men thought themselves Secure in Conscience as you see for doing the same which God hath also since seemed to confirm with the Succession and happy success of so many Noble and most Christian Kings as have issued out of this Line of Hugo Capetus unto this day And this spoken now of the Second Line of France I take to be sufficient for proof of our Purpose without going any further for that if we do but number these Kings already named that have Reigned in this second Race from King Pepin downwards unto Hugh Capet which are about 17 or 18 Kings in 238. Years we shall find that not some few but the most part of them did both enter and enjoy their Crowns and Dignities contrary to the Law of Lineal Descent and of next Succession by Bloud Whereof also there would not want divers Examples in the third and last Descent since Hugo Capetus's time if we would pass further to Examine the Stories thereof For not to go further down than to the very next Descent after Hugh which was King Robert his Son Gerard affirmeth in his Story that of his two Sons which he had named Robert and Henry Robert the Elder was put back and his younger Brother Henry made King of France and Reigned many Years by the name of Henry the First and this he saith happened partly for that Robert was but a Simple man in respect of Henry and partly also for that Henry was greatly favoured and assisted in this pretence by Duke Robert of Normandy Father to our William the Conquerour and in recompense hereof this King Henry afterwards assisted the said William Bastard son to Robert for the attaining of the Dukedom of Normandy after the death of the said Duke Robert his Father notwithstanding that Duke Robert had two lawful Brothers alive at that time whose names were Manger Archbishop of Rouan and William Earl of Argues in Normandy who pretended by Succession to be preferred But the States of Normandy at the request of Duke Robert when he went to the Holy Land in which Journey he dyed as also for avoiding of Dissension and Wars that otherwise might ensue were content to exclude the Uncles and admit the Bastard son who was also assisted by the Forces of the King of France as hath been said so as no Scruple it seemed there was in those days either to prefer King Henry to the Crown of France before his Elder Brother or Duke William the Bastard son to the Dutchy of Normandy before his lawful Uncles upon such slow Considerations as those States may be presumed to have had for their doings I read also that some years after to wit in the Year 1110. when Philip the First of France Son and Heir to this King Henry of whose solemn Coronation you have heard before in the seventh Chapter was deceased the People of France were so offended with his evil Life and Government as divers were of opinion to disinherit his Son Lowis the Sixth sirnamed le Gros for his sake and so was he like to have been indeed as may appear by the Chronicle of France if some of his Party had not caused him to be Crowned in hast and out of Order in Orleans for preventing the matter The like doth Philip Cominaeus in his Story of King Luys the Eleventh declare how that the State of France had once determined to have disinherited his Son Charles named after the VIII and to put him back from his Succession for their hatred to his Father if the said Father had not dyed while the other was very young as I noted before also that it happened in King Henry the Third of England who was once condemned by the Barons to be disinherited for the fault of King
But this Hardicanutus being dead also upon the sudden at a certain Banquet in Lambeth by London without issue within two years after his Coronation the States of the Realm had determined to chuse Aludred for their King who was younger Brother to Edward and for that cause sent for him out of Normandy as Polidor recounteth and had made him King without all doubt for that he was esteemed more Stirring and Valiant than his elder Brother Edward had not Earl Goodwin of Kent fearing the young man's stomach raised a strong Faction against him and thereupon also caused him to be traiterously murthered as he passed through Kent towards London nor had the State herein any respect to Antiquity of Bloud for that before Alfred were both his own elder Brother Prince Edward who after him was chosen King and before them both were Edmond and Edward the Children of their elder Brother Edmond Ironside as hath been said and this is the third Breach of Lineal Descent But this notwithstanding Alured being slain Prince Edward was made King tanta publica laetitta saith Polidor ut certatim pro ejus saelici Principatu cuncti vot a facerent That is He was made King with such universal joy and contentment of all men as every man contended who should pray and make most Vows to God for his happy Reign And according to this was the Success for he was a most Excellent Prince and almost miraculously he Reigned with great Peace and void of all War at home and abroad for the space of almost twenty years after so infinit Broils as had been before him and ensued after him and yet his Title by Succession cannot be justified as you see for that his eldest Brothers Son was then alive to wit Prince Edward sirnamed the Outlaw who in this Kings Reign came into England and brought his Wife and three lawful Children with him to wit Edgar Margaret and Christian but yet was not this good King Edward so scrupulous as to give over his Kingdom to any of them or to doubt of the Right of his own Title which he had by Election of the Commonwealth against the Order of Succession This King Edward being dead without issue Polidor saith that the States made a great Consultation whom they should make King and first of all it seemeth they excluded him that was only Next by Propinquity in Bloud which was Edgar Adelin Son to the said Prince Edward the Outlaw now departed and Nephew to King Edmond Ironside and the reason of this exclusion is alledged by Polidor in these words is puer id aetatis nondum regno gubernando maturus erat That is he being a Child of so small-years was not ripe enough to Govern the Kingdom And then he saith that Harald Son of Earl Goodwin by the Daughter of Canutus the First proclaimed himself King and moreover he addeth Non displicuit omnino id factum populo qui plurimum sâ—ei in Haraldi virtute habebat itaque more majorum sacratus est which is This fact of Harald displeased not at all the People of England for that they had great hope in the vertue of this Harald and so was he Anointed and Crowned according to the Fashion of the antient Kings of England By which words we may see that Harald had also the approbation of the Realm to be King notwithstanding that little Edgar was present as hath been said so as this was the fourth Breach of Succession at this time But in the mean space William Duke of Normandy pretended that he was chosen before by King Edward the Confessor and that the Realm had given their consent thereunto and that King Edward left the same testified in his last Will and Testament and albeit none of our English Authors do avow the same clearly yet do many other foreign Writers hold it and it seemeth very probable that some such thing had past both for that Duke William had many in England that did favour his Pretence at his entrance as also as Gerard in his French Story saith that at his first Coming to London he punished divers by name for that they had broken their Oaths and Promises in that behalf And moreover it appeareth that by alledging this Title of Election he moved divers Princes abroad to favour him in that Action as in a just Quarrel which is not like they should have done if he had pretended only a Conquest or his Title of Consanguinity which could be of no importance in the World for that effect seeing it was no other but that his Grandfather and King Edward's Mother were Brother and Sister which could give him no pretence at all to the Succession of the Crown by Bloud and yet wee see that divers Princes did assist him and among others the French Chronicler Gerard so often named before writeth that Alexander the second Pope of Rome whose Holiness was so much esteemed in those days as one Constantinus Afer wrot a Book of his Miracles being informed by Duke William of the Justness of his pretence did send him his Benediction and a precious Ring of Gold with an Hallowed Banner by which he got the Victory thus writeth Gerard in his French Chronicles and Antoninus Archbishop of Florence sirnamed Sainct writing of this matter in his Chronicles speaketh great good of William Conquerour and commendeth his Enterprize But howsoever this was the Victory we see he got and God prospered his Pretence and hath confirmed his Off-spring in the Crown of England more than 500. Years together So as now accounting from the the death of King Edmond Ironside unto this man we shall find as before I have said in less than 50 Years that 5. or 6. Kings were made in England one after another by only Authority and Approbation of the Commonwealth contrary to the ordinary Course of Lineal Succession by Propinquity of Blood And all this is before the Conquest but if we should pass any further down we should find more Examples than before For First the two Sons of the Conquerour himself that succeeded after him to wit William Rufus and Henry the I. were they not both younger Brothers to Robert Duke of Normandy to whom the most part of the Realm was inclined as Polydor saith to have given the Kingdom presently after the Conquerours death as due to him by Succession notwithstanding that William for particular displeasure against his elder Son had ordained the contrary in his Testament But that Robert being absent in the War of Hierusalem the Holy and Learned man Laufranke as he was accounted then Archbishop of Canterbury being deceived with vain hope of William Rufus's good nature perswaded them the contrary who was at that day of high Estimation and Authority in England and so might induce the Realm to do what he liked By like means got Henry his younger Brother the same Crown afterwards to wit by fair Promises to the
People and by help principally of Henry Newborow Earl of Warwick that dealt with the Nobility for him and Maurice Bishop of London with the Clergy for that Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury was in banishment Besides this also it did greatly help his cause that his elder Brother Robert to whom the Crown by right appertained was absent again this second time in the War of Jerusalem and so lost thereby his Kingdom as before Henry having no other Title in the World unto it but by Election and Admission of the People which yet he so defended afterwards against his said Brother Robert that came to claim it by the Sword and God did so prosper him therein as he toâ—k his said elder Brother Prisoner and so kept him for many Years until he dyed in Prison most pitifully But this King Henry dying left a Daughter behind him named Mawde or Mathilde which being married first to the Emperour Henry the V. he dyed without issue and then was she married again the second time to Geffry Plantagenet Earl of Anjow in France to whom she bare a Son named Henry his Grandfather caused to be declared for Heir Apparent to the Crown in his Days but yet after his decease for that Stephen Earl of Bollogne born of Adela Daughter to William the Conquerour was thought by the State of England to be more fit to Govern and to defend the Land for that he was at Mans age then was Prince Henry a Child of Maude his Mother he was admitted and Henry put back and this chiefly at the perswasion of Henry Bishop of Winchester Brother to the said Stephen as also by the Solicitation of the Abbot of Glassenbury and others who thought belike they might do the same with good Conscience for the good of the Realm though the event proved not so well for that it drew all England into Factions and Divisions for avoiding and ending whereof the States some Years after in a Parliament at Walâ—ingford made an agreement that Stephen should be Lawful King during his Life only and that Henry and his Off-spring should succeed him and that Prince William King Stephen's Son should be deprived of his Succession to the Crown and made only Earl of Norfolk thus did the State dispose of the Crown at that time which was in the Year of Christ 1153. To this Henry succeeded by Order his Eldest son then living named Richard and sirnamed Cordelyon for his Valor but after him again the Succession was broken For that John King Henry's youngest Son to wit younger Brother to Richard whom his Father the King had left so unprovided as in jest he was called by the French Jean sens terre as if you would say S r John Lacke Land This man I say was after the death of his Brother Admitted and Crowned by the States of England and Arthur Duke of Britain Son and Heir to Geffery that was elder brother to John was against the ordinary course of Succession excluded And albeit this Arthur did seek to remedy the matter by War yet it seemed that God did more defend this Election of the Commonwealth than the right Title of Arthur by Succession for that Arthur was overcome and taken by King John though he had the King of France on his side and he dyed pitifully in prison or rather as most Authors do hold he was put to death by King John his Uncles own hands in the Castle of Roan thereby to make his Title of Succession more clear which yet could not be for that as well Stow in his Chronicle as also Matthew of Westminster and others before him do write that Geffrey besides this Son left two Daughters also by the Lady Constance his Wife Countess and Heir of Britaine which by the Law of England should have succeeded before John but of this small account seemed to be made at that day Some years after when the Barons and States of England misliked utterly the Government and proceeding of this King John they rejected him again and chose Luys the Prince of France to be their King and did swear Fealty to him in London as before hath been said and they deprived also the young Prince Henry his Son that was at that time but eight years old but upon the death of his Father King John that shortly after insued they recalled again that sentence and admitted this Henry to the Crown by the name of King Henry the III. and disanulled the Oath and Allegiance made unto Luys Prince of France and so King Henry Reigned for the space of 53. years afterwards the longest Reign as I think that any before or after him hath had in England Moreover you may know that from this King Henry the third do take their first beginning the two branches of York and Lancaster which after fell to so great contention about the Crown Into which if we would enter we should see plainly as before hath been noted that the best of all their titles after the deposition of King Richard the second depended on this authority of the Commonwealth for that as the People were affected and the greater part prevailed so were their titles either allowed confirmed altered or disanulled by Parliaments and yet may not we well affirm but that either part when they were in possession and confirmed therein by these Parliaments were lawful Kings and that God concurred with them as with true Princes for Government of their People For if we should deny this point as before hath been noted great inconveniencis would follow and we should shake the States of most Princes in the World at this day as by examples which alreay I have alledged in part may appear And with this also I mean to conclude and end this discourse in like manner affirming that as on the one side propinquity of Bloud is a great preheminence towards the attaining of any Crown so yet doth it not ever bind the Commonwealth to yield thereunto if weightier Reasons should urge them to the contrary neither is the Commonwealth bound always to shut her Eyes and to admit at hap-hazard or of necessity every one that is next by Succession of Bloud as Belloy falsly and fondly affirmeth but rather she is bound to consider well and maturely the Person that is to enter Whether he be like to perform his duty and charge committed unto him or no for that otherwise to admit him that is an enemy or unfit is but to destroy the Common-wealth and him together This is my opinion and this seemeth to me to be conform to all Reason Law Religion Piety Wisdom and Policy and to the use and custom of all well governed Common-wealths in the World Neither do I mean hereby to prejudice any Princes pretence or Succession to any Crown or Dignity in the World but rather do hold that he ought to enjoy his Preheminence but yet so that he be not prejudiciae thereby to the whole
Constance as also by divers other participations of the Bloud-Royal of England as afterwards will appear Now then to come to the second Daughter of King William the Conquerour or rather the third for that the first of all was a Nun as before hath been noted her name was Adela or Alice as hath been said and she was Married in France to Stephen Count Palatine of Champagne Charters and Bloys by whom she had a Son called also Stephen who by his Grand Mother was Earl also of Bullaine in Picardy and after the death of his Uncle King Henry of England was by the favour of the English Nobility and especially by the help of his own Brother the Lord Henry of Blâ—is that was Bishop of Winchester and Jointly Abbot of Glastenbury made King of England and this both in respect that Mathilda Daughter of King Henry the first was a Woman and her Son Henry Duke of Anjou a very child and one degree farther off from the Conqueror and from King Rufus then Stephen was as also for that this King Henry the first as hath been signified before was judged by many to have entred wrongfully unto the Crown and thereby to have made both himself and his posterity incapable of Succession by the violence which he used against both his elder Brother Robert and his Nephew Duke William that was Son and Heir to Robert who by nature and Law were both of them hold for Soverains to John by those that favoured them and their pretentions But yet howsoever this were we see that the Duke of Britainy that lived at that day should evidently have succeeded before Stephen for that he was descended of the elder Daughter of the Conqueror and Stephen of the younger though Stephen by the commodity he had of the nearness of his Port and Haven of Bullain into England as the French stories do say for Calis was of no importance at that time and by the friendship and familiarity he had goten in England during the Reign of his two Uncles King Rufus and King Herny and especially by the heâ—p of his Brother the Bishop and Abbot as hath been said he got the start of all the rest and the states of England admitted him This man although he had two Sons namely Eâ—stachius Duke of Normandy and William Earl of Norfolk yet left they no Issue And his Daughter Mary was Married to Matthew of Flanders of whom if any Issue remains it fell afterwards upon the House of Austria that succeeded in those States To King Stephen who left no Issue succeeded by composition after much War Henry Duke of Anjou Son and Heir to Mathilda before named Daughter of Henry the first which Henry named afterward the second took to his Wife Eleanor Daughter and Heir of William Duke of Aquitain and Earl of Poytiers which Eleanor had been Married before to the King of France Lewis the VII and bare him two Daughters but upon dislike conceaved by the one against the other they were Divorced under pretence of being within the fourth degree of Consanguinity and so by second Marriage Eleanor was Wife to this said Henry who afterwards was King of England by name of King Henry the II. that procured the death of Thomas Backet Archbishop of Canterbury and both before and after the greatest Enemy that ever Lewis the King of France had in the World and much the greater for his Marriage by which Henry was made far stronger for by this Woman he came to be Duke of all Aquitain that is of Gascony and Guiene and Earl of all the Country of Poytiers whereas before also by his Fathers inheritance he was Duke both of Anjou Touraine and Maine and his Mother Mathilda King Henries Daughter of England he came to be King of Enland and Duke of Normandy and his own industry he got also to be Lord of Ireland as also to bring Scotland under his homage so as he enlarged the Kingdom of England most of any other King before or after him This King Henry the II. as Stow recounteth had by Lady Eleanor five Sons and three Daughters His eldest Son was named William that dyed young his second was Henry whom he caused to be crowned in his own Life time whereby he received much trouble but in the end this Son dyed before his Father without issue His third Son was Richard sirnamed for his valour Cor de Leon who reigned after his Father by the name of Richard the I. and dyed without issue in the Year of Christ 1199. His fourth Son named Geffrey married Lady Constance Daughter and Heir of Britany as before hath been said and dying left a son by her named Arthur which was Duke of Britany after him and pretended also to be King of England but was put by it by his Uncle John that took him also Prisoner and kept him also in the Castle first of Fallaise in Normandy and then in Rouan until he caused him to be put to death or slew him with his own hands as French Stories write in the Year 1204 This Duke Arthur left behind him two Sisters as Stow writeth in his Chronicles but others write that it was but one and at least wise I find but one named by the French Stories which was Eleanor whom they say King John also caused to be murthered in England a little before her Brother the Duke was put to death in Normandy and this was the end of the Issue of Geffrey whose Wife Constance Dutchess of of Britany married again after this Murther of her Children unto one Guy Vicount of Touars and had by him two daughters whereof the eldest named Alice was Dutchess of Britany by whom the Race hath been continued unto our time The Fifth Son of King Henry the II. was named John who after the death of his Brother Richard by help of his Mother Eleanor and of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury drawn thereunto by his said Mother got to be King and put back his Nephew Arthur whom King Richard before his departure to the War of the Holy Land had caused to be declared Heir apparent but John prevailed and made away both Nephew and Neece as before hath been said for which Fact he was detested of many in the World abroad and in France by Act of Parliament deprived of all the States he had in those parts Soon after also the Pope gave sentence of Deprivation against him and his own Barons took Arms to execute the sentence and finally they deposed both him and his young Son Henry being then but a Child of eight years old and this in the eighteenth year of his Reign and in the Year of Christ 1215. and Lewis the VIII of that name Prince at that time but afterwards King of France was chosen King of England and sworn in London and placed in the Tower though soon after by the sudden death of King John
that course was altered again and Henry his Son admitted for King And thus much of the Sons of King Henry II. But of his Daughters by the same Lady Eleanor Heir of Gascony Belforest in his Story of France hath these words following King Henry had four Daughters by Eleanor of Aquitain the eldest whereof was married to Alonso the IX of that name King of Castile of which Marriage issued Queen Blanch Mother to S. Lewis King of France The second of these two Daughters was espoused to Alexis Emperour of Constantinople The third was married to the Duke of Saxony and the fourth was given to the Earl of Tholosa Thus being the French Stories of these Daughters Of the marriage of the eldest Daughter of these four whose name was Eleanor also as her Mothers was with King Alonso the IX of Castile there succeeded many Children but only one son that lived whose name was Henry who was King of Castile after his Father by the name of Henry the I and â—ied quickly without Issue and besides this Henry two Daughters also were born of the same marriage of which the eldest and Heir named Blanch was married by intercession of her Uncle King John of England with the foresaid Prince Lewis of France with this express condition as both Polydor in his English Story and Garibay the Chronicler of Spain do affirm that she should have for her Dowry all the States that King John had lost in France which were almost all that he had there and this to the end he might not seem to have lost them by force but to have given them with the marriage of his Neece and so this marriage was made and her Husband Lewis was afterward chosen also King of England by the Barons and sworn in London as before hath been said And hereby also the Infanta of Spain before mentioned that is descended lineally from both these Princes I mean as well from Queen Blanch as from Lewis is proved to have her pretence fortified to the Interest of England as afterwards shall be declared more at large in due place The second Daughter of King Alonso the IX by Queen Eleanor was named Berenguela and was married to the Prince of Leon in Spain and had by him a Son named Fernando who afterwards when King Henry her Brother was dead was admitted by the Castilians for their King by the name of Fernando the IV. as before the Civilian hath noted and Blanch with her Son S. Lewis though she were the elder was put by the Crown against all right of Succession as Garibay the Spanish Chronicler noteth and confesseth Hereby then some do gather that as the first Interest which the Crown of England had to the States of Gascony Guyenne and Poyters came by a woman so also did it come to France by the right of this foresaid Blanch whereof the favourers of the Infanta of Spain do say that she being now first and next in bloud of that House ought to inherit all these and such like States as are inheritable by women or came by women as the former States of Gascony and Guyenne did to King Henry the II by Queen Eleanor his wife and Normandy by Mathilda his mother and both of them to France by this former interest of Blanch. And more they say that this Lady Blanch mother to King S. Lewis whose Heir at this day the Infanta of Spain is should by right have inherited the Kingdom of England also after the murther of Duke Arthur and his Sister Eleanor for that she was the next of â—in unto them at that time which could be capable to succeed them for that King John himself was uncapable of their succession whom he had murthered and his Son Henry was not then born nor in divers years after and if he had been yet could he receive no Interest thereunto by his Father who had none himself of all which points there will be more particular occasion to speak hereafter Now then I come to speak of King Henry the third who was Son to this King John and from whom all the three Houses before mentioned of Britany Lancaster and York do seem to issue as a triple branch out of one Tree albeit the Royal Line of Britany is more ancient and was divided before even from William the Conquerors time as hath been shewed yet do they knit again in this King Henry for that of King Henry the third his eldest Son named Prince Edward the first descended Edward the second and of him Edward the third from whom properly riseth the House of York And of his second Son Edmond surnamed Crookback County Palatine of Lancaster issued the Dukes of Lancaster until in the third descent when the Lady Blanch Heir of that House matched with John of Gaunt third Son of King Edward the third from which marriage rose afterward the formal division of these two Houses of Lancaster and York and also two distinct branches of Lancaster Besides these two Sons King Henry the third had a Daughter named Lady Beatrix whom he married to John the second of that name Duke of Britany who after was slain at Lions in France by the fall of an old Wall at the Coronation of Pope Clement the 5th of that name in the year of Christ 1298. and for that the Friends of the Infanta of Spain do seek to strengthen her Title by this her descent also of the Royal bloud of England from Henry the third as afterward shall be declared I will briefly in this place continue the Pedegree of the House of Britany from that I left before even to our days I shewed before in this Chapter that Geoffry the third Son to King Henry the second and Duke of Britany by his wife being dead and his two Children Arthur and Eleanor put to death by their Uncle King John in England as before hath been said it fell out that Constance Dutchess and Heir of Britany married again to Guy Viscount of Tours and had by him two Daughters whereof the eldest named Alice was Dutchess of Britany and married to Peter Brien Earl of Drusse and by him had John the first of that name Duke of Britany which John the first had issue John the second who married Lady Beatrix before-mentioned Daughter to King Henry the third and by her had the second Arthur Duke of Britany to whom succeeded his eldest Son by his first Wife named John the third who dying without Issue left the very same trouble and garboil in Britany about the succession between the two noble Houses of Blois and Monford the one maintained by France and the other by England as soon after upon the very like occasion happen'd in England between the Houses of Lancaster and York as after shall be shewed And not long after that again the like affliction also ensued in France though not for succession but upon other occasions between
shall now begin to make more particular declaration taking my beginning from the Children of King Edward the third who were the causers of this fatal dissention CHAP. III. Of the succession of English Kings from King Edward the third unto our days with the particular causes of dissention between the Families of York and Lancaster more largely declared KIng Edward the third surnamed by the English the Victorious though he had many Children whereof some died without Issue which appertain not to us to treat of yet had he five Sons that left Issue behind them to wit Edward the eldest that was Prince of Wales surnamed the Black Prince Leonel Duke of Clarence which was the second Son John of Gaunt so called for that he was born in that City that was the third Son and by his Wife was Duke of Lancaster and fourthly Edmond surnamed of Langley for that he was also born there and was Duke of York and last of all Thomas the fifth Son surnamed of Woodstock for the same reason of his birth and was Duke of Gloucester All these five Dukes being great Princes and Sons of one King left Issue behind them as shall be declared and for that the descendents of the third and fourth of these Sons to wit of the Dukes of Lancaster and York came afterward to strive who had best Title to Reign thereof it came that the controversie had his name of these two Families which for more distinction sake and the better to be known took upon them for their Ensigns a Rose of two different colours to wit the White Rose and the Red as all the World knoweth whereof the White served for York and the Red for Lancaster To begin then to shew the Issue of all these five Princes it is to be noted that the two elder of them to wit Prince Edward and his second Brother Leonel Duke of Clarence dyed both of them before King Edward their Father and left each of them an Heir for that Prince Edward left a Son named Richard who Succeeded in the Crown immediately after his Grand-father by the name of King Richard the second but afterward for his evil Government was deposed and dyed in prison without Issue and so was ended in him the Succession of the first Son of King Edward The second Son Leonel dying also before his Father left behind him one only Daughter and Heir named Philippa who was married to one Edmond Mortimer â—arl of March and he had by her a Son and Heir named Roger Mortimer which Roger had Issue two Sons named Edmond and Roger which dyed both without Children and one daughter named Anne Mortimer who was married unto Richard Plantagenet Earl of Cambridge second Son unto Edmond Langly Duke of York which Duke Edmond was fourth Son as hath been said unto King Edward the third and for that this Richard Plantagenet married the said Anne as hath been said hereby it came to pass that the House of York joyned two titles in one to wit that of Leonel Duke of Clarence which was the second Son of King Edward the third and that of Edmond Langly Duke of York which was the fourth Son and albeit this Richard Plantagenet himself never came to be Duke of York for that he was put to death while his elder Brother lived by King Henry the fifth for a conspiracy discovered in Southampton against the said King when he was going over into France with his Army yet he left a Son behind him named also Richard who afterward came to be Duke of York by the death of his Uncle which Uncle was slain soon after in the Batteâ— of Ageâ—couâ—t in France and this Richard began first of all to prosecute openly his quarrel for the Title of the Crown against the House of Lancaster as a little afterward more in particuler shall be declared as also shall be shewed how that this 2 Richard Duke of York being slain also in the same quarrel left a Son named Edward Earl of March who after much trouble got to be King by the name of King Edward the 4 by the oppression and putting down of King Henry the 6 of the House of Lancaster and was the first King of the House of York whose Genealogy we shall lay down more largely afterwards in place convenient And now it followeth in order that we should speak of John of Gaunt the third Son but for that his descent is great I shall first shew the descent of the fifth and last Son of King Edward who was Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Glocester and Earl of Buckingham that was put to death afterward or rather murthered wrongfully by order of his Nephew King Richard the second and he left only one daughter and Heir named Anne who was married to the Lord Stafford whose Family afterward in regard of this marriage came to be Dukes of Buckingham and were put down by King Richard the third and King Henry the eighth albeit some of the bloud and name do remain yet still in England And thus having brought to an end the Issue of three Sons of King Edward to wit of the first second and fifth and touched also somewhat of the fourth there resteth to prosecute more fully the Issues and descents of the third and fourth Sons to wit of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster and of Edmond Langly Duke of York which are the Heads of these two Noble Families which thing I shall do in this place with all brevity and perspicuity possible beginning first with the House of Lancaster John of Gaunt third Son of King Edward being Duke of Lancaster by his Wife as hath been said had three Wives in all and by every one of them had issue though the Bishop of Ross in his great Latine Arbour of the Genealogies of the Kings of England Printed in Paris in the year 1580. assigneth but one Wife only to this John of Gaunt and consequently that all his Children were born of her which is a great and manifest errour and causeth great confusion in all the rest which in his Book of the Queen of Scots Title he buildeth hereon for that it being evident that only the first Wife was Daughter and Heir of the House of Lancaster and John of Gaunt Duke thereof by her it followeth that the Children only that were born of her can pretend properly to the inheritance of that house and not others born of John of Gaunt by other wives as all the World will confess First then as I have said this John of Gaunt married Blanch Daughter and Heir of Henry Duke of Lancaster and had by her one Son only and two Daughters The Son was called Henry Earl first of Darby and after made Duke of Hereford by King Richard the second and after that came to be Duke also of Lancaster by the death of his Father and lastly was made King by the deposition of his Cousen German the said King
Richard and Reigned 13. years by the name of King Henry the fourth and was the first King of the House of Lancaster of the right of whose title examination shall be made afterwards The first of the two daughters which John of Gaunt had by Blanch was named Philippa who was married to John the first of â—hat name King of Portugal by whom she had Issue Edward King of Portugal and he Alfonsus the fifth and he John the second and so one after another even unto our days The second daughter of John of Gaunt by Lady Blanch was named Elizabeth who was married to John Holland Duke of Exeter and she had Issue by him another John Duke of Exeter and he had Issue Henry Duke of Exeter that died without Issue Male leaving only one Daughter named Anne who was married to Sir Thomas Nevil Knight and by him had Issue Ralph Nevil third Earl of Westmerland whose Lineal Heir is at this day Lord Charles Nevil Earl of Westmerland that liveth banished in Flanders And this is all the Issue that John of Gaunt had by Lady Blanch his first Wife saving only that I had forgotten to prosecute the Issue of Henry his first Son surnamed of Bullenbroke that was afterward called K. Henry the fourth which King had four Sons and two daughters his daughters were Blanch and Philippa the first married to William Duke of Bavaria and the second to Erick King of Denmark and both of them died without Children The four Sons were first Henry that Reigned after him by the name of Henry the fifth and the second was Thomas Duke of Clarence the third was John Duke of Bedford and the fourth was Humphry Duke of Glocester all which three Dukes died without Issue or were slain in Wars of the Realm so as only King Henry the fifth their elder Brother had Issue one Son named Henry also that was King and Reigned 40 years by the name of Henry the sixth who had Issue Prince Edward and both of them I mean both Father and Son were murthered by order or permission of Edward Duke of York who afterward took the Crown upon him by the name of King Edward the fourth as before hath been said so as in this King Henry the sixth and his Son Prince Edward ended all the bloud-Royal male of the House of Lancaster by Blanch the first Wife of John of Gaunt and the Inheritance of the said Lady Blanch returned by right of succession as the favourers of the House of Portugal affirm though others deny it unto the Heirs of Lady Philip her eldest daughter married into Portugal whose Nephew named Alfonsus the fifth King of Portugal lived at that day when King Henry the sixth and his Heir were made away and thus much of John of Gaunt's first marriage But after the death of the Lady Blanch John of Gaunt married the Lady Constance daughter and Hâ—ir of Peter the first surnamed the Cruel King of Castile who being driven out of his Kingdom by Henry his Bastard-brother assisted thereunto by the French he fled to Bourdeaux with his Wife and two daughters where he found Prince Edward eldest Son to King Edward the third by whom he was restored and for pledge of his fidelity and performance of other conditions that the said King Peter had promised to the Prince he left his two daughters with him which daughters being sent afterwards into England the eldest of them named Constance was married to John of Gaunt and by her Title he named himself for divers years afterwards King of Castile and went to gain the same by Arms when Peter her Father was slain by his foresaid Bastard-brother But yet some years after that again there was an agreement made between the said John of Gaunt and John the first of that name King of Castile Son and Heir of the foresaid Henry the Bastard with condition that Catharine the only daughter of John of Gaâ—nt by Lady Constance should marry with Henry the third Prince of Castile Son and Heir of the said King John and Nephew to the Bastard Henry the second and by this means was ended that controversie between England and Castile And the said Lady Catharine had Issue by King Henry John the second King of Casâ—â—â—e and he Isabel that married with Ferdinando the Catholick King of Aragon and joyned by that marriage both those Kingdoms together and by him she had a daughter named Joan that married Philip Duke of Austria and Burgundy and by him had Charles the such that was Emperor and Father to King Philip that now reigneth â—n Spain who as we see is descided two ways from John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster to wit by two daughters begotten of two Wives Blanch and Constance neither had John of Gaunt any more Children by Constance but only this daughter Catharine of whom we have spoken wherefore now we shall speak of his third Wife that was Lady Catharine Swinford This Lady Catharine as English Histories do note was born in Heinalt in Flanders and was daughter to a Knight of that Country called Sir Payne de Ruet and she was brought up in her youth in the Duke of Lancasters house and attended upon his first Wife Lady Blanch and being fair of personage grew in such favour with the Duke as in the time of his second Wife Constance he kept this Catharine for his Concubine and begat upon her four Children to wit three Sons and â— daughter which daughter whose name was Jane was married to Ralph Earl of Westmorland called commonly in those days Daw Raby of whom descended the Earls of Westmorland that ensued His three Sons were John Thomas and Henry and John was first Earl and then Duke of Summerset Thomas was first Marques of Dorset and then Duke of Excester Henry was Bishop of Winchester and after Cardinal And after John of Gaunt had begotten all these four Children upon Catharine he married her to a Knight in England named Swinford which Knight lived not many years after and John of Gaunt coming home to England from Aquitaine where he had been for divers years and seeing this old Conâ—â—â—â—ne of his Catharine to be now a Widow and himself also without a Wife for that the Lady Constance was dead a little before for the love that he bore to the Children that he had begotten of her he determined to marry her and thereby the rather to legitimate her Children though himself were old now and all his Kindred utterly against the Marriage and so not full two years before his death to wit in the Year of Christ 1396. he married her and the next Year after in a Parliament begun at Westminster the 22 of January Anno Domini 1397. he caused all his said Children to be legitimated which he had begotten upon this Lady Swinford before she was his Wife But now to go forward to declare the Issue of these three Sons of John of Gaunt by Catharine
Swinford two of them that is Thomas Duke of Exeter and Henry Cardinal and Bishop of Winchester dyed without Issue John the eldest Son that was Earl of Somerset had Issue two Sons John and Edmond John that was Duke of Somerset had Issue one onely Daughter named Margaret who was married to Edmond Tidder Earl of Richmond by whom he had a Son named Henry Earl also of Richmond who after was afterwards made King by the name of Henry the VII and was Father to King Henry the VIII and Grandfather to the Queens Majesty that now is And this is the issue of John the first Son to the Duke of Somerset Edmond the second Son to John Earl of Somerset was first Earl of Mortaine and then after the death of his Brother John who dyed without Issue make as hath been said was created by King Henry the VI. Duke of Somerset and both he and almost all his Kin were slain in the quarrel of the said King Henry the VI. and for defence of the House of Lancaster against York For First this Edmond himself was slain in the battel of S. Albans against Richard Duke and first Pretender of York in the Year 1456. leaving behind him three goodly Sons to wit Henry Edmond and John whereof Henry succeeded his Father in the Dutchy of Somerset and was taken and beheaded in the same quarrel at Exham in the Year 1463. dying without Issue Edmond likewise succeeded his Brother Henry in the Dutchy of Somerset and was taken in the battel of Tewkesbury in the same quarrel and there beheaded the 7 th of May 1471. leaving no Issue John also the third Brother Marquess of Dorset was slain in the same battel of Tewkesbury and left no Issue and so in these two Noblemen ceased utterly all the Issue Male of the Line of Lancaster by the Children of John of Gaunt begotten upon Lady Swinford his third Wife So that all which remained of this Woman was only Margaret Countess of Richmond Mother to King Henry the VII which King Henry the VII and all that do descend from him in England do hold the Right of Lancaster only by this third Marriage of Catharine Swinford as hath been shewed and no ways of Blanch the first Wife or of Constance the second and this is enough in this place of the Descents of John of Gaunt and of the House of Lancaster and therefore I shall now pass over to shew the Issue of the House of York I touched briefly before how Edmond Langley Duke of York fourth Son of King Edward the III. had two Sons Edward Earl of Rutland and Duke of Aumarle that succeeded his Father afterwards in the Dutchy of York and was slain without children under King Henry the V. in the battel of Agencâ—urt in France and Richard Earl of Cambridge which married Lady Anna Mortimer as before hath been said that was Heir of the House of Clarence to wâ—t of Leonel Duke of Clarence second son to King Edward the III. by which marriage he joyned together the two Titles of the Second and Fourth Sâ—â—â— of King Edward and being himself convinced of a Conspiracy against King Henry the V. was put to death in Southampton in the Year of Christ 1415. and 3 d. of the Reign of King Henry the V. and 5 th day of August This Richard had Issue by Lady Anna Mortimer a Son named Richard who succeeded his Uncle Edward Duke of York in the same Dutchy and afterwards finding himself strong made claime to the Crown in the behalf of his Mother and declaring himself Chief of the Faction of the White Rose gave occasion of many cruel battels against them of the Red Rose and House of Lancaster and in one of the battels which was given in the Year 1460. at Wakefield himself was slain leaving behind him three Sons Edward George and Richard whereof Edward was afterwards King of England by the name of Edward the IV. George was Duke of Clarence and put to death in Calis in a butt of Sack or Malmesy by the Commandment of the King his Brother and Richard was Duke of Glocester and afterwards King by murthering his own two Nephews and was called King Richard the III. Edward the Eldest of these three Brothers which afterwards was King had Issue two Sons Edward and Richard both put to death in the Tower of London by their Cruel Uncle Richard he had also five Daughters the last four whereof I do purposely omit for that of none of them there remaineth any Issue but the eldest of all named Elizabeth was married to King Henry the VI. of the House of Lancaster and had by him Issue King Henry the VIII and two Daughters the one married unto Scotland whereof are descended the King of Scots and Arabella and the other married to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk whereof are issued the Children of the Earls of Hartford and Darby as after more at large shall be handled and this is the Issue of the first Brother of the House of York The Second Brother George Duke of Clarence had Issue by his Wife Lady Isabel Heir to the Earldoms of Warwick and Salisbury one Son named Edward Earl of Warwick who was put to death afterwards in his Youth by King Henry the VII and left no Issue this Duke George had also one Daughter named Margaret admitted by King Henry the VIII at what time he sent her into Wales with Princess Mary to be Countess of Salisbury but yet married very meanly to a Knight of Wales named Sir Richard Poole by whom she had four Sons Henry Arthur Geffrey and Reginald the last whereof was Cardinal and the other two Arthur and Geffrey had Issue for Arthur had two Daughters Mary and Margarit Mary was married to Sir John Stanny and Margaret to Sir Thomas Fitzherbert Sir Geffrey Poole had also Issue another Geffrey Poole and he had Issue Arthur and Geffrey which yet live Now then to return to the first Son of the Countess of Salisbury named Henry that was Lord Montague and put to death both he and his mother by King Henry the VIII This man I say left two daughters Catharine and Winefred Catharine was married to Sir Francis Hastings Earl of Huntington by which Marriage issued Sir Henry Hastings now Earl of Huntington and Sir George Hastings his brother who hath divers Children And Winefred the younger daughter was married to Sir Thomas Barrington Knight who also wanteth not Issue and this is of the second Brother of the House of York to wit of the Duke of Clarence The third Brother Richard Duke of Gloucester and afterward King left no Issue so as this is all that is needful to be spoken of the House of York in which we see that the first and principal Competitor is the King of Scots and after him Arabella and the Children of the Earls of Hertford and Derby are also Competitors of the
daughter and Heir of Leonel Duke of Clarence and was Grandfather to the last Edmond by me named should be Heir apparent to the Crown if the King should chance to die without Issue To which objection those of Lancaster do answer first that Polydor doth erre in the person when he saith that Edmond Husband of Lady Philippa was declared for Heir apparent for that this Edmond Mortimer that married Lady Philippa died peaceably in Ireland three years before this Parliament was holden to wit in the year of Christ 1382. as both Hollingshed Stow and other Chroniclers do testifie and therefore Polydor doth erre not only in this place about this man but also in that in another place he saith that this Edmond so declared Heir apparent by King Richard was slain by the Irish in Ireland 12 years after this declaration made of the succession to wit in the year 1394. which was indeed not this man but his Son Roger Mortimer Heir to him and to the Lady Philippa his Wife who was declared Heir apparent in the Parliament aforesaid at the instance of King Richard and that for especial hatred and malice as these men say which he did bear against his said Uncle the Duke of Lancaster and his Son Henry whom he desired to exclude from the succession The cause of this hatred is said to be for that presently upon the death of Prince Edward Father to this Richard which Prince died in the year of Christ 1376. and but 10. months before his Father King Edward the third there wanted not divers learned and wise men in England that were of opinion that John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster eldest Son then living of the said King Edward should have succeeded his Father jure propinquitatis before Richard that was but Nephew and one degree further off then he but the old King was so extremely affectionate unto his eldest Son the black Prince Edward newly dead that he would not hear of any to succeed him as Frosard saith but only Richard the said Prince's Son Wherefore he called presently a Parliament which was the last that ever he held and therein caused his said Nephew Richard to be declared Heir apparent and made his three Sons then living that were Uncles to the Youth to wit John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Edmond Langley Duke afterwards of York and Thomas Woodstock Duke of Gloucester to swear Fealty unto Richard as they did And albeit John of Gaunt all his life after for keeping of his Oath that he had made unto his Father never pretended any Right to the Crown yet King Richard knowing well the pretence that he and his might have was still afraid of him and sought infinite means to be rid of him first by perswading him to go and make War in Spain where he thought he might miscarry in so dangerous an attempt and then offering to give him all Aquitain if he would leave England to go and live there as he did for three years with extreme peril for that the people of Aquitain would not receive him but rose against him and refused his Government and would not admit him for their Lord but appealed to the King who also allowed thereof and so when John of Gaunt came home into England again King Richard thought no better way to weaken him then to banish his Son Henry Duke of Hertford and so he did And besides this the said King Richard practised also by divers secret drifts the death of his said Uncle the Duke of Lancaster as Walsingham witnesseth and when the said Duke came at length to die which was in the 22. year of King Richard's reign he wrote such joyous Letters thereof as Frosard saith to his Father-in-law Charles the sixth King of France as though he had been delivered of his chiefest Enemy not imagining that his own destruction was so near at hand and much accelerated by the death of the said Duke as it was And these were the causes say the favourers of the House of Lancaster why King Richard caused this Act of Parliament to pass in favour of Roger Mortimer and in prejudice of the House of Lancaster and not for that the right of Earl Mortimer was better then that of the Duke of Lancaster And this they say is no new thing for Princes oftentimes to procure partial Laws to pass in Parliament for matter of Succession according to their own affections for the like say they did Edward the third procure in the favour of this Richard as before I have shewed in the last Parliament before his death and afterward again King Richard the third with much more open Injustice caused an Act of Parliament to pass in his days whereby his Nephew John de la Pole Earl of Lincoln Son to his Sister Elizabeth Dutchess of Suffolk was declared Heir apparent to the Crown excluding thereby the Children of his two elder Brothers to wit the daughters of King Edward the fourth and the Son and daughter of George Duke of Clarenoe which yet by all order should have gone before their Sisters Children And like facility found King Henry the 8th to get the consent of two Parliaments to give him Authority to appoint what Successor he would of his own Kindred by which Authority afterward he appointed by his Testament as in another place shall be shewed that the Issue of his younger Sister Mary should be preferred before the Issue of his eldest Sister Margaret of Scotland A like declaration was that also of King Edward the sixth of late memory who appointed the Lady Jane Gray his Cousen-german removed to be his Heir and Successor in the Crown of England and excluded his own two Sisters the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth from the same but these declarations make little to the purpose when right and equity do repugn as these men say that it did in the foresaid declaration of Roger Mortimer to be Heir apparent for that they hold and avouch the House of Lancaster to have had the true right to enter not only after the death of King Richard the second as it did but also before him that is to say immediately upon the death of King Edward the third for that John of Gaunt was then the eldest Son which King Edward had living and nearer to his Father by a degree then was Richard the Nephew About which point to wit whether the Uncle or Nephew should be preferred in Succession of Kingdoms it seemeth that in this age of King Edward the third there was great trouble and controversie in the World abroad for so testifieth Girard du Haillan Councellor and Secretary of France in his History of the year of Christ 1346. which was about the midst of King Edwards Reign and therefore no marvel though King Edward took such care of the sure establishing of his Nephew Richard in Succession as is before related And much less marvel is it if K.
married to the King of Norway all which Issue and Line ended about the year 1290. David younger Brother to King William had Issue two daughters Margaret and Isabel Margaret was married to Alain Earl of Galloway and had Issue by him a daughter that married John Balliol Lord of Harcourt in Normandy who had Issue by her this John Balliol Founder of Balliol Colledge in Oxford that now pretended to the Crown as descended from the eldest daughter of David in the third descent Isabel the second daughter of David was married to Robert Bruse Earl of Cleveland in England who had Issue by her this Robert Bruse Earl of Carick the other competitor Now then the question between these two competitors was which of them should Succeed either John Balliol that was Nephew to the elder daughter or Robert Bruse that was Son to the younger daughter and so one degree more near to the Stock or Stem then the other And albeit King Edward the first of England whose power was dreadful at that day in Scotland having the matter referred to his arbitrement gave sentence for John Balliol and Robert Bruse obeyed for the time in respect partly of fear and partly of his Oath that he had made to stand to that Judgment yet was that sentence held to be unjust in Scotland and so was the Crown restor'd afterward to Robert Bruse his Son and his posterity doth hold it unto this day In England also it self they alledge the examples of K. Henry the first preferred before his Nephew William Son and Heir to his elder Brother Robert as also the example of K. John preferred before his Nephew Arthur Duke of Britany for that King Henry the second had four Sons Henry Richard Geffery and John Henry died before his Father without Issue Richard Reigned after him and died also without Issue Geffery also died before his Father but left a Son named Arthur Duke of Britany by right of his Mother But after the death of King Richard the question was who should Succeed to wit either Arthur the Nephew or John the Uncle but the matter in England was soon desided for that John the Uncle was preferred before the Nephew Arthur by reason he was more near to his Brother dead by a degree then was Arthur And albeit the King of France and some other Princes abroad opposed themselves for stomack against this Succession of King John yet say these favourers of the House of Lancaster that the English inclined still to acknowledge and admit his right before his Nephew and so they proclaimed this King John for King of England while he was yet in Normandy I mean Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury Eleanor the Queen this Mother Geffery Fitz-peter chief Judge of England who knew also what law meant therein and others the Nobles and Barons of the Realm without making any doubt or scruple of his title to the Succession And whereas those of the House of York do alledge that King Richard in his life time when he was to go to the holy Land caused his Nephew Arthur to be declared Heir apparent to the Crown and thereby did shew that his title was the better they of Lancaster do answer first that this declaration of King Richard was not made by act of Parliament of England for that King Richard was in Normandy when he made this declaration as plainly appeareth both by Polidor and Hollingshed Secondly that this declaration was made the sooner by King Richard at that time thereby to repress and keep down the ambitious humor of his Brother John whom he feared least in his absence if he had been declared for Heir apparent might invade the Crown as indeed without that he was like to have done as may appear by that which happened in his said Brothers absence Thirdly they shew that this declaration of King Richard was never admitted in England neither would Duke John suffer it to be admitted but rather caused the Bishop of Ely that was left Governour by King Richard with consent of the Nobility to renounce the said declaration of King Richard in favour of Arthur and to take a contrary Oath to admit the said John if King Richard his Brother should die without Issue and the like Oath did the said Bishop of Ely together with the Archbishop of Roan that was left in equal Authority with him exact and take of the Citizens of London when they gave them their Priviledges and Liberties of Commonalty as Hollingshed recordeth And lastly the said Hollinshed writeth how that King Richard being now come home again from the War of Jerusalem and void of that jealousie of his Brother which before I have mentioned he made his last Will and Testament and ordained in the same that his Brother John should be his successor and caused all the Nobles there present to swear Fealty unto him as to his next in bloud for which cause Thomas Walsingham in his story writeth these words Johannis filius junior Henrici 2. Anglorum regis Alienorae Ducissae Aquitaniae non modo jure propinquitatis sed etiam testamento fratris sui Richardi designatus est successo post mortem ipsius which is John younger Son of Henry the second King of England and of Eleanor Dutchess of Aquitain was declared successor of the Crown not only by Law and right of nearness of bloud but also by the Will and Testament of Richard his Brother Thus much this ancient Chronicler speaketh in the testifying of King John's Title By all which examples that fell out almost within one age in divers Nations over the World letting pass many others which the Civilian touched in his discourse before for that they are of more ancient times these favourers of the House of Lancaster do infer that the right of the Uncle before the Nephew was no new or strange matter in those days of King Edward the third and that if we will deny the same now we must call in question the succession and right of all the Kingdoms and States before-mentioned of Naples Sicily Spain Britany Flanders Scotland and England whose Kings and Princes do evidently hold their Crowns at this day by that very Title as hath been shewed Moreover they say that touching Law in this point albeit the most famous Civil Lawyers of the World be somewhat divided in the same matter some of them favouring the Uncle and some other the Nephew and that for different reasons as Baldus Oldratus Panormitanus and divers others alledged by Gulielmâ—â— Benedictus in his Repetitions in favour of the Nephew against the Uncle And on the other side for the Uncle before the Nephew Bartolus Alexander Decius Altiatus Cujatius and many other their followers are recounted in the same place by the same man yet in the end Baldus that is held for head of the contrary side for the Nephew after all reasons weighed to and fro he cometh to conclude
crime Secondly they say that the House of York did enter only by violence and by infinite bloudshed and by wilful murthering not only of divers of the Nobility both Spiritual and Temporal but also of both King Henry the sixth himself and of Prince Edward his Son and by a certain popular and mutinous election of a certain few Souldiers in Smithfield at London and this was the entrance of the House of York to the Crown whereas King Henry the fourth first King of the House of Lancaster entred without bloudshed as hath been shewed being called home by the requests and letters of the people and Noblity and his election and admission to the Crown was orderly and authorized by general consent of Parliament in the doing thereof Thirdly they alledge that King Henry the sixth put down by the House of York was a good and holy King and had Reigned peaceably 40. years and never committed any act worthy deposition whereas King Richard the second had many ways deserved the same as himself came to acknowledge and thereupon made a personal solemn and publick resignation of the said Crown unto his Cousen Henry of Lancaster the which justified much the said Henry's entrance Fourthly they alledge that the House of Lancaster had been in possession of the Crown upon the point of 60â— years before the House of York did raise trouble unto them for the same in which time their Title was confirmed by many Parliaments Oaths approbations and publick Acts of the Commonwealth and by the Nobles Peers and people thereof and by the States both Spiritual and Temporal and with the consent of all foreign Nations so that if there had been any fault in their first entrance yet was this sufficient to authorize the same as we see it was in the title of King William the Conqueror and of his two Sons King William Rufus and King Henry the first that entred before their elder Brether and of King John that entred before his Nephew and of his Son King Henry the third that entred after his Fathers deprivation and after the election of Prince Lewis of France as also of Edward the third that entred by deposition of his own Father of all which Titles yet might there have been doubt made at the beginning but by time and durance of possession and by confirmation of the Commonwealth they were made lawful and without controversie Fifthly they say that if we consider the four King Henrys that have been of the House of Lancaster to wit the 4 5 6 and 7 and do compare them with the other four that have been of the House of York to wit Edward the fourth Richard the third Henry the eighth and Edward the sixth and all their acts both at home and abroad what quietness or troubles have passed and what the Commonwealth of England hath gotten or lost under each of them we shall find that God hath seemed to prosper and allow much more of those of Lancaster then of those of York for that under those of Lancaster the Realm hath enjoyed much more peace and gaining far greater honour and enlarged more the dominions of the Crown then under those of York and that it had done also much more if the seditions rebellions and troubles raised and brought in by the Princes of the House of York had not hindered the same as say these men it was evidently seen in the time of King Henry the sixth when their contention against the Princes of the House of Lancaster was the principal cause why all the English States in France were lost and what garboils and troubles at home have ensued afterwards and how infinite murthers and men slaughters with change of Nobility have been caused hereby and increased afterward under the Government and rule of the Princes of York needeth not say these men to be declared One thing only they note in particular which I will not omit and let it be the sixth note and that is that the Princes of York have not only been rigorous and very bloudy unto their adversaires but also among themselves and to their kindred which these men take to be a just punishment of God upon them And for proof hereof they alledge first the Testimony of Polydor who albeit he were a great advocate of the House of York as before hath been noted for that he lived and wrote his story under King Henry the eighth yet in one place he breaketh forth into these words of the Princes of this House Cum non haberent jam inimicos in quos saevitiam explerent saturarent in semetipsos crudelitatem exercuerunt proprioque sanguine sâ—as pollure manus When these Princes now had brought to destruction all those of the House of Lancaster so as they had no more enemies upon whom to fill and satiate their cruelty then began they to exercise their fierceness upon themselves and to imbrew their hands with their own bloud Thus far Polydor. Secondly they do shew the same by the deeds of both sides for that the love union trust confidence faithfulness kindness and Loyalty of the Princes of Lancaster the one towards the other is singular and notorious as may appear by the acts and studious endeavours of the Lord Henry Bishop of Winchester and Cardinal and of the Lord Thomas Duke of Exceter and Marquis of Dorset Brothers of King Henry the fourth to whom and to his Children they were most faithful friendly and loyal as also by the noble proceedings of the Lords Thomas Duke of Clarence John Duke of Bedford and Humphry Duke of Glocester Sons of the forâ—said Henry the fourth and brothers of King Henry the fifth the first of which three gave his bloud in his service and the other two spent their whole lives in defence of the dignity of the English Crown the one as Regent of France the other as Protector of England by the worthy acts also and renowned faithfulness of the Dukes of Somerset Cousen-jeâ—â—ans to the said King Henry the fourth and to his Children and the proper Ancestors of King Henry the VII all which Dukes of Somerset of the House of Lancaster being five or six in number did not only as Polydor saith assist and help their Soveraign and the whole Realm Vigiliis curis periculis that is to say with watchfulness carâ—s and offering themselves to dangers but also four of them one after another to wit Edmond with his three Sons Henry Edmond and John whereof two successively after him were Dukes of Somerset and the Marquess of Dorset were all four I say as so many Maccabees slain in the defence of their Country and Family by the other faction of the House of York which thing say these men shewed evidently both a marvelous confidence that these men had in their quarrel as also a great blessing of God towards that Family that they had such love and union among themselves But now
of Mâ—ubray ceased and the title of the Dâ—kedâ—m of Norfolk was transferred afterward by King Richard the third unto the House of the Howardâ— Johâ— de lâ— Poole Duke of Suffolk that married the 〈◊〉 of King Edward the fourth and was his great asisstant though he left three Sons yet all were extinguished without Issue by help of the House of York for that Edmond the eldest Son Duke of Suffâ—â—k was beheaded by King Henry the eighth and his Brother Richard driven out of the Realm to his destruction as before hath been shewed and John their Brother Earl of Lincolne was slain at Stock-field in service of King Richard the third and so ended the Line of de la Pooles Richard â—ovel Earl of Salisbury a chief enemy to the House of Lancaster and exalter of York was taken at the battel of Wakefield and there beheaded leaving three Sons Richard John and George Richard was Earl both of Salisbury and Warwick surnamed the great Earl of Warwick and was he that placed King Edward the fourth in the Royal Seat by whom yet he was slain afterward at Barnet and the Lands of these two great Earldoms of Salisbury and Warwick were united to the Crown by his attâ—â—inder John his younger Brother was Marquess of Montague and after all assistance given to the said King Edward the fourth of the House of York was slain also by him at Barnet and his Lands in like manner confiscated to the Crown which yet were never restored again George Nevel their younger Brother was Archbishop of York and was taken and sent prisoner by the said King Edward unto Guyens who shortly pined away and died and this was the end of all the principal friends helpers and advancers of the House of York as these men do alledge Wherefore they do conclude that for all these reasons and many more that might be alledged the title of Lancaster must needs seem the beter title which they do confirm by the general consent of all the Realm at King Henry the seventh his coming in to recover the Crown from the House of York as from usurpersâ— for having had the victory against King Richard they Crowned him presently in the Field in the right of Lancaster before he married with the House of York which is a token that they esteemed his title of Lancaster sufficient of it self to bear away the Crown albeit for better ending of strife he took to Wife also the Lady Elizabeth Heir of the House of York as hath been said and this may be sufficient for the present in this controversy CHAP. V. Of five Principal Houses or Lineages that do or may pretend to the Crown of England which are the Houses of Scotland Suffolk Clarence Britany and Portugal and first of all of the House of Scotland which containeth the pretentions of the King of Scots and the Lady Arabella HAving declared in the former Chapter so much as appartaineth unto the general controversie between the two principal Hâ—â—ses and Royal families of Lancaster and York it remaineth now that I lay before you the particular challenges claims and pretentions which divers houses and families descended for the most part of these two have among themselves for their titles to the same All which families may be reduced to three or four general heads For that some do pretend by the House of Lancaster alone as those families principally that do descend of the Line Royal of Portugal some other do pretend by the House of York only as those that are descended of George Duke of Clarence second Brother to King Edward the fourth Some again will seem to pretend from both Houses joyned together as all those that descend from King Henry the seventh which are the Houses of Scotland and Suffolk albeit as before hath appeared others do deny that these families have any true part in the House of Lancaster which point shall afterward be discussed more at large And fourthly others do pretend before the two Houses of York and Lancaster were divided as the Infanta of Spain Dutchess of Savoy the Prince of Loraign and such others as have descended of the House of Britany and France of all which pretences and pretenders we shall speak in order and consider with indifferency what is said or alledged of every side to and fro beginning first with the House of Scotland as with that which in common opinion of vulgar men is taken to be first and nearest though others deny it for that they are descended of the first and eldest daughter of King Henry the seventh as before in the third chapter hath been declared First then two persons are known to be of this house at this day that may have action and claim to the Crown of England The first is Lord James the sixth of that name presently King of Scotland who descended of Margaret eldest daughter of King Henry the seventh that was married by her first marriage to James the fourth King of Scots and by him had Issue James the fifth and he again the Lady Mary Mother to this King now pretendant The second person that may pretend in this house is the Lady Arabella descended of the self same Queen Margaret by her second marriage unto Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis by whom she had Margaret that was married to Matthew Steward Earl of Lenox and by him had Charles her second Son Earl of Lenox who by Elizabeth daughter of Sir William Candish Knight in England had Issue this Arabella now alive First then for the King of Scots those that do favour his cause whereof I confess that I have not found very many in England do alledge that he is the first and chiefest pretender of all others and next in succession for that he is the first person that is descended as you see of the eldest daughter of King Henry the seventh and that in this descent there cannot bastardy or other lawful impediment be avowed why he should not succeed according to the priority of his pretention and birth And moreover secondly they do alledge that it would be greatly for the honour and profit of England for that hereby the two Realms of England and Scotland should come to be joyned a point long sought for and much to be wished and finally such as are affected to his Religion do add that hereby true religion will come to be more settled also and establishes in England which they take to be a matter of no small consequence and consideration and this in effect is that which the favours of this Prince do alledge in his behalf But on the other side there want not many that do accompt this pretence of the King of Scots neither good nor just nor any way expedient for the State of England and they do answer largely to all the allegations before mentioned in his behalf And first of all as concerning his title by nearness of succession they make little
States of that Crown before his two Sisters that be elder then he and so likewise say these men ought John of Somerset to have done before Philippa his eldest Sister if he had been alive at that time when King Henry the sixth was put down and died and consequently his posterity which are the descendents of King Henry the seventh ought to enjoy the same before the Princes of Portugal that are the descendents of Lady Philippa his Sister Thus say the issue of King Henry the seventh But to this the Princes of the House of Portugal do reply and say first That by this it is evident at least that the Dukedom of Lancaster whereof the Lady Blanch was the only Heir must needs appertain to them alone and this without all doubt or controversie for that they only remain of her Issue after extinguishing of the posterity of her elder Brother King Henry the fourth which was extinguished by the death of King Henry the sixth and of his only son Prince Edward and for this they make no question or controversie assuring themselves that all Law right and equity is on their side Secondly Touching the Succession and right to the Kingdom they say that John Earl of Somerset being born out of Wedlock and in Adultery for that his Father had an other Wife alive when he begot him and he continuing a Bastard so many years could not be made Legitimate afterward by Parliament to that effect of Succession to the Crown and to deprive Queen Philippa of Portugal and her Children born before the other Legitimation from their right and Succession without their consents for that John King of Portugal did Marry the said Lady Philippa with condition to enjoy all Prerogatives that at that day were due unto her and that at the time when John of Gaunt did Marry the said Lady Catherine Swinford and made her Children Legitimate by Act of Parliament which was in the year of Christ 1396. and 1397. the said Lady Philippa Queen of Portugal had now two Sons living named Don Alonso and Don Edwardo which were born in the years 1390. and 1391 that is six years before the Legitimation of John Earl of Somerset and his Brethren and thereby had jus acquisitum as the Law saith which right once acquired and gotten could not be taken away by any Posterior Act of Parliament afterward without consent of the parties Interessed for which they do alledge divers places of the Canon Law which for that they hold not in England I do not cite but one example they put to shew the inconvenience of the thing if it should be otherwise determined then they affirm which is that if King Henry the eighth that had a Bastard Son by the Lady Elizabeth Blunt whom he named Henry Fitz-roy and made him both Earl of Nottingham and Duke of Richmond and Somerset in the 18 th year of his Reign at what time the said King had a lawful Daughter alive named the Princess Mary by Queen Catherine of Spain if I say the King should have offered to make this Son Legitimate by Parliament with intent to have him succeeded after him in the Crown to the prejudice and open injury of the said lawful Daughter these Men do say that he could not have done it and if he should have done it by violence it would not have held and much less could John of Gaunt do the like being no King Nor was the Act of Parliament sufficient for this point it being a matter that depended especially say these men of the Spiritual Court and of the Canon Law which Law alloweth this Legitimation no further but only as a Dispensation and this so far forth only as it doth not prejudice the right of any other Neither helpeth it any thing in this matter the Marriage of John of Gaunt with Lady Catherine for to make better this Legitimation for that as hath been said their Children were not only naturales but Spurij that is to say begotten in plain Adultry and not in simple Fornication only for that the one party had a Wife alive and consequently the priveledge that the Law giveth to the Subsequent Marriage of the Parties for legitimating such Children as are born in simple Fornication that is to say between parties that were single and none of them married cannot take place here So as these men conclude that albeit this Legitimation of Parliament might serve them to other purposes yet not to deprive the Princes of Portugal of their Prerogative to succeed in their Mothers Right which she had when she was married to their Father And this they affirm to have been Law and Right at that time if the said Queen Philippa and Earl John had been alive together when Henry the sixth and his Son were put to death and that this Question had been then moved at the death of King Henry the sixth Whether of the two to wit either the said Queen Philippa or her younger Brother John Earl of Somerset by the Fathers side only should have succeeded in the Inheritance of King Henry the sixth In which case these men presume for certain that the said Queen Philippa legitimately born and not John made legitimate by Parliament should have succeeded for that by common course of â—aw the Children legitimated by favour albeit their legitimation were good and lawful as this of these Children is denied to be yet can they never be made equal and much less be preferred before the lawful and legitimate by Birth But now say these men the case standeth at this present somewhat otherwise and more for the advantage of Queen Philippa and her Off-spring For when King Henry the sixth and his Son were extinguished and Edward Duke of York thrust himself in to the Crown which was about the year of Christ 1471. the foresaid Princess and Prince Lady Philippa and Earl John were both dead as also their Children and only their Nephews were alive that is to say there lived in Portugal King Alfonsus the fifth of that name Son to King Edward which King Edward was Child to Queen Philippa and the death of King Henry the sixth of England happened in the 38 th year of the Reign of the said Alfonsus And in England lived at the same time Lady Margaret Countess of Richmond Mother of King Henry the seventh and Neece of the foresaid John Earl of Somerset to wit the Daughter of his Son John Duke of Somerset So as these two Competitors of the House of Lancaster that is to say King Alfonsus and Lady Margaret were in equal degree from John of Gaunt as also from King Henry the sixth saving that King Alfonsus was of the whole Bloud as hath been said and by Queen Philippa that was legitimate and the Countess of Richmond was but of the half bloud as by John Earl of Somerset that was a Bastard legitimated The Question then is Which of these two should have
John that was King after his Father by the Name of John the third Secondly the Lady Isabel Married to the Emperor Charles the fifth and Mother to King Philip of Spain that now liveth Thirdly Lady Beatrix Married to Charles Duke of Savoy and Mother to Duke Philibert the last Duke that Died and Grand-mother to this that now Liveth Fourthly Lord Lewis Father to Don Antonio that now is in England Fifthly Lord Henry that was Cardinal and Archbishop of Ebora and in the end King of Portugal And sixthly Lord Edward that was Father of the two Dutchesses of Parma and Bragansa to wit of the Lady Mary and Lady Catharine both which left goodly Issue for that Lady Mary hath left by the last Duke of Parma Lord Ranutius that is now Duke of Parma and Lord Edward that is Cardinal And the Lady Catharine Dutchess of Bragansa that yet liveth hath Issue divers goodly Princes as the Lord Theodosius that is now Duke of Bragansa and three younger Brothers to wit Edward Alexander and Philip young Princes of great expectation and these are the Children of King Emmanuel whose particular Successions and Issues I shall declare somewhat more in particular Prince John of Portugal afterward King by name of King John the Third had Issue another John that was Prince of Portugal but died before his Father and left a Son Named Sebastian who was King and slain afterward by the Moors in Barbary and so ended this first Line The second Son and fourth Child of King Emmanuel was Named Lord Lewis and died also without Issue Legitimate as is supposed for that Don Antonio his Son that afterward was proclaimed King by the People of Lisbone and now liveth in England was taken by all men to be unlawful as presently more at large shall be shewed so as after the Death of King Sebastian there entred the Cardinal Lord Henry which was third Son of King Emmanuel and Great-Uncle to Sabastian lately Desceased for that he was Brother to King John the third that was Grand Father to King Sebastian And albeit there wanted not some according as the Authors Write which afterward I shall Name who affirmed and held that King Philip of Spain should have succeeded King Sebastian before the Cardinal for that he was nearer in Consanguinity to him than was the Cardinal for that besides that King Philip was Son of King Emmanuâ—ls Eldest Daughter he was Brother also to King Sebastians Mother yet the said Cardinal entred peaceably and by consent of all parties but for that he was Old and Unmarried and not like to leave any Child of his own there began presently the Contention in his days who should be his Successor To which Succession did pretend five Princes of the Blood-Royal of Portugal besides the Lady Catharine Queen-Mothers of France who pretended by her Mothers side to be Descended of one Lord Ralph Earl of Bullain in Piccardy which Ralph was Eldest Son of Alfonsus the third King of Portugal which Alfonsus before he was King to wit in the time of his Eldest Brother King Sanches of Portugal was Married to the Countess and Heir of Bullain Named Mathildis and had by her this Ralph But afterwards this Alfonsus coming to be King of Portugal he Married again with the King of Castile's Daughter and had by her a Son called Denyse who reigned after him and his Successors unto this day all which Succession of King Denyse and his Posterity the said Queen Mother would have improved and shewed that it appertained unto her by the said Raphe and for this cause sent she to Portugal one Lord Vrban Bishop of Comince in Gascony to plead her Cause which Cause of hers was quickly rejected and only the aforesaid five Princes Descended of King Emmanuel's Children were admitted to the Tryal for the same which were Don Antonio Son of Lord Lewis the King Cardinals Elder Brother and King Philip of Spain Son of Lady Elizabeth the Eldest Sister of the said Cardinal and Philibert Duke of Savoy Son of the Lady Beatrix the same Cardinals Younger Sister and the two Dutchesses of Parma and Bragansa named Mary and Catharine Daughters of Lord Edward Younger Brother of the said Cardinal and Youngest Child of the said King Emmanuel And for that the Lady Mary Dutchess of Parma which was the Elder of the two Daughters was Dead before this Controversy fell out her Eldest Son Lord Ranutio now Duke of Parma pretended by her Right to the said Crown And for that this matter was of so great Importance every party procured to lay down their Reasons and declared their Rights in the best manner they could and such as could not be present themselves in Portugal sent thither their Agents Embassadors and Attorneys to plead their Cause for them Don Antonio and the Dutchess of Bragansa as Inhabitants of that Kingdom were present and declared their pretences Namely Don Antonio by himself and for himself and the Lady Mary of Bragansa by her Husband the Duke and his Learned Councel The Prince of Parma sent thither for his part one Ferdinando Farneso Bishop of Parma The Duke of â—avoy seâ—t Charles of Rovere afterward made Cardinal The King of Spain as the greatest pretender sent the Lord Peter Gyron Duke of Osuna afterward Viceroy of Naples and Sir Christopher de Mora Knight of his Chamber at that time but since of his Privy-Council and lately made Earl of Castil Rodrigo in Portugal of which Country he is a Native and besides these two a great Lawyer Named Roderigo Vasques made since as I hear say Lord President of Castil which is as much almost as Lord Chancellor with us All these did lay forth before the King Cardinal their several Reasons and Pretensions to the Succession of the Crown of Portugal for the five persons before-mentioned whereof two were quickly excluded to wit the Duke of Savoy for that his Mother was Younger Sister to King Philip's Mother and himself also of less Age then the said King And secondly Don Antonio was also excluded by publick and Judicial Sentence of the King Cardinal his Uncle as Illegitimate and Born out of lawful Wedlock And Albeit Don Antonio denyed the same and went about to prove himself Legitimate affirming that his Father the Lord Lewis before his Death had Married with his Mother in secret and for this brought forth some Witnesses as Namely his Mothers Sister with her Husband and two others Yet the King Cardinal affirmed that upon Examination he had found them Suborned which he said was evident to him partly for that they agreed not in their Speeches and partly for that some of them had Confessed the same to wit that they were Suborned whom he cast into Prison and caused them to be punished And so sitting in Judgment accompanied with four Bishops and four Lawyers whom he had called to assist him in this Cause he pronounced the same Don Antonio to be a Bastard for
of all the Roman Emperours and in the Life of one of them that was an excellent Governour named Antonius Pius the said Knight hath this discourse ensuing There was in this mans Governments said he great Contentment and Joy on all hands great Peace and Quietness and very great Justice and truely it is a thing worthy in this place to be considered what was the humane Power and how infinite the Forces of the Roman Empire at this day and how great was the Liberty Quietness Security Wealth and Contentment of the Subjects that lived under that Government when good Princes had the managing thereof as was this Antoninus and his Son Aurelius that followed him and as were Adrian Trajan and divers others What a thing was it to see their Courts frequented freely by all the Noble Valiant and Learned men of the World to see the union and friendly dealing of diffierent Nations together when all served one Prince so as a man might have gone over the whole World or most and best parts thereof with all security and without all fear all Nations and Countries being their Friends Neighbours or Subjects neither was there need at that time of any Pasports or safe Conducts nor of so often change of Coyn to travel as now there is neither yet were there new Laws every foot as now be found in different Countries neither was there danger of Enemies or to be taken prisoners and captives nor could any malefactor do a mischief in one Countrey and flee into another thereby to be free from punishment and he that was born in the very Orcades or furthest part of Europe was at home though he were in Africa or Asia and as free a Denizen as if he had been born there Merchants also might pass at that day from Countrey to Countrey with their Merchandise without particular Licences or fear of Forfeits and finally the temporal state of a Subject was wonderful happy at that time Thus far discourseth that learned Knight and no doubt but that his discourse and consideration is founded on great Reason and he that will leave at this day the many commodities of being under a Great and Potent Prince if it lie in his own hands to chuse for this only circumstance that he is not born in the same Countrey with him is a man of small judgment and capacity in these mens opinion and measureth matters of publick utility with a false weight of fond affection And thus much may be said of the first way of being under Strangers and Foreign Government which is that which vulgar men do most abhor and inveigh against to wit to be under a foreign Prince that liveth absent and ruleth by his Governours But besides this there is another manner of being under a Foreign Prince as when an Alien Prince cometh to dwell among us and this by either of two ways to wit that either this Prince cometh without Forces as did King Stephen and King Henry the II. that were French-men as hath been said and came to live and govern in England but without external Forces and as King Philip of Spain came afterwards when by Marriage of Queen Mary he became King of England and as the last King Henry the III of France went into Polonia by the free Election and Invitation of that Nation and as his Brother Monsieur Francis Duke of Alenson should have entred afterward to have been King of England if the Marriage pretended between her Majesty and him had gone forward and taken effect as many thought once that it should This I say is one way and another is that this Prince do bring Forces with him for his own assurance and these either present as the Danish Kings Sweno Canutus Haraldus and Hardicanutus did and as after them the Norman Princes also used I mean not only William the Conquerour himself but also his two Sons William Rufus and Henry the I who either by help of the Normans already in England or by others brought in by them afterwards wrought their will or else that this Prince so entring have Foreign Forces so at hand as he may call and use them when he will for that they have no Sea to pass which is the case of the King of Scots and of both these wayes these men do give their sentence distinctly For as concerning the former way when a Foreign Prince entreth without any Forces at all and with intention to live among us they hold that there is no danger nor yet any inconvenience can justly be feared for that in this case he subjecteth himself rather to the Realm and Nation than they to him and if he live and marry in England both himself and his Children will become English in a little space And for his own assurance he must be inforced to favour and cherish and make much of the English Nation and be liberal gentle and friendly to all for gaining their good wills and friendship And in one very great and important point his condition is different and better for the English than any English Kings can be which is that he entreth with indifferent mind towards all men hath no kindred or alliance within the Land to whom he is bound nor enemy against whom he may be inticed to use cruelty so as only merit or demerit of each man must move him to favour or disfavour which is a great Foundation say these men of good and equal Government Again they say that in respect of the State present of England and as now it standeth and for the publick good not only of the common Subjects but also of the Nobility and especially and above others of the English Competitors and Pretenders that cannot all speed no way were so commodious as this to avoid bloodshed to wit that some external Prince of this time should be admitted upon such Compositions and Agreements as both the Realm should remain with her ancient Liberties and perhaps much more than now it enjoyeth for such Princes commonly and upon such occasions of Preferment would yield to much more in those Cases than a home-born Prince would and the other Pretenders at home also should remain with more security than they can well hope to do under any English Competitor if he come to the Crown who shall be continually egged on by his own kindred and by the aversion emulation and hatred that he has taken already by contention against the other opposite Houses to pull them down and to make them away and so we have seen it by continual Examples for many years though no occasion say these men hath ever been offered to suspect the same so much as now if any one of the home English Bloud be preferred before the rest and this is so much as they say to this second kind of being under Foreign Princes To the third they confess that it standeth subject to much danger and inconvenience to admit a foreign Prince
power of the Party Puritan and much of the Protestant this Earl was thought to be in very great forwardness But now these great Pillers being failed and no Issue yet remaining by the said Countess his Wife no man can assure himself what the success will be especially seeing that of the three Bodies of different Religions before described it is thought that this Earl hath incurred deeply the hatred of the one and perhaps some jealousy and suspicion of the other but yet others do say and no doubt but that it is a matter of singular importance if it be so that he is like to have the whole Power of London for him which City did prevail so much in advancing the Title of York in King Edward the IV. his time as it made him King twice to wit once at the beginning when he first apprehended and put down King Henry the VI. and the second time when he being driven out of the Kingdom by his Brother the Duke of Clarence and Richard Earl of Warwick he returned from Flanders upon hope of the favour of the Londoners and was in deed received favoured and set up again by them especially and by the helps of Kent and other places adjoining and depending of London and so it may be that the Favourers of this Earl do hope the like success to him in time by this potent City For the Houses of Britanny and Portugal I shall joyn them both together for that they are strangers and the Persons thereof so nigh linked in kindred affinity and friendship as both their Titles Forces and Favours may easily be joyned together and imparted the one with the other as to themselves shall best appear convenient The Lady Infanta of Spain pretendent of the House of Britanny is eldest Daughter of King Philip as all the World knoweth and dearly beloved of him and that worthily as all men report that come from thence for that she is a Princess of rare parts both for Beauty Wisdom and Piety The two young Princes of Parma I mean both the Duke and his Brother the Cardinal are Imps in like manner of great expectation and divers ways near of kin to the said King for that by their Fathers side they are his Nephews that is the Children of his Sister and by their Mothers side almost as near for that they are Nephews of his Uncle Prince Edward Infant of Portugal In like nearness of Blood are the Dutchess of Bragansa and her Children unto the said King which Children are many as hath been shewed and all of that rare vertue and valour and of that singular affection unto the English Nation as it is wonderfull to hear what men write from those Parts and what others do report that have travelled Portugal and seen those Princes and tasted of their magnificent liberality so as I have heard divers rejoyce that are affected that way to understand that there do remain such Noble Off-spring yet in Foreign Countries of the true and ancient Blood Royal of England What the Powers and Possibilities of all these Princes of the House of Portugal be or may be hereafter for pursuing their Right shall not need to be declared in this place for that all the World doth know and see the same yet all seemeth to depend of the Head and Root which is the King of Spain himself and the young Prince his Son whose States and Forces how and where they lie what alliance friends subjects or followers they have or may have it is easy to consider but what part or affection of men they have or may have hereafter in England it self when time shall come for the determining of this matter no man can tell at this present and what Plots agreements compartitions or other conclusions may be made at that day time only must teach us so as now I know not well what to say further in this Affair but only commend it to God's High Providence and therefore I pray you quoth the Lawyer let me end with this only that already I have said and pardon me of my former promise to put my opinion or guess about future matters and what may be the success of these Affairs for besides that I am no Prophet or son of Prophet to know things to come I do see that the very circumstances of Conjecture which are the only Foundation of all Prophecy which in this case can be made are so many and variable as it is hard to take hold of any of them Thus he said and fain would have left off here but that the whole Company opposed themselves with great vehemency against it and said that he must needs perform his promise made at the beginning of this Speech to give his censure and verdict in the end what he thought would be the Success of all these Matters whereunto he answered that seeing no nay would serve he briefly quit himself by these few words following First of all said he my opinion is that this Affair cannot possibly be ended by any possibility moral without some War at least wise for some time at the beginning whereof my Reasons be these that do ensue This matter cannot be disputed and determined during the life of the Queen that now is without evident danger of her Person for the reasons that all men do know importing such perils as are wont to follow like cases of declaring Heirs apparent especially her Majesty the present possessor growing now to be old and without hope of Issue This declaration and determination of the Heir apparent to the Crown if it should be made now would move infinite humours and affections within the Realm and it were to stirr coals and to cast firebrands over all the Kingdom and further perhaps also which now lie raked up and hidden in the Embers This dâ—â—â—rmination though it should be made now by Parliament or Authority of the present Prince would not end or take away the root of the controversy for albeit some that should be passed over or put back in their pretences would hold their peace perhaps for the time present yet afterward would they both speak and spurn when occasion is offered This declaration now if it were made would be hurtful and dangerous for him that should be declared for on the one side it would put the Prince regnant in great jealousy and suspicion of him and on the other side would joyn and arm all the other pretenders and their favourers against him and so we read that of two or three only that in all our Histories are recounted to have been declared Heirs apparent to the Crown they being no Kings Children none of them ever came to reign as namely Duke Arthur of Britanny Roger Mortimer Earl of March and John de la Poole Earl of Lincoln and Henry Marquess of Exeter as before hath been declared Again the multitude of Pretenders being such as it is and their pretentions so
Bragansa before mentioned or of the House of Austria seeing there wanteth not many able and worthy Princes of that House for whom there would be the same reasons and considerations to perswade their admission by the English that have been alledged before for the Infanta and the same utilities to the Realm and motives to English-men if such a matter should come in consultation and the same Friends and Forces would not want abroad to assist them For the second part of my Conjecture touching the Earl of Hartford's second Son or one of the Countess of Darbyes Children my Reasons be First for that this second Son seemeth to be cleared in our former Discourse of that Bastardy that most importeth and nearest of all other lieth upon those Children which is for lack of due proof of their Parents Marriage for which defect they do stand declared for illegitimate by publick sentence of the Archbishop of Canterbury as before hath been declared from which sentence this second Son is made free by the arguments before alledged and therein preferred before his elder Brother And secondly for that this younger Son is unmarried for any thing that I do know to the contrary which may be a point of no small moment in such an occasion as hath been noted divers times before for joining or fortifying of Titles by Marriage and for making of compositions of Peace and Union with the opposite Parties And finally for that this second Son being young his Religion is not much talked of and consequently every Party may have hope to draw him to their side especially he being also free as I have said to follow what he shall think best or most expedient for his own advancement without knot or obligation to follow other mens affections or judgments in that point as he would be presumed to be if he were married or much obliged to any other Family I do name also in this second Point the Children of the Countess of Darby first for that in truth the probabilities of this House be very Great both in respect of their Descent which in effect is holden as it were clear from Bastardy as before hath been shewed and then again for their nearness in degree which by the Countess yet living is nearer to King Henry the VII by one degree than any other Competitor whatsoever Secondly I do name this Countess Children and not her self for that I see most men that Favour this House very willing and desirous that some of the said Countess Children should rather be preferred than she her self and this for that she is a Woman and it seemeth to them much to have three Women reign one after the other as before hath been noted so as they would have her Title to be cast rather upon one of her Children even as upon like occasion it hath been shewed before that the Spaniards caused the Lady Berenguela Niece to King Henry the II. to resign her Title to her Son when she should have succeeded by nearness of Inheritance and as a little before that the State of England did after King Stephen unto King Henry the I. his Daughter Maude the Empress whom they caused to pass over her Title to her Son Henry the II. though her own Right should have gone before him by nearness of Succession as also should have done by Orderly Course of Succession the Right of Margaret Countess of Richmond before her Son King Henry the VII as before hath been proved but yet we see that her Son was preferred and the like would these men have to be observed in the Countess of Darby Lastly I do name the Children of this Countess in general and not the Earl of Darby particularly above the other though he be the eldest for two respects First for that his younger Brother is unmarried which is a circumstance whereof divers times occasion hath been offered to speak before and therefore I need to add no further therein And secondly for that divers men remain not so fully satisfied and contented with the Course of that Lord hitherto and do think that they should do much better with his Brother if so be he shall be thought more fit yet are these things uncertain as we see but notwithstanding such is the nature and fashion of man to hope ever great matters of Youths especially Princes God send all just Desires to take place and with this I will end and pass no fupther hoping that I have performed the effect of my Promise made unto You at the beginning FINIS A Perfect and Exact Arbor and Genealogy of all the Kings Queens and Princes of the Blood-Royal of England from the time of William the Conquerour unto our time whereby are to be seen the grounds of the Pretenders to the same Crown at this day according to the Book of R. Doleman set forth of the said Pretenders and their several Claims in the year 1594. THe Antient Houses of the Blood-Royal of England are the House of Lancaster that bears the Red Rose and the House of York that bears the White And then the House of Britany and France joyn'd in one And out of these are made Five particular Houses which are the House of Scotland of Suffolk of Clarence of Britainy and of Portugal And there are 12 different Persons that by way of Succession do pretend each one of them to be next after Her Majesty that now is as by the Book appears 1. Wil. the conqueror reigned 1066. The House of Flanders Robert 1st Son put back by his Brethren 2. Wil Rufus 2d Son of the Conquerour 1087. Wil. D. of Norm E. of Flan. slain before Alest 3. Henry I. 3d. Son of the Conquerour 1101. Mathild married H. V. and then Gâ—ffry D. of Anjon The House of Bloys Consta eldest Daughter married to Alain Fergant D. of Britan Adâ—la 2d daughter married to Steven Earl of Blâ—ys 4. Steven B. of Bloys and Bulloin reigned 1135. The House of Succession of Britany Conan II. D. of Britany surna med Le Gross Hâ—â—l disinherited by his Father Berthaâ—eir to Conan married to Eudo E. of Pâ—rret Conan III. D. of Britany Son to Bertha Const. mar 1st to Ges â— Son to H. II. aâ—d after to Guy Viseâ— Touan Alice heir of Britany married to the E. of Druce Isabel second Daughter of Constance The House of France Hen. 1st Son crown'd but died in his Fathers days 6. Richard I. 2d Son reigned 1190. Arth. D. of Brit. slain by his Uukle Jo. in Roan Cast. Geffry 3d. Son Duke of Britany by his Wife 5. Henry II. Duke of Anjou reigned 1254. 7. John 4th Son of Henry II. reigned 1200. Elean eldest Daughter married to K. Alfonsus IX of Casâ—â—ile Blanch eldest daughter c Heir marri'd to Lâ—w VIII of France Lewis VIII K. of Fr. chosen K. of Eng. in place of John depriv'd Lewis IX K of France from whom descendeth â— Infan of Sp. The first Antient House of
Lancaster Joan eldest Daughter married to L. Mowbray Mary second Daughter married to Hen. L. Percy Hen. 2d Son Earl of Lancaster Darby and Lâ—icester H. II. 1st D. of Lancaster made by Edward III. J. of Ga. 3d. Son of Ed. D. of Lanâ— by his 1st Wife Blanch Heir of Lancaster first Wife to Jo. of Gaunt 13. Hen. IV. first King of the House of Lanc. 1406. 14. Henry V. King of England 1414. 15. Hen. VI. deposed by the House of York Edw. Prince of Wâ—les slain by the house of York Eleanor 3â— Daughter married to â— E. of Arunâ—el The 1st Son Earl of Lancaster died without issue John the 3d. Son Earl of Darby Edmond Crockbâ—â—k 2d Son Earl of Lancaster 8. Henry III. succeeded his Father John 1316. 9. Edward I. Son of Henry III. reigned 1272. 10. Edward II. afterward deposed 11. Edw. III fâ—om whom bâ—gan the â—â—uses of Lan â— York 1326. Edw. Prince of Wales 1st Son died before his Fath. 12. Richard II. deposed by H. D. of Lanc. 1460. The House of Britany by the Second â—â—ay Beatrix married to John II. Duke of Britany Arth. II. D. of Brit. whose title ends in the Inf. of Sp. John II. that married Beatrix John the first of that name D. of Britany The House of Devonshire H. D. of Exeter had no issue and left all to 's sister Ann married to Siâ— T. Nevil Father of R. J. E. of West John Holland D. of Exeter Son of Elizabeth Elizabeth 2d Daughter married to J. H. D. of Exet. The House of PORTUGAL Philippa eldest daughter married to John I. K. of Port. Edward I. K. of Port. Son of Queen Philippa Alfonsus V. eldest Son King of Portugal John II. King of Portugal Ferdinand â—d Son D. of Viseo in Portugal Emmanuel King of Portugal Son of D. Ferdinand Henry 3d. Son Cardinal and K. of Portugal John III. eldest Son K. of Portugal John Prince of Portugal died before his Father Sebastian K. of Portugal slain in Barbary Lewis 2d Son never married Anthony Illegitimate Son of Lewis Isabel eldest Daughter of K. Em. born next K. John The Line of Castile Const. Heir of K of Castile 2d Wife of Jo. of Gaunt Catherine married to K. Henry III. of Castile John I. King of Castile Son of Catherine Isab. married to Ferd. K. of Aragâ—n sirnam'd Cathaâ— Joan marrito Philip I. Arch-Duke of Austria Chacees V. Emperour and King of Spain Philip II. King of Spain Isabel 〈◊〉 ta of Spain eldest Daughter Philip III. prince of Spain Cathar 2d Daughter married the D. of Savâ—y Edward Infanta of Portugal younger Son Katharine 2 daughter married to John D. of Bragansa Theodosius Duke of Bragansa Edward Alexander Philip Brothers of Theâ—dosius Mary eldest Daughter married Al. D. of Parma Ranutius the first Son D. of Parma Edward 2d Son Cardinal The House of Clarence Lionel 2d son D. of Clarence died before his Father Philipa married to Edm. Mortimer E. of March Roger Mort. 4th E. of March died in Ireland Ed. Mortim. E. of March slain in Irel. without Issu Mortim. younger son died without Issue The House of Buckingham Edm. of Langly D. of York 4th Son of K. Edward Edw. eldest Son D. of York had no Issue Th. of Woodst D. of Glo. 5th son of E. III. slain by his Neph Rich. Ann mar to â— L. Staf. whereby they become Duke of Bucks The House of YORK Richard â—d Son D. of York husband of Ann Ann Mort. mar the D. of York by which they claim R. Plantagâ—net D. of York 1 st pretendâ—r of that house 18. Rich. III. 2d Son of Rich. D. of York 1483. Edw. Prince of Wales died without Issue George Duke of Clarence 2d Son of Richard Edward Earl of Warwick put to death by H. VII Margaret Countess of Salisbury married of Rich. Pâ—ol Reginald Pool died Cardinal so England Hon. I. Mâ—â—tague â—â—t Son put to death by Henry VIII Winifred 2d daughter maried to S. T. Barington Catharine married to S. F. Hâ—stings E. of Hunting H. Hastings â—arl of Hantington and his Brethren Geffry Pool Knight Geffry Pool Arthur and Geffry Pool Sons of Geffry 18. Edw. IV. first K. of the House of York 1460. 17. Edw. V. put to death hy his Unkle Richard The Line of Somerset and of K. H. 7. The Uniting of York and Lancaster Catharine Swinford 3â— Wife to John of Gaunt John Earl of Somerset John Duke of Somerset Margaret married to Edm. Tuder â— of â—ichm 19. Henry VII King of England 1485. 20. Henry VIII King of England 1507. 21. Edw. VI. Son of Henry VIII 1546. 22. Mary eldest Daughter Queen of England 23. Elizab. â—d daughter of K. Henry 1558. Eliz. eldest Daughter of Ed. IV. married to H. VII Mary 2d daughter married Cha. Br. D. of Suf. Franc. eldest Daughter married Hen. Gr. D. of Suf. Cathar Gray had by the E. of Harts two sons Edward Seymour called Lord Bâ—aâ—ham Hen. Seymor ad Son begoten in the Tower Eleanor 2d Daughter married H. E. of Camb. Margaret married to H. Earl of Darby Ferdinand L. Strange and his Brother Jama IV. K. of Scots first husband of Margaret Margar. eldest daughter married twico Arch. Doug. E. of Angus 2d Husband of Margaret James V. King of Scotland Margaret married to Matthew E. of Lanox Mary Queen of Scotland put to death in England Henry Lord Darly Husband of Mary Charles 2d Son married to Eliz. Candish James VI. King of Scotland The Lady Arabella Polyd. in vita â— VIII Occasions of meeting The matter of Succession discussed Mr. Promely Mr. Wentworth Two Lawyers Many pretenders to the Crown of England Sucession doubtful and why Three or four principal heads of pretendors 1. Lancaster 2 York 3. The two houses joyned Circumstances of the time present The Romman Conclave Succession includeth also some kind of election Of this more afterwards Cap. 4 5. Nearness only in bloud not sufficient M◠〈…〉 in 〈◊〉 pretenders Two principal points handled in this book Two parts of this conference Bellay apollog pro reg cap. 20. Not only Succession sufficient That no particular form of Government is of Nature To live in Company is Natural to man and the ground of all Common-Wealths Plato de repub Cicero de repub Aristotle polit Divers Praeses 1. Inclination universal Pompon Mela. lib. 3. cap. 3 4. Tacit. l. 8. 2. Speech Aristot. l. 1.1 pol. c. 1.2.3.4 3. Imbecility of man Theoph. lib. de Plaut Plutarch conde fortuna lib. de pietatem in parent Note this saying of Aristotle 4. The use of Justice and Friendship Cicero lib. de amicitia The use of charity and helping one an other August lib. de amicitia Gen. 2. v. 18. That Government and Jurisdiction of Magistrates is also of Nature 1. Necessity Job 10. v. 22. 2. Consent of Nations Cicero li. 1. de natura Deorum 3. The Civil Law Lib. 1. digest tit 2. Scripture Prov. 8. Rom. 13. Particular form of Government is free Arist. li. 2.
Queen of Spain Garib l. 13. cap. 10. An. 12â—7 An English Queen Grand-mother to two King Saints at once Another breach of Succession The Cord is put back from the Crown 1276. Garabay l. 15. c. 1. an 1363. Many alterations of Lineal descent Don John the first bastard King of Portugal Garib l. 15. c. 22 l. 34. c. 39. Of the State of France An 419. An. 751. An. 988. Examples of the two Ranks of French Kings King Pepin by Election An. 751. King 〈…〉 〈…〉 â—â—â—â—lan 〈◊〉 an â—8 Eginard Belfor li. 2 cap. 5. The Uncle preferred before the Nephew Paul Mili hist. Franc. King Luys de bonnaire An. 814. Gerard. l. 5. An. 834 An. 840. An. 878. Baudin en la Chronique pag. 119. Gerard l. 1 An. 879. Two Bastards preferred An. 881. Luys Faineant King of Foance An. 886. Charles 4. le Gros King of France Gerard. li. 5. An. 888 Odo a King and after Duke of whom came Hugo Capetus Ralph I. King of France An. 927. An. 929. Luys IV. d' Outremer The true Heir of France excluded Hugh Capet otherwise Snatchcape 988. Belfor li. 3. cap. 1. An. 988. Defence of Hugh Kapetus Title The Embassage of the States of France unto Charles of Loraine Gerard l. 6. an 988. Note this comparison Example out of the third time of France Gerard. li. 6. an 1032. King Henry preferred before his elder Brother William Conquerour how he came to be Duke of Normandy Gerard l. 6. anno 1032. 1037. Sons excluded for the Fathers offences Gerard l. 7. ann 1110 Belfor l. 4. c. 1. l. 5. Commaeus in commentar l 1. in vita Ludovic 11. Examples of the Realm of England Divers Races of English Kings The name of England and English King Egbert the first Monarch of England Polidor hist. Aug. li 4. in fine An. 802. King Pepin of France King Adelwolfe An. 829. King Alfred 872. King Edward Elder An. 900 King Aleston the Bastard preferred An 〈◊〉 〈…〉 hist. Angl. Stow pag. 130. An. 924. King Edmond I. An. 940. The 〈◊〉 preferred before the Nephews 946. Polid. l. 6. Stâ—w in 〈…〉 〈…〉 King Edward martyrized King Etheldred 978. Polid. l. 7. hist. Aug. King Edmond Ironside Queen Emma Mother to King Edward the Confessor Many breaches of Lineal Succession Sons of King Edmond Ironside King Canutus the First 1018 King Harald the Bastard 1038. Polyd. l 8. hist. Angl. King Hardiâ—anutus Anno 1041. Alfred the younger Brother preferred King Edward the Confessor made King against Right of Succession Prince Edward the Outlaw and his Children put back Polyd. l. 8. Harald second King by Election 1066. Polid. ubi sâ—p 〈…〉 of England An. 1066. by Election Gerard. li. 6. An. 1065 Chron. 〈◊〉 l. 3. cap. â—4 Antoninus part 2. Chron. tit 16. cap. 5. §. 1. Examples after the conquest Polyd. in vita Gul. Conq. William Rufus King An. 1087. Henry I. An. 1100. Mathild the Empress King Stephen entred against Succession An Act of Parliament about Succession 1153. King Richard and King John 1190. Prince Arthur put back Two Sisters of Prince Arthur Duke of Britain King John and his Son rejected 1216. The Titles of York and Lancaster The conclusion of this Chapter Causes of Excluding Princes Who must be Judge of the lawful cause of Exclusion Open injustice to be resisted What are the chief points to be regarded in â— Princes admission Whence the Reasons of admitting or rejecting a Prince are to be taken Gerard. li. 3. de l' Estat pag. 242. Three principal Points to be considered Why â—e resolveth to treat of Religion principally The chief end of a common-wealth supernatural Philosophers and Law-makers what end they had of their Doings The commonwealth of Beasts The natural end of Mans commonwealth Sacrifices and Oblations by Nature Gen. 8. Job 1. The chief end of a common-wealth and Magistrates is Religion Genebrard l. 1. Chronol de l. aetate Genes 25. 29. Deut. 21. 2 Parali 21. Regard of Religion among Gentiles Cicero li. 1 quaest Tus. de natuâ—a Deorum lib. 1. Plâ—tâ—rch adverses 〈◊〉 Aristo l. 7. Polâ—ti c. 8. The aâ—sâ—rd 〈…〉 Politicks See before the Oaths made by Princes at their Coronations in the IV. Chapter The Oath to Governours for defence of Religion Collat. 2. Novella constit Justin. 8. tit 3. Note the form of this Oath written An. Dom. 560. How great a defect is want of Religion in a Magistrate Lack of Religion the chiefest cause to exclude a Pretender Vide Digest li. 2â— tit 1. leg 8. 10. Matth. 1â— Marc. 10. 1 Cor. 7. Lib. 4. deceret Greg. tit 19. c. 7. Whether difference in Religion be infidelity Act. 23. 1 Cor. 8. 2 Cor. 5. 1 Pet. 3. Matth. 18 How he that doth against his own conscience Rom. 14. 1 Cor. 14. 10. See upon this place of S. Paul S. Chrysost. hom 36. in hanc epistolam Orig. l. 10. Theodor. in hunc locum How dangerous to favour a Pretender of a contrary reli Against Wisdom and Policy to prefer a Prince of a contrary Religion The conclusion of the whole Speech A protestation of the Lawyer Why they will not determin of any one Title The Book of Hales and Sir Nicholas Bacon The but of â—â—lâ—s his â—â—â—k 〈◊〉 Râ—â—son 〈…〉 The Book of M. Morgan and Judge Brown Answer to the I. Reason To the II. Reason Highinton's book George Lilly in fine Epit. chronic Anglic Sundry important Points Divers other Nots and Pamphlets Sir Richard Shelly Francis Peto A Treatise in the behalf of 〈◊〉 Infanta of Spain Discent of William the Conqueror The Children of the Conqueror Polid. l. 9. in fine Stow in vita Guliel The miseries of Duke Robert and his Son Stow in vit Gul. Conquest William Son of Duke Robert Belfor l 3. cap. 42. An. 1128. King William Rufus Tareagnotta l. 2. del Hist. del mondo K. Henry Polydor. in vita Henrici 1. The House of Britain by the elder Daughter of the Conqueror Belfor l. 3. Pag. 423. Conan Duke of Britain Poysoned by William the Conqueror Belâ—or l. 3. Cap. 12. Aâ— 1095. ex chronic dionis The Daugh of Spain â—re of the â—loud Royal of England The Houses of Bloys Why Stephen was admitted King of England Girard l. 6. Belfor l. 3. The Issue of K. Stephen K. Henry the II. Belfor l. 3. cap. 50. An. 1151. Geraâ—d l. 8 pag 549 King Henry II. his Issue Stow in vita Hen. King Richard Duke Geffrey Paradyn apud Belforest Belfor l. 3. cap. 71. An. 1203. Belfor l. 4. cap. 4. King John and his Issue Miseries that fell upon King John Poâ—i l. Hollâ—â—g 〈◊〉 Stow â—n vita Johannis The issue of King Henry II his Daâ—â—â—ters 〈◊〉 l. 3. c. â—9 〈◊〉 115â— The Issue of Lady Eleanor Queen of Spain Polyd. l. 15. in vit Johan Steph. Garib l. 12. cap. 31. Queen Berenguela Garibay l. 12. c. 52. Pretences of the Infanta of Spain to English French States K. Henry â—he 3. and his
A CONFERENCE About the Next SUCCESSION TO THE Crown of England Divided into Two Parts The First containeth The Discourse of a Civil Lawyer how and in what manner Propinquity of Bloud is to be preferred The Second containeth The Speech of a Temporal Lawyer about the particular Titles of all such as do or may pretend within England or without to the next Succession Whereunto is also added A New and Perfect Arbor and Genealogy of the Descents of all the Kings and Princes of England from the Conquest unto this day whereby each mans Pretence is made more plain Dedicated to the Right Honourable the Earl of Essex one of Her Majesties Privy-Council and of the Noble Order of the Garter Published by R. Doleman Re-printed at N. with License MDCLXXXI The sum of both Parts more in particular THE first declareth by many Proofs and Arguments That the next Propinquity or Ancestry of Bloud alone though it were certainly known yet it is not sufficient to be admitted to a Crown without other Conditions and Circumstances requisite be found also in the person pretendent THE second examineth the Titles and Pretensions of all such as may have Claim or Action to the Crown of England at this day what may be said for them and what against them And in the end though he leave the matter extreme doubtful as touching the best right yet he giveth certain Conjectures about some persons that are likest to prevail To the Right Right Honourable the Earl of Essex one of Her Majesties Privy Council TWo principal Causes among others Right Honourable are wont to invite men to dedicate any Book or Treatise to a Person in Authority The one Private Duty and Obligation the other Publick Utility in respect that the Master may concern that Person for the Common Good And to confess the truth both of these jointly have moved me at this time to present unto your Honour above others the two Books ensuing which contain a Conference had in Holland not long since â—â—out the Pretences and Pretenders to the Crown of England as your Honour shall perceive by the Preface of each Book and therefore hereof I shall need say no more but only declare the aforesaid two Causes of this Dedication First then I say that my particular obligation towards your Honours Person riseth partly of good Turns and Benefits received by some Friends of mine at your Lordships hands in your last Voyage and Exploits in France but principally of far greater Favours receiv'd from your Noble Ancestors I mean not only your Father whose untimely death was to England no small Wound but of your Grand-father also that worthy Knight Sir Walter Deverux who though he lived not to come to those Titles of Honour whereunto he was born yet left he behind him so rare a memory for his excellent Parts of Learning Wit Feature of Body Courtesy and other such Noble Commendations as none in England perhaps the like in our time wherein also hath lived your Honours Great Grandfather Sir Henry Deverux Visconde Ferys well remembred yet by divers of my said Friends obliged unto him as also recorded by our English Histories as well for his Merits and Worthiness as in like manner for his Match with the Heir of the most Famous and Noble House of the Bourchers Earls of Essex whereof also your Honour is known to be descended and to hold at this day as well their Nobility of Blood as Dignity of Title and this shall serve in this place for my particular obligation whereof perhaps hereafter upon other occasion I may give further relation and testimony to the World in token of my Gratitude But for the second Point of Publick Vtility I thought no man more fit than your Honour to dedicate these two Books unto which treat of the Succession to the Crown of England for that no man is in more high and eminent Place or Dignity at this day in our Realm than your self whether we respect your Nobility or Calling or Favour with your Prince or high Liking of the People and consequently no man like to have a greater part or sway in deciding of this great Affair when time shall come for that determination then your Honour and those that will assist you and are likest to follow your Fame and Fortune And for that it is not convenient for your Honour to be unskilful in a matter which concerneth your Person and the whole Realm so much as this doth and finding this Conference had by two Learned Lawyers to handle the Question very pithily and exactly and yet with much Modesty and without offence of any and with particular affection and devotion to Her Majesty and with special care of Her Safety I thought not expedient to let it lie unpublished as also judged that no Hands were fitter to receive the same nor any Protection more secure or plausible than that of your Honour whom God long preserve in all true Honour and Felicity to the Comfort of Your Lordships Faithful Servants and Clients and to the Publick Benefit of your Countrey From my Chamber in Amsterdam this last of December 1593. Your Honours most Affectionate R. DOLEMAN The CONTENTS of the first PART THe Preface containing the occasion of this Treatise with the subject purpose and parts thereof That Succession to government by nearness of bloud is not by Law of Nature or Divine but only by humane and positive Laws of every paticular Commonwealth and consequently may upon just causes be altered by the same Chap. 1. fol. 1. Of the particular form of Monarchies and Kingdoms and the different Laws whereby they are to be obtained holden and governed in divers Countries according as each Commonwealth hath chosen and established Chap. 2. f. 12. Of the great reverence and respect due to Kings and yet how divers of them have been lawfully chastised by their common-wealths for their misgovernment and of the good and prosperous success that God commonly hath given to the same and much more to the putting back of an unworthy pretender Chap. 3. f. 30. Wherein consisteth principally the lawfulness of proceeding against Princes which in the former chapter is mentioned what interest Princes have in their subjects goods or lives how Oaths do bind or may be broken by subjects towards their Princes and finally the difference between a good King and a Tyrant Chap. 4. f. 51. Of the Coronation of Princes and manner of their admitting to their authority and the Oaths which they do make in the same unto the Commonwealth for their good government Chap. 5. f. 66. What is due to onely succession by Birth and what interest or right an Heir apparent hath to the Crown before he is Crowned or admitted by the Commonweath and how justly he may be put back if he have not the parts requisite Chap. 6. f. 98. How the next in succession by propinquity of bloud have oftentimes been put back by the Commonwealth and others further off admitted
in their places even in those Kingdoms where succession prevaileth with many examples of the Kingdoms of Israel and Spain Chap. 7. f 113. Of divers other examples out of the States of France and England for proof that the next in bloud are sometimes put back from succession and how God hath approved the same with good success Chap. 8. f. 132. What are the principal points which a Commonwealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any Prince wherein is handled largely also of the diversity of Religions and other such Causes Chap. 9. f. 158. The CONTENTS of the second Book Tâ—â— Preface with the intention and protestation of the Lawyer to treat this matter without the hurt or prejudice of any 〈◊〉 divers 〈◊〉 and treatises that have been written heretofore 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of such as pretend to the Crown of England and 〈◊〉 they do contain in favour or disfavour of divers pretenders Chaâ— 1. â—ol 1. Of the Succession of the Crown of England from the conquest 〈◊〉 other 〈…〉 the III. with the begnning of three principal lineages of the English bloud Royal dispersed into the House of Britany Lancaster and York Chap. 2. f. 10. Of the Succession of English Kings from King Edward the III. unto our days with the particular causes of dissention between the Families of York and Lancaster more largely declared Chap. 3. f 3â—0 Of the great and general controversie and contention between the said two Houses Royal of Lancaster and York and which of tâ—â—m may sâ—â—m to have had the better right to the Crown by way of 〈◊〉 Chap. 4 f. 44. Of 〈◊〉 principal and particular houses of lineages that do or â—ay pretend to the Crown of England at this day which are the House of Scotland of 〈◊〉 of Clarence of Britanny and of Portâ—â—â—l and first of all the causes of Scotland which containeth the pretentions of the King of Scots and of the Lady Arabella Chaâ— 5. f. â—â— Of the 〈◊〉 of â—uffâ—lk containing the claims as well of the Counteâ—â— of Dariâ— â—nd of her Children as also of the Children of the Earl of 〈…〉 6 f. 101. Of the House of 〈…〉 and Britany which containeth the claims of the Earl of Hâ—â—â—â—â—gton and of the Lady Infanta of Spain and others of these two Families Chap. 7. f. 110. Of the House of Portugal which containeth the â—laimâ— as well of the King and Prince of Spain to the Succession of England as also of the Duâ—â— of Parma and Brâ—gaâ—sâ— by the House of Lancaster Chap. 8. f. 1â—4 Whether it be better to be 〈◊〉 a forrain or home-born Prince and whether under great an â—â—â—ghty Monarch or under a little 〈…〉 Chap. 9. f. 150 Of â—ertâ—â—n other secondary or collateral lines and how extreme dâ—ubâ—fâ—ll all the pretences â—e and which of all these pâ—enders are must like by probability to prevail in the end and to get the Crown of England Chap. 10. f. 113. The Preface containing the occasion of this Treatise with the subject purpose and parts thereof THere chanced not long ago I mean in the months of April and May of this last year 93. to meet in Amsterdam in Holland certain Gentlemen of divers Nations qualities and affections as well in Religion as otherwise yet the most part English and Irish and they had been in divers Countries studied different Arts and followed unlike professions some of Soulders some of Lawyers both Temporal and Civil others of meer travellers to learn experience and policy And for that the advice which daily came from England at that time the Parliament being then in hand gave occasion to discourse of English affairs they fell into divers points concerning the same but yet none was treated so largely or so seriously as was the matter of succession and competitors to the Crown for that it was presumed a great while that some thing would be determined thereof in that Parliament though one or two of the wisest of that company held ever the contrary opinion But when at length news was brought that nothing at all had been done therein but rather that one or two as was reported had been checked or committed for speaking in the same then came it in question among the Gentlemen what should be the cause of such proceeding in a matter so weighty and so necessary for all English men to know But two Gentlemen Lawyers of the company one of the common Law and the other a Civilian alledged so many reasons for justifying the Queens Majesties doings in this behalf as all did seem satisfied for that it was made plain that it could not stand with the safety either of Her Majesty or of the Realm or of the party himself who should be preferred that any declaration of Heir apparent should be made during the life of Her Majesty that now is how dangerous soever the delay thereof may be esteemed for the time to come And so the end of this Speech brought in presently the beginning of another to wit what were like to be these dangers and who might be likest of the pretenders to prevail after Her Majesty about which matter there was much discoursed by divers Parties but the conclusion of all was that both these points remained very doubtful but much more the second who should prevail of the competitors which they said did make the former point less doubtful of the multitude of dangers that thereby did hang over the Commonwealth of England though it wanted not doubt also in particular what and where they should fall for said they wheresoever many pretenders of the bloud Royal are known to be competitors to a Crown there cannot chuse but many perils also must be imminent to the Realm To this one of the company said that he did not see how there could be either so many pretenders to the Crown as the day before had been spoken of in that place for the Common Lawyer before named newly come out of England had told them that he had heard of some 9. or 10. or more Plots that were debated within the Realm for so many pretenders or if there were any such great number descended of the Bloud Royal yet their titles could not be so doubtful seeing it was an easie matter to discern who was next in discent of bloud and who not Not so easie quoth this Gentleman Lawyer for that although it cannot be denied but that there is among all such as may pretend at this day a certain known order and degree of nearness in bloud to some King or Queen that hath possessed the Crown before them and in this discent it is known also commonly who descendeth of the elder house and who of the younger and other such like vulgar circumstances yet notwithstanding for that there be many other points considerable in this affair as the right of the first stock whereof each part doth spring the disableing of the same stock afterwards by attainders or otherwise the
Bastardies or other particular impediments that may have fallen upon each discent or branch thereof all these things said he may alter the course of common supposed right in him or her that is taken to be next in bloud as proving them not to be truly and lawfully the nearest though they be the next in degree As for example said he the whole multitude of competitors or pretendors which I conceive may come in consideration or have action or claim to the Crown after her Majesty that now is may be reduced to three or four first heads or principal stocks to wit to the House of Lancaster a part as descended of John of Gant Duke of Lancaster by his first Wife Blanch sole Heir of the Dutchess of Lancaster And of this branch or stock the most known off spring in these our days are those Princes that are lineally descended of Don Juan the first sirnamed de bona memoria tenth King of Portugal who married with Philippa the eldest Daughter of the said John of Gant by his first Wife Blanch and these Princes are King Philip of Spain now King also of Portugal and the Duke of Parma and Braganza who descended of the same race as also the Duke of Savoy on degree after them The second stock is of the house of York a part descended of George the Duke of Clarence second Brother to King Edward the fourth who being put to death by the Kings order in Cales left a daughter by whom were descended the Earl of Huntington with his Brothers which also have children and the off spring of Geffry Pole and Sir Thomas Barrington who married the other Sister of her that was married to the Hastings The third stock was in King Henry the seventh who being himself of the house of Lancaster and marrying the eldest daughter of Edward the fourth of the house of York is presumed to have joyned these two houses together and from this man by his two daughters for of his Son who was King Henry the eighth there remaineth only the Queen that now is there hath proceeded the house of Scotland divided into the families of the King of Scots and Arabella as also the Progeny of the two Earls yet living of Hartford and Darby Vnto these three heads which are commonly known to all men some of our days do add also a fourth which may seem more ancient then either of these three to wit by the Duke of Britany who are descended divers ways of the bloud royal of England as may easily be declared whose Heir at this day by lineal descent is the Infanta of Spain named Dona Isabella Clara Eugenia daughter to King Philip. So that hereby we come to discover no less then ten or eleven families that may pretend and have all of them friends in England and else where as yesterday I told you who do not fail in secret to negotiate and lay plots for them for that there are none of these so far off but to their friends it seemeth the times standing as they do that reasons may be given for their preferment and good hope conceived of prevailing You do well to add said a Captain there present the times standing as they do or at leastwise as they are like to stand when this matter must come to tryal at what time I believe not you Lawyers but we Souldiers must determine this title and then no doubt if there were not only these ten by you named but twenty more also of the Bloud Royal that would pretend and had friends and money to stand by them we should admit their causes to examination and perhaps give sentence for him that by your laws would soonest be excluded for when matters come to snatching it is hard to say who shall have the better part I do not add this circumstance of the time said the Lawyer as though it were the only or principal point which maketh doubtful the matter of Succession though I confess that helpeth thereunto greatly in respect of the great variety of mans affections at this day in Religion which do decline them commonly to judge for him whom they best love but besides this I do say that were the times never so quiet and Religion never so uniform yet are there great doubts in many mens heads about the lawfulness of divers Petitions of the Families before-named but if you add unto this the said wonderful diversity in matters of Religion also which this time yieldeth you shall find the event much more doubtful and consequently it is no marvel though many may remain in hope to prevail seeing that where many are admitted to stand for a preferment there divers may have propability also of speeding An example you may take said the Civilian Lawyer in the Roman Conclave at the Popes election where among three or four score Cardinals that enter in for Electors few there are that have not hope also to be elected not for that they see themselves all well qualified as others but because often times when divers that are more forward by likelyhood cannot be agreed upon it falleth to the lot of him that is farthest off and so it may among your pretenders quoth he in England Your example said the Temporal Lawyer confirmeth somewhat of that I mean though it be not altogether in like matter or manners for that the Pope is made by Election and here we talk of a King by Succession Your Succession said the Civilian includeth also an Election or approbation of the common-wealth and so doth the succession of all Kings in Christendom besides as well appeareth by the manner of their new admision at their Coronations where the people are demanded again if they be content to accept such a man for their King though his title of nearness by bloud be never so clear And therefore much more it is like to be in this case of English pretenders now where their lawful nearness in bloud is so doubtful as you have signified and so I do come to confirm your former proposition of the doubtfulness of the next Successor in England with another reason besides that which you have alledged of the ambiguity of their true propinquity in bloud for I say further that albeit the nearness of each mans succession in bloud were evidently known yet were it very uncertain as things now stand in England and in the rest of Christendom round about who should prevail for that it is not enough for a man to be next only in bloud thereby to pretend a Crown but that other circumstances also must concur which if they want the bare propinquity or ancestry of bloud may justly be rejected and he that is second third fourth fifth or last may lawfully be preferred before the first and this by all Law both divine and human and by all reason conscience and custom of all Christian Nations To this said the temporal Lawyer you go further Sir then
naturae the voice of nature her self for there was never yet Nation found either of ancient time or now in our days by discovery of the Indies or else where among whom men living together had not some kind of Magistrate or Superior to govern them which evidently declareth that this point of Magistrates is also of Nature and from God that created Nature which point our Civil Law doth prove in like manner in the very beginning of our digests where the second Title of the first Book is de origine juris civilis omnium magistratuum of the beginning of the Civil Law and of all Magistrates which beginning is referred to this first principle of Natural Instinct and Gods Institution And last of all that God did concur also expresly with this Instinct of Nature our Divines do prove by clear testimony of Holy Scripture as when God saith to Solomon By me Kings do Reign and St. Paul to the Romans avoucheth That Authority is not but of God and therefore he which resisteth Authority resisteth God Which is to be understood of Authority Power or Jurisdiction in it self according to the first Institution as also when it is lawfully laid upon any person for otherwise when it is either wrongfully taken or unjustly used it may be resisted in divers cases as afterwards more particular shall be declared for then it is not lawful Authority These two points then are of Nature to wit the Common-wealth and Government of the same by Magistrates but what kind of Government each Common-wealth will have whether Democretia which is Popular Government by the People it self as Athens Thebes and many other Cities of Greece had in old time and as the Cantons or Switzers at this day have Or else Aristocretia which is the Government of some certain chosen number of the Best as the Romans many years were governed by Councels and Senators and at this day the States of this Countrey of Holland do imitate the same or else Monarchia which is the Regiment of one and this again either of an Emperor King Duke Earl or the like These particular Forms of Government I say are not determined by God or Nature as the other two points before for then they should be all one in all Nations as the other are seeing God and Nature are one to all as often hath been said but these particular Forms are left unto every Nation or Countrey to chuse that Form of Government which they shall like best and think most fit for the Natures and conditions of their people which Aristotle proveth throughout all the second and fourth Books of his Politiques very largely laying down divers kinds of Government in his days as namely in Greece that of the Milesians Lacedemonians Candians and others and shewing the causes of their differences which he attributeth to the diversity of mens Natures Customs Educations and other such causes that made them make choice of such or such Forms of Government And this might be proved also by infinite other examples both of times past and present and in all Nations and Countries both Christian and otherwise which have not had only different Fashions of Governments the one from the other but even among themselves at one time one form of Government and another at other times For the Romans first had Kings and after rejecting them for their Evil Government they chose Councils which were two Governours for every year whose Authority yet they limited by a multitude of Senators which were of their Council and these mens power was restrained also by adding Tribunes of the people and some time Dictators and finally they came to be governed last of all by Emperors The like might be said of Carthage in Africa and many Cities and Common-wealths of Greece which in divers Seasons and upon divers Causes have taken different Forms of Government to themselves The like we see in Europe at this day for in only Italy what different Forms of Government have you Naples have a King for their Soveraign Rome the Pope and under him one Senator in place of so many as were wont to be in that Common-wealth Venice and Genua have Senators and Dukes but little Authority have their Dukes Florence Farara Mantua Parma Vrbin and Savoy have their Dukes only without Senators and their power is absolute Milan was once a Kingdom but now a Dukedom the like is of Burgundy Lorain Bavire Gascony and Britain the lesser all which once had their distinct Kings and now have Dukes for their Supream Governours The like may be said of Germany that many years together had one King over all which now is divided into so many Dukedoms Earldoms and other like Titles of Supream Princes But the contrary is of Castile Aragon Portugal Barcelona and other Kingdoms this day in Spain which were first Earldoms only and after Dukedoms and then Kingdoms and now again are all under one Monarchy The like is of Bohemia and Polonia which were but Dukedoms in old time and now are Kingdoms The like may be said of France also after the expulsion of the Romans which was first a Monarchy under Pharamond their first King and so continued for many years under Clodion Merovys Childrik and Clodovaeus there first Christened Kings but after they divided it into four Kingdoms to wit one of Paris another of Soissons the third of Orleans and the fourth of Metts and so it continued for divers years but yet afterwards they made it one Monarchy again England also was first a Monarchy under the Brittains and then a Province under the Romans and after that divided into seven Kingdoms at once under the Saxons and now a Monarchy again under the English and all this by Gods permission and approbation who in token thereof suffered his own peculiar people also of Israel to be under divers manners of Governments in divers times as first under Patriarchs Abraham Isaac and Jacob then under Captains as Moses Joshua and the like then under Judges as Otheniel Aiod and Gideon then under High Priests as Hely and Samuel then under Kings as Saul David and the rest and then under Captains and High Priests again as Zorobabel Judas Machabeus and his Brethren until the Government was lastly taken from them and they brought under the power of the Romans and Forraign Kings appointed by them So as of all this there can be no doubt but that the Common-wealth hath power to chuse their own Fashion of Government as also to change the same upon reasonable causes as we see they have done in all times and Countries and God no doubt approveth what the Realm determineth in this point for otherwise nothing could be certain for that of these changes doth depend all that hath succeeded sithence In like manner is it evident that as the Common-wealth hath this authority to chuse and change her Government
voce loquerentur Laws were invented to the end they should speak in one and the self-same sense to all men For which very reason in like manner these Laws have been called by Phylosophers a Rule or Square inflexible and by Aristotle in particular a mind without passion as hath been said but the Prophet David who was also a Prince and a King seemeth to call it by the name of Discipline for that as Discipline doth keep all the parts of a Man or of a particular House in order so Law well ministred keepeth all the parts of a Commonwealth in good order and to shew how severely God exacteth this at all Princes hands he saith these words And now learn ye Kings and be instructed you that judge the World Serve God in fear and rejoyce in him with trembling embrace ye Discipline lest he enter into wrath and so ye perish from the way of Righteousness Which words being uttered by a Prophet and a King do contain divers points of much consideration for this purpose As first that Kings and Princes are bound to learn Law and Discipline and secondly to observe the same with great humility and fear of God's wrath and thirdly that if they do not they shall perish from the way of Righteousness as though the greatest plague of all to a Prince were to lose the way of Righteousness Law and Reason in his Government and to give himself over to passion and his own will whereby they are sure to come to Shipwrack And thus much for the first help The second help that Commonwealths have given to their Kings and Princes especially in latter Ages hath been certain Counsels and Counsellors with whom to consult in matters of importance as we see the Parliaments of England and France the Courts in Spain and Dyets in Germany without which no matters of moment can be concluded And besides this commonly every King hath his Privy-Councel whom he is bound to hear and this was done to temper somewhat the absolute form of a Monarchy whose danger is by reason of his sole Authority to fall into Tyranny as Aristotle wisely noteth in his fourth Book of Politicks shewing the inconvenience or dangers of Government which is the cause that we have few or no simple Monarchies now in the world especially among Christians but all are mixt lightly with divers points of the other two forms of Government also and namely in England all three do enter more or less for in that there is one King or Queen it is a Monarchy in that it hath certain Counsels that must be heard it participateth of Aristocratia and in that the Commonalty have their Voices and Burgesses in Parliament it taketh part also of Democratia or popular Government All which limitations of the Princes absolute Authority as you see do come from the Common-wealth as having Authority above their Princes for their restraint to the good of the Realm as more at large shall be proved hereafter From like Authority and for like Considerations have come the limitations of other Kings and Kingly power in all times and Countries from the beginning both touching themselves and their Posterity and Successors as briefly in this place I shall declare And first of all if we will consider the two most renowned and allowed States of all the World I mean that of the Romans and Grecians we shall find that both of them began with Kings but yet with far different Laws and Restraints about their Authorities For in Rome the Kings that succeeded Romulus their first Founder had as great and absolute Authority as ours have now adays but yet their Children or next in Bloud succeeded them not of necessity but new Kings were chosen partly by the Senate and partly by the People as Titus Livius testifieth so as of three most excellent Kings that ensued immediately after Romulus viz. Numa Pompilius Tullius Hostilius and Tarquinus Priscus none of them were of the Bloud-Royal nor of Kin the one to the other no nor yet Romans born but chosen rather from among strangers for their Vertue and Valour and that by election of the Senate and consent of the People In Greece and namely among the Lacedemonians which was the most eminent Kingdom among others at that time the succession of Children after their Fathers was more certain but yet as Aristotle noteth their Authority and Power was so restrained by certain Officers of the people named Ephori which commonly were five in number as they were not only checked and chastned by them if occasion served but also deprived and sometimes put to death For which cause the said Phylosopher did justly mislike this eminent Jurisdiction of the Ephori over their Kings But yet we see hereby what Authority the Commonwealth had in this case and what their meaning was in making Laws and restraining their Kings Power to wit thereby the more to bind them to do Justice which Cicero in his Offices uttereth in these words Justitiae fruendae causa apud majores nostros in Asia in Europa bene moraâ—i reges olim sunt constituti c. at cum jus aequabile ab uno viro homines non consequerentur inventae sunt leges Good Kings were appointed in old time among our ancestors in Asia and Europe to the end thereby to obtain Justice but when men could not obtain equal Justice at one mans hands they invented Laws The same reason yieldeth the same Phylosopher in another place not only of the first Institution of Kingdoms but also of the change thereof again into other Governments when these were abused Omnes antiquae gentes regibus quondam paruerunt c. That is All old Nations did live under Kingdoms at the beginning which kind of Government first they gave unto the most just and wisest men which they could find and also after for love of them they gave the same to their Postesity or next in Kin as now also it remaineth where Kingly Government is in use But other Countries which liked not that form of Government and have shaken it off have done it not that they will not be under any but for that they will not be ever under one only Thus far Cicero and he speaketh this principally in defence of his own Commonwealth I mean the Roman which had cast off that kind of Government as before hath been said for the Offence they had taken against certain Kings of theirs and first of all against Romulus himself their first Founder for reigning at his pleasure without Law as Titus Livius testifieth for which cause the Senators at length slew him and cut him in small pieces And afterwards they were greatly grieved at the entring of Servius Tullius their sixth King for that he got the Crown by fraud and not by election of the Senate and special approbation of the People as he should have done But most of all they
deprived and put to death by the Souldiers of Rome at the request and common desire both of the People and Senate when he had reigned Six years and yet was but Twenty years of age when he was put down and his Death and Deprivation was approved by publick Act of the Senate who ordained also in his detestation That never Emperour after him should be called Antonius And so it was observed though no other Name had ever been more grateful before to the world for the remembrance of good Emperors that had been so called This man being chastized as is said there was preferred to the Empire in his room a goodly young man of his next Kindred named Alexander Severus Son to Mamonea which was Sister to Heliogabalus's Mother and being admitted by common consent both of the Senate People and Army he proved one of the rarest Princes for his Valour and Vertue that ever the Roman Empire had had so as the worthiness of Severus seemed to recompence fully the wickedness of Heliogabalus I might name divers other such Examples and among the rest that of Maxentius who being lawfully possessed of the Empire in Rome as it seemed for that he was Son to Maximinianus the Emperour that reigned with Dioclesian yet for his tyrannous Government that was intollerable it is supposed that the Senate not being able to match him in open strength sent privily into England and France to invite Constantine to come and do Justice upon him and so he did and he being drowned in the River of Tiber Constantine afterward surnamed the Great succeeded in the Empire and was the man that all men know and the first Emperour that publickly professed himself a Christian and planted our Faith over all the World And this of the Roman Empire And if ye will come lower down and nearer home we have yet another Example more remarkable than the rest which is The change of the Empire from the East to the West for the evil Government of Constantine the sixth who was Deposed first and his eyes put out by his own Mother Irene and the Empire Usurped by her But being not able to rule it in such order as was needful for so great a Monarchy though otherwise she was one of the rarest Women for Valour and Wisdom that ever the World had she was deprived thereof by the Sentence of Leo the third Pope of Rome and by consent of all the People and Senate of that City and Charles King of France and Germany afterward surnamed the Great was Crowned Emperour of the West and so hath that Succession remained unto this day and many worthy Men have succeeded therein and infinite Acts of Jurisdiction have been exercised by this Authority which were all Unjust and Tyrannical if this change of the Empire and Deposition of Irene and her Son for their evil Government had not been lawful It were too long to run over all other Kingdoms yet some I shall touch in such points as are most notorious The two famous changes that have been made of the Royal Line in France the first from the Race of Pharamond and Clodoveus to the Line of Pepin and the second from the Race of Pepin again to the Line of Hugo Capetus that endureth unto this day Whereon are they founded but upon the judicial Chastisement and Deposition of two evil Princes the first of Childrec the third lawful King of France who after he had reigned ten years was deposed by Zachary the Pope at the request of the whole Nobility and Clergy of France or rather his Deprivation was by them and confirmed by the Pope to whom they alledged this reason for their doing in that behalf as Girard putteth it down in his French Chronicles I mean the large and the Abreviation viz. That their Oath to Childeric was to honour serve obey maintain and defend him against all men as long as he was Just Religious Valiant Clement and would resist the Enemies of the Crown punish the wicked and conserve the good and defend the Christian Faith And for as much as these promises said they were conditional they ought not to hold or bind longer than they were reciprocally observed on both parts which seeing they were not of the part of Childeric they would not be any longer his Subjects and so desired Zachary to absolve them from their Oaths which he did and by this means Childeric was Deposed and put into a Monastry where he died and in his place Pepin was chosen and crowned King whose Posterity Reigned for many years after him and were such Noble Kings as all the World can testifie And so continued this Race of Pepin in the Royal Throne for almost two hundred years togeter until Hugo Capetus who was put into the same Authority of the Commonwealth and Charles of Lorrain last of the Race of Pepin for the evil satisfaction which the French Nation had of him was put by it and kept Prisoner during his Life in the Castle of Orleance And thus much all the French Histories affirm and to attribute to these changes the prosperity and greatness of their present Kingdom and Monarchy And thus much for France where many other Examples might be alledged as of King Lewis the third surnamed Fainant for that he was unprofitable and of Charles surname Le grot that succeeded him both of them deposed by the States of France And other the like of whom I shall have occasion to speak afterwards to another purpose But now if you please let us step over the Pyrenean Mountains and look into Spain where there will not fail us also divers Examples both before the oppression of that Realm by the Moors and also after For that before to wit in the year of Christ 630. we read of a lawful King named Flaveo Suintila put down and deprived both he and his Posterity in the fourth Council National of Toledo and one Sissinado confirmed in his place notwithstanding that Suintila was at the beginning of his Reign a very good King and much commended by St. Isodorus Archbishop of Sivil who yet in the said Counil was the first man that subscribed to his Deprivation After the entrance of the Moors also when Spain was reduced again to the Order and Government of Spanish Kings We read that about the year of Christ 1282. one Don Alonso the eleventh of that name King of Castile and Leone succeeded his Father Ferdinando sur-named the Sainct and himself obtained the sur-name of Sabio and Astrologo that is to say of Wise and of an Astrologer for his excellent Learning and peculiar Skill in that Art as may well appear by the Astronomy-Tables that at this day go under his name which are the most perfect and exact that ever were set forth by judgment of the Learned This Man for his evil Government and especially for Tirany used towards
two Nephews of his as the Spanish Chronicler Garavay writeth was deposed of his Kingdom by a publick Act of Parliament in the Town of Valliodolid after he had Reigned thirty years and his own son Don Sancho the fourth was Crowned in his place who for his valiant Acts was sur-named el bravo and it turned to great commodity of the Common-Wealth The same Common-Wealth of Spain some years after to wit about the year of Christ 1368. having to their King one Don Pedro sur-named the Cruel for his injurious proceeding with his Subjects though otherwise he were lawfully seased of the Crown as Son and Heir to King Don Alonso the twelfth and had Reigned among them eighteen years yet for his evil Government they resolved to depose him and so sent for a Bastard Brother of his named Henry that lived in France requesting him that he would come with some force of French-men to assist them in that Act and take the Crown upon himself which he did and by the help of the Spaniards and French Souldiers he drove the said Peter out of Spain and himself was Crowned And albeit Edward sur-named the black Prince of England by order of his Father King Edward the third restored once again the said Peter yet was it not durable for that Henry having the favour of the Spaniards returned again and deprived Peter the second time and slew him in Fight hand to hand which made shew of more particular favour of God in this behalf to Henry and so he remained King of Spain as doth also his progenie enjoy the same unto this day though by nature he was a Bastard as had been said and notwithstanding that King Peter left two Daughters which were led away into England and there Married to great Princes And this King Henry so put up in his place was called King Henry the second of this name and proved a most excellent King and for his great Nobility in conversation and prowess in Chivalry was called by excellency El cavallero the Knightly King and for his exceeding benignity and liberality was sur-named also El delas mercedes which is to say the King that gave many gifts or the liberal franck and bountiful King which was a great change from the other sur-named Cruel that King Peter had before and so you see that always I give you a good King in place of the bad deposed In Portugal also before I go out of Spain I will alledge you one example more which is of Don Sancho the second sur-named Capello fourth King of Portugal lawful Son and Heir unto Don Alonso sur-named el Gardo who was third King of Portugal This Don Sancho after he had Reigned 34. years was deprived for his defects in Government by the universal consent of all Portugal and this his first deprivation from all Kingly rule and Authority leaving him only the bare name of King was approved by a General Councel in Lions Pope Innocent the fourth being there present who at the Petition and Instance of the whole Realm of Portugal by their Embassadors the Arch-Bishop of Braga Bishop of Comibra and divers of the Nobility sent to Lyons for that purpose did Authorise the said State of Portugal to put in Supream Government one Don Alonso Brother to the said King Don Sancho who was at that time Earl of Bullen in Picardy by right of his Wife and so the Portugals did And further also a little after they deprived their said King and did drive him out of his Realm into Castilla where he liv'd all the rest of his Life in Banishment and Dyed in Toledo without ever returning and this decree of the Councel and Pope at Lyons for Authorising of this fact is yet extent in our Cannon Law in the sixt Book of Decretals now in Print And this King Don Alonso the third which in this sort was put up against his Brother was peaceably and prosperously King of Portugal all the days of his life and he was a notable King and among other great Exploits he was the first that set Portugal free from all Subjection Dependance and Homage to the Kingdom of Castile which unto his time it had acknowledged and he left for his Successor his Son and Heir Don Dionysio el Fabricador to wit the great Builder for that he Builded and Founded above forty and four great Towns in Portugal and was a most rare Prince and his off-spring ruleth in Portugal unto this day Infinite other Examples could I alledge if I would examine the Lives and Descents of these and other Kingdoms with their Princes and namely if I would speak of the Greek Emperors deprived for their evil Government not so much by popular Mutiny which often happened among them as by consent and grave deliberation of the whole State and weal-publick as Michael Calaphatos for that he had trodden the Cross of Christ under his Feet and was otherwise also a Wicked Man As also the Emperour Nicephorus Botoniates for his Dissolute Life and preferring Wicked Men to Authority and the like whereof I might name many but it would be too long What should I name here the deposition made of Princes in our days by other Common-Wealths as in Polonia of Henry the third that was last King of France and before that had been Sworn King of Polonia of which Crown of Polonia he was deprived by publick Act of Parliament for his departing thence without License and not returning at his day by the said State appointed and denounced by publick Letters of Peremptory Commandment which are yet extant What should I name the Deprivations of Hen. late King of Suetia who being lawful Successor and lawfully in possession after his Father Gustanus was yet put down by that Common-Wealth and deprived and his Brother made King in his place who if you remember was in Ireland in the beginning of this Queens Reign and whose Son Reigneth at this day and is King also of Polonia and this Fact was not only allowed of at home by all the States of that Countrey but also abroad as namely of Maximilian the Emperor and approved also by the King of Denmark and all the Princes of Germany near about that Realm who saw the reasonable cause which that Common-Wealth had to proceed as it did And a little before that the like was practised also in Denmark against Cisternus their lawful King if we respect his descent in Bloud for he was Son to King John that Reigned afore him and Crowned in his Fathers life but yet afterwards for his Intolerable cruelty he was deprived and driven into Banishment together with his Wife and three Children all which were Disinherited and his Unkle Frederick Prince of Alsatia was chosen King whose Progeny yet remaineth in the Crown and the other though he were married to the Sister of Charles the fifth and last Emperour of that Name and were
him and the Duke of York and solemnly sworn on both sides the 8 th of October in the year 1459 In punishment whereof and of his other negligent and evil Government though for his own particular Life he was a good man as hath been said Sentence was given against him partly by Force and partly by Law and King Edward the fourth was put in his place who was no evil King as all English-men well know but one of the renownedst for martial Acts and Justice that hath worn the English Crown But after this man again there fell another accident much more notorious which was That Richard Duke of Glocester this King Edward's younger Brother did put to death his two Nephews this man's Children viz. King Edward the 5 th and his little Brother and made himself King And albeit he sinned grieveously by taking the Crown in this wicked manner yet when his Nephews were once dead he might in reason seem to be lawful King both in respect that he was next Male in Bloud after his Brother as also for that by divers Acts of Parliament both before and after the death of those Infants his Title was authorized and made good and yet no man will say I think but that he was lawfully deposed again afterwards by the Commonwealth which called out of France Henry Earl of Richmond to chastize him and to put him down and so he did and took from him both Life and Kingdom in the Field and was King himself after him by the Name of King Henry the seventh And no man I suppose will say but that he was lawful King also which yet cannot be except the other might be lawfully deposed And moreover as I said at the beginning I would have you consider in all these mutations what men commonly have succeeded in the places of such as have been deposed as namely in England in the place of those five Kings before-named that were deprived viz. John Edward the second Richard the second Henry the sixth and Richard the third there have succeeded the three Henries to wit the third fourth and seventh and two Edwards the third and fourth all most rare and valiant Princes who have done infinite important Acts in their Commonwealths and among other have raised many Houses to the Nobility put down others changed States both abroad and at home distributed Ecclesiastical Dignities altered the course of Descent in the Bloud-Royal and the like all which was unjust and is void at this day if the changes and deprivations of the former Princes could not be made and consequently none of these that do pretend to the Crown of England at this day can have any Title at all because they descend from those men who were put up in place of the Deprived And this may be sufficient for proof of the two principal points which you required to be discussed in the beginning of this Speech viz. That lawful Princes have oftentimes by their Commonwealths been lawfully deposed for misgovernment and that God hath allowed of and assisted the same with good success unto the Weal-publick And if this be so or might be so in Kings lawfully set in possession then much more hath the said Commonwealth Power and Authority to alter the Succession of such as do but yet pretend to that Dignity if there be due reason and causes for the same which is the head point that first we began to treat of said the Civilian and with this ended he his Spech without saying any more CHAP. IV. Wherein consisteth principally the lawfulness of Proceeding against Princes which in the former Chapter is mentioned What Interest Princes have in their Subjects Goods or Lives How Oaths doth bind or may be broken by Subjects towards Princes And finally the difference between a good King and a Tyrant WHen the Civilian had ended his Speech the Temporal Lawyer looked upon the standers by to see whether any would reply or no and perceiving all to hold their peace he began to say in this manner Truly Sir I cannot deny but the examples are many that you have alledged and they seem to prove sufficiently that which you affirmed at the beginning to wit that the Princes by you named were deprived and put down by their Common-Wealths for their evil Government And good Successors commonly raised up in their places and that the Common-Wealth had Authority also to do it I do not greatly doubt at least wise they did it de facto and now to call those facts in question were to imbroyl and turn up-side-down all the states of Christendom as you have well signified but yet for that you have added this word Lawfuly so many times in the course of your narration I would you took the pains to tell us also by what Law they did the the same seeing that Belloy whom you have named before and some other of his opinion do afirm that albeit by nature the Commonwealth have authority over the Prince to choose and appoint him at the beginning as you have well proved out of Aristotle and other ways Yet having once made him and given up all their Authority unto him he is now no more Subject to their Correction or Restraint but remaineth Absolute of himself without respect to any but only to God alone which they prove by the example of every particular Man that hath Authority to make his Master or Prince of his Inferior but not afterwards to put him down again or to Deprive him of the Authority which he gave him though he should not bear himself well and gratefully but Discourteous rather and Injuriously towards him that gave him first this Authority To which also they do alledge the Speech of the Prophet Samuel in the first Book of the Kings where the People of Israel demanded to have a King to Govern over them as other Nations round about them had and to leave the Government of the High Priests under whom at that day they were At which demand both God himself and Samuel were grievously offended and Samuel by Gods express order protested unto them in this manner Well quoth he you will have a King hearken then to this that I will say Hoc erit jus regis qui imperaturus est vobis This shall be the Right and Power of the King that shall rule over you to wit He shall take from you your Children both Sons and Daughters your Fields and Vineyards your Harvest also and Rents your Servants Hand-maids and Herds of Cattel and shall give them to his Servants and you shall Cry unto God in that day from the face of this your King whom you have chosen and God shall not hear you for that you have demanded a King to Govern you Thus far the Prophet Out of all which discourse and Speech of the Prophet these Men do gather that a King is nothing so restrained in his Power or Limited to Law as you have affirmed but
rather that his Law is his own will as by the Words of the Prophet may appear and much less may the Commonwealth Chastise or Deprive him for exceeding the Limits of Law or doing his will seeing that herein this place God doth foretel that Princes oftentimes shall commit excesses and injuries and yet doth he not therefore will them to Chasten or Depose them for the same but rather insinuateth that they must take it patiently for their Sins and cry to God for remedy and help therein though he do not at the first hearken to them or grant their redress Hitherto the Temporal Lawyer Whereunto answered the Civilian that he confessed that Belloy and others his Companions that Wrote in flattery of Princes in these our days did not only affirm these things that the Temporal Lawyer had aledged and that Princes were Lawless and Subject to no accompt reason or correction whatsoever they did but also which is yet more absurd and pernicious to all Commonwealths that all Goods Chattels Possessions and whatsoever else commodities Temporal of the Commonwealth are properly the Kings and that their Subjects have only the use thereof without any propriety at all so as when the King he may take it from them by right without injustice or injury which assertions do overthrow wholly the very nature and substance of a Commonwealth it self For first to say that a King is Subject to no Law or Limitation at all but may do what he will is against all that I have alledged before of the very Institution of a Commonwealth which was to live together in Justice and Order and as I shewed out of Cicero speaking of the first Kings Justicia fruendae causa bene morati Reges olim sunt constituti For enjoying of Justice were Kings appointed in old time that were of good life but if they be bound to no Justice at all but must be born with and obeyed be they never so Wicked then is this end and butt of the Commonvvealth and of all Royal Authority utterly frustrate Then may we set up publick Murderers Ravishers Thieves and Spoylers to devour us in stead of a King and Governours to defend us for such indeed are Kings that follow no Law but Passion and Sensuality and do commit injustice by their publick Authority And then finally were all those Kings before mentioned both of the Jews Gentiles and Christians unlawfully deprived and their Successors unlawfully put up in their places and consequently all Princes living in Christianity at this day who are descended of them are intruders and no Lawful Princes By the second saying also that all Temporalities are properly the Princes and that Subjects have only the use thereof without any interest of their own no less Absurdities do follow then of the former assertion For that first it is against the very first principle and foundation of our Civil Law which at the first entrance and beginning maketh this division of goods That some are common by nature to all Men as the Air the Sea and the like others are publick to all of one City or Countrey but yet not common to all in general as Rivers Ports and other such Some are of the Community of a City or Commonwealth but yet not common to every particular Person of that City as common Rents Theaters the publick Houses and the like Some are of none nor properly of any mans goods as Churches and sacred Things And some are proper to particular Men as those which every Man possesseth of his own Which division of Justinian the Emperour and his most learned Lawyers is not good if the Prince be Lord Proprietor of all Nay he that made this Division being Emperour did great injury also to himself in assigning that to others which by the opinion of Belloy and his Fellows was properly and truly his own in that he was Emperour and Lord of the World Besides all this so absurd a saying is this as it overthroweth the whole nature of a Common-wealth it self and maketh all Subjects to be but very slaves For that Slaves and Bond men as Aristotle saith in this do differ from Free-men that Slaves have only the use of things without Property or Interest and cannot acquire or get to themselves any Dominion or true Right in any thing for that whatsoever they do get accrueth to their Master and not to themselves And for that the condition of an Ox or an Ass is the very same in respect of a poor man that hath no Slave for that the Ox or Ass getteth nothing to himself but only to his Master and can be Lord of nothing of that for which he laboureth For this cause also wittily said Aristotle That Bos aut Asinus pauperi Agricolae pro servo est an Ox or an Ass is to a poor Husbandman instead of a Bond-man And so seeing that Belloy will needs have the state and condition of all Subjects to be like unto this in respect of their Prince and that they have nothing in propriety but only the use and that all Dominion is properly the Prince's What doth the other then make all Subjects not only Slaves but also Oxen and Asses and pecora campi Last of all for I will not over-load you with reasons in a matter so evident if all Subjects Goods be properly the Kings why then was Ahab and Jezebel King and Queen of Israel so reprehended by Elisha and so punished by God for taking away Naboth's Vineyard seeing they took but that which was their own Nay why was not Naboth acoused of Iniquity Rebellion and Treason for that he did not yield up presently his Vineyard when his Sovereigns demanded the same seeing it was not his but theirs Why do the Kings of England France and Spain ask money of their Subjects in Parliaments if they might take it as their own Why are those Contributions termed by the Names of Subsidies Helps Benevolences Lones Prests Contributions and the like if all be due and not voluntary on the Subject's part How have Parliaments oftentimes denied to their Princes such helps as they demanded Why are there Judges appointed to determine matter of Suits and Pleas between the Prince and his Subjects if all be his and the Subject have nothing of his own And last of all why doth the Canon-law which is part also of my profession and received in most Countries of the World so straitly inhibit all Princes upon pain of Excommunication to impose new Impositions and Taxes upon their people without great consideration and necessity and free consent of the Givers if all be the Princes and nothing of the Subjects Nay why be all Princes generally at this day prohibited to alienate any thing of their own Crown without consent of their people if they only be Lords of all and the people have interest in nothing And hereby also we may gather what the Prophet Samuel
Lord 1582. when Don Philip now King of Spain re-united again unto that Crown the Kingdom of Portugal which was the last piece that remained seperated and this was almost 900 years after Spain was first lost But now to our purpose the Chronicler of Spain named Ambrosio Morales doth record in his Chronicle a certain Law written in the Gothish Tongue and left since the time of this Don Pelayo the first King after the universal Destruction of Spain and the Title of the Law is this Como se an de levantar Rey in Espua y como el ha de jurar los fueros that is to say How men must make their King in Spain and how he must swear to the Priviledges and Liberties of that Nation And then he putteth the Law whereof the first saith thus Before all things it is Established for a Law Liberty and Priviledge of Spain that the King is to be placed by voices and consent perpetually and this to the intent that no evil King may enter without consent of the people seeing they are to give him that which with their Bloud and Labours they have gained from the Moors Thus far goeth this first Article which is the more to be marked for that divers and those most ancient Spanish Authors do say That from this Don Pelayo the Succession of Kings descended ever by propinquity of Bloud and yet we see that Election was joyned therewithall in express terms The second part of the Law containeth the manner of Ceremonies used in these old days at the admission of their Kings which is expressed in these words Let the King be chosen and admitted in the Metropolitan City of this Kingdom or at least wise in some Cathedral Church and the night before he is exalted let him watch all night in the Church and the next day let him hear Mass and let him offer at Mass a piece of Scarlet and some of his own Money and after let him Communicate and when they come to lift him up let him step upon a Buckler or Target and the chief and principal men there present hold the Target and so lifting him up let them and the people cry with a lowd voice Real Real Real Then let the King command some of his own Money to be cast among the people to the quantity of a hundred shillings And to the end he may give all people to understand that none now is above him let himself tie on his own Sword in the form of a cross and let no Knight or other Man bear a Sword that day but only the King This was the old fashion of making Kings in Spain which in effect and substance remaineth still though the manner thereof be somewhat altered for that the Spanish Kings are not Crowned but have another Ceremony for their admission equal to Coronatron which is performed by the Archbishop of Toledo Primate of all Spain as the other Coronations before-mentioned are by the Archbishop of Moguntia to the Emperour and by the Archbishop of Guesna to the King of Polonia and by the Archbishop of Prague to the King of Bohemia and the Archbishop of Braga to the King of Portugal and by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the King of England and by the Archbishop of Rhemes to the King of France of which Realm of France we may not omit to say somewhat in particular seeing it is so good a Kingdom and so near to England not only in Scituation but also in Laws Manners and Customs And as the Race of English Kings have come from them in divers manners since the Conquest so may it be also supposed that the principal Ceremonies and Circumstances of this Action of Coronation have been received in like manner from them First then touching the act of Coronation and Admission of the King of France even as before I have said of Spain so also in this Kingdom do I find two manners of that action the one more ancient which the French do say hath endured in substance from their first Christian King named Clodoveus unto this day which is about 1100 years for that Clodoveus was christened in the year of our Lord 490 in the City of Rhemes by St Remigius Bishop of that City and Anointed also and Crowned King by same Bishop which manner and order of Anointing and Coronation endured for about 600 years unto the time of Henry the first and King Philip the first his Son both Kings of France At what time which is about 500 years ago both the Chroniclers and Cosmographers of France do testifie that there was a peculiar Book in the Library of the Church of Bevais containing the particular Order of this Action which had endured from Clodoveus unto that time Which order for so much as toucheth the solemnity of Officers in the Coronation and other like Circumstances was far different at that time from that which is now for that in those days there were no Peers of France appointed to assist the same Coronation which now are the chief and the greatest part of that solemnity Yea Girard du Hailan Secretary of France in his third Book of the Affairs and State of that Kingdom saith That the Ceremonies of Crowning their old Kings was much after the fashion which I have noted a little before in this very Chapter out of the Law of Don Pelayo first King of Spain after the Moors for that they were lifted up and carried about upon a Target by the chief Subjects there present as the Spaniards were 〈…〉 But as touching the principal point of that action which is the substance of admitting the King unto his Royal Authority and Oath by him made of governing well and justly and of the reciprocal Oath of Obedience made to him again by his Subjects it was not much different from that which now is as shall appear by the Coronation of the aforesaid Philip the first who was Crowned in the life and presence of his Father King Henry after the fashion then used in the year of Christ 1059. and it was as Nâ—ngis and Tollet both Authors of great Authority among the French do recount it and Francis Belforest out of them both repeateth the same at large in manner following King Henry the first of this Name seeing himself very old and feeble made an assembly of all the States of France in the City of Paris in the year of Christ 1059. where bringing in his young Son and Heir Philip that was but nine years of age before them all he said as followeth Hitherto my dear Friends and Subjects I have been the Head of your Nobility and Men at Arms but now by mine Age and Indisposition of Body I must be separated from you and therefore I do desire you that if ever you have loved me you shew it now in giving your Consent and Approbation that this my Son may be admitted for your King and apparelled with the
and the Earl of Flanders the Sword Royal so that there are three Dukes three Earls in every one of both Ranks of Spiritual and Temporal Lords and as Gerard noteth the King is apparelled on this day three times and in three several sorts The first as a Priest the second as a King and Warriour the third as a Judge And finally he saith that this Solemnity of Anointing and Crowning the King of France is the most magnificent Gorgeous and Majestical thing that may be seen in the world for which he referreth us not only to the particular Coronations of these two ancient Kings Philip the first and second but also to the late Coronation of Henry the second Father to the last Kings of France which is also in print and indeed is a very goodly and most notable thing to be read though indeed much more to be seen But to say a word or two more of Philip Augustus before I pass any further which happened in the Year 1179. and in the 25. of the reign of our King Henry the second of England who as the French Histories say was present also at this Coronation and had his Rank among the Peers as Duke of Normandy and held the Kings Crown in his hand and one of his Sons had his Rank also as Duke of Gascony and the form used in this Coronation was the very same which is used at this day in the Admission of the Kings of France in recounting whereof I will let pass all the particular ceremonies which are largely to be read in Francis Belforest in the place before-mentioned and I will repeat only the Kings Oath which the said Author recounteth in these words The Archbishop of Rhemes being vested in his Pontifical attire and come to the Altar to begin Mass where the King also was upon a high seat placed he turned to him and said these words in the name of all the Clergy and Churches of France Sirs that which we require at your hands this day is that you promise unto us that you will keep all Canonical Priviledges Law and Justice due to be kept and defended as a good King is bound to do in his Realm and to every Bishop and Church to him committed whereunto the King answered I do promise and avow to every one of you and to every Church to you committed That I will keep and maintain all Canonical Priviledges Law and Justice due to every man to the utmost of my Power And by Gods help shall defend you as a good King is bound to do in his Realm This being done the King did Swear and make his Oath laying his hands upon the Gospel in these Words following Au nom de Jesus Christ je jure promets au Peuple Christien a moy suject ces choses c. Which is in English In the name of Jesus Christ I do Swear and promise to all Christian People subject unto me these points ensuing First to procure that all my Subjects be kept in the union of the Church and I will defend them from all Excess Rapine Extortion and Iniquity Secondly I will take order that in all Judgments Justice shall be kept with Equity and Mercy to the end that God of his Mercy may conserve unto me with you my People his Holy grace and mercy Thirdly endeavour as much as possible shall lie in me to chase and drive out of my Realm and all my Dominions all such as the Church hath or shall declare for Hereticks as God shall help me and his Holy Gospels Thus Sweareth the King and then kisseth the Gospel and immediatly is Sung Te Deum Laudamus and after that are said many particular Prayers by the Archbishop and then is the King vested and the Ring Scepter Crown and the other Kingly Ornaments and Ensigns are brought and put upon him with Declaration first what they signifie and then particular Prayers are made to God that their signification may be by the King fulfilled And after all ended the Archbishop with the Bishops do bless him and say these words unto him God which reigneth in Heaven and governeth all Kingdoms bless you c. Be you stable and constant and hold your Place and Right from hence forth which here is committed and laid upon you by the authority of Almighty God and by this present tradition and delivery which we the Bishops and other Servants of God do make unto you of the same and remember you in place convenient to bear so much more respect and reverence unto the Clergy by how much nearer than other men you have seen them to approach to God's Altar to the end that Jesus Christ Mediator of God and Man may confirm and maintain you by the Clergy and People in this your Royal Seat and Throne who being Lord of Lords and King of Kings make you Reign with him and his Father in the Life and Glory everlasting Thus saith the Archbishop unto him and after this he is led by him and the other Peers unto the Seat Royal where the Crown is put upon his Head and many other large Ceremonies used which may be read in the Author aforesaid and are too long for this place And yet have I been the larger in this matter of France for that I do not think it to be improbable which this Author and others do not to wit that most Nations round about have taken their particular Forms of Anointing and Crowning their Kings from this ancient custom of France though the substance thereof I mean of their Sacring and Anointing be deduced from Examples of far more Antiquity to wit from the very first Kings among the people of Israel whom God caused to be anointed by his Priests and Prophets in token of his Election and as a singular Priviledge of Honour and Preheminence unto them whereof King David made so great account when he said to the Souldier that had killed Saul his Enemy in the War quare non timuisti mittere manum tuam in Christum Domini Why didst thou not fear to lay thy hands upon the Anointed of God and he put him to death for it notwithstanding that Saul had been long before deposed and rejected by God and that himself had lawfully born Arms against him for many days so much was that Ceremony of Anointing esteemed in those days and so hath it been ever since among Christian People also For that Kings hereby are made Sacred and do not only participate with Priests but also with Christ himself who hath his Name of this circumstance of Anointing as all the world knoweth Probable then I say it is that albeit the substance of this ceremony of Anointing Kings be much elder than the Christian Kingdom of France yet is this particular and Majestical manner of doing the same by way of Coronation the most antient in France above all other Kingdoms round about especially if it began with the
as the Sword the Ring the Scepter and Crown as before in the French Coronation you have heard and namely he giveth him the Scepter of S. Edward the Confessor and then he addeth also the same words of Commission and Exhortation as the other doth to wit Stand and hold thy Place and keep thy Oath and thereunto adjoineth a great commination or threat if he should take upon him that Dignity without firm purpose to observe the things which this day he hath sworn and that is the summe of the English Coronation which you may read also by piece-meal in John Stow according as other things in that his brief Collection are set down but especially you shall see it in the admissions as well of the said King Henry the fourth now last mentioned as also of King Edward the fourth at their first entrances to the Crown for in the admission of King Henry Stow sheweth how the People were demanded thrice whether they were content to admit him for their King and that the Arch-bishop of Canterbury who was the same Thomas Arundel of whom we spake before did read unto them what this new King was bound by Oath unto and then he took the Ring wherewith he was to wed him to the Common-wealth which Wedding importeth as you know an Oath and mutual Obligation on both sides in every Marriage and the Earl of Northumberland and high Constable of England for that day was willed to shew the said Ring to the People that they might thereby see the band whereby the King was bound unto them And then it was put upon his finger and the King kissed the Constable in sign of acceptance fell on his knees also to prayer that he might observe his Promise and other like ceremonies saith Stow were used and this was done the 13. of October 1359. and therefore upon good reason might this same Arch-bishoop put him afterward in mind of this his Oath as before I have shewed that he did At the admission also of King Edward the fourth Stow sheweth in his Chronicle that first the peoples consent was demanded very solemnly in S. John's Field by London the 29. of February in the year 1460. notwithstanding that King Edward had proved his Title by Succession before in the Parliament holden at Westminster and now this consent of the People being had or he being thus elected as Stowes words are he went the next day in Procession at Pauls and offered there and after Te Deum being sung he was with great Royalty conveyed to Westminster and there in the Hall set in the King's Seat with S. Edward's Scepter in his hand and then the People were asked again if they would have him King and they cried Yea Yea thus far John Stow. And if any would take exception against these of King Henry and King Edward the fourth because they entred and began their Reigns upon the deprivation of other Kings then living There are yet many living in England that have seen the several Coronations of King Edward VI. Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth that now reigneth and can witness that at all and every of their Coronations the consent of the People and their acceptation of those Princes is not only demanded by the publick cry of a Herald at Arms which standeth on both the sides of the high Scaffold or Stage whereon the Prince is crowned and the Peoples answer expected till they cry Yea Yea But also that the said Princes gave there their corporal Oath upon the Evangelists unto the Bishop that crowned them to uphold and maintain the Faith afore-named with the Liberties and Priviledges of the Church as also to govern by Justice and Law as hath been said which Oaths no doubt have been sworn and taken most solemnly by all the Kings and Queens of England from the days of King Edward the Confessor at the least and he that will see more points of these Oaths set down in particular let him read Magna charta and he will be satisfied By all which and by infinite more that might be said and alledged in this matter and to this purpose it is most evident said the Civilian Lawyer that this agreement bargain and contract between the King and his Commonwealth at his first admssiion is as certain and firm notwithstanding any Pretence or Interest he hath or may have by Succession as any contract or Marriage in the World can be when it is solemnized by words de praesenti as our Law speaketh between parties espoused before by words de future which is an act that expresseth this other most lively as afterwards more at large I shall shew unto you and consequently I must needs affirm to be most absurd base and impious that flattery before-mentioned of Belloy and his companions in their Books before cited where he holdeth that only Succession of Bloud is the thing without further approbation which maketh a King and that the Peoples consent to him that is next by Birth is nothing at all needful be he what he will and that his admission Inunction or Coronation is only a matter of external ceremony without any effect at all for increase or confirmation of his right These I say are unlearned fond and wicked assertions in flattery of Princes to the manifest ruine of Common-wealths and perverting of all Law Order and Reason which assertions albeit they have been sufficiently as I suppose refuted before yet mean I to stand a little more upon them in this place for more evident demonstration of so important a a Truth as also to see and examine what may duely be attributed to bare Succession alone to the end that no man may think we mean to improve or imbase that which we esteem in so high degree and think that the best and surest way of maintaining Kingly Government in the World is to have it go by Succession as it doth at this day in England and in most other States of Europe besides though yet with the limitations and conditions due thereunto whereof I shall now begin to treat more in particular but after some little pause if you please for that this other Narration hath well wearied me CHAP. VI. What is due to only Succession by Birth and what Interest or Right an Heir apparent hath to the Crown before he be Crowned or Admitted by the Commonwealth and how justly he may be put back if he have not the other parts requisite also VEry reasonable it seemed to all the whole Assembly that some intermission or pause should be admitted as the Civilian had required and this as well for the commodity of the hearers who desired to confer together more in particular of the points already discussed as also of the Speaker who with reason affirmed that he was somewhat weary seeing he had continued his speech so long together And so with one consent they rose all and went into an Orchard adjoining to the house and
any Crown before he be Crowned or admitted by the Commonwealth To the First I say that to Succession alone or priority of Bloud only great honour reverence and respect ought to be born as before hath been declared for that it is the principal circumstance condition which leadeth us to the next Succession of the Crown infallibly without all strife If his propinquity be clear and evident and that other necessary circumstances and conditions do concurr also in the same person which conditions were appointed and set down at the same time and by the same authority that this Law of Succession was established for that both the one and the other of these two Points were ordained by the Commonwealth to wit that the Elder and First in Bloud should succeed and that he should be such a person as can and will Govern to the Publick Weal of all as often and largely before hath been avouched and proved To the second Question I answer That an Heir apparent to a Crown before his Coronation and Admission by the Realm if he have the Conditions before-required hath the same Interest to the Kingdom which the King of Romans or Caesar hath to the German Empire after his Election and before he be Crowned And to use a more familiar Example to Englishmen as the Mayor of London hath to the Mayoralty after he is chosen and before he be admitted or have taken his Oath For as this man in rigour is not truly Mayor nor hath his Jurisdiction before his Oath and Admission nor the other is properly Emperour before he be Crowned so is not an Heir apparent truly King though his Predecessor be dead and he next in Succession untill he be Crowned or Admitted by the Commonwealth Another Example is there in Marriage also whereby our matter is made more plain for in this Contract go both the Betrothing and actual Joining together of the Parties in Wedlock the First is done by words de futuro or for the time to come and is not properly Marriage but Espousal only The other is by words de praesenti that is by mutual present consent given of both Parties and this second is only and properly true Marriage which two points are expresly represented in the state of an Heir apparent and of a Crowned King for that the Heir apparent by propinquity of Bloud is only espoused or betrothed to the Commonwealth for the time to come and is married afterwards by present mutual consent of both Parties in the Contract and knitting up of the matter at his Coronation by the Oaths which either part maketh the one to take the other and by putting on the Ring and other Wedding garments before-mentioned in their Coronations by all which the Heir apparent which was but Espouse is made now the true King and Husband of the Commonwealth which before he was not by only Succession but only a betrothed Spouse or designed King as hath been declared Wherefore it followeth also that the Common-wealth oweth no allegiance or subjection unto the Heir apparent in rigour of Justice until he be Crowned or Admitted though his Predecessor be dead for that in very deed until that time he is not the true King and Soveraign though for better keeping of Order and avoiding of Tumults all Commonwealths lightly that have their Princes by Succession have ordained in these latter Ages that from the death of the former Princes all matters of Government shall pass in the Name of his next Successor if his Succession be clear and this as I say for avoiding of Garboils and under supposal of Confirmation and Approbation afterwards of the Commonwealth at his Coronation for which cause also and for better account of years it was ordained that the beginning of the Successors Reign should be reckoned from the day of the death of his predecessor and not from the day of his Coronation as otherwise in rigour it ought to be and as in old time it was accustomed to be as Gerard Secretary and Chronicler of France to wit that Kings in old time were wont to account the years of their Reigns from the day only of their Anointing and Coronation This point also that Heirs apparent are not true Kings until their Coronation how just soever their Title of Succession otherwise be and though their Predecessors be dead it might be confirmed by many other Arguments but especially and above all others for that the Realm is asked again three times at their Coronation Whether they will have such a man to be King or not as before hath been shewed which thing were in vain to ask if he were truly King as Belloy saith before his Coronation Again we see in all the Forms and different manners of Coronations before-recited that after the Prince hath sworn divers times to Govern well and justly then do the Subjects take other Oaths of Obedience and Allegiance and not before which argueth that before they were not bound unto him by Allegiance and as for the Princes of England it is expressly noted by English Historiographers in their Coronations how that no Allegiance is due unto them before they be Crowned and that only it happened to Henry the Fifth among all other his Predecessors to have this Priviledge and this for his exceeding towardliness and for the great affection of the People towards him that he had homage done unto him before his Coronation and Oath taken Whereof Polidor writeth in these words Princeps Henricus facto Patris funere concilium Principum apud Westmonasterium convocandum curat in quo dum de Rege creando more majorum agitabatur esse tibi continuo aliquot Principes ultro in ejus verba mirare coeperunt quod benevolentiae â—fficium nulli antea priusquam Râ—x renunciatus esset praestitum constat adeo Henricus ab ineunte aetate spem omnibus optimae indolis â—ecit Which in English is this Prince Henry after he had finished his Father's Funerals caused a Parliament to be gathered at Westminster where whilst Consultation was had according to the antient Custom of England about creating a new King behold upon the sudden certain of the Nobility of their own Free wills began to swear Obedience and Loyalty unto him which demonstration of Love and Good-will is well known that it was never shewed to any Prince before until he was declared King so great was the hope that men had of the Towardliness of this Prince Henry even from his tender age thus far Polidor in his Story of England And the very same thing expresseth John Stow also in his Chronicle in these words To this Noble Prince by assent of the Realm after three days offered to do Fealty before he was Crowned or had solemnized his Oath well and justly to Govern the Common-wealth which offer before was never found to be made to any Prince of England Thus much Stow In whose Narration as
the old King David did bear unto her son Solomon above all the rest of his Brethren Hereupon I say these two that is to say Queen Barsabee and Nathan the Prophet coming together to the old man as he lay on his bed and putting him in mind of his promise and oath made to Barsabe for the preferment of her son and shewing besides how that Adonias without his order and consent had gathered an Assembly to make himself King even that very day which did put the old King in very great fear and danger and further also telling him which pleased him well quod oculi totius Israel in eum respicerent ut indicaret eis quis sederet in solio suo post ipsum that is that the eyes of all Israel were upon him to see whom he would commend unto them to sit in his seat after him which was as much as to say as that the whole Commonwealth referred it to his choice which of his sons should reign after him Upon these Reasons and Perswasions I say the good old King was content that they should take Solomon out of hand and put him upon the Kings own Mule and carry him about the streets of Jerusalem accompanyed with his Guard and Court and crying with sound of Trumpets Vivat Rex Solomon and that Zadok the Priest should anoint and after that he should be brought back and placed in the Royal Throne in the Palace and so indeed he was at what time King David himself being not able through impotency to rise out of his bed did him Honour and Reverence from the place where he lay for so saith the Scripture Adâ—ravit Rex in lectulo suo King David adored his son Solomon thus Crowned even from his Bed all which no doubt though it may seem to have been wrought by humane means and policy yet must we confess that it was principally by the especial Instinct of God himself as by the sequel and success we see so that hereby also we are taught that these the like determinations of the people Magistrates and Commonwealths about admitting or refusing of Princes to Reign or not to Reign over them when their designments are to good ends and for just respects and causes are allowed also by God and often times are his own special drifts and dispositions though they seem to come from man Whereof no one thing can give a more evident proof than that which ensued afterwards to Prince Rehoboam the lawful Son and Heir of this King Solomon who after his Fathers death coming to Sichem where all the People of Israel were gather'd together for his Coronation and Admission according to his Right by Succession For until that time we see he was not accounted true King though his Father was dead and this is to be noted the People began to propose unto him certain conditions for taking away of some hard and heavy Impositions laid upon them by Solomon his Father an evident President of the Oath and conditions that Princes do swear unto in these 〈◊〉 at their Coronation whereunto when Rehoboam refused to yield ten Tribes of the Twelve 〈◊〉 to admit him for their King but chose rather one Jeroboam Rehoboam's servant that was a meer stranger and but of poor percentage and made him their lawful King and God allowed thereof as the Scripture in express words doth testify and when Rehoboam that took himself to be openly injured hereby would by Arms have pursued his Title and had gathered together an Army of an hundred and fourscore thousand chosen Souldiers as the Scripture saith to punish these Rebells as he called them and to reduce these ten Tribes to their due Obedience of their natural Princes God appeared unto one Semeia an Holy man and bade him go to the Camp of Rehoboam and tell them plainly that he would not have them to fight against their Brethren that had chosen another King but that every man should go home to his House and live quietly under the King which each Party had and so they did and this was the end of that tumult which God for the sins of Solomon had permitted and allowed of And thus much by the way I thought good to touch out of Holy Scripture concerning the Jewish Commonâ—wealth even at the beginning for that it may give light to all the rest which after I am to treat of for if God permitted and allowed this in his own Common-wealth that was to be the example and pattern of all other that should ensue no doubt but that he approveth also the same in other Realms when just occasions are offered either for his service the good of the People and Realm or else for punishment of the sins and wickedness of some Princes that the ordinary line of Succession be altered Now then to pass on further and to begin with the Kingdoms of Spain supposing ever this ground of God's Oodinance as hath been declared First I say that Spain hath had three or four Races or Descents of Kings as France also and England have had and the first Race was from the Goths which began their Reign in Spain after the expulsion of the Romans about the Year of Christ 416. to whom the Spaniard referreth all his Nobility as the Frenchman doth to the German Franks and the English to the Saxons which entred France and England in the very same age that the other did Spain and the Race of the Gothish Kings endured by the space of 300 Years until Spain lost unto the Moores The second Race is from Don Pelayo that was chosen first King of Austria and of the Mountain-Countrey of Spain after the destruction thereof by the Moores about the Year of Christ 717 as before hath been touched which Race continued and encreased and added Kingdom unto Kingdom for the space of other three hundred Years to wit until the Year of Christ 1034. when Don Sancho Major King of Navarre got unto his Power the Earldom also of Aragon and Castilia and made them Kingdoms and divided them among his Children and to his second son named Don Ferdinando sirnamed afterward the Great he gave not only the said Earldom of Castilia with Title of Kingdom but by marrying also of the Sister of Don Dermudo King of Leon and Asturias he joined all those Kingdoms together and so began from that day forward the third Race of the Kings of Navar to reign in Castel and so endured for five hundred Years until the Year of Christ 1540. when the House of Austria entred to Reign there by Marriage of the Daughter and Heir of Don Ferdinando sirnamâ—d the Catholick and this was the fourth Race of Spanish Kings after the Roman's which endureth until this day And albeit in all these four Races and Ranks of Royal Descents divers Examples might be alledged for manifest proof of my purpose yet will I not deal with
John his Father and Lowys the Prince of France chosen in his place but that the death of King John did alter that Course intended by the English Nobility so as this matter is neither new nor unaccustomed in all foreign Countreys and now will I pass also a little to our English Stories to see whether the like may be found in them or no. And first of all that the Realm of England hath had as great Variety Changes and Diversity in the Races of their Kings as any one Realm in the World it seemeth evident for that first of all after the Britains it had Romans for their Governours for many years and then of them and their Roman Bloud they had Kings again of their own as appâ—areth by that Valiant King Aurelius Ambrosius who resisted so manfully and prudently the Saxons for a time after this they had Kings of the Saxon and English Bloud and after them of the Danes and then of the Normans and after them again of the French and last of all it seemeth to have returned to the Britains again in King Henry the Seventh for that his Father came of that Race and now you know there be Pretenders of divers Nations I mean both of Scotish Spanish and Italian Bloud so that England is like to participate with all their Neighbours round about them and I for my part do feel my self much of the French opinion before-alledged that so the Ship be well and happily guided I esteem it not much important of what Race or Nation the Pilot be but now to our purpose I mean to pass over the First and Antient Ranks of Kings as well of the British and Roman as also of the Saxon Races until King Egbert the first of this name King of the West Saxons and almost of all the rest of England besides who therefore is said to be properly the first Monarch of the Saxon Bloud and he that first of all commanded that Realm to be called England which ever since hath been observed This man Egbert being a young Gentleman of a Noble House in the West parts of England was had in jealousy by his King Britricus who was the sixteenth King from Cerdicius first King of the West Saxons as he was also the last of his Bloud And for that he suspected that this Egbert for his great Prowess might come in time to be chosen King he banish'd him into France where he lived divers years and was a Captain under the famous King Pepin that was Father to Charles the Great and hearing afterwards that King Britricus was dead he returned into England where Polydor saith omnium consensu Rex creatur that he was created or chosen King by consent and voice of all men though yet he were not next by Propinquity of Bloud Royal as is most evident and yet he proved the most Excellent King that ever the Saxons had before or perhaps after and his Election happened in the Year of Christ eight hundred and two when King Pepin the first of that Race reigned as hath been said in France so as this Monarchy of Egbert and that of Pepin whereof we have alledged so many Examples in the former Chapter began as it were together and both of them I mean both Pepin and Egbert came to their Crowns by Election of the People as here you see This King Egbert or Egbrich as others do write him left a lawful Son behind him named Elthelwolfe or Adelvulfe or Edolph for all is one who succeeded him in the Kingdom and was as Worthy a man as his Father and this Adelvulfe again had four lawful Sons who all in their turns succeeded by just and lawful Order in the Crown to wit Ethelbald Ethelbert Ethelred and Alfred for that none of the former Three had any Children and all the latter Three were most Excellent Princes especially Alfred or Alvred the Last of all Four whose Acts are wonderful and who among other his Renowned Gests drove Rollo that Famous Captain of the Danes from the Borders of England with all his Company into France where he got the Countrâ—y or Province named then Neustria and now Normandy and was the first Duke of that Province and Nation and from whom our William Conquerour came afterwards in the sixth Descent This man erected also the Vniversity of Oxford being very Learned himself builded divers goodly Monasteries and Churches and dying left as famous a Son behind him as himself which was Edward the First sirnamed the Senior or Elder This King Edward dying left two Sons lawfully begotten of his Wife Edigna the one named Prince Edmund and the other Eldred and a Third Illegitimate whose name was Adelstan whom he had by a Concubine But yet for that this man was esteemed to be of more valor than the other he was preferred to the Crown before the Two other Princes Legitimate for so testifieth Polidor in these words Adelstanus ex concubina Edwardi filius Rex à populo consalutatur atque ad Kingstonum oppidum more majorum ab Athelmo Canâ—uariensi Archiepiscopo coronatur which is Adelstan the Son of King Edward by a Concubin was made King by the People and was Crowned according to the old custom by Athelme Archbishop of Canterbury at the Town of Kingston Thus far Polidor and Stow addeth further these words His Coronation was celebrated in the Market-place upon a Stage erected on high that the King might better be seen of the Multitude he was a Prince of worthy memory valiant and wise in all his Acts and brought this Land into one perfect Monarchy for he expelled utterly the Danes and quieted the Welchmen Thus much Stow of the Success of Chusing this King Bastard to Reign To whose Acts might be added that he conquered Scotland and brought Constantine their King to do him homage and restored â—uy d' Outremer his Sisters son to the the Kingdom of France as before hath been signified This man dying without Issue his Lawful Brother Edmond put back before was admitted to the Crown who being of excellent expectation dyed after six years and left two Lawful Sons but yet for that they were young they were both put back by the Realm and their Uncle Eldred was preferred before them so saith Polidor Genuit Edmondus ex Egilda uxere Eduinum Edgarum qui cum aetate pueri essent post Eldredum deinde regnarunt King Edmond begat of his Wife Egilda two Sons named Edwin and Edgar who for that they were but children in years were put back and Reigned afterwards after their Vncle Eldred The like saith Stow and yieldeth the same reason in these words Eldred succeeded Edmond his Brother for that his Sons Edwin and Edgar were thought too young to take so great a Charge upon them This Eldred though he entred as you see against the Right of the Nephews yet lay Polidor and
Darly her Husband which by many was laid against her And the second did handle her Title to the Crown of England and the third did answer the Book of John Knox the Scot entituled Against the Monstrous Government of Women Of all which three Points for that the second that concerneth the Title is that which properly appertaineth to our purpose and for that the same is handled again and more largely in the second Book set out not long after by John Lesley Lord Bishop of Ross in Scotland who at that time was Embassadour for the said Queen of Scots in England and handled the same matter more abundantly which M. Morgan had done before him I shall say no more of this Book of M. Morgan but shall pass over to that of the Bishop which in this Point of Succession containeth also whatsoever the other hath so as by declaring the Contents of the one we shall come to see what is the other The Intent then of this Book of the Bishop of Ross is to refute the other book of Hales and Bacon and that especially in the two Points before mentioned which they alledged for their Principles to wit about Foreign Birth and King Henry's Testament And against the first of these two Points the Bishop alledgeth many Proofs that there is no such Maxim in the common Laws of England to disinherit a Prince born out of the Land from his or her Right of Succession that they have by Blood And this first for that the Statute made for barring of Aliens to inherit in England which was in the 25. Year of the Reign of King Edward III. is only to be understood of particular mens inheritance and no ways to be extended to the Succession of the Crown as by comparison of many other like Cases is declared And secondly for that there is express exception in the same Statute of the Kings Children and Off-spring And thirdly for that the practice hath always been contrary both before and after the Conquest to wit that divers Princes born out of the Realm have succeeded The other Principle also concerning King Henry's Testament the Bishop impugneth first by divers Reasons and Incongruities whereby it may be presumed that King Henry never made any such Testament and if he did yet could it not hold in Law And secondly also by Witness of the Lord Paget that was of the Privy Council in those days and of Sir Edward Montague Lord Chief Justice and of one William Clark that set the Kings Stamp to the Writing all which avowed before the Council and Parliament in Queen Maries time that the said Testament was signed after the King was past sense and memory And finally the said Bishop concludeth that the Line of Scotland is the next every way both in respect of the House of Lancaster and also of York for that they are next Heirs to King Henry VIII who by his Father was Heir to the House of York But after these three Books was written a fourth by one Robert Highinton Secretary in time past to the Earl of Northumberland a man well read in Stories and especially of our Countrey who is said to be dead some years past in Paris This man impugneth all the three former Books in divers principal Points and draweth the Crown from both their Pretenders I mean as well-from the House of Scotland as from that of Suffolk and first against the Book of Hales and Sir Nicholas Bacon written as hath been said in favour of the House of Suffolk Highington holdeth with the Bishop and Morgan that these two Principles laid by the other of Foreign Birth and of King Henry's Testament against the Scotish Line are of no Validity as neither their reasons for legitimating of the Earl of Hartfords Children which afterwards shall be handled And secondly he is against both Morgan and the Bishop of Ross also in divers important Points and in the very Principal of all for that this man I mean Highinton maketh the King of Spain to be the next and most rightful Pretender by the House of Lancaster for proof whereof he holdeth first that King Henry VII had no Title indeed to the Crown by Lancaster but only by the House of York that is to say by his Marriage of Queen Elizabeth elder Daughter to King Edward IV For that albeit himself were descended by his Mother from John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster yet this was but by his Third Wife Catharin Swinford and that the true Heirs of Blanch his first Wife Dutchess and Heir of Lancaster to whom saith he appertained only the Succession after the death of King Henry the VI. and his Son with whom ended the Line Male of that House remained only in Portugal by the Marriage of Lady Philip Daughter of the foresaid Blanch to King John the I. of Portugal and that for as much as King Philip of Spain saith this man hath now succeeded to all the Right of the Kings of Portugal to him appertaineth also the onely Right of Succession of the House of Lancaster and that all the other Descendents of King Henry VII are to pretend only by the Title of York I mean as well the Line of Scotland as also of Suffolk and Huntington for that in the House of Lancaster King Philip is evidently before them all Thus holdeth Highington alledging divers Stories Arguments and Probabilities for the same and then adjoineth two other Propositions which do import most of all to wit that the Title of the House of Lancaster was far better than that of York not for that Edmond Crookback first Founder of the House of Lancaster who was Son to King Henry the III. and Brother to King Edward the I. was eldest son to the said Edward injuriously put back for his deformity in Body as both the said Bishop of Ross and George Lylly do falsly hold and this man refuteth by many good Arguments but for that John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster being the eldest Son that King Edward the III. had alive when he dyed should in Right have succeeded in the Crown as this man holdeth and should have been preferred before Richard the II. that was the black Princes Son who was a degree further off from King Edward the III. his Grandfather than was John of Gaunt to whom King Edward was Father and by this occasion this man cometh to discuss at large the opinions of the Lawyers whether the Uncle or the Nephew should be preferred in the Succession of a Crown to wit whether the younger Brother or the elder Brothers son if his Father be dead without being seased of the same which is a Point that in the Civil Law hath great Disputation and many great Authors on each side as this man sheweth and the matter also wanteth not examples on both parts in the Succession of divers English Kings as our Friend the Civil Lawyer did signify also in his discourse and we may chance to have occasion
reason is for that we read that this Lord Edmond was a goodly wise discreet Prince notwithstanding that some Authors call him Crouchback and that he was highly in the favour both of his Father King Henry as also of his Brother King Edward and imployed by them in many great Wars and other affairs of State both in France and other where which argueth that there was no such great defect in him as should move his Father and the Realm to deprive him of his Succession Thirdly we read that King Henry procured by divers ways and means the advancement of this Lord Edmond as giving him the Earldoms of Leicester and Darby besides that of Lancaster as also procuring by all means possible and with exceeding great charges to have made him King of Naples and Sicilie by Pope Innocentius which had been no policy to have done if he had been put back from his Inheritance in England for that it had been to have Armed him against his Brother the King Fourthly we see that at the death of his Father King Henry the III. this Lord Edmond was principally left in charge with the Realm his elder Brother Prince Edward being scarsly returned from the War of Asia at what time he had good occasion to challenge his own right to the Crown if he had had any seeing he wanted no power thereunto having three goodly Sons at that time alive born of his Wife Queen Blanch Daugher of Navarre and County of Champain to whom she had born only one Daughter that was married to Philip le Bel King of France But we shall never read that either he or any of his Children made any such claim but that they lived in very good agreement and high grace with King Edward the first as his Children did also with King Edward the II. until he began to be mis-led in Government and then the two Sons of this Lord Edmond I mean both Thomas and Henry that Successively were Earls of Lancaster made War upon the said Edward the II. and were the principal Actors in his deposition and in setting up of his Son Edward the III. in his place aâ— what time it is evident that they might have put in also for themselves if their title had been such as this report maketh it A fifth reason is for that if this had been so that Edmond Earl of Lancaster had been the elder Brother then had the controversie between the two Houses of York and Lancaster been most clear and without all doubt at all for then had the House of York had no pretence of right in the World and then were it evident that the Heirs general of Blanch Dutchess of Lancaster Wife of John of Gaunt to wit the descendents of Lady Philip her Daughter that was married into Portugal these I say and none other were apparent and true Heirs to the Crown of England at this day and all the other of the House of York usurpers as well King Henry the VII as all his posterity and off-spring for that none of them have descended of the said Blanch as is manifest And therefore lastly the matter standeth no doubt as Polidor holding in the latter end of the life of King Henry the III. where having mentioned these two Sons Edward and Edmond he addeth these words There wanted not certain men long time after this that affirmed this Edmond to be the elder Son to King Henry the III. and to have been deprived of his Inheritance for that he was deformed in body but these things were feigned to the end that King Henry the IV. that came by his Mothers side of this Edmond might seem to have come to the Kingdom by right whereas indeed he got it by force Thus saith Polidor in this place but afterward in the beginning of the life of the said King Henry the IV. he saith that some would have had King Henry to have pretended this Title among other reasons but that the most part accounting it but a meer fable it was omitted Now then it being clear that of these two Sons of King Henry the III. Prince Edward was the Elder and Lawful Heir it remaineth only that we set down their several descents unto the times of King Edward the III. and his Children in whose days the dissention and controversie between these Royal Houses of York and Lancaster began to break forth And for the Issue of Edward that was King after his Father by the name of King Edward the first it is evident that albeit by two several Wives he had a dozen Children male and female yet only his fourth Son by his first Wife called also Edward who was King after him by the name of King Edward the II left Issue that remained which Edward the II being afterward for his evil Government deposed left Issue Edward the III. who was made King by election of the people in his place and after a long and prosperous Reign left divers Sons whereof after we shall speak and among them his III. Son named John of Gaunt married Lady Blanch Daughter and Heir of the House of Lancaster and of the forenamed Lord Edmond Crouchback by which Blanch John of Gaunt became Duke of Lancaster so as the lines of these two Brethren Edward and Edmond did meet and joyn again in the fourth descent as now shall appear by declaration of the Issue of the foresaid Lord Edmond Edmond then the second Son of King Henry the third being made County Palatine of Lancaster as also Earl of Leicester and of Darby by his Father King Henry as hath been said had issue three Sons to wit Thomas Henry and John among whom he divided his three States making Thomas his eldest Son County Palatine of â—ancaster Henry Earl of Leicester and John Earl of Darby But Thomas the eldest and John the youngest dying without Issue all three States fell again upon Henry the second Son which Henry had Issue one Son and three Daughters his Son was named Henry the second of that name Earl of Lancaster and made Duke of Lancaster by King Edward the third and he had one only Daughter and Heir named Blanch who was married unto John of Gaunt as before hath been said But Duke Henry's three Sisters named Joan Mary and Eleanor were all married to divers principal men of the Realm for that Joan was married to John Lord Maubery of whom are descended the Howards of the House of Norfolk at this day and Mary was married to Henry Lord Percy from whom cometh the House of the Earls of Northumberland and Eleanor was married to Richard Earl of Arundel thence is issued also by his Mothers side the Earl of Arundel â—hat now is so as of this ancient Line of Lancaster there want not noble Houses within the Realm at this day issued thence before the controversie fell out between York and this Family of which controversie how it rose and how it was continued I
same House as descended by the daughter of the first Brother Edward Duke of York and King of England and then the Earl of Huntington and his generation as also the Pools Barringtons and others before named are or may be Titlers of York as descended of George Duke of Clarence second Son of Richard Duke of York all which Issue yet seem to remain only within the compass of the House of York for that by the former Pedegree of the House of Lancaster it seemeth to the favourers of this House that none of these other Competitors are properly of the Line of Lancaster for that King Henry the 7th coming only of John of Gaunt by Catharine Swinford his third Wife could have no part in Lady Blanch that was only Inheritor of that House as to these men seemeth evident Only then it remaineth for the ending of this Chapter to explain somewhat more clearly the descent of King Henry the 7th and of his Issue For better understanding whereof you must consider that King Henry the 7th being of the House of Lancaster in the manner that you have heard and marrying Elizabeth the eldest daughter of the contrary House of York did seem to joyn both Houses together and make an end of that bloudy controversie though others now will say no But howsoever that was which after shall be examined clear it is that he had by that marriage one only Son that left Issue and two daughters his Son was King Henry the 8th who by three several Wives had three Children that have reigned after him to wit King Edward the 6th by Queen Jane Seymer Queen Mary by Queen Catharine of Spain and Queen Elizabeth by Queen Anne Bullen of all which three Children no Issue hath remained so as now we must return to consider the Issue of his daughters The eldest daughter of King Henoy the seventh named Margaret was married by her first mariage to James the fourth King of Scots who had Issue James the fifth and he again Lady Mary late Queen of Scots and Dowager of France put to death not long ago in England who left Issue James the sixth now King of Scots And by her second marriage the said Lady Margaret after the death of King James the fourth took for husband Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus in Scotland by whom she had one only daughter named Margaret which was married to Matthew Steward Earl of Lenox and by him she had two Sons to wit Henry Lord Darly and Charles Steward Henry married the foresaid Lady Mary Queen of Scotland and was murthered in Edenbrough in the year 1566. as the World knoweth and Charles his Brother married Elizabeth the daughter of Sir William Candish in England by whom he had one only daughter yet living named Arabella another competitor of the Crown of England by the House of York and thus much of the first daughter of King Henry the seventh Mary the second daughter of King Henry the seventh and younger Sister to King Henry the eighth was married first to Lewis the XII King of France by whom she had no Issue and afterward to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk by whom she had two daughters to wit Frances and Eleanor the Lady Frances was married first to Henry Gray Marquess of Dorset and after Duke of Suffolk beheaded by Queen Mary and by him she had three daughters to wit Jane Catharine and Mary the Lady Jane eldest of the three was married to Lord Guilford Dudly Son to John Dudly late Duke of Northumberland with whom I mean with her Husband and Father in Law she was beheaded soon after for being proclaimes Queen upon the death of King Edward the sixth the Lady Catharine second daughter married first the Lord Henry Herbert Earl of Pembroke and left by him again she dyed afterward in the Tower where she was prisoner for having had two Children by Edward Seymer Earl of Hertford without sufficient proof that she was married unto him and the two Children are yet living to wit Henry Seymer commonly called Lord Beacham and Edward Seymer his Brother The Lady Mary the third Sister though she was betrothed to Arthur Lord Gray of Wilton and married after to Martin Keyes Gentleman-Porter yet hath she left no Issue as far as I understand This then is the end of the Issue of Lady Frances first of the two daughters of Queen Mary of France by Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk for albeit the said Lady Frances after the beheading of the said Henry Lord Gray Duke of Suffolk her first Husband married again one Adrian Stokes her Servant and had a Son by him yet it lived not but dyed very soon after Now then to speak of the younger daughter of the said French Queen and Duke named Eleanor she was married to Henry Clifford Earl of Cumberland who had by her a daughter named Margaret that was married to Lord Henry Stanley Earl of Darby by whom she hath a plentiful Issue as Ferdinand now Earl of Darby William Stanley Francis Stanley and others and this is all that needeth to be spoken of these descents of our English Kings Princes Peers or Competitors to the Crown for this place and therefore now it resteth only that we begin to examine what different pretentions are fram'd by divers Parties upon these descents and Genealogies which is the principal point of this our discourse CHAP. IV. Of the great and general controversie and contention between the two Houses Royal of Lancaster and York and which of them may seem to have had the better Right to the Crown by way of Succession ANd first of all before I do descend to treat in particular of the different pretences of several persons and families that have issued out of these two Royal lineages of Lancaster and York it shall perhaps not be amiss to discuss with some attention what is or hath or may be said on both sides for the general controversie that lyeth between them yet undecided in many mens opinions notwithstanding there hath been so much stir about the same and not only writing and disputing but also fighting and murthering for many years And truly if we look into divers Histories Records and Authors which have written of this matter we shall find that every one of them speaking commonly according to the time wherein they lived for that all such as wrote in the time of the three Henries fourth fifth and sixth Kings of the House of Lancaster they make the title of Lancaster very clear and undoubted but such others as wrote since that time while the House of York hath held the Scepter they have spoken in a far different manner as namely Polydor that wrote in King Henry the VIII his time and others that have followed him since to take all right from the House of Lancaster and give the same to the House of York wherefore the best way I suppose will be not so much to consider
what Historiographers do say according to their affections or Interests as what reasons and proofs be alledged of every side for that by this we shall more easily come to judge where the right or wrong doth lie First therefore the defenders of the House of York do alledge that their title is plain and evident for that as in the former chapter hath been declared Richard Duke of York first pretender of this House whose Father was Son to Edmond Langley Duke of York fourth Son of King Edward the third and his Mother Anne Mortimer that was Neece once removed and sole Heir to Leonel Duke of Clarence second Son of the said King Edward this Richard I say Duke of York pretended that for so much as he had two titles joyned together in himself and was lawful Heir as well to Duke Leonel the second Brother as to Duke Edmond the fourth that he was to be preferred in Succession of the Crown after the death of King Richard the second Heir of the first Son of King Edward before the Issue of John of Gaunt that was but third Son to the said King Edward and consequently that Henry Bolenbrok John of Gaunts Son Duke of Lancaster called afterwards King Henry the fourth entred the Crown by tyranny and violonce first for deposing the true and Lawful King Richard and secondly for taking the Kingdom upon himself which Kingdom after the death of the foresaid King Richard which happened in the year 1399. belonging to Edmond Mortimer Earl of March then living and after his death to Anne Mortimer his Sister married to Richard Earl of Cambridge Father to this Richard pretendent Duke of York as hath been said for that this Edmond and Anne Mortimer were Children to Roger Mortimer Son of Philip that was daughter to Duke Leonel which Leonel was elder Uncle to King Richard and before John of Gaunt the younger Brother whose Son took the Crown upon him For the better understanding of which pretence and allegation of the House of York against Lancaster we must note the story following to wit That King Edward the III. seeing in his old age that Prince Edward his eldest Son whom of all his Children he loved most dearly was dead though there wanted not much doubt in some mens heads as after shall be shewed who ought to succeed yet the old man for the exceeding great affection he bare to the dead Prince would hear nothing in that behalf but appointed Richard the said Prince Edwards only Son and Heir to succeed him in the Kingdom and made the same to be confirmed by Act of Parliament and inforced all his Children then alive to swear to the same which were John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster his third and eldest Son that then lived for Leonel his second Son Duke of Clarence was dead before and Edmond Langley and Thomas Woodstock Earls at that time but after Dukes of York and Glocester and so King Richard Reigned with good obedience of his Uncles and their Children for 20 years together but in the end when he grew insolent and had put to death his Uncle the Duke of Glocester together with the Earl of Arundel and banished many others of the Nobility and among them the Archbishop of Canterbury as also his own Cousin-German Henry Duke of Hertford and after of Lancaster Son and Heir of John of Gaunt and had made many wickedd Statutes as well against the Church and State Ecclesiastical as also to intangle the Realm and Nobility with fained crimes of Treason against his Regality as then he termed them the principal men of the Realm seeing a sit occasion offered by the Kings absence in Ireland called home out of France the foresaid Henry Duke of Lancaster with the Archbishop of Canterbury Earls of Arundel and Warwick and others which were in banishment and by common consent gathered upon the suddain such an Army to assist them in England as they took the King brought him to London and there in a Parliament laying together the intolerable faults of his Government they deprived him of all Regal Dignity as before they had done to his great Grandfather K. Edward the second and then by universal consent of the Parliament and people there present they chose and admitted the said Henry Duke of Lancaster to be their King who continued so all the days of his life and left the Crown unto his Son and Sons Son after him by the space of threescore years until this Richard before named Duke of York made challenge of the same in manner and form as before hath been shewed Now then the story being thus the question is first whether Richard the second were justly deposed or no and secondly whether after his deposition the House of York or House of Lancaster should have entred and thirdly if the House of Lancaster did commit any wrong or injustice at their first entrance to the Crown yet whether the continuance of so many years in possession with so many approbations and confirmations thereof by the Commonwealth were not sufficient to legitimate their right Concerning which points many things are alledged by the favourers of both Families and in the first point touching the lawfulness or unlawfulness of King Richards deposition three Articles especially do seem most considerable to wit about the thing in it self whether a lawful King may be deposed upon just causes and secondly about these causes in King Richards deposition to wit whether they were just or sufficient for deposition of the said King and lastly about the manner of doing iâ— whether the same were good and orderly or not And touching the first of these three points which is that a King upon just causes may be deposed I think both parties though never so contrary between themselves will easily agree and the Civil Lawyer seems to me to have proved it so evidently before throughout his whole dicourse as I think very little may be said against the same For he hath declared if you remember both by reason authority and examples of all Nations Christian that this may and hath and ought to be done when urgent occasions are offered And first by reason he sheweth it for that all Kingly authority is given them only by the Commonwealth and that with this express condition that they shall Govern according to Law and equity that this is the cause of their exaltation above other men that this is the end of their Government the butt of their authority the star and pole by which they ought to direct their stern to wit the good of the people by the weal of their Subjects by the benefit of the Realm which end being taken away or perverted the King becometh a Tyrant a Tyger a fierce Lion a ravening Wolf a publick enemy and a bloudy murtherer which were against all reason both natural and moral that a Common-wealth could not deliver it self from so eminent a destruction By authority also
you have heard it proved of all Law-makers Philosophers Lawyers Divines and Governours of Commonwealhs who have set down in their Statutes and Ordinances that Kings shall swear and protest at their entrance to Government that they will observe and perform the conditions there promised and otherwise to have no Interest in that Dignity and Soveraignty By examples in like manner of all Realms Christian he declared how that often-times they have deposed their Princes for just causes and that God hath concurred and assisted wonderfully the same sending them commonly very good Kings after those that were deprived and in no Country more then in England it self yea in the very Line and Family of this King Richard whose Noble Grandfather King Edward the third was exalted to the Crown by a most solemn deposition of his predecessor King Edward the second wherefore in this point there can be little controversie and therefore we shall pass unto the second which is whether the causes were good and just for which this King Richard was esteemed worthy to be deposed And in this second point much more difference there is betwixt York and Lancaster and between the white Rose and the Red for that the House of York seeking to make the other odious as though they had entred by tyranny and cruelty doth not stick to avouch that King Richard was unjustly deposed but against this the House of Lancaster alledgeth first that the House of York cannot justly say this for that the chief Prince assistant to the deposing of King Richard was Lord Edmond himself Duke of York and head of that family together with Edward Earl of Rutland and Duke of Aumarl his eldest Son and Heir yea and his younger Son also Richard Earl of Cambridge Father to this Richard that now pretendeth for so do write both Stow Hollingshead and other Chroniclers of England that those Princes of the Hâ—â—â—e of York did principally assist Henry Duke of Lancaster in getting the Crown and deposing King Richard and Polidâ—r speaking of the wicked Government of King Richard and of the first Cogitation about deposing him when King Henry of Lancaster was yet in France banished and seemed not to think of any such matter he hath these words Sed Edmundo Eboâ—acensium duci ea res cum primis bilem commovit quod Rex omnia jam jura perverteret quod antea parricidio postea râ—pints se obstrinxâ—sset c. That is this matter of the wicked Government of King Richard did principally offend his Uncle Edmond Duke of York for that he saw the King now to peâ—srvert all Law and Equity and that as before he had defiled himself with Parricide that is with the murther of his own Uncle the Duke of Glocester Brother to this Edmond so now he intangled himself also with Rapine in that he took by violence the Goods and Inheritance of John of Gaunt late deceased which did belong to Henry Duke of Lancaster his Cousin-German By which words of Polidor as also for that the Duke of Lancaster coming out of Britany accompaned only with threescore persons as some stories say chose first to go into York shire and to enter at Ravenspur at the mouth of Humber as all the World knoweth which he would never have done if the Princes of York had not principally favoured him in that action all this I say is an evident argument that these Princes of the House of York were then the chief doers in this deposition and consequently cannot alledge now with reason that the said Richard was deposed uniustly Secondly the House of Lancaster alledgeth for the justifying of this deposition the opinions of all Historiographers that ever have written of this matter whether they be English French Dutch Latine or of any other Nation or Language who all with one accord do affirm that King Richards Government was intolerable and he worthy of deposition whereof he that will see more let him read Thomas of Walsingham and John Frosard in the life of King Richard Thirdly they of Lancaster do alledge the particular outrages and insolencies of King Richards Government and first the suffering himself to be carried away with evil counsel of his favorites and then the perverting of all Laws generally under his Government as before you have heard out of Polidor the joyning with his Minions for oppressing the Nobility of which Stow hath these words The King being at Bristow with Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland and Michael de la Pole Earl of Suffolk devised how to take away the Duke of Glocester the Earls of Arundel Warwick Darby and Nottingham and others whose deaths they conspired Thus saith Stow. And after they executed the most part of their devices for that Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Glocester was made away without Law or Process the Earl of Arundel also was put to death and Warwick was banished and so was also Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury by like Injustice and the like was done to Henry Duke of Hertford and after of Lancaster and among other insolencies he suffered Robert Vere to dishonour and put from him his Wife a Noble and goodly young Lady as Stow saith and born of Lady Isabella King Richards Aunt that was daughter to King Edward the third and suffered Vere to marry another openly to her disgrace and dishonour of her Kindred And finally in the last Parliament that ever he held which was in the 21. year of his Reign commonly called the Evil Parliament he would needs have all authority absolute granted to certain favourites of his which Thomas Walsingham saith were not above 6 or 7. to determine of all matters with all full authority as if they only had been the whole Realm which was nothing indeed but to take all authority to himself only and Stow in his Chronicle hath these words following This Parliament began about the 15. of Sept. in the year 1397. at the beginning whereof Edward Stafford Bishop of Exeter Lord Chancellor of England made a proposition or Sermon in which he affirmed that the power of the King was alone and perfect of it self and those that do impeach it were worthy to suffer pain of the Law c. thus saith Stow by all which is evident how exorbitant and contrary to all Law and Equity this Kings Government was Fourthly and lastly those of Lancaster do alledge for justifying of this deprivation that Duke Henry was called home by express Letters of the more and better part of all the Realm and that he came wholly in a manner uâ—â—rmed considering his person for that Frosard saith he had but three Ships only out of Britany and Walsingham saith he had but 15. Lances and 4â—0 foot-men and the additions to Polâ—â—hronicon as before I noted do avouch that when he landed at Ravenspur in the County of York he had but threescore men in all to begin the Reformation of
young King of the bloud Royal was Crowned in her place and all this might have been done as you see without such trouble of Arms and bloud-shed if God would but he appointed these several means for working of his will and for relieving of Common-wealths oppressed by evil Princes And this seemeth sufficient proof to these men that King Richard of England might be removed by force of Arms his life and Government being so evil and pernicious as before hath been shewed It remaineth then that we pass to the second principal point proposed in the beginning which was that supposing this deprivation of King Richard was just and lawful what House by right should have succeeded him either that of Lancaster as it did or the other of York And first of all it is to be understood that at that very time when King Richard was deposed the house of York had no pretence or little at all to the Crown for that Edmond Mortimer Earl of March Nephew to the Lady Philippa was then alive with his Sister Anne Mortimer married to Richard Earl of Cambridge by which Anne the House of York did after make their claim but could not do so yet for that the said Edmond her Brother was living and so continued many years after as appeareth for that we read that he was alive 16. years after this to wit in the third year of the Reign of K. Henry the 5th when his said Brother in Law Richard Earl of Cambridge was put to death in Southampton whom this Edmond appeached as after shall be shewed and that this Edmond was now Earl of March when K. Richard was deposed and not his Father Roger as Polidor mistaketh is evident by that that the said Roger was slain in Ireland a little before the deposition of King Richard to wit in the year 1398. and not many months after he had been declared Heir apparent by King Richard and Rogers Father named Edmond also Husband of the Lady Philippa dyed some three years before him that is before Roger as after will be seen so as seeing that at the deposition of King Richard this Edmond Mortimer elder Brother to Anne was yet living the question cannot be whether the House of York should have entred to the Crown presently after the deprivation of King Richard for they had yet no pretence as hath been shewed but whether this Edmond Mortimer as Heir of Leonel Duke of Clarence or else Henry Duke of Lancaster Heir of John of Gaunt should have entred For as for the House of York there was yet no question as appeareth also by Stow in his Chronicle who seteth down how that after the said deposition of Richard the Archbishop of Canterbury asked the people three times whom they would have to be their King whether the Duke of York there standing present or not and they answered no and then he asked the second time if they would have his eldest Son the Duke of Aumarl and they said no he asked the third time if they would have his youngest Son Richard Earl of Cambridge and they said no Thus writeth Stow. Whereby it is evident that albeit this Earl of Cambridge had married now the Sister of Edmond Mortimer by whom his posterity claimed afterward yet could he not pretend at this time her Brother being yet alive who after dying without Issue left all his right to her and by her to the House of York for albeit this Earl Richard never came to be Duke of York for that he was beheaded by King Henry the fifth at Southampton as before hath been said while his elder Brother was a live yet left he a Son named Richard that after him came to be Duke of York by the death of his Uncle Edmond Duke of York that dyed without Issue as on the other side also by his Mother Ann Mortimer he was Earl of March and was the first of the House of York that made title to the Crown So that the question now is whether after the deposition of King Richard Edmond Mortimer Nephew removed of Leonel which Leonel was the second Son to King Edward or else Henry Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt which John was third Son to King Edward should by right have succeeded to King Richard and for Edmond is alledged that he was Heir of the elder Brother and of Henry is said that he was nearer by two degrees to the Stem or last King that is to say to King Richard deposed then Edmond was for that Henry was Son to King Richards Uncle of Lancaster and Edmond was but Nephew removed that is to say Daughters Sons Son to the said King Richards other Uncle of York And that in such a case the next in degree of consanguinity to the last King is to be preferred though he be not of the elder Line the favourers of Lancaster alledge many proofs whereof some shall be touched a little after and we have seen the same practised in our days in France where the Cardinal of Bourbon by the Judgment of the most part of that Realm was preferred to the Crown for his propinquity in bloud to the dead King before the King of Navarre though he were of the elder Line Moreover it is alledged for Henry that his title came by a man and the others by a woman which is not so much favoured either by Nature Law or Reason and so they say that the pretenders of this title of Lady Philippa that was daughter of Duke Leonel never opened their mouths in those days to claim until some 50. years after the deposition and death of King Richard Nay moreover they of Lancaster say that sixteen years after the deposition of King Richard when King Henry the fifth was now in possession of the Crown certain Noblemen and especially Richard Larl of Cambridge that had married this Edmond Mortimers Sister offered to have slain King Henry and to have made the said Edmond Mortimer King for that he was descended of Duke Leonel but he refused the matter thinking it not to be according to equity and so went and discovered the whole Treason to the King whereupon they were all put to death in Southampton within four or five days after as before hath been noted and this happened in the year 1415. and from henceforward until the year 1451. and thirtieth of the Reign of King Henry the sixth which was 36. years after the Execution done upon these Conspirators no more mention or pretence was made of this matter at what time Richard Duke of York began to move troubles about it again Thus say those of the House of Lancaster but now these of York have a great argument for themselves as to them it seemeth which is that in the year of Christ 1385. and 9th year of the reign of King Richard the second it was declared by Act of Parliament as Polydor writeth that Edmond Mortimer who had married Philippa
Richard had still great jealousie of his Uncle the Duke of Lancaster and of his off-spring considering how doubtful the question was among the Wise and Learned of those days For more declaration whereof I think it not amiss to alledge the very words of the foresaid Chronicler with the examples by him recited thus then he writeth About this time saith he there did arise a great and doubtful question in the World whether Uncles or Nephews that is to say the younger Brother or else the Children of the elder should Succeed unto Realms and Kingdoms which controversie put all Christianity into great broils and troubles for first Charles the second King of Naplis begat of Mary his Wife Queen and Heir of Hungary divers Children but namely three Sons Marâ—el Robert and Philip Martel dying before his Father left a Son named Charles which in his Grand-mothers right was King also of Hungary but about the Kingdom of Naples the question was when King Charles was dead who should Succeed him either Charles his Nephew King of Hungary or Robert his second Son but Robert was preferred and Reigned in Naples and enjoyed the Earldom of Provence in France also for the space of 33. years with great renown of Valor and Wisdom And this is own example that Girard recounteth which example is reported by the famous Lawyer Bartholus in his Commentaries touching the Succession of the Kingdom of Cicilia and he saith that this Succession of the Uncle before the Nephew was averred also for rightful by the Learned of that time and confirmed for just by the judicial sentence of Pope Boniface and that for the reasons which afterward shall be shewed when we shall treat of this question more in particular Another example also reporteth Girard which ensued immediately after in the same place for that the foresaid King Robert having a Son named Charles which died before him he left a daughter and Heir named Joan Neece unto King Robert which Joan was married to Andrew the younger Son of the foresaid Charles King of Hungary but King Robert being dead there stept up one Lewis Prince of Tarranto a place of the same Kingdom of Naples who was Son to Philip before mentioned younger Brother to King Robert which Lewis pretending his right to be better then that of Joan for that he was a man and one degree nearer to King Charles his Grand-father then Joan was for that he was Nephew and she Neece once removed he prevailed in like manner and thus far Girard Historiographer of France And no doubt but if we consider examples that fell out even in this very age only concerning this controversie between the Uncle and Nephew we shall find store of them for in Spain not long before this time to wit in the year of Christ 1276. was that great and famous determination made by Don Alonso the wise eleventh King of that name and of all his Realm and Nobility in their Courts or Parliament of Segovia mentioned before by the Civilian wherein they disâ—inherited the Children of the Prince Don Alonso de la Cerda that died as our Prince Edward did before his Father and made Heir apparent Don Sancho Bravo younger Brother to the said Don Alonso and Uncle to his Children the two young Cerda's Which sentence standeth even unto this day and King Philip enjoyed the Crown of Spain thereby and the Dukes of Medina Celi and their race that are descendents of the said two Cerda's which were put back are Subjects by that sentence and not Soveraigns as all the World knoweth The like controversie fell out but very little after to wit in the time of King Edward the third in France though not about the Kingdom but about the Earldom of Artoys but yet it was decided by a solemn sentence of two Kings of France and of the whole Parliament of Paris in favour of the Aunt against her Nephew which albeit it cost great troubles yet was it defended and King Philip of Spain holdeth the County of Artoys by it at this day Polydor reporteth the story in this manner Robert Earl of Artoys a man famous for his Chivalry had two Children Philip a Son and Maude a daughter this Maude was married to Otho Earl of Burgundy and Philip dying before his Father left a Son named Robert the second whose Father Robert the first being dead the question was who should Suâ—â—eed either Maude the daughter or Robert the Nephew and the matter being remitted unto Philip le Bel King of France as chief Lord at that time of that State he adjudged it to Maude as to the next in bloud but when Robert repined at this sentence the matter was referred to the Parliament of Paris which confirmed the sentence of King Philip whereupon Robert making his way with Philip de Valoys that soon after came to be King of France he assisted the said Philip earnestly to bring him to the Crown against King Edward of England that opposed himself thereunto and by this hoped that King Philip would have revoked the same sentence but he being once established in the Crown answered that a sentence of such importance and so maturely given could not be revoked Whereupon the said Robert fled to the King of Englands part against France Thus far Polydor. The very like sentence recounteth the same Author to have been given in England at the same time and in the same controversie of the Uncle against the Nephew for the Succession to the Dukedom of Britany as before I have related wherein John Breno Earl of Monford was preferred before the daughter and Heir of his elder Brother Guy though he were but of the half bloud to the last Duke and she of the whole For that John the third Duke of Britany had two Brothers first Guy of the whole bloud by Father and Mother and then John Breno his younger Brother by the Fathers side only Guy dying left a daughter and Heir named Jane married to the Earl of Bloys Nephew to the King of France who after the death of Duke John pretended in the right of his Wife as daughter and Heir to Guy the elder Brother but King Edward the third with the State of England gave sentence for John Breno Earl of Monford her Uncle as for him that was next in consanguinity to the dead Duke and with their Arms the State of England did put him in possession who slew the Earl of Bloys as before hath been declared and thereby got possession of that Realm and held it ever after and so do his Heirs at this day And not long before this again the like resolution prevailed in Scotland between the House of Balliol and Bruse who were competitors to that Crown by this occasion that now I will declare William King of Scots had Issue two Sons Alexander that Succeeded in the Crown and David Earl of Huntington Alexander had Issue another Alexander and a daughter
that seeing rigour of Law runneth only with the Uncle for that indeed he is properly nearest in bloud by one degree and that only indulgence and custom serveth for the Nephew permitting him to represent the place of his Father who is dead they resolve I say that whensoever the Uncle is born before the Nephew and the said Uncle's elder Brother died before his Father as it happened in the case of John of Gaunt and of King Richard there the Uncle by right may be preferred for that the said elder Brother could not give or transmit that thing to his Son which was not in himself before his Father died and consequently his Son could not represent that which his Father never had and this for the Civil Law Touching our Common Laws the favourers of Lancaster do say two or three things first that the right of the Crown and interest thereunto is not decided expresly in our law nor is it a plea subject to the common rules thereof but is superiour and more eminent and therefore that men may not judge of this as of other pleas of particular persons nor is the Tryal alike nor the common maxims or rules always of force in this thing as in others which they prove by divers particular cases as for example the Widow of a private man shall have her thirds of all his Lands for her Dowry but not the Queen of the Crown Again if a private man have many daughters and die seized of Lands in Fee-simple without Heir Male his said daughters by law shall have the said Lands as co-partners equally divided between them but not the daughters of a King for that the eldest must carry away all as though she were Heir male The like also is seen if a Baron match with a Feme that is an Inheritrix and have Issue by her though she die yet shall he enjoy her Lands during his life as Tenant by courtesie but it is not so in the Crown if a man marry with a Queen as King Philip did with Queen Mary and so finally they say also that albeit in private mens possessions the common course of our law is that if the Father die seized of Land in Fee-simple leaving a younger Son and a Nephew that is to say a Child of his Elder Son the Nephew shall succeed his Grandfather as also he shall do his Uncle if of three Brethren the elder die without Issue and the second leave a Son yet in the inheritance and succession of the Crown it goeth otherwise as by all the fotmer eight examples have been shewed and this is the first they say about the common law The second point which they affirm is that the ground of our Common Laws consisteth principally and almost only about this point of the Crown in custom for so say they we see by experience that nothing in effect is written thereof in the common law and all old Lawyers do affirm this point as were Ranulfus de Granvilla in his books of the laws and customs of England which he wrote in the time of King Henry the second and Judge Fortescue in his book of the praise of English laws which he compiled in the time of King Henry the sixth and others Whereof these men do infer that seeing there are so many presidents and examples alledged before of the Uncles case preferred before the Nephew not only in foreign Countries but also in England for this cause I say they do affirm that our common laws cannot but favour also this title and consequently must needs like well of the interest of Lancaster as they avouch that all the best old Lawyers did in those times and for example they do Record two by name of the most famous learned men which those ages had who not only defended the said title of Lancaster in those days but also suffered much for the same The one was the forenamed Judge Fortescue Chancellor of England and named Father of the common laws in that age who fled out of England with the Queen Wife of King Henry the sixth and with the Prince her Son and lived in banishment in France where it seemeth also that he wrote his learned book intituled de laudibus legum Angliae And the other was Sir Thomas Thorpe chief Baron of the Exchequer in the same Reign of the same King Henry the sixth who being afterward put into the Tower by the Princes of the House of York for his eager defence of the title of Lancaster remained there a long time and after being delivered was beheaded at High-gate in a tumult in the days of King Edward the fourth These then are the allegations which the favourers of the House of Lancaster do lay down for the justifying of the title affirming first that John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster ought to have succeeded his Father King Edward the third immediately before King Richard and that injury was done unto him in that King Richard was preferred And secondly that King Richard were his right never so good was justly and orderly deposed for his evil Government by lawful authority of the Commonwealth And thirdly that after his deposition Henry Duke of Lancaster Son and Heir of John of Gaunt was next in succession every way both in respect of the right of his Father as also for that he was two degrees nearer to the King deposed then was Edmond Mortimer descended of Leonel Duke of Clarence and these are the principal and substantial proofs of their right and title But yet besides these they do add all these other arguments and considerations following first that whatsoever right or pretence the House of York had the Princes thereof did forfeit and lose the same many times by their conspiracies rebellions and attainders as namely Richard Earl of Cambridge that married the Lady Anne Mortimer and by her took his pretence to the Crown was convicted of a conspiracy against King Henry the fifth in Southampton as before I have said and there was put to death for the same by Judgment of the King and of all his Peers in the year 1415. the Duke of York his elder Brother being one of the Jury that condemned him This Earl Richards Son also named Richard coming afterward by the death of his Uncle to be Duke of York first of all made open claim to the Crown by the title of York But yet after many oaths sworn and broken to King Henry the sixth he was attainted of Treason I mean both he and Edward his Son then Earl of March which afterward was King with the rest of his off-spring even to the ninth degree as Stow affirmeth in a Parliament holden at Coventry in the year 1459. and in the 38. year of the Reign of the said King Henry and the very next year after the said Richard was slain in the same quarrel but the House of Lancaster say these men was never attainted of any such
in the House of York these men endeavour to shew all the contrary to wit that there was nothing else but suspition hatred and emulations among themselves and extreme cruelty of one against the other and so we see that as soon almost as Edward Duke of York came to be King George Duke of Clarence his younger Brother conspired against him and did help to drive him out again both from the Realm and Crown In recompence whereof his said elder Brother afterward notwithstanding all the reconciliation and many others that passed between them of new love and union caused him upon new grudges to be taken and murthered privily at Calis as all the World knoweth And after both their deaths Richard their third Brother murthered the two Sons of his said elder Brother and kept in prison whiles he lived the Son and Hâ—ir of his second Brother I mean the young Earl of Warwick though he were but a very Child whom King Henry the seventh afterward put to death But King Henry the eighth that succeeded them passed all the rest in cruelty toward his own kindred for he weeded out almost all that ever he could find of the Bloud Royal of York and this either for emulation or causes of meer suspicion only For first of all he beheaded Edmond de la Pole Duke of Suffolk Son of his own Aunt Lady Elizabeth that was Sister to King Edward the fourth which Edward was Grandfather to King Henry as is evident The like destruction King Henry went about to bring to Richard de la Pole Brother to the said Edmond if he had not escaped his hands by flying the Realm whom yet he never ceased to pursue until he was slain in the battel of Pavia in service of the King of France by whose death was extinguished the noble house of the de la Poles Again the said King Henry put to death Edward Duke of Buckingham high Constable of England the Son of his great Aunt Sister to the Queen Elizabeth his Grandmother and thereby overthrew also that worthy House of Buckingham and after again he put to death his Cousen-jerman Henry Câ—urtâ—â—y Marquess of Excester Son of the Lady Catherine his Aunt that was Daughter of King Edward the fourth and attained joyntly with him his Wife the Lady Gertrude taking from her all her goods lands and inheritance and committed to perpetual prison their only Son and Heir Lord Edward Courtney being then but a Child of seven years old which remained so there until many years after he was set at liberty and restored to his living by Queen Mary Moreover he put to death the Lady Margaret Plantagenet Countess of Salisbury Daughter of George Duke of Clarence that was Brother of his Grandfather King Edward the fourth and with her he put to death also her eldest Son and Heir Thomas Poole Lord Montague and committed to perpetual prison where soon after also he ended his life a little Infant named Henry Poole his Son and Heir and condemned to death by act of Parliament although absent Renald Poole Brother to the said Lord Montague Cardinal in Rome whereby he overthrew also the Noble House of Salisbury and Warwick neither need I to go further in this relation though these men do note also how Edward the sixth put to death two of his own Uncles the Seymers or at least it was done by his authority and how that under her Majesty that now is the Queen of Scotland that was next in kin of any other living and the chief titler of the House of York hath been put to death Lastly they do note and I may not omit it that there is no noble house standing at this day in England in the antient state of calling that it had and in that dignity and degree that it was in when the House of York entered to the Crown if it be above the State of a Barony but only such as defended the right and interest of the Houses of Lancaster and that all other great Houses that took part with the House of York and did help to ruine the House of Lancaster are either ceased since or extiâ—pated and overthrown by the same House of York it self which they assisted to get the Crown and so at this present they are either united to the Crown by confiscation or transferred to other lineages that are strangers to them who possessed them before As for example the ancient Houses of England that remain at this day and were standing when the House of York began their title are the House of Arundel Oxford Northumberland Westmerland and Shrewsbury for all others that are in England at this day above the dignity of Barons have been advanced since that time and all these five houses were these that principally did stick unto the House of Lancaster as is evident by all English Chronicles For that the Earl of Arundel brought in King Henry the fourth first King of the House of Lancaster and did help to place him in the Dignity-Royal coming out of France with him The Earl of Oxford and his Son the Lord Vere were so earnest in the defence of King Henry the sixth as they were both slain by King Edward the fourth and John Earl of Oxford was one of the principal assistants of Henry the seventh to take the Crown from Richard the third The House of Northumberland also was a principal aider to Henry the fourth in getting the Crown and two Earls of that name to wit Henry the second and third were slain in the quarrel of King Henry the sixth one in the battel of St. Albans and the other of Saxton and a third Earl named Henry the fourth fled into Scotland with the said King Henry the sixth The House of Westmerland also was chief advancer of Henry the fourth to the Crown and the second Earl of that House was slain in the party of Henry the sixth in the said battel of Saxton and John Earl of Shrewsbury was likewise slain in defence of the title of Lancaster in the battel of Nâ—rthampton And I omit many other great services and faithful endeavoure which many Princes of these five noble ancient houses did in the defence of the Lancastrian Kings which these men say that God hath rewarded wiâ—â— continuance of their houses unto this day But on the contrary side these men do note that all the old houses that principally assisted The title of York are now extinguished and that chiefly by the Kings themselves of that house as for example the principal Peers that assisted the family of York were Mâ—â—â—ray Duke of Norfolk de la Poole Duke of Suffolk the Earl of Saâ—isâ—uâ—y and the Earl of Warwiâ—k of all which the event was this John Moubray Duke of Nâ—rfolk the first considerate of the House of York died soon after the exaltation of Edward the fourth without Issue and so that name
accompt thereof both for that in it self they say it may easily be overthrown and proved to be of no validity as also for that if it were never so good yet might it for other considerations be rejected and made frustrate as our friend the Civil Lawyer hath largely and learnedly proved these days in our hearing To begin then to speak first of the King of Scots title by nearness of bloud these men do affirm that albeit there be not alledged any bastardy in his descent from King Henry the seventh his daughter as there is in her second marriage against the Lady Arabella yet are there other reasons enough to frustrate and overthrow this claim and pretention and first of all for that he is not say these men of the house of Lancaster by Lady Blanch the only true Heir thereof as before hath in part been shewed and shall be afterward more largely but only by Catharine Swinford whose Children being unlawfully begotten and but of the false bloud whether they may by that legitimation of Parliament that was given them be made inheritable unto the Crown before the lawful daughter of the whole bloud shall be discussed afterward in place convenient when we shall talk of the House of Portugal but in the mean space these men do presume that the King of Scots is but only of the House of York and then affirming farther that the tiâ—le of the House of Lancaster is better then that of York as by many arguments the favours of Lancaster have endeavoured to shew in the former Chapter they do infer that this is sufficient to make void all claim of the King of Scots that he may pretend by nearness of bloud especially seeing there want not at this day pretenders enough of the other House of Lancaster to claim their right so as the House of York shall not need to enter for fault of true Hâ—irs and this is the first argument which is made against the Scottish King and all the rest of his lineage by the favourers and followers of the said House of Lancaster A second argument is made against the said Kings succession not by them of Lancaster but rather by those of his own House of York which is founded upon his foreign birth by which they hold that he is excluded by the common laws of England from succession to the Crown for that the said laws do bar all strangers born out of the Realm to inherit within the Land and this is an argument handled very largely between the foresaid books of Mr Hales Mr. Morgan and my Lord of Ross and for that the same doth concern much the pretentions and claims of divers others that be strangers also by birth and yet do pretend to this succession as before hath been declared I shall repeat briefly in this place the sum of that which is alledged of both parties in this behalf First then to the general assertion that no stranger at all may inherit any thing by any means in England the said books of Mr. Morgan and my Lord Ross do answer that in that universal sense it is false for that it appeareth plainly by that which is set down by law in the seventh and ninth years of King Edward the fourth and in the eleventh and fourteenth of King Henry the fourth that a stranger may purchase Land in England as also that he may inherit by his Wife if he should marry an Inheritrix Secondly they say that the true maxim of rule against the Inheritance of strangers is grounded only upon a Statute made in the 25th year of King Edward the third and is to be restrained unto proper inheritances only to wit that no person born out of all the allegiance of the King of England whose Father and Mother were not of the same allegiance at the time of his birth for so are the words of the Statute shall be able to have or demand any heritage within the same allegiance as Heir to any person Thirdly they say that this axiom or general Rule cannot any way touch or be applied to the succession of the Crown first for that as hath been declared before no Axiom or Maxim of our Law can touch or be understood of matters concerning the Crown except express mention be made thereof and that the Crown is priviledged in many points that other private heritages be not And secondly for that the Crown cannot properly be called an Inheritance of Allegiance or within Allegiance as the words of the said Statute do stand for that it is not holden of any superior nor with allegiance but immediately from God And thirdly for that the Statute meaneth plainly of Inheritances by descent for otherwise as is said an Alien may hold Lands by purchase but the Crown is a thing incorporate and descendeth not according to the common course of other private inheritances but rather goeth by Succession as other Incorporations do in sign whereof no King can by Law avoid his Letters Patents by reason of his noneage as other common Heirs under age do but he is ever presumed to be of full age in respect of his Crown even as a Prior Parson Dean or other Head Incorporate is which can never be presumed to be within age and so as any such Head Incorporate though he be an Alien might inherit or demand lands in England for his Incorporation notwithstanding the former Statute so much more the Inheritor to the Crown Fourthly they say that in the very Statute it self there is express exception of Infantes du Roy by which words these men do hold to be understood all the Kings Off-spring or Blood Royal and they do fortifie their proof for that otherwise King Edward the third being then alive when this Statute against strangers was made and his Children also who had dispersed their bloud by marriages over all Christendom they would never have suffered such a Statute to pass to their own prejudice if the heritage of the Crown should fall unto them or any of theirs that should be born abroad And finally these men do shew how that King Stephen and King Henry the second born out of the Realm and of Parents that were not of the allegiance of England when they were born were yet admitted to the Crown without contradiction in respect of their forraign birth which argueth that by the common course of our old common Laws there was no such stop against Aliens and that if the Statute made in King Edward the third his days would have derogated or abridged this ancient liberty it would have made scpecial mention thereof which it doth not as hath been shewed and by reasons it seemeth that they have answered sufficienly to this objection of forraign birth both for the King of Scotland and all other pretenders that are foreign born so as by this impediment they may not in right be excluded from their succession So as now I will return to shew
the other reasons of exclusion which men do lay against the House of Scotland whereof one is urged much by the House of Suffolk and grounded upon a certain Testament of King Henry the eighth as before hath been touched by which Testament the said House of Suffolk that is to say the Heirs of the Lady Frances and of the Lady Eleanor Neeces to King Henry the eighth by his second Sister Mary are appointed to succeed in the Crown of England before the Heirs of Margaret the first Sister married in Scotland if King Henry's own Children should come to die without Issue as now they are all like to do and this Testament had both the Kings hand or stamp unto it and divers Witnesses names besides and was enrolled in the Chancery and was authorized by two Acts of Parliament two wit in the 28. and 35. years of King Henry in which Parliaments authority was given to the said King to dispose and ordain of this point of succession as he and his learned Councel should think best for the weal publick This is the effect of this Argument which albeit the former Books of Mr. Morgan and the Bishop of Ross and some other of the Scottish favourers do seek to refut by divers means and ways as before in the first chapter of this discourse is set down and especially by the Testimony of the Lord Paget and Sir Edward Montague that said the stamp was put unto it after the King was past sense yet they of of the House of Suffolk are not satisfied without that answer for that they say that at least howsoever that matter of the late sealing be yet seeing the King willed it to be done drawn out and sealed it appeareth hereby that this was the last Will and judgment of King Henry and not revoaked by him which is sufficient say these men to answer the intent and meaning of the Realm and the authority committed to him by the foresaid two Acts of Parliament for the disposing of the succession which two Acts say these men containing the whole authority of the Commonwealth so seriously and diliberately given in so weighty an affair may not in reason be deluded or overthrown now by the saying of one or two men who for pleasing or contenting of the time wherein they speak might say or guess that the Kings memory was past when the stamp was put unto his Testament which if it were so yet if he commanded as hath been said the thing to be done while he had memory as it may appear he did both by the Witnesses that subscribed and by the enrollment thereof in the Chancery no man can deny but that this was the King's last Will which is enough for satisfying the Parliaments intention as these men do affirm A fourth argument is made against the King of Scots Succession by all the other competitors jointly and it seemeth to them to be an argument that hath no solution or reply for that it is grounded upon a plain fresh Statute made in the Parliament holden in the 27 year if I erre not of her Majesty that now is wherein it is enacted and decreed that whosoever shall be convinced to conspire attempt or procure the death of the Queen or to be privy or accessary to the same shall lose all right title pretence claim or action that the same parties or their Heirs have or may have to the Crown of England Upon which Statute seeing that afterward the Lady Mary late Queen of Scotland Mother of this King was condemned and executed by the authority of the said Parliament it seeemeth evident unto these men that this King who pretendeth all his right to the Crown of England by his said Mother can have none at all And these are the reasons proofs and arguments which divers men do alledge against the right of succession pretended by the King of Scots But now if we leave this point which concerneth the very right it self of his succession by bloud and will come to examine other reasons and considerations of State and those in particular which before I have mentioned that his favourers do alledge utility and common good that may be presumed will rise to the Realm of England by his admission to our Crown as also the other point also of establishment of Religion by them mentioned then I say these other men that are against his entrance do produce many other reasons and considerations also of great conveniencies as to them they seem against this point of admission and their reasons are these that follow First touching the publick good of the English Commonwealth by the uniting of both Realms of England and Scotland together these men do say that it is very doubtful and disputable whether the state of England shall receive good or harm thereby if the said union could be brought to pass First for that the state and condition of Scotland well considered it seemeth that it can bring no other commodity to England then increase of Subjects and those rather to participate the commodities and riches of England then to import any from Scotland And then secondly the aversion and natural alienation of that people from the English and their ancient inclination to joyn with the French and Irish against us maketh it very probable that that subjection of theirs to the Crown of England would not long endure as by experience we have seen since the time of King Edward the first when after the death of their King Alexander the third without Issue they chose King Edward to be their King delivered their Towns and Fortresses into his hands did swear him Fealty received his Deputy or Vice-Roy as Polydor at large declareth And yet all this served afterward to no other effect but only Slaughter Bloud-shed and infinite Losses and Charges of England Thirdly they say That if the King of Scots should come to possess the Crown of England he cannot chuse at least for many years but to stand in great jealousie of so many other Competitors of the English Bloud-Royal as he shall find in England against whom he must needs fortifie himself by those other Foreign Nations that may be presumed to be most sure unto him though most contrary by natural inclination and least tollerable in Government to English-men as are the Scots of whom he is born and Danes wiâ—h whom he is allied and French of whom he is descended and of the uncivil Part of Ireland with whom one great part of his Realm hath most Conjunction the Authority and sway of which four Nations in England and over English-men what trouble it may work every wise man may easily conjecture Besides that the Scotch-men themselves especially those of the Nobility do openly profess That they desire not this Conjunction and Subordination unto England which in no wise they can bear both for the aversion they have to all English Government over them as also for that their Liberties are
far greater as now they live than in that case it would be suffered their King coming hereby to be of greater Power to force them to the form of English Subjection as no doubt but in time he would And seeing the greatest utility that in this Case by reason and probability can be hoped for by this Union is That the Scotish Nation should come to be advanced in England and to be made of the Nobility both Temporal and Spiritual and of the Privy-Council and other like Dignities of Credit and Confidence for otherwise no union or amity can be hoped for and considering That the King both for his own safety as hath been said as also for gratitude and love to his allied Friends must needs plant them about him in chief places of Credit which are most opposite to English Natures and by little and little through occasion of Emulations and of Controversies that will fall out daily betwixt such diversity of Nations he must needs secretly begin to favour and fortifie his own as we read that William the Conquerour did his Normands and Canutus before him his Danes to the incredible Calamity of the English Nation though otherwise neither of them was of themselves either an evil King or an Enemy to the English-Bloud but driven hereunto for their own safety and for that it was impossible to stand Newter in such national Contentions If all this I say fell out so then as we know it did and our Ancestors felt it to their extreme Ruine what other effect can be hop'd for now by this violent union of Nations that are by nature so dis-united and opposite as are the English Scotch Irish Danish French and other on them depending which by this means must needs be planted together in England And if we read that the whole Realm of Spain did refuse to admit St. Lewis King of France to be their King in Spain to whom yet by Law of Succession it was evident and confessed by the Spaniards themselves as their Chronicler Garibay writeth that the Right most clearly did appertain by his Mother Lady Blanch eldest Daughter and Heir of King Alonso IX and that they did this only for that he was a French-man and might thereby bring the French to have chief Authority in Spain And if for this Cause they did agree together to give the Kingdom rather to Ferdinando III. that was Son of Lady Berenguela younger Sister to the said Lady Blanch and if this determination at that time was thought to be wise and provident tho' against all right of Lineal Succession and if we see that it had good success for that it endureth unto this day what shall we say in this case say these men where the King in question is not yet a St. Lewis nor his Title to England so clear as that other was to Spain and the aversion â—etwixt his Nation and ours much greater than was that betwixt the French and Spanish Thus they do reason Again we heard out of the discourse made by the Civilian before how the States of Portugal after the death of their King Don Ferdinando the second of that Name who left one only Daughter and Heir named Lady Beatrix married unto John I. King of Castile to whom the Succession without all Controversie did appertain they rather determined to chuse for their King a Bastard-brother of the said Don Ferdinando named John than to admit the true Inheritrix Beatrix with the Government of the Castilians by whom yet they being much the richer People the Portugals might hope to reap far greater utility than English-men can do by Scotland considering it is the poorer Countrey and Nation And this is that in effect which these men do answer in this behalf noting also by the way that the Romans themselves with all their Power could never bring Union or Peace between these two Nations of England and Scotland nor hold the Scots and North-Irish in Obedience of any Authority in England and so in the end they were enforced to cut them off and to make that famous Wall begun by Adrian and pursued by other Emperours to divide them from England and bar them from joyning as all the World knoweth and much less shall any one King in England now hold them all in Obedience let him be of what Nation he will And this for the utility that may be hoped for by this Union But now for the point alledged by the favourers of Scotland about establishment of true Religion in England by the entrance of this King of Scots these other men do hold that this is the worst and most dangerous point of all other considering what the state of Religion is in Scotland at this day and how different or rather opposite to that form which in England is maintained and when the Archbishops Bishops Deans Archdeacons and other such of Ecclesiastical and Honourable Dignities of England shall consider that no such Dignity or Promotion is left now standing in Scotland no nor any Cathedral or Collegiate Church is remained on foot with the Renâ—s and Dignities thereunto appertaining and when our Nobility shall remember how the Nobility of Scotland is subject at this day to a few ordinary and common Ministers without any Head who in their Synods and Assemblies have Authority to put to the Horn and drive out of the Realm any Noble-man whatsoever without remedy or redress except he will yield and humble himself to them and that the King himself standeth in aw of this exorbitant and popular power of his Ministers and is content to yield thereunto It is to be thought say these men that few English be they of what Religion or Opinion soever will shew themselves forward to receive such a King in respect of his Religion that hath no better Order in his own at home And thus much concerning the King of Scotland Now then it remaineth that we come to treat of the Lady Arabella second Branch of the House of Scotland touching whose Title though much of that which hath been said before for or against the King of Scotland may also be understood to appertain unto her for that she is of the same House yet I shall in this place repeat in few words the principal points that are alledged in her behalf or prejudice First of all then is alledged for her and by her â—avourers that she is descended of the foresaid Lady Margaret eldest Daughter of King Henry VII by her second Marriage with Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis and that she is in the third degree only from her for that she is the Daughter of Charles Stuart who was Son of Margaret Countess of Lenox Daughter to the said Lady Margaret Queen of Scots so as this Lady Arabella is but Neece once removed unto the said Queen Margaret to wit in equal degree of descent with the King of Scots which King being excluded as the favourers of this Woman do
affirm by the Causes and Arguments before-alledged against him no reason say they but that this Lady should enter into his place as next in Bloud unto him Secondly it is alledged in her behalf That she is an English woman born in England and of Parents who at the time of her Birth were of English Allegiance wherein she goeth before the King of Scots as hath been seen as also in this other principal point that by her admission no such inconvenience can be feared of bringing in strangers or causing Troubles or Sedition within the Realm as in the pretence of the Scottish King hath been considered And this in effect is all that I have heard alledged for her But against her by other Competitors and their Friends I have heard divers Arguments of no small Importance and Consideration produced whereof the first is that which before hath been alledged against the King of Scotland to wit that neither of them is properly of the House of Lancaster as in the Genealogy set down in the third Chapter hath appeared And secondly That the title of Lancaster is before the pretence of York as hath been proved in the fourth Chapter whereof is inferred that neither the King of Scots nor Arabella is next in Succession And for that of these two propositions there hath been much treated before I remit me thereunto only promising That of the first of the two which is how King Henry VII was of the House of Lancaster touching Right of Succession I shall handle more particularly afterward when I come to speak of the House of Portugal whereby also shall appear plainly what pretence of Succession to the Crown or â—utchy of Lancaster the Descendents of the said King Henry can justly make The second Impediment against the Lady Arabella is the aforesaid Testament of King Henry VIII and the two Acts of Parliament for authorising of the same by all which is pretended that the House of Suffolk is preferred before this other of Scotland A third Argument is For that there is yet living one of the House of Suffolk that is nearer by a degree to the Stem to wit Henry VII to whom after the decease of Her Majesty that now is we must return than is the Lady Arabella or the King of Scots and that is the Lady Margaret Countess of Darby Mother to the present Earl of Darby who was Daughter to Lady Eleanor Daughter of Queen Mary of France that was second Daughter of King Henry VII so as this Lady Margaret Countess of Darby is but in the third degree from the said Henry whereas both the King of Scotland and Arabella in the fourth and consequently she is next in propinquity of Bloud and how greatly this propinquiâ—y hath been favoured in such cases though they were of the younger Line the Examples before-alledged in the fourth Chapter do make manifest Fourthly and lastly and most strongly of all they do argue against the title of this Lady Arabella affirming that the descent is not free from bastardy which they prove first for that Queen Margaret soon after the death of her first Husband and King James the IV. married secretly one Stuart Lord of Annerdale which Stuart was alive long after her marriage with Douglas and consequently this second marriage with Douglas Stuart being alive could not be lawful which they do prove also by another name for that they say it is most certain and to be made evident that the said Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis had another Wife also alive when he married the said Queen which points they say were so publick as they came to King Henry's ears whereupon he sent into Scotland the Lord William Howard Brother to the old Duke of Norfolk and Father to the present Lord Admiral of England to enquire of these points and the said Lord Howard found them to be true and so he reported not only to the King but also afterwards many times to others and namely to Queen Mary to whom he was Lord Chamberlain and to divers others of whom many be yet living which can and will testifie the same upon the relation they heard from the said Lord William's own mouth whereupon King Henry was greatly offended and would have hindred the Marriage between his said Sister and Douglas but that they were married in secrret and had consumated their Marriage before this was known or that the thing could be prevented which is thought was one especial cause and motive also to the King afterward to put back the Issue of his said Sister of Scotland as by his forenamed Testament is pretended and this touching Arabella's title by propinquity of Birth But besides this the same men do alledge divers reasons also of inconvenience in respect of the Commonwealth for which in their opinions it should be hurtful to the Realm to admit this Lady Arabella for Queen As first of all for that she is a Woman who ought not to be preferred before so many men as at this time stand for the Crown And that it were much to have three Women to Reign in England one after the other whereas in the space of above a thousand years before them there hath not reigned so many of that Sex neither together nor asunder for that from Cordick first King of the West Saxons unto Egbert the first Monarch of the English Name and Nation containing the space of more then 300 years no one Woman at all is found to have Reigned and from Egbert to the Conquest which is almost other 300 years the like is to be observed and from the Conquest downwards which is above 500 years one only Woman was admitted for Inheritrix which was Maud the Empress Daughter of King Henry I. who yet after her â—athers death was put back and King Stephen was admitted in her place and she never received by the Realm until her Son Henry II. was of age to govern himself and then he was received with express condition That he should be Crowned and govern by himself and not his Mother which very condition was put also by the Spaniards not long after at their admitting of the Lady Berenguela younger Sister of Lady Blanch Neece to King Henry II. whereof before often mention hath been made to wit the Condition was That her Son Ferdinando should govern and not she though his title came by her so as this Circumstance of being a Woman hath ever been of much consideration especially where men do pretend also as in our Case they do Another Consideration of these men is that if this Lady should be advanced unto the Crown though she be of Noble Bloud by her Fathers side yet in respect of Alliance with the Nobility of England she is a meer stranger for that her Kindred is only in Scotland and in England she hath only the Candishes by her Mothers side who being but a mean Family might cause much grudging among the
before hath been declared and preferreth it self in degree of Propinquity not only before the aforesaid two Houses of Scotland and Clarence but also before this other part of the House of Suffolk I mean the Family of Hartford though descended of the elder Daughter for that the Countess of Darby doth hold her self one degree nearer in descent than are the other Pretenders of Hartford as hath been shewed And albeit there want not many Objections and Reasons of some against this pretence of the House of Darby besides that which I have touched before yet for that they are for the most part personal Impediments and do not touch the right or substance of the title or any other important reason of State concerning the Common-wealth but only the mislike of the persons that pretend and of their Life and Government I shall omit them in this place for that as in the beginning I promised so I shall observe as much as in me lies to utter nothing in this Conference of ours that may justly offend and much less touch the Honour and Reputation of any one Person of the Bloud-Royal of our Realm when the time of admitting or excluding cometh then will the Realm consider as well of their Persons as of their Rights and will see what account and satisfaction each person hath given of his former life and doings and according to that will proceed as is to be supposed But to me in this place it shall be enough to treat of the first point which is of the Right and Interest pretended by way of Succession And so with this I shall make an end of these Families and pass over to others that do yet remain CHAP. VII Of the Houses of Clarence and Britany which contain the â—laims of the Earl of Huntington with the Pooles as also of the Lady Infanta of Spain and others of those Families HAving declared the Claims Rights and Pretences which the two Noble Houses of Scotland and Suffolk descended of the two Daughters of King Henry VII have or may have to the Succession of England with intention afterward to handle the House of Portugal apart which pretendeth to comprehend in it self the whole Body or at lâ—ast the first and principal Branch of the ancient House of Lancaster it shall not be amiss perhaps by the way to treat in this one Chapter so much as appertaineth to the two several Houses of Clarence and Britany for that there is less to be said about them then of the other And first of all I am of opinion that the Earl of Huntington and such other pretenders as are of the House of York alone before the Conjunction of both Houses by King Henry VII may be named to be of the House of Clarence and so for distinction sake I do name them not to confound them with the Houses of Scotland and Suffolk which are termâ—d also by the Lancastrians to be of the House of York alone for that they deny them to be of the true House of Lancaster but principally I do name them to be of the House of Clarence for that indeed all their Claim and Title to the Crown doth desâ—end from George Duke of Clarence as before in the third Chapter and elsewhere hath been declared which Duke George being Brother to King Edward IV. and put to death by his order left Issue Edward Earl of Warwick and of Salisbury who was put to death by King Henry VII in his youth and Margaret Countess of Salisbury which Margaret had Issue by Sir Richard Poole Henry Poole Lord Montague afterwards beheaded and he again Katharine married to Sir Francis Hastings Earl of Huntington by whom she had Sir Henry Hastings now Earl of Huntington Sir George Hastings his Brother yet living and others So as the Earl of Huntington with his said Brethren are in the fourth degree from the said George Duke of Clarence to wit his Nephews twice removed The said Margaret Countess of Salisbury had a younger Son also named Sir Geffrey Poole who had Issue another Geffrey and this Geffrey hath two Sons alive at this day in Italy named Arthur and Geffrey who are in the same degree of distance with the said Earl of Huntington saving that some alledge for them that they do descend all by male-kind from Margaret and the Earl pretendeth by a Woman whereof we shall speak afterwards Hereby then it is made manifest how the Earl of Huntington cometh to pretend to the Crown of England by the House of York only which is no other indeed but by the debarring and disabling of all other former Pretenders not only of Portugal and of Britany as strangers but also of the Houses of Scotland and Suffolk that hold likewise of the House of York and for the Reasons and Arguments which in the former two Chapters I have set down in particular against every one of them and shall hereafter also again those that remain which Arguments and Objections or any of them if they should not be found sufficient to exclude the said other Houses then is the Claim of this House of Huntington thereby made void for that it is as we see by the younger Child of the House of York that is to say by the second Brother So as if either the pretence of Lancaster in general be better than that of Yoâ—k or if in the House of York it self any of the forenamed Pretenders descended from King Edward IV. as of the elder Brother may hold or take place then holdeth not this title of Clarence for that as I have said it coming from the younger Brother must needs be grounded only or principally upon the barring and excluding of the rest that joyntly do pretend Of which Bars and Exclusions laid by this House of Clarence against the rest for that I have spoken sufficiently in the last two Chapters going before for so much as toucheth the two Houses of Scotland and Suffolk and shall do afterwards about the other two of Britany and Portugal I mean in this place to omit to say any more therein and only to consider what the other Competitors do alledge against this House of Clarence and especially against the pretence of the Earl of Huntington as chief Titler thereof for to the excluding of him do concur not only those other of opposite Houses but also the Pooles of his own House as now we shall see First thâ—n the contrary Houses do alledge generally against all this House of Clarence that seeing their Claim is founded only upon the Right of the Daughter of George Duke of Clarence second Brother to King Edward IV. evident it is that so long as any lawful Issue remaineth of any elder Daughter of the said King Edward the elder Brother as they say much doth and cannot be denied no Claim or Pretence of the younger Brothers Daughter can be admitted And so by standing upon this and answering to the Objections alledged before against the
Succession or Right of Women which the Kingdom of France in it self doth not as is known and consequently a Woman may be Heir to the one without the other that is to say she may be Heir to some particular states of France inheritable by Women though not to the Crown it self and so do pretend to be the two Daughters of France that were Sisters to the late King Henry III. which Daughters were married the one to the King of Spain that now is who had Issue by her the Infanta of Spain yet unmarried and her younger Sister married to the Duke of Savoy and the other to wit the younger Daughter of the King of France was married to the Duke of Lorrain yet living by whom she had the Prince of Lorrain and other Children that live at this day This then being so clear as it is first that according to the common course of Succession in England and other Countries and according to the course of all Common Law the Infanâ—a of Spain should inherit the whole Kingdom of France and all other States thereunto belonging she being the Daughter and Heir of King Henry II. of France whose Issue-male of the direct line is wholly extinct but yet for that the French do pretend their Law Salique to exclude Women which we English have ever denied to be good until now hereby cometh it to pass that the King of Navarr pretendeth to enter and to be preferred before the said Infanta or her Sisters Children though Male by a Collateral Line But yet her favourers say I mean those of the Infanta that from the Dukedoms of Britany Aquitain and the like that came to the Crown of France by Women and are Inheritable by Women she cannot be in right debarred as neither from any Succession or Pretence to England if either by the Bloud-Royal of France Britany Aquitain or of England it self it may be proved that she hath any Interest thereunto as her favourers do affirm that she hath by these reasons following First for that she is of the ancient Bloud-Royal of England even from the Conquest by the elder Daughter of William the Conquerour married to Allain Fergant Duke of Britany as hath been shewed before in the second Chapter and other places of this Conference And of this they infer three Consequences First when the Sons of the Conquerour died without Issue or were made uncapable of the Crown as it was presumed at least-wise of King Henry I. last Son of the Conquerour that he lost his Right for the violence used to his elder Brother Robert and unto William the said Robert's Son and Heir they say these men ought the said Dutchess of Britany to have entred as eldest Sister Secondly they say That when Duke Robert that both by right of Birth and by express Agreement with William Rufus and with the Realm of England should have succeeded next after the said Rufus came to die in Prison the said Lady Constance should have succeeded him for that his Brother Henry being culpable of his Death could not in right be his Heir And thirdly they say That at least wise after the death of the said King Henry I. she and her Son I mean Lady Constance and Conan Duke of Britany should have entred before King Stephen who was born of Adela the younger Daughter of William the Conquerour Secondly they do alledge That the Infanta of Spain descendeth also lineally from Lady Eleanor eldest Daughter of King Henry II. married to King Alonso the ninth of that name King of Castile whose eldest Daughter and Heir named Blanch for that their only Son Henry died without Issue married with the Prince Lewis VIII of France who was Father by her to King St. Lewis of France and so hath continued the Line of France unto this day and joyned the same afterwards to the House of Britany as hath been declared So as the Infanta cometh to be Heir general of both those Houses that is as well of Britany as France as hath been shewed And now by this her descent from Queen Eleanor Daughter of King Henry II. her favourers do found divers Pretences and Titles not only to the States of Aquitain that came to her Father by a Woman but also to England in manner following First for Aquitain they say it came to King Henry II. by his Wife Eleanor Daughter of William Duke of Aquitain as before in the second Chapter at large hath been declared and for that the most part thereof was lost afterwards to the French in King John's time that was fourth Son to the aforesaid King Henry it was agreed between the said King John and the French-King Philip that all the States of Aquitain already lost to the French should be given in Dowry with the said Blanch to be married to Lewis VIII then Prince of France and so they were And moreover they do alledge That not long after this the same States with the residue that remained in King John's hands were all adjudged to be forfeited by the Parliament of Paris for the Death of Duke Arthur and consequently did fall also upon this Lady Blanch as next Heir capable of such Succession unto King John for that yet the said King John had no Son at all and for this cause and for that the said States are Inheritable by Women and came by Women as hath been often said these men affirm That at this day they do by Succession appertain unto the said Lady Infanta of Spain and not unto the Crown of France To the Succession of England also they make pretence by way of the said Lady Blanch married into France and that in divers manners First for that King John of England by the Murther of Duke Arthur of Britany his Nephew which divers Authors do affirm as Stow also witnesseth was done by King John's own hands he forfeited all his States though his right to them had been never so good and for that this Murther happened in the fifth year of his Reign and four years before his Son Henry was born none was so near to succeed at that time as was this Lady Blanch married into France for that she was Daughter and Heir unto King John's elder Sister Eleanor or the said Lady Eleanor her self Queen of Spain should have succeeded for that she yet lived and died not as appeareth by Stephen Garribay Chronicler of Spain until the year of Christ 1214. which was not until the fifteenth year of the Reign of King John and one year only before he died so as he having yet no Issue when this Murther was committed and losing by this forfeit all the right he had in the Kingdom of England it followeth that the same should have gone then to his said Sister and by her to this Lady Blanch her Heir and eldest Daughter married into France as hath been said which forfeit also of King John these men do confirm by his
Deprivation by the Pope that soon after ensued as also by another Deprivation made by the Barons of his Realm as after shall be touched Furthermore they say That when Arthur Duke of Britain whom to this effect they do hold to have been the only true Heir at that time to the Kingdom of England was in Prison in the Castle of Roan suspecting that he should be murthered by his said Unkle King John he nominated this Lady Blanch his Cousin-jerman to be his Heir perswading himself that he by the help of her Husband Prince Lewis of France and her Father the King of Spain should be better able to defend and recover his or her right to the Crown of England than Eleanor his own Sister should be who was also in the hands of his said Unkle for that he supposed that she should be made away by himself shortly after as indeed the French Chronicler affirmeth that she was And howsoever this matter of Duke Arthur's Testament was yet certain it is that when he and his Sister were put to death the next in Kin that could succeed them in their right to England was this Lady Blanch and her Mother Queen Eleanor that was Sister to Arthur's Father Geffrey Duke of Britany for that King John their Unkle was presumed by all men to be uncapable of their Inheritance by his putting of them to death and Child he had yet none And this is the second point that these men do deduce for the Lady Infanta of Spain by the title of Queen Eleanor and her Daughter Blanch to whom the Infanta is next Heir A third Interest also the same men do derive to the Infanta by the actual Deposition of King John by the Barons and States of this Realm in the 16 th year of his Reign and by the Election and actual Admission of Lewis Prince of France Husband of Lady Blanch whom they chose with one consent and admitted and swore him Fealty and Obedience in London for him and for his Heirs and Posterity in the year 1217. and gave him Possession of the said City and Tower of London and of many other chief places of the Realm and albeit afterwards the most part of the Realm changed their minds upon the sudden death of the said King John and chose and admitted his young Son Henry III. a Child of 9 years old yet do the favourers of the Infanta say That there remaineth to her as Heir unto the said Lewis until this day that Interest which by this Election Oath and Admission of the Realm remained unto this Prince Lewis which these men affirm to be the very like case as was that of Hugo Capetus in France who came to be King especially upon a certain Title that one of his Ancestors named Odo Earl of Paris had by being once elected King of France and admitted and sworn though afterwards he was deposed again and young Charles surnamed the Simple was admitted in his place as Henry III. was in England after the Election of Lewis But yet as the other ever continued his Right and Claim till it was restored to Hugo Capetus one of his Race so say these men may this Infanta continue and renew now the Demand of King Lewis her Ancestor for that Titles and Interests to Kingdoms once rightly gotten do never die but remain ever for the Posterity to effectuate when they can And thus much of this matter But after this again these men do shew how that the said Infanta of Spain doth descend also from Henry III. son of King John by the Dukes of Britany as before in the second Chapter hath been declared and in the Arbor and Genealogy following in the end of this Conference shall be seen for that King Henry besides his two Sons Edward and Edmond which were the beginners of the two Houses of York and Lancaster had also a Daughter named Beatrix married to John the second of that Name Duke of Britany and by him she had Arthur II. and so lineally from him have descended the Princes of that House until their Union with the Crown of France and from thence unto this Lady Infanta of Spain that now is who taketh her self for proper Heir of the said House of Britany and Heir general of France as hath been said By this Conjunction then of the House of Britany with the Bloud-Royal of England the Friends of the Infanta do argue in this manner That seeing she descendeth of the Sister of these two Brothers which were the Heads of the two opposite Houses of Lancaster and York and considering that each of these Houses hath often-times been Attainted and Excluded from the Succession by sundry Acts of Parliament and at this present are opposite and at contention among themselves why may not this right of both Houses say these men by way of Composition Peace and Comprize at least be passed over to the Issue of their Sister which resteth in the Infanta Again they say That all these three Branches of the Lines to wit by the Lady Constance Daughter of King William the Conquerour by the Lady Eleanor Daughter of King Henry II. and by the Lady Beatrix Daughter of King Henry III. it is evident that this Lady the Infanta of Spain is of the true ancient Bloud-Royal of England and that divers ways she may have Claim to the same which being granted they infer That seeing matters are so doubtful at this day about the next lawful Succession and that divers of the Pretenders are excluded some for Bastardy some other for Religion some for unaptness to Govern and some for other Causes and seeing the Commonwealth hath such Authority to dispose in this Affair as before the Civil-Lawyer hath declared why may there not Consideration be had among other Pretenders of this noble Princess also say these men especially seeing she is unmarried and may thereby commodate many matters and salve many breaches and satisfie many hopes and give contentment to many desires as the world knoweth And this is in effect as much as I have heard alledged hitherto in favour of the Infanta of Spain but against this Pretence others do produce divers Arguments and Objections As first of all That these her Claims be very old and worn out and are but Collateral by Sisters Secondly That she is a Stranger and Alien born Thirdly That her Religion is contrary to the State Unto all which Objections the favourers aforesaid do make their Answers And to the first they say That Antiquity hurteth not the goodness of a Title when occasion is offered to advance the same especially â—n Titles belonging to Kingdoms which commonly are never presumed to die as hath been said and nullum tempus occurrit Regi saith our Law And as for Collateral Lines they say That they may lawfully be admitted to enter when the direct Lines do either fail or are excluded for other just respects as in our Case they hold that
it happeneth And as for the second point of Foreign Birth they say there hath been sufficient answer before in treating of the House of Scotland that in rigour it is no bar by intention of any English Law yet whether in reason of State and politick Government it may be a just impediment or no it shall after be handled more at large when we come to treat of the House of Portugal To the last point of Religion they answer that this impediment is not universal nor admitted in the Judgment of all men but only of those English that be of different Religion from her But to some others and those many as these men do ween her Religion will rather be a motive to favour her Title then to hinder the same so that on this ground no certainty can be builded and this is as much as I have to say at this time of these two Families of Clarence and Britany CHAP. VIII Of the House of Portugal which containeth the Claims as well of the King and Prince of Spain to the succession of England as also of the Dukes of Parma and Bragansa by the House of Lancaster IT hath been oftentimes spoken before upon occasions offered that the Princes of the House of Portugal at this day do perswade themselves that the only remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth among them as the only true Heirs of the Lady Blanch Dutchess and Heir of Lancaster and first Wife of John of Gaunt which point of these Princes descents from the said Dutchess of Lancaster though it be declared sufficiently before in the third and fourth Chapters yet will I briefly here also set down and repeat again the reasons thereof which are these that follow John of Gaunt was Duke of Lancaster by the right of his first Wife Lady Blanch and had by her only one Son as also one Daughter of whom we need here to speak for that the other hath left no Issue now living The Son was King Henry the 4th who had Issue King Henry the 5th and he again Henry the 6th in whom was extinguished all the succession of this Son Henry The daughter of John of Gaunt by Lady Blanch was called Philippa who was married to John the first King of that name of Portugal who had Issue by him King Edward and he again had Issue King Alfonsus the fifth King of Portugal and he and his off-spring had Issue again the one after the other until our times and so by this marriage of Lady Philippa to their first King John these Princes of the House of Portugal that live at this day do pretend that the Inheritance of Lancaster is only in them by this Lady Philippa for that the succession of her elder Brother King Henry the fourth is expired long ago This in effect is their pretence but now we will pass on to see what others say that do pretend also to be of the House of Lancaster by a latter marriage John of Gaunt after the death of his first Wife Lady Blanch did marry again the Lady Constance daughter of King Peter surnamed the Cruel of Castile and had by her one daughter only named Catharine whom he married afterward back to Castile again giving her to Wife to King Henry the third of that name by whom the 〈◊〉 Issue King John and he others so as lineally King Philip of Spain is descended from her which King Philip being at this day King also of Portugal and chief Titler of that House unto England he joy 〈◊〉 the Inheritance of both the two daughters of John of Gaunt in one and so we shall not need to talk of these two daughters hereafter distinctly but only as of one seeing that both their descents do end in this one man The only difficulty and dissention is then about the Issue of the third marriage which was of John of Gaunt wiâ—h Lady Catharine Swinford whom he first kept as a Concubine in the time of his second Wife Lady Constance as before hath been shewed in the third Chapter and begat of her four Children and after that his Wife Lady Constance was dead he took her to Wife for the love he bare to his Children a little before his death and caused the said Children to be legitimated by Authority of Parliament and for that none of these four Children of his have left Issue but only one that was John Earl of Somerset we shall speak only of him omitting all the rest This John then Earl of Somerset had Issue another John which was made Duke of Somerset by King Henry the sixth who with his three Sons were slain by the Princes of the House of York in the quarrel of Lancaster and so left only one daughter named Margaret who by her Husband Edmond Tudor Earl of Richmond was Countâ—ss of Richmond and had by him a Son named Henry Earl of Richmond that was after King by the name of King Henry the seventh and from him all his descendents both of the House of Scotland and Suffolk do pretend also to be of the House of Lancaster which yet can be no otherwise then now hath been declared to wit not from Blanch first Wife and Heir of the Dutchy of Lancaster but from Catharine Swinford his third Wife wherein riseth the question whether those men I mean King Henry the seventh and his descendents may pâ—â—perly be said to be of the true House of Lancaster or no Whereunto some do answer with a distinction to wit that to the Dutchy of Lancaster whereof the first Wife Lady Blanch was Heir these of the third marriage cannot be Heirs but only the remainder of the Issue of the said Lady Blanch that resteth in the Princes of the House of Portugal But yet to the Title of the Crown of England which came by John of Gaunt himself in that he was third Son of King Edward the third and eldest of all his Children that lived when the said King Edward died by which is pretended also that he should have succeeded immediately after him before King Richard the second as before in the fourth Chapter hath been declared to this Right I say and to this Interest of the Crown which came by John of Gaunt himself and not by Lady Blanch or by any other of his Wives the descendents of King Henry the seventh do say that they may and ought to succeed for that John Earl of Somerset eldest Son of John of Gaunt by Lady Catharine Swinford though he were begotten out of matrimony yet being afterward made legitimate he was to inherit this right of John of Gaunt his Father before the Lady Philippa his Sister for that so we see that King Edward the sixth though younger and but half-brother unto the Lady Mary and Elizabeth his Sisters yet he inherited the Crown before them and in like manner is Lord Philip Prince of Spain at this day to inherit all the
succeeded by Right of the House of Lancaster immediately after King Henry the sixth And the Lady Margaret alledgeth That she was descended from John Earl of Somerset that was a man and therefore â—o be preferred And King Alfonsus alledged That he being in equal degree of nearness of Bloud with the same Countess for that both were Nephews was to be preferred before her for that he was a man and of the whole Bloud to the last Kings of the House of Lancaster and that she was a woman and but of the half Bloud so that three Prerogatives he pretended before her First That he was a man and she a woman Secondly That he descended of the lawful and elder Daughter and she of the younger Brother legitimated And thirdly That he was of whole Bloud and she but of half And for better fortifying of this proof of his Title these men do alledge a certain Case determined by the Learned of our days as they say wherein for the first of these three Causes only the Succession to a Crown was adjudged unto King Philip of Spain to wit the Succession to the Kingdom of Portugal which Case was in all respects correspondent to this of ours For that Emmanuel King of Portugal had three Children for sâ— much as appertaineth to this Affair for afterward I shall treat more particularly of his Issue that is to say two Sons and one Daughter in this order John Elizabeth and Edward even as John of Gaunt had Henry Lady Philippa and John Prince John of Portugal first Child of King Emmanuel had Issue another John and he had Sebastine in whom â—he Line â—f John the first Child was extinguished But Joâ—n's Sister Elizabeth was married to Charâ—â—s the Emperour and had Issue King Philip of Spain that now liveth Edward also younger Brother to Elizabeth or Isabel had Issue two Daughters the one married to the Duke of Parma and the other to the Duke of Bargansa so as King Philip was in equal degree with these Ladies in respect of King Emmanuel for that he was Son to his eldest Daughter and the two Dutchesses were Daughters to his younger Son And upon this rested the Question Which of these should succeed and â—â— was decided That it appertaineth unto King Philip for that he was a man and his Mother was the elder Sister though if King Philip's Mother and the two Dutchesses Father I mean Lord Edward of Portugal had been alive together no doubt but that he being a man should have born it away which these men say holdeth not in our Case but it is much more to our advantage for that it hath been shewed before that if Queen Philippa had been alive with John Earl of Somerset at the death of King Henry the sixth she should have been preferred as legitimate by Birth and therefore much more ought her Nephew King Alfonsus to have been preferred afterward in that he was a man before the Neece of the said John Earl of Somerset that was but a Woman Thus far they And besides all this they do add as often before I have mentioned that King Alfonsus was of the whole Bloud unto all the three King Henries of the House of Lancaster and the Countess of Richmond was but of the half bloud And for more strengthening of this Argument they do say further that besides that Interest or Right to the Crown which King Henry the fourth who was the first King of the House of Lancaster had by his Father John of Gaunt in that the said John was third Son of King Edward the third the said King Henry had divers other interests also which came of himself only and not from his said Father as were for example his being called into the Realm by general voice of all the people his right gotten by Arms upon the evil Government of the former King the personal resignation and delivery of the Kingdom by solemn instrument made unto him by King Richard his Election also by Parliament and Coronation by the Realm and finally the quiet Possession of him and his Posterity for almost sixty years with many Confirmations of the whole Realm by divers Acts of Parliament Oaths and and other Assurances as the World knoweth So many I mean and so authentical as could possibly be devised or given And besides all this that when King Richard was dead he was next in degree of Propinquity unto him of any man living for that the Sons of Roger Mortimer were two degrees further off than he as hath been shewed before All which particular Rights and Interests were peculiar to Henry the fourth's person and were not in his Father John of Gaunt and therefore cannot possibly descend from him to the Issue of John Earl of Somerset but must pass rather to the Issue of King Henry s true Sister the Queen Philippa of Portugal And this though it be supposed that otherwise it might be granted as they say it may not that John Earl of Somorset and his Successors might succeed to John of Gaunt before Lady Philippa which thing say these men if it should be granted yet cannot he succeed to King Henries the fourth fifth and sixth that descended of Blanch. And this is in effect all that I have heard disputed about this point what Line is true Heir to the House of Lancaster to wit whether that of John Earl of Somerset born of Katharine Swinford from whom descendeth King Henry the seventh and his Posterity or else that of Queen Philippa of Portugal born of Lady Blanch from whom are come the foresaid Princes of Portugal But now it remaineth to examine somewhat in this place also what and who are these Princes of the House of Portugal so often named before and what pretence of Succession they and every of them have or may have unto the Crown of England For better understanding whereof it shall be needful to explain somewhat more at large the foresaid Pedigree of King Emmanuel of Portugal who albeit by divers Wives he had many Children yet six only that he had by one Wife of whom there remaineth hitherto Issue are those which may appertain unto our purpose to speak of in respect of any pretence that may be made by them towards England supposing always which is most true that the said King Emmanuel was descended lineally as true and direct Heir from the foresaid Lady Philippa Queen of Portugal that was Daughter of John of Gaunt by his first Wife Lady Blanch Dutchess and Heir of the Dukedom of Lancaster and Sister to King Henry the fourth first King of the House of Lancaster so as by her doth or may pretend the whole Posterity of the said King Emmanuel unto whatsoever the said Phillippa might Inherit from her Father or Mother or from her said Brother King of England or his Posterity The six Children then of King Emmanuel were these following and each of them born as here they are set down first Prince
which was not a little for the advancement of King Philip's Title before them both as presently shall be shewâ—d It was replied against this answer in the behalf of the Duke of Parma that the last King Sebastian entred the Crown by way of Representation and not by propinquity of Blood for that he was a degree further off in propinquity of Blood from King John the III. whom he succeeded than was the Cardinal for that he was but his Nephew to wit his Sons Son and the Cardinal was his Brother and yet was the said Sebastian admitted before the Cardinal for that he represented the Place and Right of his Father Prince John that dyed before he inherited and so we see that in this case Representation was admitted said they and in like manner ought it to be now To this it was said that Sebastian was not so much preferred before his great Uncle the Cardinal by vertue of Representation as for that he was of the right Descendant line of King John and the Cardinal was but of the collateral or transversal Line and that all Law alloweth that the right Line shall first be served and preferred before the Collateral shall be admitted so that hereby Representation is nothing furthered This exclusion of Representation did greatly further and advance the pretence of King Philip for the excluding of both these Ladies and their Issues for that supposing as this answer avoucheth that there is no Representation of Father or Mother or Predecessors to be admitted but that every pretender is to be considered only in his own person then it followeth said these men which plead for the King that King Philip being in equal degree of propinquity of Blood with the two Ladies in respect as well of King Henry yet living for that they were all three children of Brother and Sister it followeth that he was to be preferred before them both as well in respect that he was Man and they both Women as also for that he was elder in age and born before them both And albeit the Duke of Parma alledged that he was one degree further off from the foresaid Kings than was King Philip so as not respecting Representation of their Parents that is to say not considering at all that King Philip descended of a Woman and the two Dutchesses of a man but only especting their own persons as hath been declared these mâ—n avouched that King Philip's person was evidently to be preferred for that he was a degree nearer in Blood than the Duke of Parma and superior in sâ—x and age to the Lady Catharine of Bragansa Moreover the Lawyers of King Philip's side affirmed that he was nearer also in propinqâ—ity of blood to King Sebastian the last King than was the very King Cardinal himself and much more than any of the other two pretenders for that he was Brother to the said King Sebastian's Mother and the Cardinal was but Brother to his Grandfather And besides this they alledged that Portugal did belong to the Crown of Castil by divers other means of old as for that it could not be given away by Kings of Castil in Marriage of their Daughters as the principal parts thereof had been as also for that when King John the I that was a Bastard was made King of Portugal by Election of the People the Inheritance thereof did evidently appertain to King John of Castile that had to Wife the Lady Beatrix Daughter and Heir of Ferdinand King of Portugal from which Inheritance of that Crown by open injury both she and her Posterity whose Right is in King Philip at this day were debarred by the intrusion of the said John Master of Avis bastard brother of the foresaid King Ferdinand Thesâ— Reasons alledged divers Lawyers in the behalf of King Philip and those not only Spaniards but also of divers other Countries and Nations as my authors before-named do avow and many books wâ—â—â— written of this matter and when the contention was at the hotest then died the King Cardinal before he could decide the same controversy upon which occasion the King of Spain being perswaded that his Right was best and that he being a Monarch and under no temporal Judge was not bound to expect any other judgment in this Affair nor to subject himself to any other Tribunal but that he might by Force put himself in possession of that which he took to be his own if otherwise he could not have it delivered unto him for so write these Authors by me named seeing also Don Antonio to pretend the said Kingdom by only Favour of some popular party that he had in Lisbon the said King Philip entred upon Portugal by Force of Arms as all the World knoweth and holdeth the same peaceably unto the day And I have been the longer in setting down this contention about the Succession to the Crown of Portugal for that it includeth also the very same pretence and contention for the Crown of England For that all these Princes before-named may in like manner pretend the Succession of that Interest to the House of Lancaster and by that to the Crown of England which doth descend from Queen Philippa eldest Daughter of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster and Sister of King Henry the IV. as hath largely been declared And albeit that some men will sâ—y that this matter is now decided which of these Princes of the House of Portugal entreth also thereby to the other Right of Succession of England yet others will say no for that the Laws of Succession in Portugal and England be different For that in England Representation taketh places so as the children of the Son â—hough they be Women shall never be preferred before the Children of the Daughter though they be Men whereof these men do infer that seeing the Lady Philips Right before-mentioned to the Dukedom of Lancaster and thereby also to the Crown of England is to be preferred according to the Laws of England and not by the Laws of other Foreign Countries it followeth that the self same Right of Succession that is pretended at this day by the Princes of Portugal for succeeding the said Lady Philippa should be determined only by the Laws of England where Representation taketh place and not by the Laws of any other Nation Thus say they But against this others do alledge that the question is not here by what Law this pretence of the Blood Royal of Portugal to the Crown of England is to be tried but rather who is the true and next Heir and Successor unto King John the I. and to his Wife Queen Lady Philippa Heir of the House of Lancaster which two Princes were King and Queen of Portugal and their true Heir at this day hath the forenamed pretence to the Crown of England true and next Hâ—â—r being once known it little importeth by what Lâ—w he pretendeth his said Right to England whether by that of England or by
this of Portugal or by both though to determine this first and chief point who is the next and true Heir unto these foresaid King and Queen of Portugal the Laws of Portugal must needs be Judge and not those of England and so seeing that by these Lawâ— of Portugal the King of Spain is now adjudged for next Heir to the said Prince and is in possession of their Inheritance at this day I mean of the Crown of Portugal these men say that he must consequently Inherit also all other Rights Dignities and Prerogatives belonging to the foresaid Princes or to their Posterity And thus you see now how great diversity of Arguments and Objections is and may be alledged on different sides about this Affair whereby also is made manifest how doubtful and ambiguous a matter this point of English Succession is seeing that in one onely branch of the Pretenders which is in the House of Portugal alone there are so many difficulties as here hath been touched But now the common Objection against all these Titles and Titlers is that they are old and out of use and not to be brought in question again now especially seeing that both King Henry the VII and his Issue have enjoyed so long the Title of the House of Lancaster as it hath and secondly that these Titles do appertain unto Strangers whose Government may be dangerous many ways unto England and especially in that which toucheth the King of Spain who being so Great and Mighty a Monarch as he is may prejudice greatly the English Liberty and easily bring them into servitude if his pretence should be Favoured as by some it seemeth to be This is the Speech of many men in England and abroad at this day whereunto yet some others do answer that as concerning the first Objection of the oldness of the Pretence and Title it hath shewed before that by Law no Title to a Kingdom dyeth ever but may take place whensoever the Party to whom it belongeth is able to avouch it and get possession and as for this pretence of the Line of Portugal they say that it hath not such great age but that very well it may shew it self and be had in consideration especially at this Time wâ—â—n now the Issue Male of King Henry the VII is ended and that of Necessity we must return to have consideration of the Issue of his Daughters before which Daughters good Reason say these men is it that the Issue of Lady Philippa Queen of Portugal should be admitted for that albeit we would have that respect to the Issues Male of John Earl of Somerset as to prefer it or suffer it to enjoy the Crown before the Issue of Queen Philippa and so they say it seemeth that it was for that King Henry the VII was Crowned King his Mother being alive which yet by ordinary course of Succession should have gone before him yet say they it is no reason that the Issue-Female of John of Somerset or of King Henry the VII should be preferred before the Issue-Male of the said Queen Philippa Moreover they say that the House of Clarence and Hutnington do pretend a Title more old and stale at this day than this of Portugal for that they pretend from George Duke of Clarence that never had the Crown and these of Portugal pretend to be next Heir to King Henry the VI. that did wear the Crown of England for 40. Years together after whose death if King Alfonsus of Portugal who was then old and wearied with evil success of Wars had been so able to prefer and follow his Title as some of that House be at this day he would never have suffered the House of York to have entred nor King Henry the VII to have enjoyed it after them by the Title of Lancaster which Title yet of Lancaster say these men King Henry the VII could not have in himself any way whether we respect Queen Philippa or John of Somerset for by Queen Philippa they of Portugal were evidently before him and by way of John of Somerset the Countess his Mother was as clearly before him neither could he have any Title as yet by the House of Yâ—rk for that he was not yet married to the Daughter of King Edward so as his Crowning in the Field and whole entrance to the Kingdom was without any actual Title at all but only the good will of the People as these men do hold To the other Objection of 14. Princes and strange Government that may come to England by these pretences of the Princes of Portugal divers men do answer diversly for some do grant that it may be so that by this means England may come to be under Foreign Kings and that no hurt or inconvenience at all would ensue thereof to England but rather much Good and Commodity but other that like not well of this assertion do say further that if these Foreign pretences should take place yet that all matters might be so compounded that albeit the Prince himself which is to Rule should be Foreign born which they take to be no Inconvenience yet that his Forces and Dependance should be only of the English for that he should not bring in any strange Powers into the Land no more than did King Stephen or King Henry the II. that were born in France or than did King Philip of Spain in Queen Marys days or as it is thought Monsiâ—ur of France should have done if he had married her Majesty that now is as once it was supposed he should To this said one of the Company and is it possible that any man should be of opinion that Foreign Government in what manner or kind soever it be should not be inconvenient and hurtfull to England where the People are wholly bent against it you remember quoth he as concerning the last two Examples that you have alledged what Tumult and stir there was raised by some kind of Men about the coming in of King Philip and what there was like to have been about the entrance of Monsieur if that purpose had gone forward I remember well said the Lawyer and these men that are of this opinion will say to this that it was but a Popular Mutiny without Reason or any good Ground at all and only raised by some crafty Heads that misliked the Religion of the Princes that were to enter and for some other drifts of their own but not of any sound Reason or Argument of State which these men think rather to be of their side and in good sooth they alledge so many Arguments for their Opinion that if you should hear them you would say it were hard to judge which Opinion had most Truth but they are too long for this place and so said he I shall make an end of the matter that I have in hand and leave this point for others to discuss With this the whole Company shewed marvellous great desire to know
the Reasons that were on both Parties for this matter and so much the more for that it seemed to Fall very fit to the purpose of these pretences of Foreign Princes for which cause they entreated him very instantly that before he passed any further or ended his whole discourse of the Titles which hitherto they said had greatly contented them he would stay himself a little upon this matter which though for a time he made great difficulty to do yet in the end being so importuned by them he promised that at their Meeting the next day he would satisfie their desire and so for that time they departed very well contented but yet as they said with their Heads full of Titles and Titlers to the Crown CHAP. IX Whether it be better to be under a Foreign or Home born Prince and whether under a great and mighty Monarch or under a little Prince or King THe Company being gathered together the next day and shewing much desire to hear the point discussed about Foreign Government whereof mention had been made the day before the Lawyer began to say That for so much as they would needs have him to enter into that matter which of it self was full of prejudice in most mens ears and minds for that no Nation commonly could abide to hear of being under strange Governours and Governments he meant to acquit himself in this their Request as he had done in other matters before which was to lay down only the Opinions and Reasons of other men that had disputed this Affair on both sides before him and of his own to affirm or deny nothing And first of all against the Dominions of Strangers and Foreigners he said that he might discourse without end and fill up whole Books and Volumes with the Reasons and Arguments or at least wise with the dislikes and aversions that all men commonly had to be under strangers or to have any Aliens to bear Rule or Charge over them be they of what Condition State or Degree soever and in this he said that as well Philosophers Lawmakers wise and good men as others do agree commonly for that we see both by their Words Writings and Facts that they abhorr to subject themselves to strange Governments so as in all the eight Books of Aristotles's Politicks you shall still see that in all the different Forms of Commonwealths that he setteth down he presupposeth ever that the Government shall be by People of the self same Nation and the same thing do presume in like manner all those Law-makers that he there mentioneth to wit Minois Solon Lycurgus Numa Pompilius and the rest and he that shall read the Famous Invectives of Demosthenes against the pretentions of King Philip of Macedonia that desired to incroach upon the Athenians and other States of Greece as also his Orations against Aeschinos his Adversary that was thought secretly to Favour the said Foreign Prince shall see what Hatred that noble Orator had against Foreign Government and he that shall read the Books of our time either of the Italians when they spake of their Subjection in times past to the Lombardes German or French Nations or to the Spaniards at this day or shall consider what the French do presently write and inveigh against the Power of the House of Guyse and Lorayne in France for that they take them to be Strangers shall easily see how deeply this aversion against Strangers is rooted in their Hearts and this for Testimony of words But now if we will consider the Facts that have ensued about this matter and how much Blood hath been â—hed and what desperate Attempts have been taken in hand by divers Nations for avoiding their subjection to strangers or for delivering themselves from the same again if once they have faln into it you shall behold more plainly the very Impression of Nature her self in this Affair for of divers barbarous Nations Realms and Cities we read in Histories we read that they rather chose to slay and murder themselves than to be under the Dominion of Stranger others have adventured strange Attempts and Bloody Stratagems as the Sicilians who in one day and at the self same hour at the time of Evening Sâ—ng slew all the French-men that were within the Island whom yet themselves had called and invited thither not long before And the like is recorded in our English Histories of killing the Danes by English men at one time in most ruful manner And the like was oftentimes thought on also by the English against the Normans when they Oppressed us and by the French against the English whiles we had Dominion in Franâ—e though neither the one nor the other of these latter designments could be effectuated for want of Forces and Commodity by reason of the watchfulness of the contrary part But yet to speak only of France the Rage and Fury of the French was generally so great and implacable against the English that Governed there in the Reign of King Henry the VI. as both Polydor and other Histories do note â—t what time partly by the dissensions of the Houses of York and Lancaster in England and partly by the valour of their own new King Charles the VII they had hope to be rid of the English Dominion as no Perswasion or Reason no Fear of Punishment no Force of Arms no Promise or Threat no Danger no Pity no Religion no Respect of God nor Man could repress or stay them from rising and revolting every where against the English Government and Governours murthering those of the English Nation in all parts and corners wheresoever they found them without remorse or compassion until they were utterly delivered of their Dominion So as this matter is taught us say these men even by Nature her self that Strangers Government is not to be admitted and moreover the reasons before alledged against the King of Scotlands pretence together with the example and judgments of the Realms of Spain and Portugal who resolved rather to alter the true Order and Course of their Succession than to admit Strangers over them do plainly Confirm the same And last of all say these men the Authority of Holy Scripture is evident in this behalf for that whenâ— God in Deuteronomy did fortel by Moses that the Jews in time would come to change their Government and to desire a King as other Nations round about them had he added yet this express Condition that he should be only of their own Nation for he saith Constitues eum quem Deus tuus elâ—gerit de numero fratrum tuorum non poteris altertus gentis hominem Regem facere qui non sit frater tuus that is Thou shalt make a King at that time such a one as thy Lord God shall chuse for that dignity out of the number of thy Brethren but thou mayst not make a King of any other Nation but of thy own Brethren
Thus say these men against admitting of Strangers and it seemeth that their opinion and affection hath many followers for that generally we see most men affected and inclined this way But yet on the other side there want not other men who appear both wise dis-passionate and grave that will seem to consider this matter far otherwise and do say that all this is but a common vulgar prejudice of passionate men against strangers rising partly by corruption of Nature whereby men are inclined to think evil of others and to bear them little affection especially such as Govern and bear rule over them and so much the less by how much farther off they are from us in Kindred and Acquaintance and partly also they say that the same riseth of lack of due consideration in the most part of men for that they weigh not the true Reasons Causes or Effects of things but only the outward shew and so do run away with the Opinion and Apprehension of the Popular which for the most part hath no other ground or foundation in it but only Fancy and Imagination or Incitation of others that endeavour to procure Tumults and so they say it falleth out in this point as upon examination it shall appear And for Proof and Declaration of this their Assertion they do require first of all that this ordinary and common prejudice against Strangers or strange Governments be laid aside so long at least as the matter is in Disputation and that only the true effects of good and profitable Government may be considered without that other circumstance whether these fruits do come from Stranger or Home-born Prince which effects are Peace Rest Justice Defence of the Innocent Punishment of the wicked Wealth Security and other such benefits that good Government is wont to bring with it to the Subjects These things say these men are to be weighed indifferently and without passion by Wise men and wheresoever these effects are more abundantly to be found there the Government is best and there the subjects are in best Case whatsoever the Governours be or of what Nation or Country soever they be And this they shew by this example following If in two Countries or Commonwealths lying nigh together the subjects of the one should live in all Ease Wealth and Prosperity under a stranger as divers states did under the Romans and in the other they should be Beaten Whipped and Afflicted under a home-born Prince as we read the Sicilians were under Phalaris and Dionisius their Country-men Tyrants clear it is say these men that the stripes and Afflictions would not seem the easier for that they come from a Natural Prince but rather the heavier and the others happy case under the Stranger must needs seem to be the better and consequently his Government rather to be wished For that in very Truth the goodness and defect of every Government is to be measured by the effects thereof that redound unto the Subjects for whose good it was first ordained as oftentimes our Friend the Civil Lawyer hath touched and proved before And when the Subjects do live well and prosperously are defended and maintained in Peace Safety and Wealth when Justice is done equally to all men the wicked punished and the good advanced and rewarded when God is honoured and true Religion maintained and vertue promoted this is that which importeth the Realm and Subjects and not where or in what Country the Prince and his Officers were Born or of what Nation Language or Kindred they be For that be the Prince of what Lineage or Kindred soever yet after he is once established in this Dignity the Common subject can have no more conversation with him nor receiv any more personal benefit of him then if he were a meer stranger except only by those common and publick effects of his Government before-mentioned for that so soon as he is placed in his Dignity he becometh a Stranger unto me little availeth it to me whether he be of my Blood and Country or no and I may say as the people of Israel in the like Case to Rehoboam for that he was King Davids Nephew and of the House of Jesse thought his State assured for that he was their Lord and Natural Prince and so might press and afflict them at his pleasure But they answered him plainly Quae nobis pars in David vel quae haereditas in filio Jesse what part have we in David or what Inheritance have we in the Son of Jesse and so they left him and rather chose to be under Jeroboam a Stranger and his Servant under him This then is the first point which these men do demand to wit that we consider equally and according to Reason Wisdom and Truth and without all Partial Affect on where and by whom and by what Government we are likest to receive and enjoy the good and happy effects above-mentioned of Prosperity to the Subject For that without all doubt say they that Government is to be deemed best and that Subjection Happiest where those Benefits are most enjoyed let the Prince or Governour be of what Nation Lineage soever And on the other side that must needs be the worst Government unto me where I shall reap fewest and participate least of those effects be the Prince never so much much my Countryman or Kinsman and though he were Born in the same City Town or House yea in the same Belly with me As for Example those men that lived say they in Spain under King Pâ—ter the Cruel or in England under King Richard the third commonly called the Tyrant what did it avail them that those Princes were of their own Country or Blood seeing they did that unto them which a Stranger though never so Barbarous would scarce have done As in like manner all those Noble Houses before-mentioned in our Country of the Dela Pools Staffords Plantagenets and others destroyed by King Henry the Eight what availed it them that the said King was not only their Country-man but also their near Kinsman What profit or Commodity was it unto Thomas of Woodstoâ—k Duke of Glocester that he lived under a King that was his Nephew to wit King Richard the second or to George Duke of Clarence in King Edward the fourths time that the said King was his own Brother when both of them were Pursued Disgraced and put to Death by them and lost their Lives Lands Dignities Goodly Possessions Stately Mannors and Gorgeous Houses with their Wives Children and all other Felicities of this World which perhaps under a Strange Prince they might have enjoyed many a fair day and year This is that then which these men do first require to wit that all Fancy and Fond Opinion of the Vulgar people be aparted in this matter from Truth and Substance as also say they we ought to desire and determine who are properly Strangers or Foreigners seeing some do take for Strangers and
Foreigners all those that are not of the same Dominion and Government though otherwise they be of the same Nation and Language according as those other men that are Enemies to Strangers said a little before if you remember that the Princes of the House of Guise and their Kindred are taken for Strangers in France by them that by that means would make them odious to the people for that their Ancestors in times past came out of Lorain which is a Province joyning hard upon France of the same Nation Language and Manners but only under another Prince And so I my self noted in my Traveling through Italy that the Florentines are hated and called Strangers in Siena where they govern albeit the one state be not 30 Miles from the other and both of one Nation Language Manners and Education And on the contrary side we shall see that some of different Language and Nation do hold themselves for Country-men as for Example the Biscayns in Spain do not hold the Castilians for Strangers but are contended to be ruled by them as by their own Country-men albeit they be a different Nation and have different Language and Manners and the same I do note in the Brittains and Normans towards the French in the Welsh also towards the English who are a different People and of different language and yet are they Governed peaceably by the English and the English again do account them for their Countreymen as may appear by that when King Henry the VII came to be King of England I do not find any resistance made against him by the English for that respect that he was of that Nâ—tion as evidently he was by his Fathers side that was of the Tidders of Wales so as this point also who be strangers and who be not seemeth to be a thing that dependeth much of the opinion and affection of each People and Nation the one towards the other And this being so these men come to treat more particularly of the Purpose in hand and do say that in two or three manners a Nation may come to be under the Government of Strangers or Foreigners first as a Province that is to say as a piece or member of another Dominion as England was in times past under the Romans and as Ireland is under England at this day as the Brittons are under France as many States of Italy be under the Crowns of Aragon and Castile And this may come to pass either by Conquest and Force of Arms as the Welsh came to be under the English and the English to be under the Normans and Danes and as Sicilia and Naples came to be under the Spaniards and as Normandy and Aquitain came to be under the French and as almost all the World in old time was brought to be under the Romans or otherwise the same may come to pass by Inheritance as Aquitaine and Normandy in times past came to England and as Flanders with the States thereof came to the House of Austria and as Britany to the Crown of France or else thirdly it may happen by mixt means that is to say partly by Force and partly by other means of Composition as Millain came to Spain and Ireland to England according as the Irish do hold and so Portugal hath inour dayes come to the King of Spain for that besides his Hreâ—ence and Right of Inheritance he used also Force of Arms for getting the same Of all these three ways then evinent it is that Conquest is the hardest and most prejudicial to the Subjects for that there all standeth at the will and clemency of the Conquerour whom either Anger or Fear or Jealousy of his assurance may often drive to hold an hard hand over the Conquered at least wise for a time until his Estate be beetter settled so that I marvel not though no People or Countrey commonly would willingly be Conquered but yet Policy also teacheth such a Conquerour whatsoever he be that as on the one side it behoveth him to be watchful and so to fortifie himself as the unquiet can do him no hure so on the other side it is necessary by the same Rule of Policy to use all Favour and sweet means to content and gain those that be or may be made quiet for better establishing of his State even as a Physician after a vehement purgation doth minister lenitives and soft Medicines to calm and appease the good humours left and to strengthen the whole body that it may hold out This we see to be true not only by reason of State and Policy as hath been said but also by experience of all Countries that have been conquered in Europe or other where if the continual resisting and revolting of those that are conquered do not cause a contrary course in the Conqueror as it did in the Conquest of the Danes and Normands upon the English and in the Conquest of the English upon the British or Welsh where the often rifing of them that were overcome enforced the Nanquishers to be much more cruel and rigorous than otherwise they would have been for all our Histories do testifie that King Sweno the Dane and much more his Son King Canutus as also William the Conquerour had a great desire after their victories to have appeased and made much of the English Nation but that they were never quiet under them and so in like manner the English Kings oftentimes gave their Daughters in marriage to the Princes of Wales and many priviledges to that People thereby to gain them but that their continual Revolting caused much severity and blood-shed to be used and the like severity did they use always most favours and gave them most cause oftentimes in the very Romans towards the said Britains conquered But where the People vanquished were content to be quiet and submit themselves there the said Romans used all Favour and Moderation so as it is written of them in the first book of Macchabees Et audivit Judas nomen Romanorum quia sunt potentes viribus acquiescunt ad omnia quae postulantur ab eis That is And Judas Macchabeus heard the name and fame of the Romans how they were potent in strength and yet so gentle as they yielded to all that was demanded at their hands And finally their Government was so just considerate sweet and modest upon all Foreign Nations which they had conquered as it allured divers Nations to desire to be under them and to be rid of their own natural Kings as of the Subjects of Antiochus and Methridates Kings of Asia and Pontus we do read of some otherâ— Princes also thereby to gratifie their Subjects did nominate the Roman Empire for their Successor as did King Attalus King of Pergamus and Ptolomy of Egypt and others and it is the common opinion of Learned men that the World was never more happily governed than under the Romans and yet were they Strangers to
most of their Subjects over which they Governed and unto whom they were most strangers that is to say unto such as were furthest off from them to those did they use always most favours and gave them most priviledges as both Wisdom and Reason of State did require for that those people had most ability to rise against them and to rebell so as this circumstance of being Strangers hurted them nothing but rather profited them much The like Rule of Policy and of State have all great Monarchies used ever since that is to say to shew most Favour to such Subjects as be most strangers and farthest from them and on the contrary side if any be to be pressed more than others to press and burthen them most that be most natural and nearest home and most under and in subjection and surest to obey and this is evidently seen felt and practised by all the great States this day of the World so as it cannot be denied For if we look but into France we shall find that the States of Gascony and Guyene which are farthest off from the Court and were once strangers and gotten by force from the English do pay far less Tributes at this day to the French King than those that be of the Isle of France it self and are properly French and in like manner the Britons which came to that Crown by Marriage and were old enemies do pay much less yet than the Gascoyns and in a manner do pay nothing at all and the Normans do pay somewhat more than any of the two for that they do lie somewhat nearer to Paris and thereby are more in subjection to the Prince though yet they pay less than the natural French-men The Candians also which is an Island apart and standeth under the Venetians do not pay the third part of the Impositions as by my own information I learned when I travelled Italy that do the natural subjects of the Venetian state in Italy What shall I say of the Kingdoms and States of Naples Sicily and Millain subject to the King of Spain called the Alcavallâ— which is the tenth penny of all that is bought and sold nor are they subiect to the Inquisition of Spain at lâ—est Naples and Millain nor to many other Duties Tributes and Impositions which the natural Spaniard is subject unto nor is there any Law or Edict made in Spain that holdeth in those Countries except it be allowed ratified and confirmed by those States themselves nor may any of their old Priviledges be infringed but by their own consents and when the King requireth any extraordinary Subsidies in Spain they bear no part thereof Whereupon these men do ask what it hurteth these States that they are strangers or under Strangers or what priviledge is it to the Spaniard at home that he is only under his home-born King if if he he receive less benefits by that than doth the Stranger And is not the like also used by the State of England towards Ireland are not the Favours and Indulgences used towards the Civil Irish that live in peace much more than to the English themselves in England For first their Taxes and Payments be much less the Laws of England bind them not except they be allowed and received by their own Parliament in Ireland For matters of Religion they are pressed much less than home-born Subjects albeit their Affections to the Roman Religion be known to be much more universal than it is in England In all Criminal Affairs and punishing of Delicts the manner of proceeding against the Irish is much more remiss mild and gentle than with the Subjects of England so as their being strangers seems rather a Priviledg than an hindranc eunto them But in no other Countrey is this thing more evidently to be considered than in the States of Flanders and low Countries which by Inheritance as hath been said came to be under foreign Government but so much to their good and advancement and that in a very few years as scarce is credible except to him that understandeth their former state when they were under their home-born Princes and do compare it with that which after they came unto under the house of Austria united unto the Crown of Spain For before for many hundred years a man shall read nothing almost in their Histories but War Sedition and Blood-shed among themselves and this either one state with another before they were united together all under one Prince or else with the Kingdom of France of whom in those days they depended or else and this most of all against their own Princes of whom some have been so fierce and cruel unto them as they have shed infinit quantity of their Blood and among others I read of their Count de Luys that in one day he put to death five hundred of them by sentence of Justice in Bruxelâ—es and another day within the same year he caused about a thousand to be burned to death in a Church of the Town of Nevel besides his infinite others whom in divers Battels and Skirmishes he slew so as oftentimes the Countrey lay almost desolate through their domestical afflictions But now since the time that the States came to be under Philip the first Archduke of Austria and after King of Spain and so remained under his Son Charles the Emperour and his Nephew Philip the II. that now liveth until the late Troubles and Rebellions which was about the space of fifty years that they so continued in Peace before their Rebellion it is almost incredible how those States increased in wealth peace and dignity so that as Guycâ—â—rdine the Italian Historiographer noteth in his description of those Countries the whole Wealth and Riches of the World seemed to flow thither and I my self can remember to have seen such exceeding abundance in very ordinary men of this Countrey both for their Diet Apparel Furniture of House and the like as was wonderful besides that for their Nobility they were all great Princes for that every one had his Province or great Town in Government which they ruled with that Pomp and Honour as if they had been Absolute Lords themselves by reason of the far distance of their Supream Prince and so they were received with publick Honour of all Cities and Towns and their Charges Born wheresoever they passed as such High Estates wont to be And albeit they had ever commonly a Stranger for Supream Governour among them under their King which bare the name to be above them yet did he indeed nothing but as they would have him and this partly for that his time of Goverment being but short he always attended principally to get the good wills of the people and to hold them contenâ—ed and thereby to be grateful to his King at his return home and partly also for that if he should attempt to do any thing against their Minds and liking they
in England to favour him and his pretence or else in respect of his own particular Family Friends and Allies both at home and abroad And for that the Party of Religion is like to weigh most and to bear the greatest sway and most potent suffrage and voice in this action and that with reason according to that the Civilian hath proved at large in the last of his Discourses therefore shall I also quoth the Lawyer first of all then treat of this point of Religion in this my last Speech It is well known said he that in the Realm of England at this day there are three different and opposite Bodies of Religion that are of most bulk and that do carry most sway and power which three Bodies are known commonly in England by the names of Protestants Puritans and Papists though the latter two do not acknowledge these Names and for the same cause would not I use them neither if it were not only for clearness and brevities sake for that as often I have protested my meaning is not to give offence to any Side or Party These three Bodies then quoth he do comprehend in effect all the Force of England and do make so general a division and separation throughout the whole Land in the hearts and minds of their Friends Favourers and followers as if I be not deceived no one thing is like so much to be respected in each Pretender for his advancement or depression as his Religion or inclination therein by them that must assist him at that day and are of different Religions themselves And more I am of opinion said he that albeit in other changes heretofore in England as in the entrance of King Edward and Queen Mary and of this Queens Majesty that now is divers men of different Religions did for other respects concurr and joyn together for these Princes advancement notwithstanding that afterwards many of them repented the same which is to be seen in that for King Edward all the Realm without exception did concurr and for Queen Mary it is known that divers Protestants did by name and among other points it is also known that Sir Nicholas Throgmorton a fervent Protestant in those days being of King Edward's Privy Chamber did not only advise her of the sickness and decay of King Edward from day to day but also was the first that sent an express Messenger to advise her of her Brother's death and what the two Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk did contrive against her and that with such celerity that King Edward dying but on Thursday night the 10 th of July the Lady Mary was most certainly advised thereof by Saturday morning next and that very early in Kenning-hall-Castle of Norfolk 80. Miles off and divers other Protestants did assist her also in that her Entry as in like manner all those of the Roman Religion without exception did assist her Majesty that now reigneth after the decease of the said Queen Mary and this was then But I am of opinion that matters will fall out far otherwise at the next Change and this partly peradventure for that the titles of Succession in the Pretenders are not so clear but rather much more doubtful now than they were then and partly or rather principally for that men in time are come to be of more resolution and determination in matters of Religion and by contention and pursuing one the other are become more opposite and enemies and more desirous of revenge and further also than this those that be of milder and better condition and have not these passions in them yet by Reason and Experience they do see the great absurdity and inconvenience that ensueth by that a man of one Religion should give aid to the advancement of a Prince of a contrary Religion to that which himself doth esteem and hold for only truth which in him that so doth cannot be denied but that it is a point of little zeal at the least if not contempt of God and of Religion or of plain atheism as others will call it And moreover I remember that the Civilian before in the end of his Speech inveighed also much against this point and shewed that besides lack of Conscience and Religion it was in like manner against all humane wisdom and policy to favour a pretender of a different Religion from himself and this for divers reasons that he laid down which reasons I confess prevailed much with me and I do allow greatly of that his opinion and assertion which averred that the first respect of all others ought to be GOD and Religion in this great Affair of making a King or Queen and that without this no Title whatsoever ought to prevail or be admitted by Christian men and that the Cities of France at this day do not amiss but justly and religiously so long as they are of that Religion that they are to stand against the King of Navarr though otherwise by descent they do confess his Title to be clear and evident for that he is of contrary Religion to them Wherefore seeing that the very same Case is like or rather certain to ensue one day in England and that it is most probable that each Party of the Realm will stand most upon this Point that is to say upon the defence and advancement of their Religion and of such a King as shall be known to favour the same that themselves be of let us examin a little if you please quoth he what force ability each of these three Bodies of Religion now mentioned is like to be of at that day in England for effectuating or promoting this purpose of a new King And first to begin with the Protestant as with him that hath the sway of Authority and present Power of the State in his favour no doubt but that his force will be also great at that day said he and especially if he can conceal for a time the decease of her Majesty untill he may be able to put his Affairs in order but this is holden to be either impossible or very hard for the different judgments and affections which are not thought to be wanting in the Court Council and Princes Chamber it self whereof we saw the effect as before I told you at the death of King Edward which was as much endeavoured to be kept as ever any was and as much it imported the Concealers and yet within not many hours after had the Lady Mary most certain notice thereof â—y those that were opposite to her in Religion as I have shewed before so ardent are mens minds in such occasions and so capable of new impressions designments and desires are all kind of subjects upon such great changes A chief Member of the Protestant Body as you know for Wealth and Force is the Clergy of England especially the Bishops and other men in Ecclesiastical Dignity which are like to be a great Back to this Party at that
ambiguous as hath been declared it is to be presupposed that none or few of them will presently at the beginning cast away their hope and forego their Titles but will prove at least wise what friends shall stand unto them and how matters are like to go for or against them especially seeing they may do it without danger no Law being against them and their Rights and Pretences so manifest that no man can say they do it of ambition only or malice treason or conspiration against others and for this essay or first attempt Arms are necessary Moreover if any man in process of time would forego or give over his Title as it is to be imagined that divers will at length and many must for that one only can speed yet to the end he be not suddenly oppressed or laid hands on at the beginning by his adversary party or made away as in such cases is wont to succeed it is very likely that each Pretender for his own safety and defence will arm himself and his Friends at the beginning for that better conditions will be made with armour in hands than when a man is naked or in the power of his adversary and no doubt but the more Pretenders shall stand together armed at the beginning the easier and the surer peace will be made with him that shall prevail for that they being many with whom he hath to compound he will respect them the more and yield to more reasonable and honourable conditions than if there were but one and he weak that should resist for that a fault or displeasure is more easily pardoned to a multitude and to a potent adversary then to one or two alone that are of less account And on the other side the peril of these other pretenders that should not prevail being common to them all would knit them better together for their own defence in living under the person that should prevail and reign and he would bear more regard unto them as hath been said and this both for that they should be stronger by this union to defend themselves and he that reigneth should have less cause to suspect and fear them to work treason against him for that they are many and consequently not so easy to agree between themselves who should be preferred if the other were pulled down which to the person regnant would be also a ground of much security These are my Reasons and Conjecturs why it is like that Arms will be taken at the beginning in England before this controversy can be decided My second Position and Conjecture is that this matter is not like to come easily to any great or main Battel but rather to be ended at length by some composition and general agreement and my reasons for this be these First for that the Pretenders be many and their Powers and Friends lying in divers and different parts of the Realm and if there were but two then were it more probable that they would soon come to a Battel but being many each one will fear the other and seek to fortify himself where his own strength lieth and especially towards the Ports and Sea-side for receiving of Succours as easily may be done by reason of the multitude of Competitors as hath been said which will cause that at home the one will not much urge or press the other at the beginning but every part attend rather to strengthen than it self for the time A second Reason of this is for that the foreign Princes and States round about us are like to be much divided in this matter some as Pretendents for Themselves or their Kindred and Friends and others as favourers of this or that Party for Religion so as there will not want presently offers of Helps and Succours from abroad which Succours albeit they should be but mean or small at the beginning yet will they be of much importance when the Forces at home be divided and when there shall be different Ports Harbours and Holds ready within the Land to receive and harbour them so as I take it to be most likely that this Affair will grow somewhat long and so be ended at length by some composition only and that either by Parliament and General Consent of all Parts pretendents and of all three Bodies of Religion meeting together by their Deputies and treat and conclude some form of agreement as we see it practised now in France or else by some other means of Commissaries Commissioners Legatss Deputies or the like to make the conclusion with every Party asunder My third and last conjecture and for a meer conjecture only I would have you to hold it that seeing there be two sorts of pretenders whiâ—h stand for this Preferment the one Strangers the other English my opinion is that of any one Foreign Prince that pretendeth the Infanta of Spain is likest to bear it away or some other by her Title laid upon him by her Father the Kings good will and on the other side of any domestical Competitors the second Son of the Earl of Hartford or of the Issue of Countess of Darby carrieth much shew to be prefeted My Reasons for the former part about the Lady Infanta are that she is a Woman and may easily join if her Father will the Titles of Britany and Portugal together she is also unmarried and by her Marriage may make some other composition either at home or abroad that may facilitate the matter she is a great Princess and fit for some great State and other Princes perhaps of Christendom would more willingly yield and concur to such a composition of Matters by this Lady and by casting all Foreign Titles of Britanny and Portugal upon her then that the King of Spain should pretend for himself and thereby encrease his Monarchy which other Princes his Neighbours in reason of State would not so well allow or bear In England also it self if any Party or Person be affected that way he would think hereby to have the more reason and if any be against Strangers some such moderation as this would take away much of this aversion as also of Arguments against it for that hereby it seemeth that no subjection could be feared to any Foreign Realm but rather divers utilities to the Realm of England as these men pretend by the reasons before alledged in the precedent Chapter I said also that this Lady Infanta or some other by her Title and her Fathers good will was likest of all Strangers to bear it away for that if she should either dye or be married in any other Countrey or otherwise to be disposed of as her pretence to England should be disenabled before this Affair came to be tried then may her said Father and she if they list cast their foresaid Interests and Titles as divers men think they would upon some other Prince of their own House and Blood as for example either upon some of the Families of Parma or
Polit. Diversity of Government in divers Countries and Times Rome Africa and Greece Italy Dukes for Kings and Kings for Dukes Spain Bohemia Polonia England The Jews lib. Genes Lib. Exo. Lib. Job Lib. Jud. Lib. 1. Reg. Lib. Machab The Realm chuseth her Form of Government The Commonwealth limiteth the Governours Authority A Natural Prince A Monarchy the best Government Arist. lib. 4. pol. a. c. 9. Seneca Plutarch The Antiquity of Monarchy 1 Reg. 8. Dionys. Haly l. 5. Cornel. Tacit. l. 3. Cicero l. 1. Offic. Hierom. l. 2. epist. 12. Chrisost. ho. 23. 1 Pet. 2. Two Points to be noted How St. Peter calleth a King most excellent Utilites of a Kingdom and conveniences of other Governments Cicero l. 1. offic Democratia Miseries of Popular Government in Italy Tit. liv l. 30. Eutrop. l. 3. Oros. l. 5. 6. The cause why Laws be added to Kings Arist. l. 3 pol. c. vitâ— A notable Saying Arist. l. 3â— pol. c. 12. Arist. l. 1. Pol. c. 2. Divers â—â—â—nes and properties of Laws Cic. lib. 2. Offic. Law is the Discipline of a weal publick Psal. 2. The Counsels of Princes a great help Arist. l. 4. Pol. c. 10. The Monarchy of England temper'd The restraints of Kingly power in all Estates Roman Kings Liv. lib. 1. dâ—c 1. Greâ—ian Kings Arist. lib. 2. c. 8. polit Plutarch in Lycurg Cic. l. â— Offic. Why Kiâ—â— were restrained Laws Cic. l. 3. de legibuâ— Why Kinâ—â—ly Goverâ—â—ment we left in Rome Titus Livâ—â—â—us l. 1. dec 8. Livius ibidem Restrain's of Kingdoms in Europe Sleydon lib. 8. Aâ— 1532. Blond Dâ—â—cad 2. l. Crant li. cap. 25. Kingdoms of Polonia and Bohemia Her l. 9. Hist. Polonia Cromerus l. 3. Hist. Polon Kings of Spain France and England Concil blet 4. c. 74. concil s. c. 3. Peculiar manner of Succession An. 1340. Paul Anil Hist. Franc. l. 2. Gerard du Hailan l. 4. Hist. Franc. Fran. Belfor l. 5. c. 1 An. 1327. Reason for Succession of Women The Infanta of Spain and Prince of Lorrain Gerard dâ— Hailain lib. 13. Hiâ—â— Franc. c An. 1317 lib. 14 An. 132â— lib. 3. dâ— l'Estat de frunce Kings lawfully possessed may be deprived A markable circumstance Against Rebillions People and contemnorâ— of Princes 2 Pet. 2.10 Jude 8. Titles of Princes once settled not to be examined by private men Against flatterers that yield too much power to Princes Absurd flateries uttered by Belloy and others Belloy in apolog Cath. apolog pro Rege The purpose of the next Chapter Two points to be proved Nothing hear spoken against due respect to Princes ☜ Deprivations of Kings recounted in Scripture ☜ 1 Reg. 31. 4 Reg. 21.44 King Josias 2 Paralip 34. 2 Paralip 35. King David Xenophon in Cyropaed Ni. Machâ— l. 2. c 2. â— Tit. Liviâ— August l. de Gran. The wisdome and piety of King David 1 Paralipâ— 15. 1 Psal. 22â— 25. The Arms King David His Valour in Chivalry King David ' s Victories 2 Reg. 8. 1 Paral. 18 2 Reg. 23. Joseph l. 7. antiq c. 10 2 Reg. 7. His Humiliâ—y Charity and Devotion Kings put down among the Romans and what Successors they had Halicar l. 1 Tertul. l. de praescrip contra haeres Justin. martyr apolog T it liv l. 1 dec 1. Eutrop. l. 1 Caesar Augustus Dion in Caesa. Sueton in Câ—esa Nero Vespatian Cornel. Tacit. lib. 10 81. Egesip l. 5 Entrop in vita Caesa. Heliogabalus An. Domâ— 124. Alius lamp in vita Heliog Alexander Severus Herod in vit Sever Maxentius Constantin The bhange of the East Empire Charles the Great An. 800. Two chanâ—gs in France Belfori l. â— Girard l. â— Aemil. l. 2 Clem. Caudin en la Chroâ—nique des Roys de France Reasons Deprivation Hugo Capet Anno 988. Examples of Spain Concil Tolet. 4. cap. 4. Ambros. moral l. 11 cap. 17. Isidor in Hist. Hispan Estevan â— Garibay 13. de la â— Hist. de â—spa c. 1 Tabulae Astron. Alfonsinae King Don Alonso deposed Don Pedrâ— Crâ—el deposed Garibay l. 14. c. 40.41 In Portugal King Don Sancho 2. deposed Garibay lib. 4. de Hist. Portug c. 19. Lib. 6. dâ—â—â—cret tit de suppleâ— da cap. Grand 1. Garibay in Hist. dâ— Portug 〈◊〉 34. cap. 2. The Emperrors of Greece Galicas in Annal. part 4. Zon. Annal co 3. in vita Michael Calapha In Polonia In literis reip Polon ad Henr. Valesium pag. 182.184 Vide Gagneum part 1. de rebus Polon In Suetia Poilin 1.32 Histor de Franc. An. 1568. In Denmark Sleydanâ— l. 4. Hisâ— An. 133â— Munst. 〈◊〉 Cosmogâ— descript Davide Paulus â— vius in ris illust Example of England King Joâ—â— Deposed Polid. hiâ—â— Ang. l. 1â— An. 121. An. 1216. An. 1216. King Henry the third King Edward the second deposed Polyd. l. 18 Hist Ang. An. 1386. Stow in the Life of K. Edward the second The manner of Deprivation of a King See Stow and Hollings in this man's Life King Edward the third King Richard the second Deposed Polyd. l. 20. Hist. Aug. 1399. King Henry the 6th Deposed Polyd. lib. 23. Hist. Anglic. K. Richâ— the thiâ—â— deposedpunc An. 1â— A poâ—â— much noted The reply of the Temporal Lawer Belloy apolog Cathol c. part 2. Paragraph 9. Apol. pro. Regâ—â— cap. 9. An objection out of the Prophet Samuel 1. Reg. 8. The Power of a King or rather of a Tyrant Belloy polog pâ— 2. Paraâ— Apolâ— rege câ— 2.4 c Great aâ—surditieâ— flateriesâ— Cic. lib. 2. offic Another absurdity Institut imperial l. 2. Tit. 1. Division of goods by Civil Law Slaves and Freemen Arist. l. â— pol. c. 4 â— Arist. l. â— c. 3. Mark the Reason Divers evident reasons against Belloy 3 Reg. 21. Cap. inovamus 10. de cauebus c. super quibusdam 26. §. de verborum signif An Answer to the Objection out of the Prophet Samuel Arist. l. pol. c. 1â— Joseph l. â— antiq c. â— Deut. 1â— 3 Reg. 10. Psal. 2. By what Law Princes are punished The difference beween a private man and a Common-wealth The Prince Authority but subdelegat In reguliâ— utrinque juris vide in sine sexti Decret reg 75.69 When an Oath bindeth not Cicero li. 1. Offic. A clear Example Math. 24. Regul 68. in sine 6. Decret Decret Greg. l. Tit. 24. Decret part 2. caâ— sa 22. quâ— 4. c. 5. â— quâ— 5. perâ—â—totuâ— Two principle cases when Oath hold not â—â—wards a Prince Aemil. l. 2. Hist. Franc. Belfor in vita Childer Girad lib. 3. The Speech of the Fren. Embassador for deprivation of their King The conclusion how when Oaths do not bind Subjects The difference between a King and a Tyrant Plat. dial 1. de repub Arist. li. 2. Pol. c. 5. Bart. li. de Tyrannide Cicero li. 3. de legibus God l. 1. Tit. 14 §. digna Suet. c. 23. in Calig Zoo tom 2 in Trainâ— See in the Chapter following The Speech of a Souldier The occasion of the next Chapter The
first ground of Laws and Limits to Princes Entrance of Tyrants into their Government The Rites of Admitting Christian Kings The manner of admitting Greek Emperours at their Coronation Zonar tom 3. Annal. in vita Anastas Niceph. l. 16. c. 29. Evagr. l. 2. â—ap 32. Ubi supr The Grecian Emperors Oath Zon. tom 3 in vita Mich An. 820. Saxo. Oram l. 10 Cranzius l. 3. me trop c. 12. The Crowning of Otho the first Whitiâ—undus Hist. Saxon. l. 1. Ensigns of the Empire Witicun l. 2. Ubi supra Election German Electors Blend decad 2. l. 3 Grant l. 4. cap. 25. Sleyd l. 1. Histor. An. 1519. The manner of the Emperours coronation at this day Sleyd ubi supra Interrogatories to the Emperour Imperial Ornaments Second Oath To be noted The maner of coronation in Polonia Alex. Guaguinrerum Polon Tom. 1. Oricho in Chimer f. 90 106. The King of Poland's Oath Bod. de rep l. 2. c. 9. The admission of Kings in Spain Amb. Mor. l. 11. c. 17. Hist. Hisp. praefatejusdem concilii The humility of King Sissinadus Concil Tol. 4. c. 74. Amb. Mor. l. 11. c. 17 Cap. 74. Conditions of reigning in Spain Amb. Mor. l. 11. c. 23 14. Concil 5. c. 2 3 4 5. Conc. 6. c 16 17 18 Conc. Tol. 6. c 3. The King of Spain's Oath at his Admission Amb. Mor. l. 1. c. 23. Destruction of Spain The beginning of the restitution of Spain Amb. Mor. l. 13. c. 1 8. de la Chron. de Hispan Kingdoms in Spain The gothish Law of Don Pelayo King of Spain Amb. Mor. l. 13. c. 2. Lucas Episcop Tuyens in hist. Hispan â—Lod de molin l. de hered The old Spanish Ceremonies in making their Kings The present manner of Spain The manner of French Coronation The old Ceremonies Belfor l. 3 c. 20. Thevet cosmograph univers l. 15. c. 2. Papir masson annal l. 3. p. 2.15 Gerard l. 3. de l. Estat f. 238. Franc. Bel. Hist. Franc. l. 3. c. 20. in vita Philip 1. The Coronation of King Philip the first The Speech of the Father Notes upon the King's Speeches Memoâ—res du Til. c. eu sacre des Royâ—s The particular manner of Coronation Proffsion of Faith The Oath of the King of France Belfor l. 3. c. 20. The Peoples election and admission The later Order of Coronation in France The twelve Peers of France and their Offices in the Coronation Temporal Peers To be noted Gerard duâ— Hailan lib. â— 3. de l'estat pag. 240. 242. 258. The ceremonies used at this day Francis Belf. in vita Augusti The coronation of Phil. II. Augustus The Oath of the French King used at this day The Archbishops blessing Speech to the new King The manner of Coronations taken from France 1. Reg. 10.16 2 Reg. 2. 2. Reg. 1. The Holy Oyle of Rhemes Belfo. l. 3. cap. 57. Estevan Garribay lib. 22. c. 1. Kings Crowned in Navarre and not in Spaine The English Coronation taken from the French Le Sacré des Roys Folid lib. 13. Hist. Angliae in vita Henrici In vita D. Tho. Cant. apud surium in men se Decembris The Speech of another Archbishop of Canterbury to the King Stow in vita Hen. IV. Holings in his Chro. pag. 476. 1005. The Kings of England Regal Ornaments Stow in vita Richardi 2. in fine Admission and Coronation of King Henry 4. The Coronation of King Edward 4. Stow in vita Hen. Vâ— p. 709. The Conclusion of this chapter Absurd assertions of Belloy A Pause Gross Flattery The propositions of Belloy apolog cath part 2. § 7. Matth. 6. 2. Apolog. Cathol part 1. parag 7. 3. Apolog. pro â—ege c. 6. 34. 4. Apolog. Cathol part 2. parag 7. pro Rege cap. 9. 5. Apolog. pro Rege cap. 20. Succession of Princes by Birth better than meer Election and why I. Reason II. III. IV. The preheminence of Primogeniture Genes 15. 49 Daut 21. 15. 2 Paralip 21. 3. Exod. 3. 2. Rom. 9. 12. Genes 28. 27. Two Points to be noted Genes 29. 49. Exod. 1. 2 Reg. 5. 1 Paral. 3. Two Cases resolved The Remedy of inconveniences by Succession Election and Succession do help the one the other Answer to the two Principal Questions Succession greatly to be respected What an Heir apparent is before his Coronation Examples of Marriage What respect is due to an Heir apparent Why Princes do count their years from the death of their Predecessors Gerard du Hailan l. 3. de Pestare pag. 241. No Heir aarent King before his Coronation An evident Argument A rare Example of King Henry V. Polydor. Virg. lib. 22. Histor. Angliae in vita Henrici V. Stow in the beginning of the life of King Henry V. Notes of this Act. Admission of more importance than Succession See their last words to their Mriends Sir Thomas Moore Stow. Why divers Kings caused their sons to be crowned in their own days Aird du Hailan lib. 6. Hist. An. 1001. An. 1032. An. 1061. An. 1131. An. 1183. 3 Reg. 1. Polyd. Stow in vita Henrici II. The Civilian cloyed with copy Objections The Example of the Jewe 1 Reg. 8. King Saul 2 Reg. 3. 21.21 An Objection answered King David made by 〈◊〉 2 Reg 2. 5. Psal 131. 2 Paâ—al 6. Adonias the elâ—er son rejected 2 Reg. 1. The Motives of Adonâ—as Perswasions to King David to make Solomon his Successor 3 Reg. 1. The Coronation of Solomon 3 Reg. 1. A Point to be noted The manner of admission of the Prince Rehoboam 3 Reg. 12. 3 Reg. 11. 5 Reg. 12. 21. Four Races of Spanish Kings Ambros. Moral lib. 11. Hist. c. 12. 2 Race Ambros. Moral lib. 13. c. 2. Moral lib. 37. c. 42.43.44 3 Race â—â—â—bay lib. â—0 c. 1 4 Race Examples of the first Race Concil Tol. 5. c. 3. Conc. Tol. 4. cap. 74. Examples of the second Race Episcop Tuyens l. 1 Histoir Ludou de Molin li. de Hard. King Don Pelayo Ambros. Mor. l. 13. cap. 6.9.10 Sebast. Episc. Salam in hist. Hisp. King Don Alonso Don Fruela Moral li. 13. cap. 17. An. 761. Many breaches of Succession Moral c. 21 King Don Aurelio King Don Silo. King Don Alonso the Chaste Mor. l. 13. cap. 25. A strange deliberation Great Authority of Common-Wealth King Alonso the chast reigneth the second time Moral c. 28. 29. An. 791. Moral li. 13. cap. 45.46 Anno 142. An horrible Tribute King Don Ramiro by Election Moral c. 31. The Kingdom of Spain a Majorasgo King Don Ordonio An. 924. Moral l. 16. cap. 2. An. 924. Don Alonso IV. Don Ramiro Moral lib. 19. cap. 20. An. 930. Don Ordonio III. An. 950. Don Sancho I. Moral l. 16. cap. 29. An. 950. Mor. l. 17. c. 1.2.3.4 The end of the race of Don Pelayo Of the descents following Spanish Examples in the second descent An. 1201 Garib li. 11. cap. 12. 17. Lady Elenor an English Woman
Issue The meeting of three Houses Prince Edward Duke Edmond Lady Beatrix daughter of K. Henry 3. The Pedegree of the Dukes of Britany The great Contention between the Houses of Monford and Bloâ—s in Britany Burgundy and Orleans The controversie between the House of Monford and Blois A question about succession between the Uncle and the Niece The House of Blois overcome The succession of the Monfords in Britany Francis last Duke of Britany How the Dukedom of Britany was united to France The Issue Male of K. Henr. 3. The Bishop of Ross in his Book of the Queen of Scots Title George Lilly in fine Epitomes Chron. Anglic. That Edward was the elder Mat. West in vit H. 3. Hollingshed ibid. p. 654. Hollingsh in vit H. 3. p. 740. 777. Edmonds Line never pretended to the Crown Note this consequent The eldership of Edmond a fiction Polyd. in fine vit Henr. 3. The Issue of K. Edward the â— The Issue of Edmond Crouch-back Collateral Lines of Lancaster 〈…〉 of K Edward 3. The Red Rose and the White Issue of the Black Prince The Issue of Leonel the 2d Son The Issue of Edmond the 4. Son The Issue of Thomas the 5. Son The Issue of of the 3d. â—n Duke of Lancast. The Issue of L. Blanch. Lady Philippa married into Portugal and her Issue Lady Elizabeth second Daughter The Issue of K. Henr. 4. The Issue of John of Gaunt by his second Wife The controversie in Spain between King Peter the Cruel and his Bastard broohâ—r Garibay l. 15. â— 26. Of Lady Catharine Swinford Hollinshed in vita Rich. 2. p. 1088. The Duke of Lancaster 's bastards made legitimate Hollingh in vita Kich 2. pag. 1090. The issue of Katharine Swinfords children King Henry VII The Dukes of Somerset Polidor hist. Ang. lib. 23. Hollings in vita Edwardi IV. pa. 1314. 1340. What heirs of Lancaster now remain in England The Issue of the House of York Richard Earl of Cambridge executed Richard Duke of York slain Edward Duke of York and King his Issue The Line of the Pooles The Line of the Hastings The Barringtons King Richard 3. Issue of K. Henry the 7. Issue of the Lady Mary of Scotland Issue of Mary 2d Sister to K. Henry Lady Frances Stow An. 7 Edw. 6. Of Lady Eleanor of Suffolk Variety of Authors opinions about this controversie Polyd. in fine vit Henr. 3. initio vit Henr. 4. in vit Ric. An. 1386. The Allegations of the House of York The story of the controversie between Lancaster and York Polyd. in â—â—a Riâ—h 2. l. b. 20. King Richards deposition Chief points of the controversie between Lancaster and York Three pâ—â—â—t King Richards deposition That a 〈…〉 1. Reason 2. Authority 3. Examples Whether the causes were sufficient of King Richards deposition The Hâ—â—se of York chief 〈◊〉 in deposing K. Rich. Polyd. Hist. Angl. l. 20. Addit ad Polycronicon Testimony of Stories The evil government of K. Rich. Stow in vit Rich. 2. pag. 502. regni 11. A great insolency The evil Parliament Stow an 21 regni Rich. The Duke of Lancaster called by common request Frosard Walsingham Whether the manner of deposing K. Richard were good Arms necessary for removing an evil Prince 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 by 〈◊〉 Forces King Eglon slain in his Chamber Judg. 3. Saul put down by violence 1 Chr. 10. vers 9. Rehoboam deposed by his Subjects of ten Tribes 2 Reg. 11. 12. 2 Paralip cap. 10. Joram and his Mother Jezabel deposed by force 4 Reg. 9. Athalia deprived by force 4 Reg. 11. Whether Lancaster or York should have entred after K. Rich. Polydor l. 20. in vit Rich. Stow in vita Richardi 2. Whether 〈◊〉 Earl of 〈…〉 or 〈…〉 K. Râ—â—h The Title of York is by a Woman Stow in vit Hen. 5. an 3. regn The Earl of Cambridge executed for Conspiracy An objection for York that Edmond Mortimer was declared Heir appaâ—â—n Polyd. l. 20 Stow in vit Rich. 2. an 1385. Hollingsh in vit Rich 2. p. 1038. Stow an 1382. Polyd. l. 20 an 1394. The cause of hatred between K. Richard and the House of Lancaster John Frosard in Histor. Polydor. Hollingsh Stow in vit Rich. 2 Wâ—lâ—â—â—gh 〈…〉 2. p. 341. 3â—â— John Frosard in vit Henriet 〈◊〉 Roger Moâ—tiâ—â—â— was deâ—lâ—red Hâ—â—r 〈◊〉 Hollingsh in vit Richar. 3. p. 1406. in vit Edwar. 6. p. 1715. The declaration of K. Edw. 6. in favour of the Lady Jane Gray Girard du Haillan l. 15. his Franc. initio 〈…〉 〈◊〉 in â—â—tent Poâ—â—â—nem Câ—â—e suis leg haered The second â—â—â—mâ—le of the Uncle An examâ—plâ— of the Uncle before 〈◊〉 Nephew in Spain Garâ—bay l. 13. c. 1â— an 1276. Another example in France and Flanders Polydor. l. 15. in vit Edw. 3. Anoâ—â—eâ— example of Britany Supra c. 2. Another example â—n Scotland The contention of the Houses of â—alliol and Bruse in Scotl. Examples in England Hollingsh in vit Regis Johannis p. 142. How Arthur Duke of Britany was declared Heir apparent Polydor l. 14. Hollingsh in vit Ric. 1. p. 480. Hollingsh in vit Richardi Regis p. 496. 499. Hollingsh p. 540. Walsingh in Ypodig Neustriae Opinions of Lawyers for the Nephew and Uncle Benedict Cap. Ranutius verb. in eodem testam Baldus in lib. ut in test cap. de suis leg haered per. li. unicam pro 20. sui autem novissimo Touching the Common Law of England Different rules in succession of the Crown of other Inheritances The Common Law grounded in Custom Ancient Lawyers that defended the House of Lancaster Hollingsh in vit Henrici 6. p. 1300. The sum of this controversie repeated Other Arguments of Lancaster Stow in vit Hen. 5. p. 587. The Princes of York often attainted Stow in vit Hen. 6. York entred by violence Stow in fine vit Henrici 6. The House of York put down a Holy King Long possessions of the House of Lancaster 5. The difference of Kings of both Houses The Princes of York cruel one to the other Polydor Virg Hist. Angl. l. 24. Great union and faithfulness of the Princes of Lancaster Polydor lib. 23. Dissentioâ—s in the House of York K. Edw. 4. K. Riâ—h 3. K. Henry 8. how many he put to death of his own Kindred The de la Pools The House of Buckingham The House of Câ—urtâ—eys The House of Salisbury Seymers put to death Queen of Scots 7. Nâ— old noble House standing in England but such as took part with Lancaster Five ancient noble houses Arondel Oxford Northumberland Westmerland Shrewsbury Houses that favoured York destroyed 〈…〉 〈…〉 Pooâ—â—◠〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 and Warwick King Henry the 7. Chowned in the field in respect of the house of Lancaster only though his title that way was not great A division of the families that do pretend Of the house of Scotland Arabella In favour of the King of Scots Argument against the King of Sâ—ots The King of Scots
not of the House of Lancaster The King of Scots forrain born The controversie about forrain birth How strangers may inherit Reasons why the statute toucheth not one case The Crown not holden by allegiance 5. Reason King Henrys Testament against the King of Scots Answers to the King's Testament The King of Scots excluded by the statute of association Joyning of England and Scotland together Polyd. lib 17. in vit Edw. l. Inconveniences of bringing Strangers into England A Consideration of Importance Polyd. Hist Ang. l. 8. 9. Example of Spain Garibay l. 29. c. 42. An. Dom. 1207. Example out of Portugal Garibay l. 34. c. 38. An. Dom. 1383. Sâ—ow pa. 4. 54 59 90 76. Of â—he 〈◊〉 of Scotland Of the title of Lady Arabella An English Woman Against Arabella Not of the House of Lancaster The Testament of King Henry The countess of Darby nearer by a degree Illegitimâ—tion by â—â—sâ—ardy The Testimony of the L. William Howard Other reasons of 〈◊〉 against Arabâ—l◠〈…〉 Polyd. l. 12. Garibay l. 12. c. 42. â— The Issue of Charles Brandon Issue of Lady Frances Stow an 7. Edon 6. The Issue of the Lady Katharine The Issue of Lady Eleanor Allegations of the Houses of Darby and Hartford the one against the other Charles Brandon had a Wife alive First Bastardy against the Issue of Hartford Stow in vit Edward An. 1553. 2 Bastardy 3 Bastardy The fourth Bastardy common to both Families of Suffolk The Answer of tâ—ose of Hartford to the foresaid Bastardies Of the marriage between the Earl of Hartford and the Lady Katharine Gray How the second Son of the Earl of Hartford may be legitimate Allegations of the House of Darby Why the Earl of Huntingtonâ—â— House is 〈◊〉 to be of the House of Clarenâ—e Issue of tâ—â— House of Clâ—rence Issue of â—iâ— Geffrey Poole The interest and pretence of the Earl of Huntington Objections against the Earl â—f Huntingtâ—n Restitution may be in blâ—â—d without restitution of dignity The Pretence of the Pooles against Huntington Objections of Religion The House of Britany The course of Inheritance in the Crown of France First pretence of the Infanta to England Polyd. in vit Guil. Ruâ—â— Second pretence of the Infanta of Spain Pretence to Aquitain Polyd in vit Johan Garib in vit Alfons Pretences to England by Lady Blanch. Stow in vit Johannis Garib l. 12 c. 38. Pretence by Arthur Duke of Britany Belfor l 3. c. 71. Hist. Fran. Election of Lewis VIII to be King of England Poâ—yd l. 5. Hist. Angl. Hollings Stow in vit Johannis Belfor l. 2. c. 67. Girrard l. 5. Histor. Baudin an 891. chron France Pretence by Descent from Henry III. Admission by Composition Objections against the Infanta's pretence The Princes of Portugal are of the House of Lancaster The Issue of Lady Philippa Qu. of Portugal Issue of â—â—hn of Gaunt 〈…〉 â—ee the Arâ—â—◠〈◊〉 â—he 〈…〉 Book The point of difficulty Issue of Catharine Swinford The principal question Answer Dutchy of Lancaster The Crown An example of Edward the sixth and of the Prince of Spain 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 of Portugal The Dukedom of Lancaster The Legitiâ—â—â—ion â—f Câ—thâ—rin Swinfâ—rds Chilâ—â—â—â— noâ— lawfâ—l Stow in vit Riâ—har 2. Garibay hâ—st Portugal l. 35. cap. 4. Note this example â—tow in vit Henrici 2. John of Gauntes Marriage with Catherine Swinford helpeth not the Lâ—gitimaâ—ion The Question between Lady Philippa and John of Somerset The Question between the Nephews 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 Portugal The proper Interest of King Henry the 4th cannot descend to King Henry the 7th Who are the Princes of Portugal and how they pretend â—o England The Issue of King Emmanuel of Portugal Issue of K. John the 3. of Portugal K. Lewis Father of Don Antonio K. Henry Cardinal The pretence of the Qunen Mother of France to Portugal Five Pretenders of the Crown of Portugal The contention about the Succession of Portugal Attorneys sent to Portugal A Sentence of Illâ—â—â—imation against Don Antonio Writers of this Controversy The Causes why Don Antonio was pronounced Illegitimate Don Antonio his pretence to England Three principal pretenders of Portugal Pretences of the Duke of Parma For the Dutchess of Bragansa Representation excluded A Reply for â—he Duâ—e oâ— Paâ—ma King Philip 's pretence to Portugal Divers allegations for King Philip. Hieron Frakâ— Jo. Pâ—et Vipeâ— anus The case of pretence of the House of Portugal to England An objection with the answer Objections against the Pretenders of Portugal Answers Note this By what Title King Henry VII did enter About foreign power in England About Foreign Government The occasion of the next chapter about Foreign Government Reasons against foreign Government Polit. Arist. Demosthenis Philippicae in Aeschines Attempts to deliver Realms from strangers Quint. Curt. l. 5 6. de gest Alex. Vespere Sicilianae an 1265. Leand. in descript Siciliae Polyd. l. 8. Hollings in vit Camiti The rage of the French against the English The conclusion against Strangers Authority of Scripture against strangers Deut. 15. The answer in defence of foreign Government The effect of Governments to be considered and not the Governours An Example Little importeth the Subject of what Country his Governour is so he is good 1 Reg. 12. Not the Country but the good Government importeth Note these examples Who are properly Strangers Divers manners of being under Strangers To be undder strangers by Conquest How Conquerours do proceed towards â—he Conquered Polydor Virg. l. 8. Hist. Angliae Clemensy of the Romans Lib. 1. Macchab. â—ap 8. Strangers most favoured in wise Governments Gascoynes Britons Candians States oâ— Italy The condition of the Irish under the English Of the States of Flanders Girard du Haâ—lan l. 18. an 1381. Prosperity of Flanders under the House of Austria In Guiâ—ciard nella descrittione delli pasi bassi The Authority of the Flomings at home The Indulgence miâ—d â—o offenders 〈◊〉 â—landers The Spaniard punisheth less in Italy than nearer home Vâ—ceroyes do give account of their Government Much slaughter of Nobility in England Execution of Nobility by Henry the eight Under King Edward and Queen Mary States governed happily by foreign Princes Old afflictions of Naples and Millain Whether a great or little Prince be better Pedro Mexio en vit de Antonio Piâ—â— The felicity of the Roman Government The second way of being under a foreign Prince A foreign Prince without Forces not prejudicial Note this utility of a foreign King The manner of foreign Prince more commodious for the present A third way of being under foreign Government 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Gâ—veâ—â—ent Inconâ—â—â—enceâ— of tâ—â—s Government Strange Governoâ—â—â— desired in some Realm The Answer to objections against foreign Government Answer the Grecian Philosophers and Orators Demosthenes The troublsome state of the Grecian Cities Arist. l. 2. â—olit c. 1.2 â—â—â—wer to 〈◊〉 objection out of Deuteronomy Deut. 15. Secondary Lines Ambiguity of Prevailing Two Grounds of probability of speeding Three Religions in England The great Importance of Religion in this Action The next Change like to be difficult and why The consideration of the Protestant Party The Clergy The Council and Nobility Persons designed or favoured by the Protestant Party Foreign Friends of the Protestants Of the Party Puritan Persons affected by the Puritans External Friends Lutheranâ— The Puritan at home Those of the Roman Religion Tâ—e Râ—man Party grâ—at and wâ—y 1 Reg â—2 〈…〉 Friends and Allies abroad Considerations of 〈◊〉 Pretender in particular The King of Scotland Arabella The Lord Beacham and the Earl of Darby Alliance of the Earl of Darby Aâ—â—ance of the Seymers Alliance â—â— the Stanleys Aâ—lâ—ance of the old Countess of Darby The States of the Lord Beacham and the Earl of Darby 〈…〉 Lords The Earl of Huntington 〈◊〉 of the 〈…〉 â—untingâ—â—â— The Power of London Polydor. 24 Holingshed in vita Henrici VI. The Houses of Britain and Portugal Infanta of Spain Duke of Parma The Duke of Bragansa Power of foreign Pretenders The first Conjecture that there will be War and why Sup. c. 4. A consideration to be marked The second conjecture no main Battel probable The third Conjecture who is likest to prevail For the Infanta of Spain For the Earl of Hartfod's second Son Sup. c. 6. For the Children of the Countess of Darby Garibay l. a 5. c. 36 Polydor in rit Steph.
own Sisters which point yet in England were great disorder and would not be suffered for that our Laws are otherwise and who made these Laws but the Commonwealth it self By all which we see that divers Kingdoms have divers Laws and Customs in the matter of Succession and it is not enough as often I have said for a man to alledge bare propinquity of Bloud thereby to prevail for that he may be excluded or put back by divers other circumstances and for sundry other reasons which afterwards we shall discuss Yea not only in this point said he hath the Commonwealth Authority to put back the next Inheritors upon lawful Considerations but also to dispossess them that have been lawfully put in possession if they fulfil not the Laws and Conditions by which and for which their Dignity was given them Which point as it cannot serve for wicked men to be troublesom unto their own Governours for their own Interests or Appetites so yet when it is done upon just and urgent causes and by publick authority of the whole body the Justice thereof is plain not only by the grounds and reasons before alledged but also those examples of the Romans and Grecians already mentioned who lawfully deposed their Kings upon just considerations and changed also their Monarchy and Kingly Government into other forms of Regiment And it might be proved also by examples of all other Nations and this perhaps with a circumstance which I know not whether every man here have consider'd the same viz. That God hath wonderfully concurred for the most part with such judicial Acts of the Commonwealth against their evil Princes not only in prospering the same but by giving them also some notable Successor in place of the Deposed thereby both to justifie the Fact and to remedy the fault of him that went before To this all the Company answered That they had never much thought nor made reflection upon any such Circumstance and therefore that it could not be but a point of much novelty to hear the same discussed requesting him to say what he had observed or read in that behalf I am content said he but yet with this Preface that I am far from the opinion of those people of our days or of old who make so little account of their duty towards Princes as be their Title what it will yet for every mislike of their own they are ready to band against them wheresoever they think they may make their party good inventing a thousand calumniations for their discredit without conscience or reason whom indeed I do think to have little conscience or none at all but rather to be those whom the Apostles St. Peter and St. Jude spake of when they said Novit Dominus iniquos in diem judicii reservare cruciandos magis autem eos qui dominationem contemnunt audaces sibi placentes c. God knoweth how to reserve the wicked unto the day of judgment there to be tormented but yet much more those which do contemn Domination or Government and are bold and liking of themselves Thus much there Nay further I am of opinion That whatsoever a Princes Title be if once he be settled in the Crown and admitted by the Commonwealth for all other holds I esteem the tenure of a Crown if so it may be â—ermed the most irregular and extraordinary every man is bound to settle his conscience to obey the same in all that lawfully he may command and this without examination of his Interest for that as I have said God disposeth of Kingdoms and worketh his will in Princes Affairs as he pleaseth and this by extraordinary means oftentimes so that if we should examine the Titles at this day of all the Princes of Christendom by the ordinary rule of private mens Rights Successions or Tenures we should find so many knots and difficulties as it were hard for any Law to make the same plain but only the supreme Law of God's disposition which can dispense in what he listeth This is my opinion in this behalf for true and quiet Obedience and yet on the other side as far off am I from the abject and wicked flattery of such as affirm Princes to be subject to no Law or limitation at all either in Authority Government Life or Succession but as though by Nature they had been created Kings from the beginning of the World or as though the Commonwealth had been made for them and not they for the Common-wealth or as though they had begotten or purchased or given Life to the Weal publick and not that the Weal publick had exalted them or given them their Authority Honour and Dignity So these flatterers do free them from all Obligation Duty Reverence or Respect unto the whole Body whereof they are the Heads nay expresly they say and affirm That all mens Goods Bodies and Lives are the Princes at their pleasure to dispose of that they are under no Law or Accomt-giving whatsoever that they succeed by Nature or Generation only and not by any Authority Admission or Approbation of the Commonwealth and that consequently no merit or demerit of their persons is to be respected nor any consideration of their Natures or Qualities viz. of capacity disposition or other personal circumstances is to be had or admitted and do they what they lift no Authority is there under God to chasten them All these absurd Paradoxes have some men of our days uttered in flattery of Princes and namely of late one Belloy a French-man as before I signified in two Books which he called Apologies the one Catholick and the other for the King both which he seemeth to write in favour of the King of Navar and as other also call him King of France but in my opinion he deserveth small commendation or reward to defend a Kings Title with such assertions and propositions as to destroy all Law Reason Conscience and Common-wealth and do bring all to such absolute Tyranny as no Realm ever did or could suffer among civil people no not under the Dominion of the Turk himself at this day where yet some proportion of Equity is held between the Prince and the people both in Government and Succession though nothing so much as in Christian Nations Wherefore to avoid these two extremes I shall prove unto you the mean before-mentioned viz. That as all the Duty Reverence Love and Obedience before-named is to be yielded unto every Prince which the Commonwealth hath once established so yet retaineth still the Commonwealth her Authority not only to restrain the Prince if he be exorbitant but also chasten and remove him upon due and weighty considerations and that the same hath been done and practised at many times in most Nations both Christian and otherwise with right good success to the Weal publick And this shall be the Argument if you think good of our next meeting for that now it is late and I would
Brother of the said late King Don Fernando whose name was Don Juan a youth of twenty years old who had been Master of a Military Order in Portugal named de Avis and so they excluded Dona Beatrix Queen of Castile that was their lawful Heir and chose this young man and married him afterwards to the Lady Philippe daughter of John of Gant Duke of Lancaster by his first Wife Blanch Dutchess and Heir of Lancaster in whose Right the Kings of Portugal and their Descendents do pretend unto this day a certain Interest to the House of Lancaster which I leave to our Temporal Lawyer to discuss But hereby we see what an ordinary matter it hath been in Spain and Portugal to alter the â—ine of next Succession upon any reasonable consideration which they imagined to be for their Weal-Publick and the like we shall find in France and England which even now I will begin to tâ—â—at of CHAP. VIII Divres other examples out of the States of France and England for proof that the Next in Bloud are sometimes put back from Succession and how God had approved the same with good success AS concerning the Estate of France I have noted before that albeit since the Entrance of their first King Pharamond with his Franks out of Germany which was about the year of Christ 419. they have never had any stranger come to wear the Crown which they attribute to the benefit of their Law Salique that forbiddeth Women to reign yet among themselves have they changed twice their whole Race and Linage of Kings once in the entrance of King Pepin that put out the Line of Pharamond about the Year 751. and again in the promotion of King Hugo Capetus that put out the Line of Pepin in the year 988. so as they have had three Descents and Races of Kings as well as the Spaniards the first of Pharamond the second of Pepin and the third of Capetus which endureth unto this present if it be not altered now by the exclusion that divers pretend to make of the King of Navar and other Princes of the Blood Royal of the House of Burbon Wherefore as I did before in the Spaniards so I will here let pass the first rank of all of the French Kings so that some men may say perhaps that the Commonwealth and Law of Succession was not so well settled in those days as it hath been afterwards in the time of Pepin Charles the Great and their descendents as also for that it were in very deed too tedious to examine and peruse all three Ranks of Kings in France as you will say when you shall see what store I have to alledge out of the second Rank only which began with the exclusion and deposition of their lawful King Childerick the Third and election of King Pepin as before you have heard at large declared in the third chapter of this discourse and it shall not be needful to repeat the same again in this place Pepin then sirnamed le Brefe or the Little for his small stature though he were a Giant in deeds being made King of France by meer Election in the year of Christ 751. after 22 Kings that had reigned of the first Line of Pharamond for the space of more than three hundred years and being so famous and worthy a King as all the World knoweth reigned 18 years and then left his States and Kingdoms by Succession unto his Eldest Son Charles sirnamed afterwards the Great for his famous and Heroical Acts. And albeit the the whole Kingdom of France appertained unto him alone by the Law of Succession as hath been said his Father being King and he his eldest son yet would the Realm of France shew her Authoriin his Admission which Gerard setteth down in these words Estant Pepin decide les Francois esleurent Rois Charles Carlomon ses fils a la charge qu'ils paertageroient entre eux egalement le Royaume Which is King Pipin being dead the Frenchmen chose for their Kings his two sons Charles and Carlomon with condition that they should part equally between them the Realm Wherein is to be noted not only the Election of the Commonwealth besides Succession but also the heavy Condition laid upon the Heir to part half of his Kingdom with his younger brother and the very same words hath Eginard an antient French Writer in the Life of this Charles the Great to wit that the French State in a publick Assembly did chuse two Princes to be their Kings with express condition to divide the Realm equally as Francis Belforest cites his words which two French Authors I mean Gerard and Belforest I shall use principally hereafter in the rest of my citations After three years that these two Brethren had reigned together King Carlomon the younger died and left many sones the elder whereof was named Adalgise but Belforest saith that the Lords Ecclesiastical and Temporal of France swore fidelity and obedience to Charles without any respect or regard at all of the Children of Carlomon who yet by Right of Succession should have been preferred and Paulus Aemilius a Latine Writer saith Proceres regni ad Carolum ultro venientes Regem eum totius Galliae salutarunt That is The Nobility of the Realm coming of their own accord unto Charles saluted him King of France whereby is shewen that this exclusion of the Children of Carlomon was not by force or tyranny but by free deliberation of the Realm After Charles the Great reigned by Succession his onely son Luyâ— the First sirnamed de Bonnaire of his Courtesy who entring to reign in the year 817. with great applause of all men for the exceeding grateful memory of his Father was yet afterward at the pursuit principally of his own three sons by his first Wife which were Lothair Pepin and Luys deposed first in a Council at Lions and then again at Compeigne and put into a Monastery though afterwards he came to reign again and his fourth Son by his second Wife which son was named Charles le Chauve for that he was bald succeeded him in the Sates of France though after many Battels against his eldest Brother Lothaire to whom by Succession the same appertained After Charles the Bald succeeded Luys the second sirnamed le Begue for his stuttering who was not eldest but third son unto his Father for the second died before his Father and the eldest was put by his Succession for his evil demeanur this Luys also was like to have been deprived by the States at his first entrance for the hatred conceived against his Father Charles the Bald but that he calling a Solemn Parliament at Compeigne as Gerard saith he made the People Clergy and Nobility many fair Promises to have their Good wills This Luys the Stuttering left two Bastard Sons by a Concubine who were called Luys and Carlomon