the Pope might as he was bound both edify in Spirituals and preserve the Kingdom of Portugal to its lawful Soveraign at the same time That in the present state of things there were three sorts of People of the Portuguese Nation and that the receiving of an Ambassador from Portugal would manifestly turn to the prejudice of them all First the Rebellious and Obstinate who would believe him to be their lawful King whom Christ's Vicar should declare for such and thereby be confirm'd in their Rebellion Secondly the Timorous and Wavering who would go over to their sentiments whom before they took for Rebels arguing that a King receiv'd and approv'd of by the Pope ought not to be rejected by any Christian Thirdly the Constant and Loyal that were now at King Philip's Court who either drawn by their Love to their Country or wearied out by the inconvenicies they were under might come to some desperate Resolution so that by this Action of his Holiness the Kingdom of Portugal might be put out of a possibility of being conquered by King Philip wherefore to obviate these Inconveniencies they thought it to be the duty of his Holiness to thunder out his censures against the Duke of Bragança to the end that the Rebels might be reclaim'd the Timorous take courage and the good Subjects confirm'd in their duty The Nuncio thought That Censures in this case would do no good but turn to the prejudice both of the Pope and the King of Spain of the Pope because his Apostolical Authority might be slighted for the Duke of Bregança took himself to be either the lawful King or the Usurper of Portugal if the former he could never value an unjust Excommunication for what he had justify'd to his own Conscience and it would have less effect upon him in case he took himself for an Usurper it being plain that he would never renounce the Kingdom to the loss of his Life and the ruin of his Family Than an Excommunication would be of no benefit to the King of Spain for if the Duke and the People of Portugal should despise and take no notice of it as it was likely they would the probable and almost necessary consequence would be the introduction of Calvinism or of some other Heresie by reason of the Neighbourhood and Correspondence of that Kingdom with the Northern Nations in which case the conquest of Portugal would become the most difficult for all Sectaries being to be chastised not with ordinary Punishments but according to the Rigor of the Canons the Portutugueses seeing themselves branded with a perpetual mark of Ignominy would grow desperate and choose rather to die than in any case put themselves into the Power of King Philip. But here the Spanish Ministers took him up short and told him that these were Sophistical Subtilities and not fair Arguments without vouchsafeing them any further answer The Nuncio seeing that this way of arguing would not serve the turn betook himself to another quoting Precedents from the proceedings of former Popes in the Cases of Princes whose Titles were disputable and thereby demonstrated it to have been constant practice of the Holy See to acknowledge such as were Kings de facto without any regard to right alledging to this purpose a saying of Pope Pius the 2d Moris est sedis Apostolicae eum Regem appellare qui Regnum tenet and the practice of the same Pope both in the Case of Matthias Corvinus and the Emperor Frederick the 3d. contending about the Kingdom of Hungary and of Ferdinand and Renè about the Kingdom of Sicily to which Renè pretending while Ferdinand was in Possession was put off by the Pope with this Answer Siquid juris competit ablatum est Ferdinando Regni Principes Duces Comites Populares omnes obediunt eumque sibi Regem constitui expetiverunt But the Nuncio not content with one Example brings in that of Pope Zachary who being consulted what account was to be made of the Kings of France the later Kings of the Merovignian Race they having the Name and Dignity but others the Mayres of the Palace the Power determined the Question with this Answer That he ought to be stiled King and held for such who was found Reigning and who as King had the supreme Authority of the Common-wealth in his hands Of John the 22d who received the Ambassadors of Robert Bruce he being in Possession of the Kingdom of Scotland Of Innocent the 8th who received in publick Consistory the Ambassadors of Richard the 3d. of England as he did likewise those of Henry the 7th when they came to pay Obedience to the Holy See He show'd likewise that the same thing had been done for Alfonso Henriquez and John the 1st Kings of Portugal notwithstanding the great Opposition and Power of the Kings of Leon and Castille for Henry of Castille the Murtherer of his King and Brother Don Pedro against the consent and right of Constança Pedro's Daughter and for Ferdinand and Isabella to the Prejudice of D. Joanna the only Daughter of Henry the 4th These Instances were all home to the Point supposing the King of Portugal's Title to be as bad as his Enemies would have it for let him be a Traytor Usurper Tyrant or what the Spaniards pleased there had been as bad or worse acknowledged for lawful Kings and highly caressed by the Holy See But the Spaniards had another way to deal with the Nuncio than disputing they offered indeed at something of an answer to all these Instances affirming without the least grounds that the greatest part of the Princes now mentioned sent their Ambassadors not to pay their Obedience but to plead their Cause and justify their Pretensions and in that case granted it to be lawful for the Popes to receive them But to admit of an Ambassador from Dom John as King of Portugal after that the Kings of Castille have been in Possession of that Kingdom for the space of 60 Years and sworn to as lawful Sovereigns was they said a manifest injury to their cause They thought that there was no account to be made of any thing done or said by Pius the 2d because that Pope was guided only by his Interest and varied in his Sentiments every day and as for the Kings of France that were acknowledged by Pope Zachary they must needs say the Spaniards have been Rightful and Lawful Kings since the Oracle of the Holy See had pronounced them for such for otherwise this grand Absurdity would follow that Popes were no better than Incendiaries Instigators of Rebellion and Usurpation and instead of promoting Equity and Virtue gave encouragment to the most abominable Practises and in conclusion they told the Nuncio that the Pope had best consider well what was just and convenient for otherwise they should take such Resolutions as might not be well pleasing to his Holiness but to sweeten the menace a little they added that however they should always retain that most humble
AN ACCOUNT OF THE Court of Portugal Under the Reign of the present King Dom PEDRO II. WITH Some Discourses on the Interests of PORTVGAL with Regard to other Sovereigns CONTAINING A Relation of the most Considerable Transactions that have pass'd of late between that Court and those of Rome Spain France Vienna England c. LONDON Printed for Thomas Bennet at the Half-Moon in St. Paul's Church-Yard 1700. THE CONTENTS PART I. OF the King of Portugal Page 3 Of the Publick Revenues and the Forces of the Crown both by Land and Sea 19 Of His Majesty's first Queen 43 Of the late Queen 109 Of the Queen Dowager of England 125 Of the late Infanta 128 Of the King's Issue by his second Marriage 148 Of his Natural Daughter 160 Of the Ministry 164 Of the Marquess of Alegrete 165 Of the Duke of Cadaval 171 Of the Archbishop of Lisbon 172 Of the Marquess of Aronches 178 Of the Secretary of State 179 PART II. OF the Interests of Portugal with Relation to Rome Page 1 To Spain 44 France 62 The Emperor Holland the Northern Crowns c. 114 England 119 THE PREFACE THE Contents of the following Papers were intended to fill some few Chapters in a General Account of Portugal but the Author in digesting his Materials found them like to swell into almost as great a Volume as he design'd for the whole which made him resolve to venture them out by themselves as despairing of being read should the Bulk become so great as the taking in of the other Parts of his Subject wou'd make it This is the true Reason why the Court of Portugal appears thus unaccompanied with such other Matters as shou'd have been plac'd before and after it which is what the Author was far from designing when he first began to write It was then for many Reasons the least in his Intention to single out the Court from that great Variety of Subjects which Portugal affords to one that is not altogether an idle Spectator in it It is true that he thought it convenient in describing the State of that Kingdom to be more full in this part of his Account than they usually are who write of Foreign Countries For to understand the Affairs of any Nation it is absolutely necessary to have some competent Knowledge of the Court that is to say of such as preside themselves at the Helm or have any great Influence upon those that do The Court in this sense being to a Politick Body what the Mind is to the Natural communicating Life and Motion to all the Members and as that Vital Principle appears to be disposed or affected one may soonest discover the Symptoms of a Vigorous or a Weakly Constitution And one who is well acquainted with the State of That may be enabled to give a good Account of the Publick Proceedings by tracing them to their Original Causes and Motives and may withal make some probable Conjecture what they are like to be in any suppos'd Case for the time to come It was likewise thought necessary in order to understand the true State of Portugal to know in what Terms that Kingdom stands with its several Neighbours those more especially in whose Will or Power it is to do any great Good or Harm Now the best way to know how far Portugal is to expect either the one or the other from them is by considering what it hath receiv'd already former Experience being the surest Evidence in this Case It is therefore the Design of those Discourses that make the Second Part of this Piece to shew how Portugal hath been served by its real or pretended Friends as often as they have been put to the Trial or had any occasion to discover themselves and it is conceiv'd that the Transactions that have pass'd between this and other Crowns since the House of Bragança came to be in possession of the Throne are set in a just Light so far at least as that the Reader may easily perceive what the true Interests of Portugal are and whether or no they have been duly cultivated by such as have the Management of Affairs in that Kingdom But the chief Business of this Preface is to justifie the Author's Credit with the Reader which may possibly be called in question in regard to several Particulars in the following Account He is far from the Folly of thinking himself exempt from Mistakes it is very likely that he may have been guilty of many in that great variety of Matters which he hath had occasion to mention He does not remember that he ever saw any Relation of our English Affairs made by Strangers that had not many palpable Errors in it which makes him the less confident of his own Performance And he expects the like Allowances that are usually made to those that write of Foreign Countries However he must acknowledge at the same time that those grosser Faults that are commonly observ'd in ordinary Travellers wou'd be much more inexcusable in him he having liv'd for some Years in the Country he writes of his Acquaintance was amongst intelligent Persons who had lived there much longer he hath been somewhat conversant with the Portuguese Authors and hath brought away with him a Collection of such of them as are most esteem'd and out of these last he is ready to produce his Evidence for such Passages in this Piece as are most likely to be call'd in question In relating that great Transaction wherein His present Majesty's first Queen had so large a share he hath taken the principal Matters of Fact from the Catastrophe de Portugal written in Defence of the Party which got the Vpper-hand the Substance whereof as the Writer pretends was read before the Three Estates of the Kingdom It is true that Reflections very different from his are frequently made here upon the very same Facts The Author on many Occasions as little approving of that Writers Sentiments as he does of his Stile throughout the Book which is that of a most passionate and furious Declaimer rather than a just Historian In speaking of the Portuguese Affairs with relation to Rome he hath likewise made great use of the Publick Acts of the King and the Estates as also of the Conde da Eryceiras Portugal Restaurado He hath also followed the same Noble Author in what he relates concerning the Negotiations with the Court of France The Conde had Opportunities to inform himself of these Matters at the best Hand that is from the Reports and Letters of Publick Ministers His Lordship hath indeed given us in England great occasion to complain of him but that may have been for Reasons which will never make him suspected of being much prejudiced against either Rome or France Cardinal Mazarine's Conduct in the Cause of Portugal at the Pirenees is describ'd from his own Letters The Information received by the Author concerning the great part which the English had in the Victories obtain'd over the Spaniards and in concluding the
Advantages by a free Trade during the late War yet the Money being convey'd out of the Kingdom by such ways as shall be mention'd in another place their Condition is not much mended thereby That this is the present Case of the Kingdom will appear from two Instances of a very fresh Date The King is as all the World knows at this time putting his Kingdom in a Posture of Defence to this end among other things it was thought convenient to secure St. Julian's Castle which stands upon the Bar of the Tagus and guards the Entrance into the River and is in effect the main Bulwark of Lisbon or rather the Key to the whole Kingdom It is strongly built after the Modern Way and well fortified with Guns but hath this Disadvantage that it may be commanded on one side from a Rising Ground that is near it It was therefore debated in Council Whether it were cheapest to level that Ground or to raise a small Fort upon it But after the Place had been survey'd it was at last concluded That both Ways were too chargeable either of them requiring a greater Expence than the State could well bear and so neither way was taken From this Instance which came from a good Hand it appears that the Exchequer must run very low at this time And that the People can afford but small Supplies will appear from hence The King to enable himself to augment and maintain his Army summon'd the Cortes or Parliament to meet at Lisbon the First of December 97 All that he demanded of them was an Additional Revenue of 600000 Crowns a Crown in Portugal is scarce worth Half a Crown English The Parliament considering the Occasion could not but acknowledge the Request to be reasonable but then how to raise the Money was a matter of insuperable difficulty In short they sat down as hath been said the First of December 97 and were sitting in July 98 and were considering all the while of Ways and Means and had made no Progress in the Affair but at last they referr'd it to the King to lay the Tax as he should judge convenient For their parts tho' none could be insensible of the King 's great want of a Supply yet they found the People so burden'd already that they knew not how to lay on them any further Weight without danger of their sinking under it The King as hath been reported since has laid the Tax upon Tobacco which the Merchant thinks is the ready way to destroy that Trade and consequently the best and clearest part of the Revenue The most considerable Transactions of this Reign will fall under some of the following Heads and therefore I have nothing further to add in this Chapter but that the King of Portugal is an Absolute Prince having the Legislative as well as the Executive Power in his hands For the Royal Edicts have the Force of Laws and a Collection of these is much the same thing there as our Satute-Book is in England when these fail the Civil Law takes place There are indeed certain Constitutions chiefly relating to the Succession called the Laws of Lamego made by the Cortes at the first Institution of the Government which cannot be dispens'd with but by Consent of the Three Estates It belongs likewise to the Cortes to lay Taxes upon the People tho' certain Imposts that are now upon Flesh and Wine and were given for a limited time have been continued by the King's Authority and the Pope's together the manner in which this was done shall be told in the following Chapter Of the Publick Revenues and the Forces of the Crown by Land and Sea BEfore I speak of the Revenues c. it is requisite to give an Account of the Money currant in this Kingdom All considerable Sums are here reckoned by Millreis i. e. Thousand of Reis sometimes by Crusado's or Crowns which consist of 400 Reis a piece Tho' great Payments are commonly made in Spanish Pieces of Eight which are reckon'd at 750 Reis There is no such Piece as a Millrei nor indeed a Crown at present for that which was last coyn'd for a Crown-piece is now rais'd to 480 Reis Lesser Coyns in Silver are a Teston 100 Reis a half Teston 50 Reis a Vintain 20 Reis The Gold Coyn called the Moeda de Ouro contains 4800 Reis of which there are likewise Half and Quarter-pieces The Portuguese Money according to the intrinsick Value answers to our English Money thus  s. d. q. A Millrei i. e. 1000 Reis to 05 10 00 A Crown 400 Reis 02 04 00 A Teston 100 Reis 00 07 00 A half Teston 50 Reis 00 03 02 A Vintain 20 Reis 00 01 01 ⅗ The Moeda of Gold 4800 Reis makes 28 s.    The Revenues arise chiefly from Customs Taxes Monopolies Rents belonging to the Orders of Knighthood and Moneys raised purely by the Pope's Bulls The Customs paid here are excessively great all Foreign Commodities excepting some few sorts of small Bulk and easie Conveyance pay no less than 23 per Cent 20 for the ordinary Custom and 3 for a certain Duty call'd the Consulado which last is likewise paid for all Goods exported whether by Natives or Foreigners They are indeed set at a favourable Valuation except Fish from Newfoundland which pays 22 per Cent in Specie Goods brought hither in order only to be transported to other Countries pay 4 per Cent. But it is believed that nothing of all this comes to the King or indeed to the Publick the Consulado excepted which is appropriated to the building of Ships and buying in of Stores The Taxes are 7 Reis per Pound upon all Flesh brought into the Market and as much per Canada upon Wine sold in by Retail few People here keep any in their Houses A Canada holds something less than Three Pints Fresh Fish which is caught here in great abundance in the River and on the Sea-Coasts and is the best part of the Peoples Food pays no less than 47 per Cent and that exacted with great Rigor and paid commonly in Specie At the Sale of Lands Houses Cattle of all sorts and indeed of almost every thing that is known to be bought and sold 10 per Cent of the Price goes to the King A great part of these Taxes were granted by the Three Estates in Cortes to King John the Fourth in 1641 and at other times towards the Charges of the War with Spain but after the Peace was made the Cortes in the Year 1674 rais'd them to what they are at present by giving the Prince a Supply of a Million of Crowns per Annum one half whereof was to be rais'd by an Additional Impost upon Flesh and Wine But this was then given only for Six Years yet it hath been paid ever since The Court in the Year 1675 thought convenient to procure the Pope's Consent to this last Impost that the Clergy might have leave to pay their share because as it
was given for a Reason the last Lateran Council and other Canons of their Church had made it unlawful for any Prince to receive Tribute from the Clergy without the Pope's leave even tho' it were voluntarily offer'd by themselves as this had been by the Ecclesiastical as well as the two other Estates in Cortes And since that time at the end of every Sixth Year a Breve hath been procured from Rome for continuing the Taxes for Six Years longer therein the Pope impowers the Nuncio residing at Lisbon to use his Apostolical Authority in obliging the Clergy to pay them This Breve is of course published in Portugal and tho' it chiefly regards the Clergy yet it is not unlikely but it may be design'd to induce the People likewise to pay their Taxes quietly without putting the King and the Three Estates of the Realm to the trouble of meeting together in Cortes For it must needs be a great Argument among them that the thing is but just and reasonable since the Holy Father consents to and approves of it and it weighs much with them no doubt when they consider why his Holiness grants the Breve which as 't is declared in the Narrative of it is The Exchequers being exhausted by the vast Expences that the Crown hath been continually at for the maintenance and propagation of the Catholick Faith in the Dominions abroad especially in Brazil and the East-Indies where the Dutch Hereticks and other Infidels were endeavouring to extirpate it Which Reason is said to continue still or rather to become more strongly urgent every time there is occasion for a new Breve The Pope gives Commission to his Nuncio to enquire into the Truth of this and other Allegations as that the Three Estates the Clergy more especially have given their Consent the Nuncio cites the King's Procurator before him and puts him upon the Proof He shews that the Nobility and People have agreed to the continuance of the Taxes because they still pay them and that the whole Body of the Clergy are likewise willing because the Bishops have given their Consent which as he pretends to prove withal comprehends that of all the rest But it does not appear how he makes good the Main Point viz. The Danger that the Catholick Faith is in from the Dutch Hereticks and other Infidels As for the Dutch they renew'd their Peace with Portugal in the Year 1669 and have kept it ever since However the Nuncio is entirely satisfied with the Proofs whatever they be and thereupon gives order for the Execution of the Breve requiring Obedience thereto from all Persons Secular as well as Ecclesiastical upon pain of the greater Excommunication and 500 Crowns applicable to the Reverend Chamber Apostolick as the Words of the Order run Under the Title of Monopolies we may reduce the other part of the Supply granted at the same time which was an Impost upon Tobacco made into Snuff by which 500000 Crowns per Annum were design'd to be rais'd In order to make this Sum the King had the whole Trade of Snuff put into his own Hands and it became almost as great a Crime in Portugal for any to Make Snuff for themselves as 't is with us in England to Coin Money tho' People almost universally take it here This Monopoly was let out to Farm to the Duke of Cadaval the principal Person in the Kingdom next His Majesty and it was so managed that 't is said the King receiv'd much more than double the Value of what it was given for The Tobacco as it come from Brazil was bought up for the King at a Teston and half or less per Pound and sold out in Snuff for 16 or 20 and sometimes more the best and 14 the more ordinary sort But 't is said that this Trade is now laid aside and an Equivalent with the Advantage of 600 000 tax'd upon Tobacco in Rolls The King hath likewise in his Hands a great part of the Trade from Foreign Plantations as that of Elephants Teeth from Africa of Wood from Brazil Besides great Duties upon Sugar and of all Goods coming from the East-Indies This last Trade is indeed but of little worth for he hath several times offered to make it over to a Company of Merchants but could never get a sufficient Number of Subscribers The King is likewise Grand Master of the Orders of Knighthood in his Kingdom and has the disposal of all the Commenda's belonging to them viz. of the Order of Christ which in Portugal succeeded to that of the Knights-Templers and is still in possession of their Lands and hath 454 Commenda's belonging to it 2dly The Order of St. Jago which hath 60 Commenda's and those of considerable Profit 3dly Of Avis which hath 43 and these esteem'd very rich Besides the King hath the disposal of the Commenda's in his Kingdom that belong to the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem commonly called the Knights of Malta the chief of which viz. the Priory of Crato accounted one of the richest in the World is at present bestowed upon Dom Francisco the King 's Second Son I reckon these among the King's Revenues because they are put to the same use as the greatest part by much of his other Incomes are viz. given away in Pensions or Rewards for Services But the Kings of Portugal have for this last Century made use of one extraordinary way to raise Money which among all Ways and Means perhaps hath never been thought of by any other Temporal Prince the Kings of Spain excepted who first brought it up in this Kingdom and this is by selling Indulgences to the People for the Pardon of their Sins and the Deliverance of their own or their Relations Souls out of Purgatory The Popes having been for some time shamed out of this Trade by the Noise that Luther made in the World the Kings of Spain thought fit to take it up and have made more Money of it with less Scandal To this end Philip the Second after he had got Possession of the Crown of Portugal obtained Bulls of Pope Gregory the 14th in the Year 1591 which since that time have been publish'd almost every Year in Portugal And the Profits arising from them are become a part of the Standing Revenues of the Crown And indeed they may well be accounted a very considerable part of them The Substance of these three Bulls are all contain'd in one which carries for Title The Bull of the Holy Croisade But they are retailed out to the People under the Names of The Bull for the Living The Bull of Composition And The Bull for the Dead They have their general Name from the Croisade as if they were granted for carrying on the Holy War and were we to judge of the Levies I mean of Money that are here made one would think that War was still prosecuted with as great Vigour as it was 500 Years ago It 's true indeed that the Kings of Portugal even
was not satisfy'd after they had done all they could to serve her she having been treated with so much Respect that no Queen ever had so great an Authority But coming to that part of her Complaint wherein she said she had been treated like a Slave he chang'd his Note and in Portuguese for he had spoken French before he boldly told her That her Majesty was abus'd by some about her who deserv'd to be chastis'd had no Reason to complain of the Portugueses since the Respect they paid her came little short of Adoration The Queen after a warm Reply wherein she said She knew how to distinguish between the good and the bad Portugueses There being not above three or four that she complain'd of and signifying what she would do to those that had enrich'd themselves with the Rents belonging to the Queens of Portugal commanded the Secretary not to speak so loud He told her That if he spake loud it was that all the World might hear what he said The Queen bad him hold his Peace and be gone He not departing presently she rose from her Seat and was going away the Secretary imprudently laid his Hand upon her Gown either to kiss it according to Custom at her departure to signifie his Desire that she would hear him out but seeing her resolv'd to be gone he cry'd out to the Noblemen and Ladies present That he was unworthily us'd no King having ever treated a Vassal in this manner The Person who had this Dispute with her Majesty was Antonio de Souza de Macedo before mention'd as one of the first that came in to the King at Alcantara I cannot tell what he was by Birth but in himself he was a Person of Noble Qualities as appear'd afterwards by his Constancy in the Service of his Master and his Friend he was a Man of Letters and a Doctor in the Laws After the Revolt from the Spaniards he had written with great Zeal and Eloquence in defence of his Country's Cause and went Secretary to the solemn Embassy which King John sent to our King Charles the First to acquaint him of his having assum'd the Crown of Portugal and upon King Charles's Demand to know on what Right his Master's Claim was founded he drew up a Paper which entirely satisfy'd his Majesty In England he continued Resident for several Years and was very serviceable to the King in the time of his Troubles From hence he went Ambassador to Holland and in a very difficult Negotiation he acquitted himself much to his Master's Satisfaction and his own Credit and at his Return he was highly esteem'd at Court And the Conde could not do a more grateful thing to the Nobility than prefer him as he did to the place of Secretary of State tho' perhaps he might have some regard to himself as well as to the Publick in advancing this Man The Conde was young and Antonio de Sousa well practis'd in Business and by his Counsels may have been of as great use to the Conde as the Conde was to the King It is certain that he drew up Instructions for him to observe in the Administration of the Government and as the Conde was to be destroy'd before the King could be depos'd so it is very probable that this Quarrel was pick'd on purpose with Antonio de Sousa in order to make way for the Conde's Ruin The King coming to understand what had passed between the Queen and him did his endeavour to pacifie her Majesty promising that the Secretary should be severely punish'd but the Queen would not be appeas'd It unluckily fell out that this Broil happen'd at the time of Bull-feast The first Day was over and her Majesty could not be prevail'd upon to appear the second Day So that to conceal the Matter from the People the Bull-running was put off for that Day upon pretence that the King was indispos'd and she continuing out of Humour still the King was fain to be indispos'd the next and the following Days and by that time things were brought to such a pass that an end was put to all Sports and Pastimes for this King's Reign The Queen took so little care to conceal her Anger that the People soon came to know the Cause why the Bull-running was put off and began to murmur loudly against the Court that their new Queen should be so much abus'd and perhaps their Disappointment did not a little serve to raise their Clamours The Queen would be satisfy'd with nothing less than the Secretary's being turn'd out of his Place and banish'd from the Court which the Conde was very unwilling to consent to as thinking that should he give way to her in this Case he was like to be the next Man that should fall a Sacrifice to her Resentments however the Court perceiving a Storm ready to break upon them from another Quarter it was resolv'd in Council that the Secretary should absent himself from Court for ten or twelve Days and that the King should communicate this Order to the Queen and acquaint her That it was made only to content her Majesty and that it was hoped she would engage her self no more in such Matters for the future to prevent the ill Consequences that might ensue to the State Pursuant to this Order the Secretary to please the Queen departs from Court but the King forbore to communicate the Order to her for fear of exasperating her further at a time when he had his Hands full of another more troublesome Business While these things were done above-board a secret Plot was carrying on among the Heads of the discontented Party to seize upon the Conde and carry him off in the same manner as Conti had been serv'd before The Conde having Information of their Design may be supposed to have made the more hast to satisfie the Queen's Complaints For the very next Day he ordered the Guards about the Palace to be doubled the Cavalry to be mounted and the Centinels plac'd at the Avenues and as 't is said Command was given to the Soldiers to fall upon certain Noblemen in case they endeavoured to get into the Court it being suppos'd that they were coming to execute the Design Hereupon several Messages past between the Infante and the Court the Infante complaining That the Conde by arming the Palace had insinuated as if he was designing to violate it for which he requires Reparation of Honour accusing the Conde withal of attempting upon his Life by Poison and therefore desires that he might be removed from about the King's Person in order to his Punishment The King takes upon himself the doubling of the Guards and offers to send the Conde to throw himself at the Infante's Feet The Infante refuses to take this for Satisfaction and insists upon the Conde's removal The King offers to do him all Justice and desires him to name the Conde's Accusers in order to his Tryal But this the Infante would not yield to unless the Conde
both Parties here were insuperable Difficulties to obstruct the Peace and a Peace the Cardinal was resolved to have as well for his own private Conveniencies as to settle the state of the Nation that was then as he thought or pretended breaking out into new Disorders The Spaniards on their side were as willing to end the War as the French could be so as it might be done with their Honour safe they were sensible enough of their own feeble Condition they saw that two or three Campagnes more were like to prove the total Ruin of their Monarchy Besides they were impatiently eager to be turning the whole force of their Arms against Portugal which they made sure of over running with ease could they be once at liberty from the French and they were the more hasty to come to an Accomodation with them for that the Pope began to be troublesome The Ears of Alexander the 7th were a little more open than those of his Predecessors to the Bleatings of Portugal and he gave notice to the Cardinals of the Spanish Faction that something must be done to end the Dispute or he should be forc'd to acknowledge that King who succeeding a Father that had reign'd sixteen years could not be made to pass with the World for an Usurper Thus were the minds of both Parties disposed for a Peace but how should they come by it Who could remove the Obstacles that lay in the way and satisfy those irreconcileable Pretensions from which neither Party would recede To bring all this about the Cardinal had his Wits at work he now began on a sudden to be mighty Zealous for the poor King of Portugal whose Ruin was thought infallible should the French forsake him and therefore his Eminence would seem for some time to be as earnest for his Preservation as the Spaniards were bent upon his Destruction both Parties agreeing in this that should Portugal be excluded from the Peace it would of course fall into the Hands of the Spaniards so that in effect this Orphan Prince and all that belong'd to him seem'd to be now wholly at the Cardinal's Disposal since to exclude them from the Peace was then thought to be the same thing in effect as to give them up to the Spaniards and these he had to set against the Prince of Conde and the places demanded by the Spaniards and he made his Advantage of them For in all the Negotiations in Order to a Peace when the Spaniards thought much of yielding up their Towns and Provinces the French sometimes would mind them of a whole Kingdom and the Dominions thereunto belonging which they were ready to give in Exchange for their Conquests When the Spaniards interceded for the Prince of Conde the French when other Arguments fail'd would speak for the King of Portugal But there was this Difference between them the Spaniards always began with the Prince of Conde the French answered Portugal in their own Defence the Spaniards got conditions for the Prince not such as they pretended to but very Honourable considering how ill the Prince had deserv'd at the hands of his King The Cardinal engaged his Master's Word his Faith and his Honour that Portugal should be utterly abandon'd for him The Spaniards to the very last were passionately Urgent to get something more still for their Friend the French surrendred us theirs at the first Overtures of a Treaty the Spaniards were in earnest the French had only a Turn of their own to serve The first Advance that appears to have been made to any purpose on either side towards a Peace was in 1658. when the Marquis de Lionne was sent to Madrid to treat with the Ministers of that Court what Monsieur de Lionne's Instructions were Mazarin best knew who in a Letter to the Pope concerning this Affair told his Holiness That if Spain by his Authority could be brought to abate of their Pretensions in favour of the Prince of Conde the Peace was upon concluding since all other points were adjusted Monsieur de Lionne having orders to abandon Portugal in case Spain would not be so obstinate in behalf of the Prince but Spain could not not be prevail'd upon and so that Treaty was broke off I have seen no particular account how this Business was manag'd at the Treaty of Madrid perhaps it was then that the Offer was made by the French to restore their Conquests and re-establish the Prince in his Governments on Condition that the King of Portugal should remain in peaceable Possession of his Dominions for that such an Offer was made some time or other we must believe because it is so affirm'd in the 60th Article of the Pirenean Treaty but whenever it was made the French were assur'd it would not be accepted as I believe I shall presently make appear The Treaty of Madrid broken off by the Spaniards persisting to Espouse the Prince of Conde's Interests the French on their side were for sticking close to their Allies and gave out that they were resolved never to abandon them For the Marquis de Lionne a little after declar'd publickly at the Diet of Francfort that the King of France neither could nor would make any Peace without the Intervention of his Allies viz. of England Portugal Savoy and Modena and in effect they were about renewing their League with the Rump Parliament of England then restored to their Seats after Cromwell's Death They were likewise treating about a Match between their King and Madam Margaret Prince 〈…〉 and seem'd to be so much in earnest 〈…〉 an interview between the two Cou 〈…〉 the King appeared to be so much taken with the Lady that many thought a Marriage was like to ensue About the same time the Count de Cominges Ambassador Extraordinary from France at Lisbon was Negotiating another Match between the same King and the Infanta of Portugal and that was likewise in such great forwardness that Preparations were making for the Wedding and several things got ready which served afterwards when that Princess was Married into another Country and all this to bring on a third Match between the same King and the Infanta of Spain which had been in Treaty ever since the first Overtures of Peace were made and both these Treaties with Spain viz. of Marriage and Peace had such a mutual Dependance on each other that they were necessarily to proceed or break off together The Advances that the French made towards a conclusion of the Match with Savoy startled the Court of Madrid for should they go on there could be no hopes of a Peace and France in all probability would in that case enter into new Engagements with Portugal wherefore Don Antonio Pimentel was sent Post to Lions whose presence there presently broke off all other Treaties and revived those with Spain The Spaniards yielding at last to the necessity of their Affairs and accepting of the French Proposals in relation to the Prince of Conde which were that he should
must be made of what the English have done of late Years for Portugal and that both in Justice to those who by their Wisdom or their Courage have contributed its present Establishment and to excite such as are more able or may have better Opportunities to do it to retrieve the Memory of many signal Actions perform'd here by our Country Men which as great and important as they were they that enjoy the Benefit of them seem now resolv'd to Bury in silence It is agreed by the Portuguese Writers the Modern as well as the Ancient that the English had a great hand in the Conquest of Lisbon from the Mores whereby Portugal came to deserve the name of a Kingdom They say indeed that Alfonso Henriquez chang'd his Title of Count or Prince for that of King immediately after the Vision of Ourique before mention'd but possibly the story of that Vision may not be true and this is certain that the three Estates of the Kingdom in their Remonstrance to Innocent the 10th affirm from their Chronicles that this Prince would not accept of the Crown till it was made Tributary to the See of Rome which was not done till many Years after the taking of Lisbon viz. not before 1179. when Pope Alexander the 3d. by his Bull still extant conferr'd upon him the Title and Dignity of King In their Account of the Conquest of this City the Portuguese Authors tell us that in the Year 1147. a great Fleet from England compos'd of several Nations and bound for the Holy Land under the Command of William Longspè passing by the Rock of Sintra Alfonso Henriquez so dealt with the Leaders that they agreed to stand in to the Tagus and joyn with him in laying Siege to Lisbon on condition that one half of the City when gain'd should be given up to them Accordingly the City was taken after a Siege of five Months and the slaughter of 200000 Mores Alfonso offer'd to make good the Agreement and put them in Possession of their part of the City and to make an equal Division with them of all that was taken both within and without it which they generously refus'd to accept of since as they said they had not left their Country to get Riches but were engaged in a more glorious Design and withall they did not think it becoming them to enjoy a Sovereignty within another Prince's Dominions and so having accepted of a small share of the Spoils they proceeded on in their Voyage I will not undertake for the several Circumstances of this Story for I believe some of them are not true I believe there will be no Account found among those that have written of the Holy War of any such Expedition made this Year and the famous Earl of Salisbury if he be the Person meant by Guilbelme de longa Espada was not yet Born and for many reasons we cannot allow the Account of the slain one is because Lisbon was then scarce big enough to hold so many The present Inhabitants cannot be suppos'd to exceed much that Number but the Walls that are now standing and were not built till 1375. though they contain but a part of the City are of a much larger compass then those that stood at the time of the Siege The Strangers had then their Camp upon the Hill where the Monastry of St. Francesco and the Church of the Martyrs stand which are now in the very heart of the City and the Portuguese Camp on the other side was where the Church of San Vincente is now which is within the present Walls though it hath still the Name of San Vincente de Fora because it was formerly without the City In effect the ancient City of Lisbon was not of a much larger compass then that of the Hill on which the Castle of St. George now stands so that they that know any thing of the Place will never think that 200000 People could be killed at the taking of it supposing every Soul to have been put to the Sword However that Lisbon was taken this Year and that by the Assistance of the English and other Strangers is agreed upon by the Spanish as well as the Portuguese Historians I suppose they were Soldiers of Fortune as Mariana seems to intimate whom Alfonso Henriquez had invited thither with hopes of Booty and a share of the Conqusts And it is not likely that they refused the Reward promis'd them whatever it was on account of their being engag'd in the Holy War for there remain'd so many of them in the Country that the want of them would doubtless have broke that Voyage for those that stayed had the Towns of Almada Povos Villa Franca Villa Verde Azambuja Arruda Lourinham and several other Places assign'd them which according to the Portuguese Historians were all Peopled by these strangers Almada which is a small Town with a Castle on a Hill formerly very strong situated on the other side of the River over against Lisbon took its Name as these Authors will have it from an English Expression which they write Vimad-el qu. We made Ye all But if the word must needs be of an English Original one should rather think it came from a more modest Expression viz. we are All made They tell likewise that the Lords of the Place who took their Name from thence pretended always to be of English Extraction and that for this reason those of the Family have on several Occasions receiv'd great Honours in that Kingdom Povos which is a Town Situated upon the River about four Leagues above Lisbon was as they say anciently called Cornovalha from its being Peopled by Cornish Men and afterwards corruptly Cornaga by which last name I find the Place called above 200 Years afterwards possibly the reason of its being left off may be the great abhorrence which the Portugueses have for the first Syllable of it which a well bred Man amongst them will never pronounce upon any account The Name it hath now is the common Word for Villages In fine it seems to be almost as usual in Portugal for such as would become of better Families then ordinary to derive their Pedigree from these Strangers that were at the taking of Lisbon as it is with us to have our Ancestors come in with William the Conqueror Such of them as continued at Lisbon had very great Priviledges and Immunities allowed them as well they might if one half of the City was their own by Compact and the best part of the Kingdom as the Termo of Lisbon certainly is was owning to their Valour The Licentiate Duarte Nunes de Liam who was a Judge and consequently must be suppos'd to understand the Constitutions of his Country Reports that these Privileges were continued not only to the Descendants from the first Conquerors but to the Persons and Merchandizes of such of their Country Men as should resort thither and he saith likewise that the succeeding Kings confirm'd and observ'd them to
his time he wrote in the Year 1600. I have seen a large Collection of Priviledges granted by the several Kings of Portugal to the English beyond those enjoy'd by the Portuguese Subjects I know not whether I may call them Charters These were copied from the Archives of the Kingdom in the Torre de Tumbo but the most ancient was of King Ferdinand whose Reign began not till 1367. There are several of John the 1st his Successor some of which refer to others granted by his Predecessors By this it appears that the English had a great hand in setting up the Kingdom of Portugal and if the Historians of this Country deceive us not they had as great a share in Protecting and Securing it as often as it hath been brought into Danger by a Foreign Enemy Twice it was like to be wholly over-run by the Castillians who had possed themselves of the greatest part of the Kingdom and gain'd a numerous Party of the Nobility over to their side and had been very near taking Lisbon it self the first time in the Reign of Ferdinand the last of the lawful Descendants from Alfonso Henriquez the other time while John the 1st from whom all that have succeeded him derived their Titles was strugling for the Crown and they have been as often reliev'd by the English and enabled to carry the War into the Enemies Country our Princes of the Blood condescending to go in Person to their Assistance first Edmund de Langley then Earl of Cambridge and afterwards John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster And if after the several flourishing Reigns that succeeded they were at last reduc'd under the Spanish Yoke it was because they were wanting to themselves the English having sent out a Gallant Fleet and Army to their Rescue under Dom Antonio whom they had made their King but they would not accept Deliverance and so they remain'd under the Power of their Enemies In the last War after the French had given them up or assisted them in such a manner as they should not own without Confusion when all Europe looked upon their Ruin as inevitable some of the most considerable Persons in the Kingdom being so far of the same Opinion that they thought it now high time for them to save themselves and make their Peace with the Spaniards as the Duke of Aveiro and their Ambassador in Holland who went over to them Cardinal Mazarin making himself merry with our Locker at the Folly of all the rest for not doing the same and for thinking it possible for them to hold out longer Don Luis de Haro who was not accounted Sanguin making nothing of the little Expedition that his Master was about against the Duke of Bragança for after this rate he is reported to have talk'd to King Charles the 2d at the Pirences Those small Forces sent by King Charles after his Restoration by their unparallel'd Valour soon put an end to the Quarrel and the Victories obtain'd by their Means being seconded as they were by the Vigilence Dexterity and Conduct of the same King's Ministers recover'd Portugal and restor'd it to the condition in which it now remains These Forces consisted of about 3000 Men formed into three Regiments two of Foot which made near 2400 and one of Horse of about 800. They were at first Commanded by the Earl of Inchiquin but his Lordship returning to England before they took the Field they were by Commission from the King of England put under the Conduct of Count Schomberg who had himself the immediate Command of one of the foot Regiments They arriv'd in Portugal soon after Don John had made an end of that successful Campagne before mention'd in 1662. and were dispos'd of into Quarters till the following Spring when they joyn'd the Portuguese Army in order to relieve Evora but in their March towards that City they were met with the News of its being surrender'd without Resistance in a manner and upon very Dishonourable Terms though it had in it a Garrison of 7000 Foot and 700 Horse and was provided with all things necessary for a stout Defense till such time as the Army should come up and attempt to raise the Siege The News of this loss so struck the Commanders of the Army that 't is no wonder it should put the People into that consternation before described The Conde de Villa Flor the Gen. was so discouraged that his concern appear'd to the very Soldiers in his Looks which our Men who had been used to see their Commanders so Dejected observ'd with Indignation A Council of War being called it appear'd that the Army was in no condition to fight the Enemy and it was resolv'd not to attempt it as bad as their Case was Something might have been done had Evora held out they relying upon the Garrisons fallying at the same time when they should attack the Besiegers But the Garrison was now made Prisoners of War so it was resolv'd that they should encamp themselves at a Place call'd Landroal which lay so between the Enemies Frontier Places that they might cut off any convoys of Provisions coming from thence Don John in the mean while having possess'd himself of so Great and Populous a City in the very heart of Alemtejo became thereby Master in a manner of the whole Province and was providing for his Army at his Enemies Cost by putting all the Country under Contribution for which end and to gave the greater Alarm to Lisbon whereby to increase the Tumult there he sent that large Detachment before mention'd as far as Alcacere do Sal. The Court at this time apprehending no less Danger from the Multitude then the Enemy and seeing the Affairs of Portugal to be in all respects desperate was continually sending Orders to the Commanders to fight at any rate the Army at last being reinforc'd with what Troops other parts of the Kingdom could send or the Garrisons spare march'd towards the Spaniards hoping to find them divided but not being able to hinder their Detachments from joyning the main Body they were for retiring again Don John follow'd at their Heels to give them Battle but they had pass'd a small River call'd Degebe before he came up with them and they had posted themselves so advantageously that there were but two Passes through which he could come to Attack them That where the Portugueses thought the greatest Danger was it being in its self the easiest to be forc'd was defended by one of the English Regiments Don John made his greatest Efforts to gain it and there ensued a very hot Dispute for at several times he sent in fresh Troops to renew the Charge which were as often repulsed with loss so that he was oblig'd at last to desist from the Attempt Don John found now that he had other Enemies to deal with then those he had hitherto been used to Being frustrated of his Design he put a Garrison into Evora and began to march towards the Frontiers where he
commanded them to Retreat which they did in so gallant a manner as rais'd a Noble Emulation in the whole Army And since they that were neither Kill'd nor Wounded deserved no less Honour by what they did 't is fit it should be known who they were Of the first Regiment were Captains Francis More William Love Henry Boad and Andrew Maynard af the second besides Colonel Person were Lieutenant Colonel John Bellasise Major John Rumsey and Captains Richard Heafield and Charles Langley Certainly the English have behaved themselves with extraordinary Valour and to great satisfaction since their coming to assist us in this War and that which they are particularly esteem'd for is their orderly carriage towards the Portuguese Peasants in their Quarters On the second of this instant July enter'd the Port of Lisbon 150 foot Soldiers arrived from England which may in some measure repaire the Number of those that died in Valença but not satisfie our Regret for the loss of such Companions While the King of Englands Soldiers were fighting the Battles of Portugal his Ministers were no less busy in securing the Effects of their Victories by Negotiating the happy Peace which that Nation now enjoys King Charles had so great Commiseration for the Portugueses when in their most deplorable Condition that Sir Richard Fanshaw his Ambassador at Lisbon had Instructions from him in the beginning of the Year 1663. to interpose his good Offices and use all possible means in order to make their Peace with the Spaniard but the Spaniard was then Triumphant and could think of nothing but making a quick dispatch of the War When the Condition of Portugal began to mend Sir Richard was sent upon the same Errand to Madrid where 't is true he did not meet with that success as was expected in his Embassy for though upon Notice of his Arrival such Preparations were made for his Reception that the like had scarce ever been done for any Ambassador at that Court yet upon his coming near Madrid he found the Ministers mightily alter'd all of a sudden insomuch that it was six Weeks before he made his Publick Entry and the Court prov'd so untractable and unwilling to accommodate their Minds to their Fortunes that it was two Years before he could gain any thing upon them and when he had brought them to consent to a Treaty at last his Negotiations did not keep Pace with the Victories obtain'd in Portugal as appeared by the great disappointment he met with at Salvaterra in the beginning of the Year 1666. About the same time when our Ambassador was preparing for his Journey from Madrid to Portugal Sir Robert Southwel was sent as Envoy from King Charles to this latter Court to assist at the adjusting of the Peace between the two Crowns Upon his Arrival in Portugal he heard that Mr. de S. Romain had just got before him which made him hasten to Salvaterra where the Court then was His Instructions were of a fresher Date then the Ambassadors and consequently more accommodated to the state of the Portuguese Affairs at that time but the Ambassador being not yet come he found the Ministers unwilling to enter upon any Business before his Arrival they expecting from him such Conditions as should give them intire satisfaction The Ambassador not answering their Expectation but on the contrary highly disgusting them with the Title of his Project of Peace while Mr. de S. Romain was most profuse in his Promises of the mighty things that his Master would do for them the Treaty was wholly broke off for that time However Sir Robert Southwell applying himself to the Conde de Castelmelhor the next Morning after the Council had sent that hasty Answer formerly mention'd though he found him in a very great Heat yet had the Address to pacifie him and were it not that the Case was soon alter'd at Madrid he might have brought the Treaty on again The Conde expressed himself highly dissatisfied that it should be thought that they would ever Treat with Spain but upon equal terms saying That the Spaniards might perhaps conquer Portugal but should never conquer the Portugueses who for their parts would first leap into the Sea before they would come to any Accommodation unless it were made between King and King But the Envoy soon brought him to a Temper by representing that what the Ambassador had offer'd was only the first and rude Draught or the Embrio as it were of a Treaty so that there was little reason for him to be offended at the Inscription which was a thing of no Consequence it signifying nothing what Name or Title was given it now since No body ever Christen'd a Child before it was Born The Conde as he was pleased with the conceit so he would not deny but that it was apposite to the case in hand and the Envoy having assur'd him that his Instructions were ample enough to procure for Portugal all reasonable satisfaction it was agreed that a new Project of a Treaty should be drawn up which was done accordingly by the Ambassador and the Envoy together It contain'd the very same Articles which with some small alterations are now in force between the Crowns of Spain and Portugal With this they both took a journey to Madrid but the War newly broke out between England and France made that Court believe there was no such necessity as before of a Peace with Portugal and so nothing could be done then for that Year By the beginning of the next Year the Portugueses had concluded and sign'd their League with France It s true the Conde de Castelmelhor the supposed Author of that League on the Portuguese side was the same Year removed from the Ministry and the Court but this together with the other Changes that succeeded was brought about by the Queen and her Party who were more strongly ingaged in the Interests of France the Queen was so ingag'd both by Birth and Inclination and perhaps much more strongly yet as she hoped to be countenanc'd by the French Court in what she had done and was doing against her Husband and in her further design of marrying with the Prince so that the French Faction became now more predominent at Court then ever and they seem'd there not only averse to all thoughts of a Peace but afraid least any Overtures should come from Castille to put the People in mind of it wherefore the Frontiers were strictly guarded to hinder all Communication between the Subjects on both Kingdoms The precaution perhaps was needless for the Spaniads whether it was that their thoughts were wholy taken up with the War they had then with France or that they hoped when a Peace was made with that Crown by the Intervention of other Princes that they should be able after all to deal with Portugal made no Advances towards a Treaty This backwardness of the Parties concern'd was enough to make a Mediator out of love with his Office and might have given any
that end only That if Self-defence made the War be hitherto accounted Just yet when it could be continued upon no other Pretence then the Conquest of other Kingdoms to which neither Portugal nor France had any Right it would become unjust displeasing to God and consequently unprosperous In Conclusion he declared that his Powers were restrained to a limited time for that Spring coming on the Queen Regent was about disposing of her Forces as she should judge convenient wherefore he desired that the Prince would appoint Persons to confer with him about the Treaty of Peace or else he should look upon himself as disingag'd from his Commission leaving upon the Prince's Conscience all the Mischiefs of the War with the Damages and Inconveniencies sustain'd by the Prisoners who filled the Gaols at that time In this Paper Combat the Spaniards had all the Advantage they could desire unless it were among such as either out of Interest or for some secret Reasons were for having the War continue The Officers of the Army would fain have had it prosecuted with Vigour that Portugal by the Conquest of the Neighbouring Kingdoms might re-imbourse it self for the damages it had sustained in the Sixty Years of the Spanish Usurpation The Ecclesiasticks the Cortesoens and the People were more Loud and Clamourous for a Peace as thinking the War would become Unjust if it continued any longer it being the common Voice to be heard at that time from the Pulpits and in the Streets that Castille might have some Pretensions upon Portugal but Portugal could have none upon Castille But the Court held out still as being or seeming at least to be utterly against the Peace and that possibly because the Prince thought himself oblig'd by the French League perhaps the Queen might be afraid to disoblige France by consenting to the Peace while the Cause of her Divorce and of her intended second Marriage was depending before that Court for should that Court be dissatisfied with her Conduct who could tell but that Monsieur de Lionne might never have found out the Clause in the Pope's Bull which at last inabled Cardinal Vendome to grant the Dispensation This Business was hotly debated on both sides when the Earl of Sandwich unexpectedly arrived at Lisbon from Madrid with full Power from the King of England and the Queen Regent of Spain to conclude the Peace His Excellency by his Presence and Authority soon put an end to the Dispute for by this time they that were for the Treaty had made their Party so strong that nothing could withstand them the Cortes plyed the Prince with three several Addresses for a Peace and upon his demurring to give his Answer The Juis do Povo came and peremptorily demanded his Consent The Juis waited likewise on the Earl and upon his Knees assured his Excellency of the Favour and Protection of the People in all his Proceedings and as 't is said he went to the French Ambassador likewise to assure him that in case he did any thing to obstruct the Peace he must expect to have his House pulled down about his Ears In short the Earl of Sandwich by his prudent Management so order'd the Matter that in a very few daies all things were adjusted for his Powers given him at Madrid bear Date the Fifth of January 1668. and the Peace was Concluded and Sign'd the Thirteenth of February following to the unspeakable Joy of the Parties concern'd By this Peace the Portugueses became an Independant People and were restored to the same Condition with respect to Spain as they had been in under the most flourishing Reigns of their former Kings at the same time when their Deliverance from the Spanish Yoke was compleated they were set at liberty likewise from the French League which might have proved the more intolerable Bondage of the two and all this without being brought under any Engagements to their Deliverers the obligations of Gratitude excepted Those indeed are the strongest of all other Tyes upon generous Minds but then they are often complied with by a bare Acknowledgment of the Benefits receiv'd Having mention'd the Benefits conferr'd on the Portuguese Nation by ours it may be expected that an Account should be given of those receiv'd from them It must be acknowledg'd to their Honour that on several occasions they show'd a generous concern for our Kings Charles the First and Second in their Distress doing them many good Offices by their Ministers both in England and elsewhere and that they gave a Hospitable Reception to the Princes Robert and Maurice in their Port of Lisbon though they were like to suffer no small Damage thereby themselves the Remembrance of which things proved no doubt a great Motive to King Charles the Second to take them into his Protection But as to Returns in Kind thanks be to God our Nation was never in a condition to need them and the Forces of Portugal are so limited that little can be expected from thence upon any the most urgent Occasion Their Concurrence indeed might have serv'd to a good purpose in the Leagues that have been made of late against the common Enemy if on no other account but the conveniency of their Habours which in a War by Sea must have been of a mighty Advantage to the side they adhered to But they thought it was for their Interest all along to continue Neuters and our Princes have not thought fit to oblige them to Declare though in Defence of the common Liberty in which they had as great a concern as others We suffered them to enjoy the Benefit of Trade which we lost our selves while we were engaged in their Defence we did not make the least offer to compel them to take Party while they were wholly at our Discretion we being Lords of all the Seas about them the Ocean and the Mediterranean as well as our own Channel Such a compulsion would have been to destroy our own Gift and take from them that Independency we had maintain'd them in It is the Property of another Monarch to treat as his Vassals such Sovereigns as he takes into his his Protection to get them into his Power by assisting them and then to serve himself of them in working out the Ruin of their Neighbours and their own among the rest whereas our Princes have taken another Course and far from making their Benefits uneasy to the Receivers or snares to entrap them withal have treated them as Sovereigns whom they raised to their own Level and therefore notwithstanding their advantage of so much greater Power they have abstain'd from every thing that carried the least appearance of Constraint as thinking it beneath themselves to require such a Submission even to their just demands as might lessen the Majesty of a Crown'd Head Such a generous Proceeding must needs have wrought very much upon a Prince of so great a Soul as his Portuguese Majesty is known to have and laid stronger Obligations upon him than all other