forces with all diligence in soe much that had the Scots but avoyded fighting for the space of one month which with great ease they might have done by the advantagious posts whereof in divers places throwgh which they had marched they Could have had their choise by a good entrenchment which at other tymes was observed they sufficiently understoode the forces of the four Provinces I have named would have in that tyme composed a solid body of an army more considerable for Nomber and in all other regards then that of the Scots amounted to Besides those of the easterne assotiation were fully and unanimously resolved to rife Cornwell Devon Somerset and Dorset the like and wanted only a month or six weeks tyme in sine the whole nation was prepared as to the same end and were in the way towards it when the strange and allmost wonderfull defeat of the Scots army by Cromwells not consisting of halfe their nomber broake all other measures which had been taken upon that fowndation by concert some months before As they had neglected what I have allready mentioned touching encampment soe when they came to fight as if there had been a fatallity both in the conduct and success they neither made use of the great advantages of their nomber their army haveing been soe ranged that the greatest halfe of their troupes never came to fight nor profited themselves of that benefit of the choyse of grownd and other commodities which a defensive army may have against an enemy whoe attacques it which owght allways to be held in cheife consideration by all experienced and Provident soldiers But to cease from all further reflexions that army was unfortunately beaten and soe totally dissipated that it was not believed that 5000. of them ever returned to Scotland this miscarriage and misforture stifled divers great designes abortively upon the point of their production and cut of others which were begun before they Could come to any maturity Haveing been at that tyme privy to all the designes and measures formed and taken in that conjoncture and in those transactions as likewise actively industrious in the contriving and advancing of moste of them which according to humane Judgment I was fully persuaded could not have fayld of the end where unto they were directed of the Kings liberty and happy restauration both for himselfe his porsterity and subjects His late Ma tie was out of the hands of his enemies the King now raigning escaped out of England the Parliaments whole fleet leaving them returned to their obedience to their Souveraigne the Scots entered into ye heart of England with the formed body of an army of twenty thowsand men risings in severall places an universall and well formed resolution throwgh the whole nation to doe the same and upon the very point of being put in execution one great and indeed unreasnable errour and twoe or three others not much less which to avoyd tediousness as well as for other reasons I mention not ruined all and shortly after the whole fabrique of Gouverment causing such a violent and Generall Conflagration as I fear even to this day has never been totally extinguished but as fyer hid in the cavernes of the earth is often subject to make very dangerous irruptions The Scotch army totally defeated Cromwell Marched towards Scotland all other parties in England which had declared for his Ma tie were easily dissipated and all places sudainly reduced the humane cause of this extraordnary and most un apprehended ruine of the Scots forces was attributed to the secret correspondence which was more then believed to have been betwixt some of the dissenting clergy which were much the greatest nomber with other of the nobillity whoe had opposed most violently that expedition into England and Cromwell As likewise to the great influence they had upon a considerable part of that army which was knowne to some and had very convincing appearences to all both from their extraordinary conduct in suffering themselves to be constrained to fight against their wills and contrary to the common interest of the Cause they had in hand and when they engaged soe Improvidently to have ordered the business as not to have browght halfe their army to fight as likewise from the transactions and accord betwixt Cromwell and that partie of the Scotch when he came upon their borders The whole face of things being thus unexpectedly changed the more severe part of the Presbitereans whoe had not long before concurred with the armies partie in both houses to the vote of non adresses to the King apprehending when it was to late the danger of the totall subversion of the antient Gouverment of the three Nations by theise allmost prodigeous successes of the army changed their mindes forsooke the army party and joyning themselves to the moderate Presbitereans whoe in truth and reallity were strong Protestants but no Presbitereans were by much the more numerous in both houses nullified the former resolution of non adresses to the King and agreed to a speedy treaty with him hopeing to have concluded it before Cromwells army Could March southward and joyne with Fairefax soe to have browght his Ma tie with freedome Honour and safety to London to have voted all the Generall officers commissions voyde to have employd others in their charges and at the same tyme to have raysed a niew army in and about London by which means it was hoped all parties would have agreed together whoe were frends to the antient Gouverment and to the lawes of the Nation which were undoubtedly nine parts of ten in all three Kingdomes A day was prefixed for the beginning of the treaty forty days limited for its continuation thowgh that it was belived it would have been concluded in ten throwgh the necessity of the interests on both sides Which had it been I am confident the King had been happily restored and a multitude of Calamities prevented which ensued at and since his death and as may be feared are not yet soe entirely ended as wise and honest men may wish Artickles were drawne up and Commissioners sent away with them to the Isle of wight About which tyme M r. William Moray then of the bedchambre to his Royale Highness whoe was permitted to be about the King during the treaty wrote me word that his Ma tie had commanded him to let me know that if I Could come into England either by permission of the Parliament where the Presbitereans had at that tyme the power or secretly my negotiations at that conjoncture with those whoe had formerly had communication with me about his affaires and my advertisements to him might be of great use As soone as I had received the letter without much ballancing concerning the danger which I exposed my selfe to I repayred to flushing hired a fisher boate of expressly haveing desguised my selfe as much as I could arriving in twoe days at London where I remayned secretly during the treaty Very shortly after haveing spoaken
of Parliament under the penalty of high treason The last vote was relative to the first as before theise votes all most as soone as he was in the Isle of wight I had fownd out means of correspondence with him and of giving his Ma tie constant advertisements of all occurrencies which concerned him soe notwithstanding this danger of being punished as a traitour I continued it even to the last continuing to write to him and to receive letters from him both for my selfe and others the greatest part of his intelligence both with english and Scotch passing throwgh my hands whilest I remayned in England not without great hazard as may easily be conceaved which had it ever been discouvered no humane means that I sawe could have secured my head Sect. 86. Cromwell haveing as I have already sayd and demonstrated from tyme to tyme opposed and by his several artifices prevented all treaties as much as he possibly could and agreements betwixt the King and the Presbitereans by degrees wrowght the Earle of Essex Bedford and Manchester the Generall Waller Major General Massy Major General Browne and all those Military persons out of all employment whome he judged capable to bring any opstacle to his projects in some Kinde reduced the citty of London and jugled the King prisoner into the Isle of wight in the custody of Colonel Hammon one of his creatures he belived his game sure which was the sole reason why I ever declined all treaty or colusion with those people foreseeing clearly their ends and as visibly their ways to them even when the Generallity of the Kings party assured themselves that they would infallibly restore both him and them Sect. 87. My stedfastness in the contrary opinion and my endeavours against that gross delusion not prostituting my reason to other mens phantasies procured me many enemies with very severe sensures leading divers to a jalousie that I had rivited my selfe into that interest rather for my owne private ends then for his Ma tie service or for the publique behoofe of the Nation which most groundless and unreasnable credulity together with the animosities and calomnies which arose therefrom had prepared the way and facilitated my after mine all thowgh I solemnly and syncerely protest that I alone declined the one party as being unchangeably convinced that they designed his Ma ties destruction nor applyed my selfe to the other then by his commands and as things were in those tymes that I Could perceave no other means for his preservation Sect. 88. Upon advertisements I gave the King which I know he had from other hands of the foregoeing votes as likewise of what Cromwell and Ierton had sayd against him he sawe to late howe perfidiously they had jugled with him which first disposed him to treat with the Scotch and with as many of the Presbitereans in England as safely Could and would be treated with which evidently refutes that rediculous assertion of some whoe pretend to be the Kings frends that Cromwell and Ireton broke with his Ma tie because he treated with the Scots makeing the effect the cause it being notorious to all whoe had any transactions in and knowledg of the affaires at those seperate tymes that the King after the armies proposalls had no treaty with the Scots or any els till the votes of non adresses and unanimous protestation of the army to live and dye with the Parliament in the persuance of those votes and for the setlement of the Gouverment without his Ma tie and a little after the like was done by the Parliament to live and dye with the army for the same ends and which was the wonder of wonders the house of Lords Passed this resolution first with great zeal and sent it downe to the Commons for their concurrence whoe for some tyme opposed it vigorously till threatnings and fear caused many members to absent themselves soe that it was carryed in the affirmative by five or six vooices Thus the commons contended to preserve the Peerage for the abolishing of which the Peers themselves layd this fowndation which ensued in about a year after Sect. 89. Theise proceedings haveing been visible and his Ma tie no other recource for the gaining of his liberty with the preservation of his crowne and life came to a conclusion with the Scotch Commissioners whoe were permitted by the Parliament to repaire to the King about the Gouverment of their owne nation Sect. 90. The agreement with them gave such satisfaction that they engaged themselves to enter into England with an army as speedily as well could be and in order to conjonction with them severall treaties were secretly mannaged with the principall persons of the Presbiterean party In a Parliamentary way nothing Could be done with them nor by them because of the awe of the army and the incertainty of many amongst themselves whoe in divers debates voted with the contrary party Besides that the very late resolutions and protestations of both houses rendred all propositions of that Kinde vaine and exceeding dangerous in soe much that there remained no other way but to treat with them a part and with the greatest Privacy The result was that they should declare at the same tyme with the Scotch the Kings party being to joine with them Upon the Scotch commissioners leaving the Isle of wight his Ma tie was more severely guarded then ever Not with standing I had constant correspondence with him all or much the greatest part of his intelligencies either with the Kingdome of Scotland or England passed my hands not without great difficulty danger and expence When all these transactions were concluded the King sent me the following letter of credit to be communicated to as many of the Gentilemen of the Easterne assotiation as I should thinke fit with the advice of those with whome I had before treated The Duke of Lauderdalle did me the honour to deliver it me at his returne from Cairsbrook Castel and to let me know what was concluded betwixt his Ma tie and the sotch Commissioners Cairsbrooke Decemb 1647. SEct. 91. Gentilemen I have been long since advertised by Colonel Bamfield whoe I have often employed to you of your good affections to my service and since there may fall out in a short tyme an occasion wherein they may be usefull to me in the present condition I am it may prove inconvenient for me and to you dangerous that I should give you Particular directions under my hand I have left it to Colonel Bamfield whoe knows my affaires and has order to communicate to you as much of them as is necessary for the direction of your Councels and endeavours for the publique good of your country and for him whoe is Your most assured frend CHARLES R. For the Gentilemen of the Easterne association Jan. the 24. SEct. 92. I have received yours of the 17 present but have not as yet decypherd the other letters inclosed because I would first fiuish this despatch
assured that they would deal syncerely and moderately with me afterwards I should witsh te armies casheering but the very ill usage I receive as yet from them makes me suspect alle things that I can hardly resolue what is best for me to doe in such an unhappy conjoncture and shall deliberate a little longer however take you hence the occasion to let those see whoe say they are my frends how much more reasnable I am even according to their owne rules then the authors of theise desorders which can never be appeased unless they agree with me they know what will satisfy me but the botom of theise mens designes is not easily sownded upon the place where you are you know best how to urge this with the most efficacy According to the advice your next letter brings me I shall take my measures Send the inclosed to my wife and deliver the other your selfe to my Lord Dumfermlin and keep my correspondence with him secret farewell Your frend CHARLES R. Sect. 46. Upon the answer which I made to this letter which contained very many matters of fact of great importance betwixt the Parliament and army whose differences flew very high with the opinion of others as well as my owne there upon the particulars where of all thowgh to long to be Here Mentioned may be guessed at by the Kings answer which followes May the 16. SEct. 47. Monday last I received yours which put such thowghts into my head that I could not delay the dispatching my Message to the twoe houses for undoubtedly reason will be sooner heard by unreasnable men when they dispute whoe shall be master then when there is no opposition and certainly seeing many of those in the Parliament whoe pretend to be my frends make soe little account of what you have offered them in my name I can expect nothing from them but extremest rigour when they have no competitors for in the incertainty of their affaires they may judg me necessary but then useless What I send you now is no more then what you know allready touching the four cheif propositions and for the covenant I have Done as much as I promised them Cause my message to be printed and published all you can Make my excuse to the french Ambassadour for what he has written to me in his last is of soe little concernment that it is not worth the payns to answer it in cipher to him selfe Assure him from me that neither Dumfermlin whoe is now here nor any els saving you shall know what passes betwixt him and me Send the inclosed to my wife to whome faile Not to give an account of all that passes farewell Your frend CHARLES R. Sect. 48. I have many other letters from his Ma tie touching theise negotiations at that tyme not necessary here to be inserted for the end I propose to my selfe The Parliament had past an ordinance in both houses for the disbanding of the army which would not obey their refusall and proceedings there upon were very high and factions and out of the power of the houses to restraine their only force lying in their votes and orders which the other laughed at and dispised whoe haveing thus begun fownd themselves obliged to goe on or perish The Parliament was here at much alarmed and the wisest amongest them began to repent their haveing rejected a proposition which was secretly made to them and often urged with weighty reasons not to send the Scotch army out of England entirely and at once but at the same tyme to disband part of their owne and send away a like proportion of the Scots and soe by degrees make them selves quit of both But this was refused without aleaging any solid reason against it but only depending on Parlementary authority which they sayd the army would never dare to disobey they were likewise sorry they had soe long and soe much neglected the great advances which the King had made and told me plainly they would endeavour the passing of a vote in both houses for the Kings coming to London but that they apprehended the army there upon would seize upon his person before he could come thither Sect. 49. They desired me to write to his Ma tie to know his inclination I told them I would goe my selfe to a frends house within less then an hower from Holmby and would write from thence which I did all the same night post Arriving where I intended before noon the next day from thence I wrote I mediately to his Ma tie inclosing my letter in one to the Earle of Dumfermlin I acquainted him with the great danger he was in of being seized by the army to prevent which I saw no means unless his Ma tie would and could save himselfe by night in desguise and that I would have horses ready very neer the place to bring him to London where as affaires stood I was persuaded he might come to a reasnable accord on the fowndation of his Message The next morning he sent my Lord Dumfermlin to me whoe gave me the following lerter Holmby June 4. SEct. 50. Referring particulars to the Earle of Dumfermlin I shall only tell you that what you proposed to me by your letter of yesterday is quickly to be answered that ever since I heard of the armies refusal to disband I have often thowght of what you now propownd and am resolved not to fall into their hands if I can avoyde it I have sownded the commissioners about the expedient which you mention of escaping with them to London I have assured them to confirme my last message and to treat with the Parliament concerning the other things in question I have layd before them the publique danger as well as of my person in case I should be taken by the army all agree to it except two whoe say they connot Consent without order from the Parliament it being to betray their trust soe that I see no way to shun falling into the hands of the army if they have the designe to take me as soone as Dumfermlin returns I will try againe what may be done with those whoe make the greatest difficulty Expecting your answer this evening if I can put in execution by any means what you move you shall know my resolution speedily to which end you shall doe well to remain where you are farewell Your frend CARLES R. Sect. 51. My answer to this letter was very short haveing acquainted my Lord Dumfermlin fully with all things whoe had likewise himselfe received letters from some of the Scotch Commissioners at London which confirmed all I had written and savd and therefor concluded some thing was to be done out of hand for the Kings escape He named the twoe persons to me whoe opposed it one where of commanding the troupes which garded his Ma tie without him it was not possible to have been done The next morning in stead of receiving any advice from the King how I might serve him in
to my wife the Earle of Laneric and my Lord Willowby wherefor excuse me to the Earle of Southampton that I have not answered his wich I shall doe by the first occasion I am advertised that it has been deliberated by some of the army to possesse themselves of the Duke of Yorke consider if you cannot finde means to convey him out of England cause the inclosed to be delivered to him for it concerns me neerly to have correspondence with him at this tyme let me knowe as soone as may be your opinion touching this business farewell Your assured frend CHARLES R. Sect. 93. Upon the receipt of this letter I caused the inclosed for his Royale Highness the Duke of Yorke to be delivered him by a sure hand whoe had that accesse to him which I could not have and unless my memory failes me as I am persuaded it does not he had been pleased not long before by Message to let me knowe that he had promised the King his father whilest he was in the hands of the army to make his escape out of England as soone as he Could attempt it on any reasnable appearance of success demanding if Could not serve him in it which I am confident I had undertaken in which resolution I was fully confirmed by theise his Ma ties commands and not knowing whither by this occasion he had mentioned the business to the Duke or not with his owne letter I sent his Royalle Highness mine which was transmitted againe to me and upon his resolution and answer I framed mine to his Father The Duke was pleased to commande me not to precipitate the business but to take necessary tyme and use all circomspection not to plunge him into a worse condition then he was Haveing duly considered what measures were fittest for me to take herein and given the King an account there of his Ma tie was pleased to write me the following letter Cairsbrooke the 22 Feb. SEct. 94. I have received yours of the 14 present and being weary with decyphering it I cannot answer to all its particulars nor is it needfull I will only tell you in Generall that I approve what you have allready done and what you propose for the saveing of the Duke of York I confirme the promesse he has made to Howard and the assurances you have given him in my name to be continued in the Charge of Master of his horse allthowgh the Parliament has made him soe The rest I leave to your conduct committing you to Gods Providence trawble not your selfe about my other affaires but thinke only of what you have now in your hands bring him if possible either to his Mother or sister farewell Your assured frend CHARLES R. Sect. 95. For some Important reasons which I acquainted his Ma tie with I delayed this business untill the end of Aprill following at which tyme it succeeded happily to the great contentment of the King and of the Royalle famely his Highness arrived first in Zealand and the next day in Holland Sect. 96. About six weekes after the Parliaments whole fleet quitted their unlawfull masters came to anker in Gorée Rode delivering themselves up to the Duke of York as their Admirall which they knew he was by the King his fathers patent and was really the occasion of their coming thither and submitting to him Sect. 97. The winde which was favourable to bring them into Holland prouved a storme to me which occasioned my wrack ever since haveing unhappily given some councell concerning that fleet it seemes with to much precipitation which was well meant very ill taken because most bitterly represented by a person of quality and to doe him but Justice of merit betwixt whome and me there was at that time some competition about particular matters who according to the ordinary practice in such cases to ruine my credit and increase his owne held it expedient to couver his private animosity under the specious vaile of Zeal to a more publique interest I shall againe declare what I have ever protested that I had no other end or designe then either freeing the King out of his Imprisonment in the Isle of wight or if it were fownd Impossible which I did not then belive nor doe now that is was to have landed 1500. or 2000. men at yarmouth to have countenanced a rising in northfolke suffolke and the other adjacent Provinces of the easterne assotiation the probabillity of the one or of the other I shall here expose to any reasnable consideration Sect. 98. First touching the Kings freedome I had been assured out of England of a landing place in the Island which I looked upon as the greatest difficulty Sect. 99. Secondly that we Could have landed with 2000 Men haveing raised at that very tyme in Holland about 1200 English Soldiers of the reduction which the States had then made of the troupes of our nation and might well have added to them upon such an occasion 1000 sea men chosen out of the Fleet besides that great assurances were given that the inhabitants would have risen with us if we could have furnished them with armes which was to have been done Sect. 100. Thirdly I could never conceave in case of a free descent on land any great or long opposition wee Could have met with by sea not the least the Parliament not haveing had one ship of war fitted out in ten weekes or three months after By land as little except what Colonel Hamond Could have made with not above 5 or 600 foote which was all he had nor Could have hoped for more Cromwell with the greater part of the army was marched against the Scots Fairefax engaged before Colchester and some considerable parties of the army diverted into walles by risings there for the King at the same tyme. Moreover if they Could have sent an army entire to portsmouth or any other part upon that coast to have been transported into the Island not a barque or bote Could have passed without either being sunke or taken Besides there were many of the bravest and best officers whoe had served his Ma tie whoe were Embarqued in the fleet as Prince Mauris S r. John Boyce Colonel Washington S r. Francis Mackworth and very Many more whoe wee fownd retired into Holland at our arivall and some followd nor is it to be Imagined that in soe glorious an enterprise but that the greatest contestation would have been whoe should have been readiest to have sacrifised themselves For my part I never could apprehend any other difficulty in this attempt then to have landed which we had great and likely assurances of and in all events our retreat was sure and the fleet at liberty for any other designe in case that could not have been effected Sect. 101. Which was to have landed at yarmouth where we were sure of a free reception and did persuade my selfe that a body of 2000 Soldiers would have had the reputation of double the nomber and have encouraged
the whole county of northfolke to have risen which had been very well prepared by my transactions before my leaving of England with S r. John Hobart and divers more of the Gentry of that shire by the Kings commands and credentials Sect. 102. Theise were ye only ends I had in that transaction which was then ye first step to my utter ruine if there were any little irregularity as to some formalities in the way leading there unto the most it Could have amounted to was an errour committed throwgh to much precipitation ernestness which I hoped could not have been considered as a crime To have given advertisement to the Queen and Prince fourteen days tyme at least must have been lost which might have rendered the whole dessein either Impossible or much more difficult and hazardous More over if it should have been refused as peradventure it might to have gone forewarde with any enterprise howe necessary how profitable or how glorious soever would have been considered as desobedience and have fallen under the interpretation of contempt Moreover I considered that the first and chiefe duty which then lay upon me was to contribute all I could towards the conservation and liberty of the King being likewise pressed by a second which I concluded weighed not much less both of dependence and obligation from all which reasons joyned to the Importance of the designe which Could not admit delay I thowght the wisest course was to put it Imediately in practise and after to have excused the omission of some circomstances by the weight and pressure of the affaire Besides I considered that if the success followed which was reasnable to hope for a small errour would have needed no great appologie and if it did not I was resolved to bear the blame w ch I have abondantly done thowgh I did not foresee it would have fallen soe heavy on me nor have dured to perpetuity In the midst of theise transactions his late Ma tie arrived at Helvot sluce to whome a very bitter representation was made of my proceedings notwithstanding twoe days after his Majesty was gratiously pleased to vouchafe mee a free and particular audience to hear indifferently what I could say either for my Justification or excuse w ch was much to the purpose I have here aleaged Haveing patiently heard me his answer was very neer in the following words or at least exactly to the same sence Colonel Bamfield I am unwilling to belive all I have been informed concerning your late proceedings about this fleet for if I did I should trust you no longer wherefor I am willing to credit what you say as to the ends you had but even according to your owne acknowledgment you cannot deny but that you have in the way to them very much fayled in your duty and respect to me but being contented to hope that it has been throwgh haste and inconsideration without malice I pardone this fault freely and charge you not to be discontented for if I shall ever perceave that you are I shall be more displeased with you then I am for what you have now done I confess nothing could have been more generous nor more gratious and I resented it accordingly with that humility and thanckfullness w ch I was obliged to doe About the same tyme the Scots with an army of 20000. Men marched into England answerable to the accord that their commissioners not long before had made with the late King of ever happy Memory his faithfull subjects in England began to rise in severall parts of the nation as had before been agreed upon it began in Kent some thing unseasnably and throwgh ye little or rather no experience of those whoe commanded was more easily and more speedyly dissipated then was expected had they understoode theyr undertaking to have left their owne province and marched to Arundel in sussex ye neer adjoyning county w ch was prepared to have risen with them before I left England haveing possessed themselves of that fast place defended on the one syde by a navigable niver on another by a strong castle situated on all most an in accessible elevation on a third by a deep lake neer musquet Shot over and by cutting a narrow dam betwixt it and the river the water Could have fallen into it if needfull on ye fourth by a wall and ditch thowgh without flanque which in twenty four howers Could have been cast up after the manner of a good intrenchment about 200 paces further advanced was an old rampart of Earth sufficiently high which reached from the elivation of grownd where on ye Castel stands to the side of the lake which was a singular help to a most advantagious retrenchment which in eight and forty howers by many hands Could have been rendered of Admirable defence by the direction of any whoe understood the advantages of ground for an encampment and that had any indifferent generall knowledg of fortification which most officers of any consideration either understand reasnably or owght to doe besides if it came to be forced all the ground within it was commanded both by the Castel and towne and this part was the weakest of the foure I mention this only as one of the strongest and most Important posts in England or any where els that I have seen for the defensible encampment of any reasnable body of an army which that rising in Kent then amounted to and would have been double the nomber had they marched to Arrundel by the addition of force they would have had out of sussex and Hamshire both which Provinces were for divers months before prepared to rise with the first reasnable occasion and posting themselves fastly for defence I much question whither the army of Fairfax which consisted nor at that tyme of 7000 foote would have attempted them as they might have layne at least would have fownd a long worke to have reduced them and given tyme and aportunity to the rest of the nation to have risen and formed themselves into some considerable and solid bodies And as this had been the most councellable and alltogether Practicable in that part and occasion soe had it been much more needfull and profitable to the whole undertakeing and common interest of the King and his faithfull prople had the Scots army taken the same measures when they were advertised that Cromwell advanced towards them and haveing encamped themselves advantagiously with a sufficient intrenchment as they had places in abondance where they marched to have done allmost Impregnably and by that means have kept themselves from the necessity of fighting unless upon such certayne advantages as must probably have produced the ruine of their enemy As it was Cromwells interest and resolution to fight them as soone as possibly he Could soe was it no less theirs to temporise by a defensive war After them divers of ye nobility and cheif Gentry in Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Yorkshire were in a combination together and raysing of
months after his Ma tie sent an order for my liberty I continued some tyme in London where I lived with the greatest circomspection Imaginable not to give cause of jalousy or offence to any Till at length S r. Allen Apsly treasurer to his Royale Highness whoe did me the honour some tymes to see me with a civile and frendly introduction to very ill niews told me in plain termes that the court was againe abondantly unsatisfyed with me and that Particularly his Royale Highness the Duke of Yorke had commanded him to tell me that I owght to be carefull of my comportment that if I fell into any trowble he would have nothing to doe with me adding theise words the Duke is soe displeased with you that I belive it easier for you to recouver the Kings favour then his I with some Importunity urged him to tell me if he knew any thing of the cause to which he gave no other answer then that the best cource he Could advise me to was for some tyme to retire my selfe out of England till the publique affaires were soe re-settled that there might remaine no grounds of jalousy concerning me I replyed I shall take this night to thinke of it and would the next day give him an account of my resolution which I did the morning following before he was out of his bed I told him that I had duly weighed his councel and was determined to follow it that thowgh the storme I had stoode out seemed to have been abated yet I Could perceave the sea was stil unquiet the winde contrary and my ankers not the surest in soe much that I should seek another port his answer was you doe very wisely for in case the least newe disorder should arise I am soe much your frend as to tell you freely that I persuade my selfe you would be confined to a perpetuaile Imprisonment I replied I had rather dye he told me brusquly that you may easily doe if you have a minde to it I besowght him to acquaint his Ma tie that if he pleased to give me leave I would for some tyme retire out of his Dominions till the affaires of state were soe settled to his contentment that my returne might give no ombrage The apprehension of a continuel Imprisonment had soe alarmed me that I was willing to be gone as soone as I could which made me hasten to him agayne twoe days after he told me he had fownd occasion to represent to the King my humble resolution of retirement which his Ma tie approuved He added likewise that he had acquainted my Lord Chancellour therewith whoe he sayd commended my discretion councelled me to carry my selfe abrode circomspectly and Dutifully not haveing to doe with factious or scismaticall people by which means he hoped to see me in some tyme recalled from my volontary banishment Theise discources of his together with some advertisements I had from a person of great Importance at that tyme of his Ma ties councel whoe either out of compassion or frendship by one of his neer relations had desired to meet me in a third place caused me to hasten my departure with soe much precipitation as to leave my torne affaires in a very desorderly condition for he gave me some light into the reasons of my niew desgrace as my often frequenting of some places thowgh most publiquely which was interpreted to my disadvantage as all things in nature at that tyme by some would have been secondly that I had spoken words to a certain person with greater confidence then discretion which were looked upon as marques of remaining discontent and of factious inclinations he told me the expressions but assured me that he knew not whoe the reporter was where upon I named the person avowing that I had sayd those words or to the same effect Acquainting him with the occasion which was that this Gentileman was not at that tyme in very much greater grace in the court then I with whome some tymes I met occasionally and at other oportunities he did me the honour to visit me one day I retayned him with me at dinner at the table we discourced of many indifferent things as I tooke them to be for as long as he was there one of my servants was present and till neer the end of dinner his footeman whoe being gone out of the chamber he sayd some words to me absolutely in rallerie which was custumary amongest the great wits of which nomber he really was both by nature and acquisition as any I knew of the Nation the substance was a paralelle he made betwixt me and one dead some tyme before whoe had not been of the Kings most dutyfull subjects referring to the future course of things as he sayd they might fall out I I suspecting nothing for we had lived during the space of twelve or thirtien years with great kindeness and familiarity answered him in the same dialect in pure and manifest rallerie nor could the thing it self about which he had spoken bear any other sence if weighed without passion and my answer much less if the antecedent as well as the consequent had been reported but he in another place and to other persons repeated only and that grammatically my words as seperate from his owne which he never mentioned in soe much that where twoe sentences are relatives if the later be reported without the former to which it related the sence may be wrested oftentimes to what one will Haveing recited exactly the whole Matter with all the circomstances to this noble person he shooke his head and sayd theise are dangerous tymes and such are most dangerous men I besowght him that he would acquaint my Lord Chancellour with this business and all its circomstances He replied his Lordship knowes nothing of my speaking with you much less of what I say to you and I desire he never may nor any els I have wished you well as long as I have knowne you and have been very sorry for your misfortunes and out of pure pitty have adventured to speak with you to hynder your falling into greater which may prove as lasting as your life and therefor I hope you will keep this meeting and what I have sayd to you secret otherwise you will deal unwisely as to you selfe and unthanckfully as to me Some persons of the greatest Calibre are soe prepossested against you that your clearing your selfe in this point will in no kinde help you for the words themselves can bear no action in law nor be of any other consequence then to confirme some in the belief long rooted in them that you are discontented and that your heart swells with mutinous and revengfull thowghts which is soe ingrafted that if an Angel should descend from Heaven to declare the contrary I may question whither it would avayle you Retire your selfe as soone as you can be very circomspect in your whole comportment and especially in your discources wherein your best frends
examined before his Ma tie and his Councel whither I had written that letter or not thowgh only a copy was produced and but three or four lines read at first to me I owned it The reading ended I was asked whoe I meant by the person not named on whome I had made divers reflexions I waved the declaring thereof by all the evasions that my invention Could furnish me with foreseeing into what a laberinthe of niewe trowbles I should winde my selfe if I entered into the list with him I knew it would be in all kindes impar congressus A chilli at length the King himselfe commanded me to declare whoe I meant which without the highest contumacy I was obliged to doe thus finding my selfe in volontarily engaged I undertooke the Justifying of all the particulars of my letter which I endeavoured with much more ardor then was sutable to the condition where in I at that tyme was whereby I offended his Ma tie in the highest degree and was blamed even by those present whoe wished me well This niew wound prouved incurable leading the King to a resolution of remouving me entirely out of his service whereof I wanted not information which made me seek an oportunity to have audience by him which at length I obtayned I began to speak about things which concerned his service in Scotland haveing heard me and demanded some questions which naturally arose from what I had represented I Could perceave by his answer in the conclusion that he had no minde to have that string further touched upon in soe much that I passed from it to my owne particular concernments after haveing layd before him the unhappiness of my condition throwgh the long continuance of his displeasure I humbly besowght him to graunt me any one of three things he was pleased to reject all thowgh they were easy of small Importance and without the possibility as I conceaved of any harmfull consequence where upon I threw my selfe on my knie humbly beseeching him not to cast me entirely of that I had served his Royall father his Ma tie himselfe and the Crowne faithfully from my youth that I had the same affection to his Person and fidelity to his service which I had ever professed and in many occasions signally demonstrated that nothing Could deminish my Zeal but unresistable necessity His Ma tie answered he Could not belive that those would serve him faithfully whoe he did not thinke well affected to him that I had ways of my owne and followed my owne councells in his business which he would not suffer I replyed that if I had done soe it had been when I was at such a distance from him that I Could not receive his orders and that what I did I thowght best for his service but that in the future I would never doe any thing relating to publique affaires without his Majesties positive commands he replyed I cannot graunt any of the things you desire one of them at this tyme is not in my power not being in a condition to helpe those I would the other twoe I doe not thinke for my service nor have I any further employment for you The to sencible anxiety wherein I was finding my selfe irreparably ruined utterly deprived of all means to subsist and hopeless for the future soe trowbled my reason that I broke out of those bowndes of duty and profownd respect which in all conditions I owght as a subject much more as a meniall servant to have confined my selfe to and sayd it is Impossible for me to live thus any longer if your Ma tie will absolutely abandon me I can have no other refuge then to endeavour to returne into England and seek my bread amongst your enemies whoe I have hitherto opposed with all the vigour and industry I Could where upon he rose from the chear where he gave me audience and told me I have no more to say to you nor will ever have more to doe with you and soe retired out of the chamber Some persons of the greatest Calibre by whose means I had obtayned that audience whoe were present at a little distance and had heard all that was sayd reproched me with indignation for my last words calling them rash undutifull and insolent and that none of my frends afterwards Could speak more in my favour with many other such like expressions and indeed I fownd them ever after much more Cold then formerly I procured an audience againe from one of them not without some difficulty which was likewise the last I ever had where representing the hardness of my condition and mentioning as modestly as I Could dress my complaints up my past services for divers years which were very well knowne to the person to whome I spake one whoe was by made answer in some kinde of heat all your past services are lost in the ill success of the Kings business Other expressions as sharpe as that were added which I then thowght as I now doe were spoken to drive mee off from the hopes of subsistance from those to whome I had adressed my selfe fearing peradventure that my ayme was to pin my selfe on them whoe at that conjoncture were in no very oppulent condition I sowght and in private for all were cautious of me seeing the Kings great and declared displeasure obtained an audience from another where I had placed my last hope and refuge he heard me attentively but sayd little only in the conclusion he told me he was very sorry for me but saw not how he Could help me to appear in my behalfe would make my condition rather worse then better as he sayd I might my selfe easily conceave and Could in some kinde prove disadvantagious to himselfe upon which termes I retired never haveing spoken to him since nor is it likely that I ever shall Thus finding my disease under which I had long languished become incurable and that all those whoe had either kindeness or compassion for me began to apprehend my sickness as contagious as is done in the pest with a Lord have mercy upon me had abandonned me as perishing men in a shipwrack save themselves as they can soe I returned into England haveing no other refuge in nature which I did openly and avowedly as I had before declared I should be constrained to doe During the intervall betwixt that tyme and his Ma ties restauration I did many things which gave him Just reason to continue and to augment his indignation if that were possible The King was out of his dominions another authority established where unto the three nations either volontarily or by constrainte had submitted Being thus Throwne out of his service and out of all trust and Employment I abandonned my selfe to those councels which an insupportable necessity sugested to me that according to the Judgment of the supreme legislator renders divers other lawes dispensable I stayd not long in England had no conversation with any of the Kings frends which I avoyded
more then many of them did me I was seldome there but haveing concluded a very advantagious capitulation with Monsieur de Tillier at present Chancellour of France for the raysing of a Regiment of 2500 English and Scots and had obtayned liberty to doe it I returned to London to procure Marchands security for my performing the conditions on my part agreed upon before the mony I was to receive Could be payd me Haveing accomplished what was demanded to the contentment of those concerned a man of war was offered me for my retransport to Deep without my demanding it I wondered a litle at the great civility considering it as a good presage that I should meet with no niew interuption in the progress of my business I went the next day poste to Dover sending thence to the Downes the order I had for a frigat to come thither where I thowght to have embarqued my selfe whilest I wayted for it dreaming of nothing less then Imprisonment the Gouvernour of the Castel with the Major of the Towne together with some Soldiers came into my chamber shewing me an order from Cromwell to seize all my papers and to bring me and my servants prisonners into the castle not one of them haveing been permitted about me nor to speak together before they were examined which the next day was performed but my turne came not untill three or four days after which was executed with great formality and no less severity upon seaven Artickles which I looked upon as very strange and without any the least possibility of fowndation in soe much that my answers were positive and some thing negligent sufficiently knowing that according to their owne constitution in those tymes they Could doe no more to me then to revoke what had been graunted concerning my leavies and to keep me in restraint for some tyme. In a few days I was again examined for the second tyme not in the order I had been at first but very confusedly hopeing to have intrapped me in some contradiction but my answers haveing been in substance the same as at first no advantage Could be fownd against me by that course and to have prouved any materiall point I knew was Impossible which made me appear very indifferent notwithstanding the uncivile and rude threatnings of one of my Commissaryes The only thing which had any shadow of truth or reason was that a few days before my parting from London a Gentileman with whome I was very intimate being at that tyme Gouvernour of a considerable place whoe in his heart I knew was not passionately in love with the cause he was engaged in haveing told me in confidence that another underhand solicited his charge and he feared might deprive him of it I was very free and open in my Councells to him touching the best means to conserve it adding in the conclusion that as long as he held that post in all events which Could happen he might keep himselfe considerable he answered me not a word touching that point but after a short and deep Meditation diverted his discource to another subject the next day he acquainted Cromwell with the Councel I had given him not without both change and addition whither this had been concerted before and that he was employ'd to counterfeit jalousy and discontent to in snare me or that he thowght to profit himselfe in that occasion by manifesting his integrety throwgh his discouvery to preserve his charge I Could wever know nor with my selfe determine this information gave more credit to other Articles then otherwise they would have met with which Cromwell himselve as lenght reflected on as artificial contrivements of some whoe he knew by many intercepted letters were not my frends to obstruct my levies and to ruine my credit in England at that tyme to prevent my doeing the harme they apprehended which I never meant at this very conjoncture there hapned a misunderstanding at the Kings Court then at Bridges in Flanders some persons haveing retyred thence to the Hage where upon purposely to ruine me advertisement was given to Cromwell that all beit I was very deep in his Ma ties displeasure which he knew as well as they yet I was well with others whoe were no less his enimies and that my pretext for liberty to make levyes for France was but to couver the designe I had to begin a fowndation for the advancement of another interest some circomstances relating to my affaires where of he was not ignorant afforded no small probability to this information where in he was the more confirmed by the Gouvernours advertisement whoe I have mentioned being likewise strengthned by another of little less Importance which was that Imediately before my parting from paris I had sayd something occasionally to a person of quality of my owne nation in confidence that concerned England and Spayne he contrary to his promise acquainted one of the French Ministers with it whoe wrote it to Monsieur Bourdaux then Ambassadour in England and by him was communicated to Cromwell these twoe circomstances gave much credit to the chiefe information Haveing layne under this restraint three weekes and nothing to have been prouved but the Gouvernours advertisement the business of Bruges being accommodated the grownds whereof he at last knew and was fully convinced that I was not faulty in the great designe Which being urged by S r. John Renolds with some others throwgh their frequent solicitations for my liberty and for my permission to proceed in my levies he acknowledged that nothing stuck with him saveing the councell I had given to the Gouvernour I have allready mentioned they aleaged that all humane affaires were subject to mutation and that if any change should happen my words Implied no more then a bare possibility thereof but not that I knew of any or that I did wish or would further it That the Councel I gave was to a frend whoe demanded it whoe then was and whoe allways had been in his interests and that any man upon the like occasion might have given the same Councel His final answer was that after haveing Imprisoned Colonel Bamfield we can neither trust him nor he us wherefor I cannot now consent to his levies nor to his continuance in any of the dominions of this common wealth his liberty he shall have upon his engagement to retire abrode within four days and not to returne into any of the three Nations without leave of the Gouverment which I did was set at liberty and to keep my word more exactly then I was constrained to haveing stayd one day at Dover the next I hyred off an open shaloup to calais where I fell sick of a violent feaver which confined me for some tyme to that place Thus I fownd my selfe utterly ruined in his Ma ties favour cast out of his service for ever and by this contrivement and accident for both were in the business to gayne my liberty was constrained to enter into a volontary exile