Attorneys place p. 20. Sir Francis Bacon to Sir George Cary in France upon sending him his Writing In foelicem memoriam Elizabethae p. 21. A Letter to Sir George Villiers touching the difference between the Courts of Chancery and Kings Bench. p. 22. Sir Francis Bacon to the King concerning the Praemunire in the Kings Bench against the Chancery p. 23. A Letter to the King touching matter of Revenue and Profit p. 27. Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Attorney to the King touching the proceeding with Somerset p. 28. Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Attorney to Sir George Villiers concerning the proceeding with Somerset p. 30. Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Attorney giving account of an Examination taken of Somerset at the Tower p. 32. Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Attorney to Sir George Villiers touching the proceeding with Somerset p. 34. Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Attorney to Sir George Villiers of Account and Advice to His Majesty touching Somerset's Arraignment p. 35. Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Attorney and some great Lords Commissioners concerning the perswasion used to the Lord of Somerset to a frank Consession p. 36. Sir Francis Bacon to the King upon some inclination of His Majesty signified to him for the Chancellors place p. 38. Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Attorney returned with Postils of the Kings own Hand p. 39. The Copy of a Letter conceived to be written to the late Duke of Buckingham when he first became a Favourite to King James by Sir Francis Bacon afterwards Lord Verulam and Viscount St. Alban Containing some Advices to the Duke for his better direction in that eminent place of the Favourite Drawn from him at the intreaty of the Duke himself by much importunity p. 43. Sir Francis Bacon to Sir George Villiers of Advice concerning Ireland from Gorambury to Windsor p. 67. Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Attorney General to the Master of the Horse upon the sending of his Bill for Viscount sc. p. 69. Sir Francis Bacon to Sir George Villiers upon the sending his Pattent for Uiscount Villiers to be Signed p. 70. Sir Francis Bacon to the King about a Certificate of my Lord Coke's p. 72. A Letter to the King touching the Lord Chancellors place ibid. A Letter to the King of my Lord Chancellors amendment and the difference begun between the Chancery and Kings Bench. p. 75. Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Attorney to the King giving some account touching the Commendams p. 76. Sir Francis Bacon his Advertisement touching an Holy War to the Right Reverend Father in God Lancelot Andrews Lord Bishop of Winchester and Councellor of Estate to His Majesty p. 78. Sir Francis Bacon to the King about the Pardon of the Parliaments Sentence p. 81. Sir Francis Bacon to King James of a Digest to be made of the Laws of England p. 82. Sir Francis Bacon to the Right Honourabl◠〈◊〉 very good Lord the Earl of Devonshire Lord Lieutenant of 〈◊〉 p. 87. A Discourse touching Helps for the intellectual Powers by Sir Francis Bacon p. 97. Sir Francis Bacon to the King p. 101. C. Certain Copies of Letters written by Sir William Cecil Knight Secretary of Estate to Queen Elizabeth to Sir Henry Norris Knight Ambassador for the said Queen Resident in France Beginning the 10th of February 1566. and ending the 26th of September 15â—0 p. 105. The Lord Coke to King James touching trial of Duels out of England p. 193. H. The History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth King Edward the Sixth Queen Mary and part of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth p. 194. I. A Copy of a Letter from His Majesty to the Lords read at Board Nov. 21. 1617. touching the abatement of His Majesties Houshold Charge p. 198. A Copy of His Majesties second Letter p. 199. A Letter from the King to his Lordship by occasion of a Book It was the Organon p. 200. To Our Trusty and Well-beloved Thomas Coventry Our Attorney-General ibid. S. A Letter written by Sir Philip Sidney unto Queen Elizabeth touching her Marriage with Mounsieur p. 201. My Lord Sanquir 's Case p. 209. My Lady Shrewsburies Case p. 212. T. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton then Ambassador in France to Queen Elizabeth touching a free Passage for the Queen of Scots through England into Scotland p. 214. Books Printed for and sold by G. Bedell and T. Collins Folio's Compleat AMBASSADOR Letters and Negotiations of the Lord Burleigh and Sir Francis Walsingham in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth Collected by Sir Dudly Diggs Bishop Andrews Sermons Halls Politicks Lord Bacons History of King Henry 7th * D'Avila's Civil Wars of France * Bishop Ushers Annals of the World * Titus Livius Roman History in English * Dr. Hammond on the New Testament * Paraphrase on the Psalms * Howe 's Chronicle of England * Lord Hobarts Reports with a large Table by Sir H. Finch * Bulstrodes Reports in Three Parts * Crooks Reports in Three Volumes * Lord Cooks Pleadings in English * Wingats Maxims of the Law * Styles Reports * Leonards Reports Second Part. Quarto's Mountagues Essayes Sennault's Christian Man Potters Number of the Beast 666. Grand Seignieurs Seuaglio Ross against Coparnicus touching the Earths motion French Letters touching His Majesties stedfastness in the Protestant Religion in French and English Character of CHARLES II. Articles or Treaty of Peace betwixt France and Spain Discourse for a King and Parliament Fumi Fugium A Discourse of the Air and Smoak of London by John Evelin Esq Lord Cooks Reading and Denshalls Reading on the Statute of Fines The Judges Arguments on the Liberty of the Subject Three Readings on Wills Jointures and forcible Entry Mr. Durhams Assize Sermon Dr. Thomas his Assize Sermon Playes * D'avenant's Wits * Platonick Lovers * Faithful Shepherdess by Fletcher Marriage of the Arts by Barten Hollyday The Bastard A Tragedy The Martyr A Tragedy The Just General Horratius in English A Tragedy Michaelmas Term. Combate of Love and Friendship Octavo's Gosses Tragedies Lucretius in Latine and English Faushawes La Fida Pastora Duke of Rohans Memoires and Discourses English Hyppolito Isabella Three Romances The Nuptial Lover Triumphant Lady Waterhouse his Apology for Learning Idem His Divine Tracts Idem His Discourse of Arms and Armory Botelers Sermons Compleat on several Subjects Instructions for a Library by Naudeus English Reliquiae Carolinae Dr. Taylors Offices or Liturgy Sheppard of Courts Of Corporations Lambords Archeion White of the Laws Parsons Law the last Edition Claytons Reports Fleetwoods Justice Stones Reading on the Statute of Bankrupts Wingats Body of the Law Noyes Maxims D'avenport's Abridgment of Cook on Littleton Abridgement of Acts. Twelves Compleat Justice Davis's Abridgement of Cooks Reports Tylenus Second Part against Baxter Jacksons Evangelical Temper Of Liberty and Servitude Haywards Edward 6th St. Chrysostom of Education Guuton of External Worship Supplementum Lucani per May. Thuan's Politick Maxims Mayerns Experiments Dr. Stuarts Sermons Ladies Cabinet Gees steps in four and twenties SIR FRANCIS BACON'S Letters c.
flight there was taken a hundred prisoners whereof some were of the petty Lords of the Country but the Lord Maxwell the Lord Carlile the Lord Johnson and the rest before named escaped by the strength of the Lord of Cockpools house and a great Wood and a Mauress that was neer there adjoyning and so the said Simon repaired to me with his Company and so we returned home And thus for this time I commit you to the Almighty Yours assured to command H. Scroop Carlile 21. April 1570. Postscript Drumlangricks servants and Tenants whom I had given charge that they should not be dealt withall for that he favored the Kings faction and the Queens Majesties were as cruel against us as any others Sir I have written to my Lord Lieutentant for 500. men but for fourteen dayes and with them I will undertake to march to Dumfriese and lye in that Town and burn and spoil it if the Queen Majesties think it good for the open receipt of her Majesties Rebels is there manifest SIR MY leasure serveth me as I was wont to have it all my time at command of others and none for my self and little for my private friends by the Queens Majesties letter you may perceive the state of things here God send her Majesty a good issue of this Scotish matter whereinto the entry is easie but the passage within doubtful and I fear the end will be monstrous By your letters of late time it hath seemed that the opinion was for the Queens Majesty to be delivered of the Scottish Queen but surely few here among us conceive it feasible with surety My Lord of Suffex useth his charge very honorably and circumspectly upon the Frontiers where indeed he hath made revenge and that only almost upon the guilty I do send you herewith a printed thing or two sent me from Scotland and so take my leave wishing for your own sake that peace might be seen there so as you might bring it for which purpose I trust surely her Majesty will send one for you Yours most assured W. Cecil 23. May 1570. To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador c. SIR THis bearer came hither with good speed I do send you herewith a note of my Lord of Sussex his last letters from Berwick I do also send you in writing the Copy of that which the French Ambassador lately sent thither containing the sum of that which lately passed here betwixt the Queens Majesty and him wherein truely he hath not much differed from that which was accorded The Bishop of Ross departed on Friday last to the Scotish Queen to deal with her that some of her part might come hither out of Scotland to treat of her cause and that Arms might cease on both sides Since his going thither the Queens Majesty understandeth of a Practice that he had two dayes before his departure with a noble man of this Realm being a professed Papist contrary to his manner of dealing with the Queens Majesty whereupon her Majesty is not a little moved against him and therefore I think she will not deal with him at his return We look daily that peace will there be made though we see not how it shall continue but I trust thereby you shall be revoked and I think Mr. Walfingham shall come in your place I have no more at this present I received yesterday a letter from Paris of the 19. of May but I did before that receive another of the 24. Yours assuredly W. Cecil Hampton-Court 8. June 1570. To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador c. By Letters from Berwick 3. June THe Marshal of Berwick being at Edenburgh with certain Forces dealt with the Earls of Grange and Liddington to procure a surcease of Arms which taking no effect he went with the Noblemen of Scotland that joyned with him to Glasco from whence the Duke and his Associates fled upon their setting forth from thence the Marshal sent to the Bishop of St. Andrews and the Lords who were in Dumbarton Castle to Parly with them to procure an abstinence of Arms who appointed to meet them the next day at a Village half way betwixt Glasco and Dumbarton where missing them at the time appointed he went neerer to Dumbarton whereof he sent them word and thereupon they returned his Messenger and appointed to meet and speak with him out of the Castle so as he would bring but one or two with him and to put away his company and so soon as he had so done and that he was within their Shot they sent him word to look to himself and that they would not come to him and as he turned his Horse divers Harquebusiers laid for the purpose shot at him and they discharged a Falcon at him out of the Castle but he escaped without hurt hereupon the Noblemen which were with him burnt the Country thereabouts that belonged to the Hambletons burnt the Town of Hambleton and razed the Castle of Hambleton and two other principal houses of the said Dukes one in Lithgo and another called Kennell they have also thrown down the Abbot of Kilwrenings house and in effect all the principal houses of the Hambletons and have dealt with no other persons but with an Hambleton and so the Marshall is returned to Berwick c. SIR YEsterday did Crips arrive with your letters from Argenton and two days before came Rogers The Queens Majesty takes the Kings answer doubtful for his sending of Forces into Scotland and therefore hath caused the French Ambassador to understand and to advervise the King that if the King will send Forces thither she will take her self free from her promise of delivering the Q. of Scots of which matter I think he will advertise the King and as you have occasion you may take knowledge thereof for already her Majesty hath revoked her Forces out of Scotland leaving onely in Hume and Fast Castle a small Garrison where our Rebels were most maintained when they invaded England untill her Majesty may have some amends for her subjects losses My Lord of Sussex hath fully avenged the wrongs but yet our people have not recompence Mr. Drury the Marshall with a thousand Foot and four hundred Horse hath so plagued the Hambletons as they never had such losses in all the wars betwixt England and Scotland these fourty years The Queens Majesty hath hurt her Foot that she is constrained to keep her Bed-chamber and therefore the French Ambassador could not yesterday have Audience when he required but is willed to write that he hath to say I am sorry that your servants when they come tarry so long here as they do for it is not my fault and so I end Yours assuredly W. Cecil Oatlands 22. June 1570. Postscript The Earl of Southampton lately being known to have met in Lambeth Marsh with the Bishop of Ross is for his foolish audacity committed to the Sheriff of London closely to
a Prince but in one thing as a Prisoner for he forced upon him a Promise to restore the Earl of Suffolk that was fled into Flanders and yet this I note was in the 21. year of his Reign when the King had a goodly Prince at mans estate besides his daughters nay and the whole line of Clarence nearer in title for that Earl of Suffolk was Descended of a Sister of Edward 4. so far off did that King take his aim To this action of so deep consequence it appeareth you my Lady of Shrewsbury were privy not upon Forreign suspitions or strained inferences but upon vehement presumptions now clear and particular testimony as hath been opened to you so as the King had not only Reason to examine you upon it but to have proceeded with you upon it as for a great contempt which if it be reserved for the present your Ladiship is to understand it aright that it is not defect of proof but abundance of grace that is the cause of this proceeding And your Lady-ship shall do well to see into what danger you have brought your self All offences consist of the fact which is open and the intent which is secret this fact of Conspiring in the flight of this Lady may bear a hard and gentler construction if upon over much affection to your Kinswoman gentler if upon practice or other end harder you must take heed how you enter into such actions whereof if the hidden part be drawn unto that which is open it may be your overthrow which I speak not by way of charge but by way of caution For that which you are properly charged with you must know that all subjects without distinction of degrees owe to the King tribute and service not only of their deed and hand but of their knowledge and discoverie If there be any thing that imports the Kings service they ought themselves undemanded to impart it much more if they be called and examined whether it be of their own fact or of anothers they ought to make direct answer Neither was there ever any subject brought into causes of estate to trial judicial but first he passed examination for examination is the entrance of Justice in criminal causes it is one of the eyes of the Kings politique bodie there are but two Information and Examination it may not be endured that one of the lights be put out by your example Your excuses are not worthie your own judgment rash vowes of lawful things are to be kept but unlawful vowes not your own Divines will tell you so For your examples they are some erroneous traditions My Lord of Pembrook spake somewhat that he was unlettered and it was but when he was examined by one private Councellor to whom he took exception That of my Lord Lumley is a fiction the preheminences of Nobility I would hold with to the last graine but every dayes experience is to the contrary Nay you may learn dutie of my Lady Arbella her self a Lady of the Blood of an higher Rank than your self who declining and yet that but by request neither to declare of your fact yieldeth ingenuously to be examined of her own I do not doubt but by this time you see both your own error and the Kings grace in proceeding with you in this manner Sir Nicholas Throckmorton then Ambassadour in France to Queen Elizabeth touching a free Passage for the Queen of Scots through England into Scotland IT may please your Majesty to understand that the 17 of July I received your letters at Poisey of the 14 of the same by Francisco this bearer and for that I could not according to your Majesties instructions in the same letters accomplish the contents of them until Mounsieur d' Oysell had delivered your letters to the French King the Queen of Scotland and the Queen Mother who did not arrive at this Court till the 20th of this present I did defer to treat with any of the Princes of your Majesties answer to the said Mounsieur d' Oysell Nevertheless the 18th of this moneth I required Audience of the French King which was granted me the same day in the after-noon I repaired to his Court being at Saint Germanes and there the Queen-Mother accompanied with the King of Navarre and sundry other great personages was in the place of State to hear what I had to say to the King her son who was absent unto her I declared your Majesties pleasure according to my instructions concerning your acceptation of the Hostages already received and hereafter to be received signified to me by your Majesties letters of the 17 of June and as I wrote to your Majesty lately brought to me by Mounsieur de Noailles the 16 of July for answer whereunto the Queen Mother said Mounsieur l' Ambassadour we marvail greatly how it cometh to pass that the Queen your Mistress doth not make more stay to receive the King my sons Hostages than she hath done heretofore for from the beginning since the Hostages were sent into England neither the King my late Lord and Husband nor the late King my Son did either recommend the sufficiency of their Hostages by their Letters or cause their names to be recommended unto you the Ambassador but the presentation of them by our Ambassador in England did suffice thereunto I said Madam you know they be Hostages for a matter of some moment and if they should neither have the Kings assurance for their Validity nor the Queen my Mistris Ambassadours allowance of their sufficiency some personages might be sent which were neither meet for the King to send nor for the Queen my Mistris to receive and yet Madam the Queen my Mistris doth not require the manner of recommending the sufficiency of the Hostages for any doubt she hath that unmeet persons should be sent but rather because a friendly and sincere fashion of dealing should be betwixt her good Brother and her with whom her Majesty is so desirous to have a perfect assured Amity I said also That the King her Son hath notified both to my Lord of Bedford at his being here and unto me the names of some of the Hostages as the Count of Benon before his going into England as Mounsieur de Sualt who had the charge so to do could well inform her so as this motion need not seem strange for the newness The Queen answered Mounsieur l' Ambassadour we be well-pleased seeing your Mistriss doth require it that from henceforth either the Hostages shall have the King my Sons Letters of Recommendation or else their names should be notified unto you or any other her Ambassadour here and I pray you Mounsieur l' Ambassadour quoth she give the Queen your Mistris my good Sister to understand from me That if there be any thing in this Countrey that may please her she shall have it if I may know her liking I told the said Queen That I was sure your Majesty was of the same mind
Mistriss shall have me in her hands to do her will of me and if she be so hard-hearted as to desire my end she may then do her pleasure and make sacrifice of me peradventure that casualty might be better for me than to live in this matter quoth she Gods will be fulfilled I answered she might amend all this matter if she would and find more Amity of your Majesty and your Realm than of any other Prince or Countrey The Queen answered I have me thinketh offered and spoken that that might suffice the Queen my Sister if she will take any thing well at my hand I trust said she for all this we shall agree better than some would have us and for my part I will not take all things to the worst I hope also said she the Queen my Sister and Cosin will do the like whereof quoth she I doubt not if Ministers do no harm betwixt us and so the said Queen embraced me This is the sum of my Negotiations at these my last Audiences with the French King the Queen-Mother the King of Navarre the Queen of Scotland and the Constable whereof I have thought meet to enlarge to your Majesty in such fort as the same passed and was uttered betwixt us As far as I can perceive the said Queen of Scotland continueth her Voyage still and I hear that Villageigmon and Octavian have the principal order of her said Voyage and mean to sail along the Coast of Flanders and so to strike over to the North-part of Scotland as the wind shall serve she did once mean to use the West-passage but now she dares not trust the Duke of Chastillerault nor the Earl of Arguile and therefore dareth not to pass by the West-Seas The said Queen as I hear desireth to borrow of the French King a hundred thousand Crowns the same to be received again of her Dowry which is twenty eight thousand Crowns by the year the Queen-Mother is willing to help her the King of Navarre doth not further the matter but seeketh to abridge the sum After I had done my Negotiations at the Court I was constrained to dislodge from Poissey for the Assembly of the Clergy who meet there to the end of this month and the Ambassadours are now appointed to lodge at Paris The Queen of Scotland departed from St. Germanes yesterday 25. of July towards her Voyage as she bruiteth it she sendeth most of her Train strait to New-haven to embark and she herself goeth such a way between both as she will be at her choice to go to New-Haven or to Callis upon the sudden what she will do or where she will embark she will be acknown to never a Scotch man and but to few French And for all these shews and boasts some think she will not go at all and yet all her stuff is sent down to the Sea and none other bruit in her house but of her hasty going if it would please your Majesty to cause some to be sent privily to all the Ports on this side the certainty shall be better known to your Majesty that way by the laying of her vessels than I can advertise it hence She hath said that at her coming into Scotland she will forthwith rid the Realm of all the English men there namely of your Majesties Agent there and forbid mutual Traffick with your Majesties Subjects if she make the haste to embark that she seemeth to do she will be almost ready to embark by that time this shall come to your Majesties hands Two or three dayes ago the French King was troubled with a pain in his head and the same beginneth to break from him by bleeding at the nose and running at his ear it is taken to be the same disease in his head whereof his brother died but by voiding it which the other could not do that organ being stopped this King is well amended At the dispatch hereof the King of Navarre was unquieted by a flux and a vomit and the Queen Mother with a Fever I hear that in Gascony the people stir apace for Religion as they do in many other places and being there assembled to the number of four thousand have entred a Town thrown down the Images and put out the Priests and will suffer no Masse to be said there My Lord of Levistou being ready to go homewards into Scotland through England went to the Queen of Scotland for his leave so to do but she hath commanded him to tarry and wait on her and to meet her at Abevillo without letting him know any thing else he in doubt what she will do is content to expect her coming thither and to do then as she shall command him and seeing no likelihood of her short passing which he sath is uncertain but that she will go to Callis there to hover and hearken what your Majesty doth to stop her and according thereunto to go or stay he mindeth to get him home he hath required my Letters of recommendations to your Majesties Officers at his landing in England which for his good devotion towards your Majesty and for that he is one that wisheth the same well I have not refused him and so humbly beseech your Majesties good favour towards him at his coming to your Majesty for his Pass-port Here is a bruit that the Turk is greatly impeached both by a sort of Jewes within his own Countrey and also by the Sophy And thus I pray God long to preserve your Majesty in health honour and all felicity from Paris July 26. 1561. Your Majesties most humble and most obedient Subject and Servant N. Throckmorton FINIS The ALPHABETICAL TABLE B. BAcon Sir Francis not a man born under Sol that loves Honour nor under Jupiter that loves Business place of any reasonable countenance commands more wits than a mans own Pag. 1 2. Assures the Lord Burleigh that his endeavours shall not be in fault if diligence can intitle him unto it and wishes to shew his Service with as good proof as he can say it in good faith 3 4. Caresses the Earl of Northumberland 4 5. The entrance of King James a fair morning before the Sun rising This State performed the part of good Attorneys in delivering the King quiet possession 5 6. No Reason the World should reject Truth in Philosophy although the Author dissents in Religion 1â— Advice to the King touching his Revenue 27. The Kings Attorneys place and the value of it honestly The Chancellors placo usually conferred upon the Kings Council and not upon a Judge Reasons against the Lords Cook and Hubbart and the Archbishop The Body of Parliament men is Cardo rerum Part of the Chancellors place is Regnum Judiciale and since his Fathers time but too much inlarged Pag. 73 74. A Narration in several Letters of the differences between the Chancery and Kings Bench and the grounds thereof stated to the King 22 23 75. The Proceedings against Somerset and divers private Transactions touching
that Business 28. 29. 30 31 32 33 c. His advice to Sir George Villiers concorning Ireland wherein three Propositions are acutely scan'd 1. Touching the Recusant Magistrates of Towns there 2. About roducing the Number of the Council from Fifty to twenty 3. That a means may be found to re-enforce the Army by 500. or 1000. men without increase of Charge 67 68 69. From him to the Duke when he first became a Favourite with somo directions or his demeanor in that eminent place ranked into eight material Heads with an ample and quaint gloss upon each of them most elegantly pen'd 43 44. Again to him upon sending his Pattent for Viscount Villiers with several Avisoes and incidently a Censure of the Cecils the Father and the Son Pag. 70 71. Sends the King a Certificate from the Lord Coke 72. Sends to the King an Essay of History of His Majesties time 9. Desires the History of Brittain may be written for three Observations 7 8. Sixty four years old in Age and three years and five months in misery desires neither means place nor imployment but a total remission of the sentence of the Upper House by the example of Sir John Bennet 81. To the King touching the Plantation of Ireland as formerly of the Union as being Brother thereunto 6. To the Earl of Salisbury touching his Book of the advancement of Learning saying He is but like a Bell-ringer to awake better spirits 9 10. Several Letters to great Personages in sending unto them his Book of advancement of Learning and the presenting of it to the King 10 11. To Dr. Plafer touching the Translating of it into Latine with many excellent Reasons to that Inducement 11 12. To Sir Thomas Bodley upon sending the same Book 13. To divers Friends upon sending unto them some other of his Books 13. 14 15 16. To Mr. Savil touching the Education of Youth and the improving the Intellectual Powers Pag. 17. A Factious Book stiling the Queen Misera Faemina the addition of the Popes Bull. 21. The business of the Commendams and the carriage of the Judges therein related to the King 76 77. Three Examples of great Calamity Demosthenes Cicero and Seneca A Discourse concerning his own Books 78 79 80. A learned and ample Discourse touching a Digest to be made of the Laws of England from 82. to 86. To the Earl of Devonshire a Letter Apologetical touching a common fame as if he had been false or ungrateful to the Earl of Essex something long but exquisitely pen'd from 87. to 104. A discourse touching Helps for the Intellectual Powers by Sir Fran. Bacoa Faber quisque fortunae suae an insolent saying except it be interpreted as an hortative to correct slâ—th and not as it soundeth an high imagination for any man to fathom all Accidents Faber quisque Ingenii sui more true and more profitable Divers manner of instances in Improvements not only in the body of man but in his mind and spirit and therein not only in his Appetite and Affection but in his Powers of Wit and Reason The Will most manageable and admitteth most Medicines for Cure The first is Religion 2. Opinion and Apprehension 3. Example 4. When one affection is corrected by another And lastly a Confirmation of all by custom and habit Five Rules for exercises Pag. 97 98 99 100 Sir Francis Bacon to the King modestly Apologetical intimating his former services and his present low condition after the sentence pronounced against him by the Lords Implores the King that he that hath born a bag may not in his age be forc'd to bear aWallet nor he that desired to live to study may not be driven to study to live 101 102 103 104 C. CEcil Sir William to Sir Henry Norris Ambassadour in France about his Entertainment there being Extraordinary and what the Reason should be Sha'ne Oneal sues to be received into the Queens favour 105 106. Taxes Mounsieur de Foix for breach of promise in not delivering Lestrille The News of the death of the King of Scots and the manner of it Earl Bothwell suspected 107 108. Callice demanded to be restored to the Queen according to the Treaty of Cambray More of the business of the murder of the King of Scots words which touch't that Queen but fit to be supprest Pag. 109 111. If Callice be not delivered 50000 l. is to be forfeited 110. Matters in Flanders go hard against the Protestants 111. Those of the Order of France if life or honour be touched to be tried by Kings and others of the same Order ibid. Marriage of the Queen of Scots to Bothwell the prime of the Nobility against it 112. The French Kings Letter touching Callice ill resented by the Queen The Queen of Scots married the 15th of May. 113. Bothwell prosecuted for the murder defended by the Queen and the Hambletons the Queen under restraint Sha'ne Oneal slain in Ireland by certain Scots 114. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton sent into Scotland to Negotiate a Pacification The two Factions of the Hambletons and Lenox's 115. The Prince of Scotland Crowned at Sterling the 29th of July 116. Queen Elizabeth offended with the Scotch Lords Murray like to be made Regent Advice to Sir Henry Norris touching his Expences 117. Murray made Regent my Lord of Sussex with the Emperour all Judges Officers c. At Antwerp compelled to attest the Catholick Faith 118. Bothwell reported to be taken at Sea 119 120. Dunbar rendred to the Regent the Keeper thereof adjudged to a new Punishment Pag. 120. Expectation of Marriage between the Queen and the Archduke Charles 121. Troubles in France between the Prince of Conde and the King 121 122. The Queen of Scots noted by the Parliament there to be privy to the murder of her husband 123. The Earl of Desmond and his brother in the Tower 125. Fishermen of Diepe taken at Rye with unlawful Nets 126. The Popes Ministers preferre the State of their corrupt Church before the Weal of any Kingdom 128. The Earl of Sussex his return The Prince of Orange his Son to be sent into Spain and doubted Egmond and Horn must follow ibid. Emanuel Tremelius sent into England by the Elector Palatine The Prince of Orange refuseth to be judged by the Duke of Alva The Hambletons continue their Faction The death of Sir Ambrose Cave 129. Beaton sent from Scotland into France for 1000. Harquebusiers Money and Ordnance 131. Devilish practice against the Queen The Scots Queen removed to Bolton Castle her demands of the Queen denied 133. The Queen of Scots submits her Cause to be heard and determined in England 134 135 136 c. What preparations in France intended for Scotland Great expectation of the success of matters in the Low Countries Pag. 137. Unhappy but incredible News out of Flanders The Duke of Norfolk the Earl of Sussex and Sir Walter Mildmay Commissioners in the North about the Queen of Scots business 138. She makes Arguile and Huntley Lieutenants and the
Duke of Chastillherault over all They raise Forces against the Regent are Routed 139. A Couragious Answer from Queen Elizabeth to the French Ambassadour and the Audience adjourned 140. She sends a Ring to Marshal Montmorancy his wife 141. The Bishop of Rhemes Ambassador from France is offended that the doctrine of Rome is said to be contrary to Christs deducing consequently that his Mr. should be reputed no Christian and how that Speech was salved The Cardinal Chastillons Wife comes over 141 142. The Reason of the Cardinals coming into England Ships sent by the Queen to preserve the Bourdeaux Fleet. The Queen of Scots Case not defensible and the Consequence thereof 144. Matters about the Queen of Scots Chastillion highly commended 144 145. The Cause of the Queen of Scots to be heard here 146. Passages touching the differences between the King and the Prince of Conde Pag. 147. Matters against the Queen of Scots very bad 148. Sir Henry Norris claims the Lord Dacres Lands 149. Three manner of wayes proposed for ending the Scottish differences 150. Spanish Treasure stayed ibid. 151 156. The Parliament of Scotland declares the Queen of Scots privy to the murder of her Husband 152. D'Assonvill comes over Without Commission and desires Conference with the Spanish Ambassadour but denied 153. Hawkins his Return to Mounts Bay from the Indies with Treasure The Queen of Scots at Tetbury under the charge of the Earl of Shrewsbury 153. The French Ambassadors Currier searched and the Reason of it 154. The Prince of Conde slain in Battel against the King 157. The 13th of March had two great Effects 158. Differences in Scotland accorded 159. But not observed 160. Sir William Cecil laments the misfortune of France means made to accord with the Low Countries Scottish Nobility reconciled 61. Original Letters intercepted by persons of credit in the FrenchCourt of advertisement concerning the Queen of Scots and the Duke of Anjou Pag. 161. That the said Queen should transfer her title on the said Duke to learn more truth hereof and advertise with speed The Queens Ships far excel others 162. The Queen of Scots excuseth her Transaction with the Duke of Anjou 163 164. A Rebellion in the West-part of Ireland and the Spaniards aid feared 164. My Lord of Shrewsbury strucken with a Palsie and a Phrensie 165. The Parisians execute two Merchants whom the King had pardon'd The English Ambassador taxed for dealing with the Kings Rebels 166. The Earl of Desmond's great Rebellion in Ireland but dispersed 167 168. An Italian sent hither upon a Devilish attempt An Insurrection in Suffolk Queen Elizabeth desires to be rid of the Queen of Scots 169. The Queen offended at the Duke of Norfolk about his Marriage Sir William Cecil his good Friend therein my Lords of Arundel and Pembroke confined to their Lodgings about it and so is the Lord Lumley My Lord of Huntington joined with the Earl of Shrewsbury in the custody of the Scots Queen 172. The King of Spains designs with the Irish. Pag. 173. The grand Rebellion in the North and the pretences thereof and their numbers and names 174 175. A Report of the death of the Count Nassau the Northern Rebellion scattered and their Ring-leaders fled 176. Extracts of Letters out of the north The two Rebellious Earls in Liddesdale but flee from thence The Countess of Northumberland and her attendants robbed in Scotland The Earls flee with about 50. horse Westmerland changeth his coat of plate sword and travails like a Scottish borderer many others taken 177 178 The Regent of Scotland takes the Earl of Northumberland and others The Lord Fernhurst and Bucklugh aiders of them p. 178 The Murther of the Regent of Scotland at Lithgo by Hambleton of Bothwell Hall The Earl of Sussex his wise and noble carriage The Hambletons strongly suspected for the murder and why 179 180 The French Embassador makes 3 demands of the Queen in behalf of the Queen of Scots p. 181 Sir William Cecil names to the Queen Mr. Francis Walsingham and Mr. Henry Killigrew to succeed Sir Henry Norris in France p. 182 The Earl of Sussex goes again into Scotland The Bishop of Ross writes a Book in defence of the Queen of Scots and dangerous against Queen Elizabeth Pag. 183. The Earls of Worcester and Huntington made Knights of the Order p. 184 The Earl of Sussex and the Lord Hunsdon enter Scotland with fire and sword 50. Castles and 300 Villages burnt p. 184 185 The Lord Scroop Warden of the West Marshes makes great devastation in Scotland The Castle of Hume surrendred to the Lords of Sussex and Hunsdon and well fortified for the Queens service A great part of the Scotish borderers obediently adhere to their King and offer dependance upon the Queens Majesty The contrary part act rebelliously A great meeting of Lords on both sides at Edenburgh in Armes to try who shall have the authority p. 186 187 Simon Musgrage General of the horse routs the Lord Maxell is in some distress by him but is relieved by the Lord Scroop 's forces and the Maxwels and several other Lords escaped by flight Drumlangricks servants and tenants although pretended favorers of the King and Queen cruel to the English Dumfriese a Receptacle of English Rebels p. 187 188 The Queen of Scots desires cessation of Armes the Bishop of Ross plots against the Queen p. 189 Sir Henry Norris to be revoked and Mr. Walsingham to go in his place ibid. The Marshal of Berwick betray'd by the Bishop of St. Andrews and other Lords who under colour and treaty with him intended to have slain him he destroys the Hambletons Castles and houses Pag. 190. The Earl of Southampton for complyance with the Bishop of Ross is committed close prisoner to the Sheriff of London The fond Lord Morley withdraws to Lovain p. 191 The French King mediates for the Queen of Scots the Queen keeps some Castles in Scotland until her subjects of England should have satisfaction p. 191 192 Sir William Cecil and Sir Walter Mildmay are sent Commissioners to the Scotch Queen and they like not the message The Lord Coke to King James touching tryal of Duels out of England occasioned by putting to death of Doubty beyond the Seas by Sir Francis Drake that crime tryable only before the Constable and Marshal of England p. 193 194 H. THe History of the Reign of King Henry the 8th King Edward the 6th Queen Mary and part of Queen Eliz. p. 194 195 I. Exquisitely begun but left imprfect Two Copies of Letters from King James to the Lords touching abatement of his houshold charge and the means of redresse p. 198 199 From the King to the Lord Bacon in commendation of his book caled the Organon To Sir Thomas Coventry Atturney General commanding him to prepare a pardon of the whole sentence pronounc'd against my Lord Bacon p. 200 201 S. SIr Philip Sidney to the Queen diswading her from her marriage with Mounsieur most elegantly and judiciously penned p. 201 202 203 A most quaint Speech made by the Lord Bacon then Sollicitor General at the arraignment of the Lord Sanquir as well in extenuation as aggravation of the murder of Turner 209 210 c. The Countess of Shrewsburies Case touching the Marriage of the Lady Arabella and her refusal to be examined therein 212 213. T. SIR Nicholas Throckmorton Ambassador in France to Q. Elizabeth touching a free passage for the Q of Scots through England into Scotland several Politick Reasons urged on both sides between him the Queen of Scots and the Queen-Mother of France 214 215 216 c. FINIS ERRATA PAge 72. line 16. for bnt read but. p. 89. l. 22. for Twilknam r. Twitnam p. 97 l. 3. for fortunas suas r. fortunae suae p. 116. l. 3. for Moleneux r. Molineux p. 120. in fine for name r. named p. 130. l. 9. for what r. with and l. 7. for not r. now p. 137. l. 12. for to r. to be p 165. l. 6. for there r. here p. 173. l. 9. or 10. for over r. fromus p. 182. l. 14. for inferrior r. inferior p. 208. l. 18. for Holladour r. Hollander and in the same line for le r. he p. 211. l. 21. for Luedia r. Suedia p. 224. l. 26. for Abeville r. Abbeville 27 E. 3. Cap. 1. 4 H. 4. Cap. 23. These that follow are but indigested Notes Entertainment above ordinary To know the cause thereof Her Majestie much mislikes of the Prince of Conde and Thadnur Lords of France The Lords of the Council do all they can to cover the same Her Majesty being a Prince her self is doubtful to give comfort to subjects Our Ambassador to comfort them nevertheless as occasion serves Expectation of the Queens marrying with the Archduke Charles In Scotland all quiet the Scotish Queen still in Loughlevin and in health Murray ruleth quietly as Regent Original lettere intercepted by persons of credit in the French ourt of Advertisement concerning the Q of Scots and Duke of Anjou That the said Scotish Queen should transfer her Title on the said Duke To learn more truth hereof and advertise with speed This precisely denyed by the other side To send a trusty person to Marcells 19. Febr. 1616. Note before this Statute Criminal Causes were often adjudged in Parliament
be there kept The fond Lord Morley without any cause offered him is gone like a noddy to Lorrein SIR I Stayed this bearer two days longer then first I intended because the French Ambassador required Audience affirming that he had answer from the French King wherewith the Queens Majesty would be satisfied and yesterday he was here and shewed her Majesty the French Kings letters to him and thereof gave her Majesty a copy which I have and do send to you herewith an extract of a clause tending to the matter the letter being of it self long and full of good words purporting his desire to have the Scotish Queen restored and concord established betwixt the two Queens the letter is dated the 10. of June and I note that your letter is dated the 15. and by his aforesaid letter King writeth that he will within two days speak with you at Alansen Now how the Kings promise will be kept a short time will declare or how if he break it there shall be some â—avillations found wherein I doubt that they will seek illusions for that we do yet keep Hume Castle and Fast Castle which are kept with not past fourscore men and being the houses of the Lord Hume the Warden who aided our Rebels with his Forces to invade burn and spoil England and therefore is by the Laws of the Borders answerable to the subjects of England it is reason they be kept untill he will return or authorize some for him to make answer or to take order with the complainants which being done the Queen Majesty will readily restore them Thus much I have thought meet to impart Yours assuredly W. Cecil Oatlands 25. Inne 1570 To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador c. SIR I Am thrown into a Maze at this time that Iknow not how to walk from dangers Sir Walter Mildmay and I are sent to the Scotish Queen as by the Queens Majesties letters you may see God be our guide for neither of us like the Message I trust at my return when Mr. Walsingham shall be returned to help you home your sufficient is sufficient to impart unto you all our Occurrents and so I end Your assured friend W. Cecil Reading 26. Sept. 1570. To the right honorable Sir Henry Notris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador Resident in France The Lord Coke to King James touching trial of Duels out of England May it please your most excellent Majesty I Have received a commandment by Mr. Sollicitor from your Majesty consisting upon two parts First to answer whether I informed not your Majesty that if two of your Subjects should go over beyond Sea to fight in a Forreign Kingdom and there in fight the one killeth the other that in this case the same might be punished by appeal before the Constable and Marshal of England Secondly if I made any such information what authority and reason I had to maintain it To the first the truth is that I did inform your Majesty so and I well remember I said then that it was Dowties Case your Majesty then speaking of Duels To the second this is by authority of an Act of Parliament made in the first year of King Henry the Fourth the 14th Chapter in these words For many Inconveniencies and Mischiefs that have oftentimes happened by many Appeals made within the Realm before this time It is ordained and established from henceforth That all Appeals to be made of things done within the Realm shall be tryed and determined by the good Laws of this Realm made and used in the time of the Kings noble Progenitors And that all Appeals to be made of things done out of the Realm shall be tryed before the Constable and Marshal of England for the time being And that no Appeals be from henceforth made or in any wise pursued in Parliament in any time to come In the late Queens time a Case fell out upon this Statute Sir Francis Drake having put Dowtie to death beyond Sea the Brother and Heir of Dowtie sued by Petition to the Queen that she would be pleased to appoint a Constable hac vice to the end he might have an Appeal against Sir Francis Drake for the death of his Brother This Petition the Queen referred to Sir Thomas Bromley and the two chief Justices and others And it was resolved of by them which I being of Council with Dowtie set down briefly for my Learning That if two Englishmen go beyond Sea and in Combate the one killeth the other this offence may be determined before the Constable and Marshal of England and so was the Statute of 1 Henr. 4. to be intended But after upon the true circumstance of the Case the Queen would not constitute a Constable of England without whom no Proceeding could be And I take this resolution to be well warranted by the Statute and no small inconvenience should follow and a great defect should be in the Law if such bloody offences should not be punished and Your Majesty should lose a flower of Your Crown in losing this Power to punish these growing and dangerous offences I shewed to Mr. Sollicitor my Report and Memorial of Dowtie's Case and I shall ever remain Your Majesties Loyal and Faithful Subject Edw. Coke 19. Febr. 1616. The History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth King Edward the Sixth Queen Mary and part of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth THE books which are written do in their kinds represent the faculties of the mind of man Poesie his Imaginations Philosophy his Reason and History his Memory of which three facuities least exception is commonly taken to memory because Imagination is often times idle and Reason litigious So likewise History of all writings deserveth least taxation as that which holdeth least of the Author and most of the things themselves Again the use which it holdeth to mans life if it be not the greatest yet assuredly it is the freest from ill accident or quality For those that are conversant much in Poets as they attain to greater variety so withall they become concieted and those that are brought up in Philosophy and Sciences do wax according as their nature is some of them too stiff and opinionative and some others too perplexed and confused whereas History possesseth the mind with conceits which are nearest allied unto action and imprinteth them so as it doth not alter the complexion of the minde neither to irresolution nor pertinacity But this is true that in no sort of writings there is a greater distance between the good and the bad no not between the most excellent Poet and the vainest Rimer nor between the deepest Philosopher and the most frivolous School-men then there is between good Histories and those that unworthily bear the same or the like title In which regard having purposed to write the History of England from the beginning of the Reign of King H. 8. of that name near unto the present time
towards her for any pleasures to content her in your Realm and so I took my leave of her for that time It may farther please your Majesty Having Intelligence that Mounsieur d' Oysell had advertised the Queen of Scotland by Rollot her Secretary the 17th of this present what answer your Majesty had made him and hearing also of the sundry Praises and discourses made here of that your Majesty answered I sent to Dampier a house of the Cardinal of Lorrains the 19th of this Month to the Queen of Scotland to require Audience of her which she appointed me to have the next day in the Afternoon at St. Germanes She was accompanied at Domfier with her Unkles the Cardinals of Lorrain and Guise and the Duke of Guise there was also the Duke of Nemours who the same day arrived there in Post out of Savoy and visited the said Queen before he came to this Town The 20th of this present in the afternoon I had access to the said Queen of Scotland with whom I found Mounsieur d' Oysel talking when I entred into her Chamber she dismissed Mounsieur d' Oysel and rose from her Chair when she saw me unto whom I said Madam whereas you sent lately Mounsieur d' Oysel to the Queen my Mistris to demand her Majesties safe conduct for your free passage by sea into your own Realm and to be accommodated with such favours as upon events you might have need of upon the Coast of England and also did farther require the free passage of the said Mounsieur d' Oysel into Scotland through England The Queen my Mistriss hath not thought good to suffer the said Mounsieur d' Oysel to pass into Scotland nor to satisfy your desire for your passage home neither for such other favours as you required to be accommodated withall at her Majesties hand in as much as you have not accomplished the ratification of the treaty accorded by your Deputies in July now twelve Months ago at Edenburgh which in honour you are bound many wayes to perform for besides that you stand bound by your hand and seal whereby your Commissioners were authorized it may please you Madam to remember that many promises have been made for the performance thereof as well in the King your Husbands time as by your self since his death and yet not withstanding the Treaty remaineth unratified as before a whole year being expired since the Accord thereof which by your Commissioners was agreed to have been ratified within sixty dayes So as upon this unamicable and indirect dealings the Queen my Mistriss hath refused you these favours and pleasures by you required and hath grounded this her Majesties strangeness unto you upon your own behaviour which her Majesty doth ungladly both for that your Majesty is as she is a Queen her next Neighbour and next Kinswoman nevertheless her Majesty hath commanded me to say unto you Madam quoth I that if you can like to be better advised and to ratifie the treaty as you in Honour are bound to do her Majesty will not only give you and yours free passage but also will be most glad to see you pass through her Realm that you may be accommodated with the pleasure thereof and such friendly conference may be had betwixt you as all unkindness may be quenched and an assured perfect amity betwixt you both for ever Establisht Having said thus much unto her the said Queen sat down and made me sit also by her she then commanded all the audience to retire them further of and said Mounsieur l' Ambassadour I know not well my own infirmity nor how far I may with my passion be transported but I like not to have so many witnesses of my passions as the Queen your Mistriss was content to have when she talked with Mounsieur d'Oysil there is nothing that doth more grieve me then that I did so forget my self as to require of the Queen your Mistriss that favour which I had no need to ask I needed no more to have made her privy to my Journey than she doth me of hers I may pass well enough home into my own Realm I think without her Pass-port or License for though the late King your Master said she used all the impeachment he could both to stay me and catch me when I came hither yet you know Mounsieur le Ambassadour I came hither safely and I may have as good means to help me home again as I had to come hither if I would imploy my Friends Truly said she I was so far from evil meaning to the Queen your Mistriss that at this time I was more willing to employ her Amity to stand me instead than all the Friends I have and yet you know both in this Realm and elsewhere I have both Friends and Allies and such as would be glad and willing to employ both their Forces and Aid to stand me instead you have Mounsieur l' Ambassadour quoth she oftentimes told me That the Amity between the Queen your Mistriss and me were very necessary and profitable for us both I have some Reason quoth she now to think that the Queen your Mistriss is not of that mind for I am sure if she were she would not have thus refused me thus unkindly it seemeth she maketh more account of the Amity of my disobâ—dient Subjects than she doth of me their Sovereign who am her equalind gree though inferiour in in Wisdome and experience her highest Kinswoman and her next neighbour and trow you quoth she that there can be so good meaning between my Subjects and her which have forgotten their principal duty to me their Soveraign as there should be betwixt her and me I perceive that the Queen your Mistriss doth think that because my Subjects have done me wrong my Friends and Allies will forsake me also indeed your Mistriss doth give me cause to seeke friendship where I did not mind to ask it but Mounsieur l' Ambassadour let the Queen your Mistriss think that it will be thought very strange amongst all Princes and Countries that she should first animate my Subjects against me and now being widow to impeach my going into my own Countrey I ask her nothing but friendship I do not trouble her State nor practise with her Subjects And yet I know there be in her Realm that be inclined enough to hear offers I know also they be not of the mind she is of neither in Religion nor other things The Queen your Mistriss doth say that I am young and do lack experience indeed quoth she I consess I am younger then she is and do want experience But I have age enough and experience to use my self towards my friends and Kinsfolks friendly and uprightly And I trust my discretion shall not so fail me that my Passion shall move me to use other language of her then it becometh of a Queen and my next Kinswoman Well Mounsieur l' Ambassadour I could tell you that I am as
accompt my thankfulness the less for that my disability is great to shew it but to sustain me in her Majesties grecious opinion whereupon I onely rest and not upon any expectation of desert to proceed from my self towards the contentment thereof But if it shall please God to send forth an occasion whereby my faithful affection may be tried I trust it shall save me melibour for ever making more protestation of it hereafter In the mean time howsoever it be not made known to her Majesty yet God knoweth it through the daily sollicitations wherewith I address my self unto him in unfeigned Prayer for the multiplying of her Majesties prosperities to your Lordship also whose recommendation I know right well hath been material to advance her Majesties good opinion of me I can be but a bounden servant So much may I safely promise and purpose to be seeing publick and private bonds vary not but that my service to her Majesty and your Lordship draw in a line I wish therefore to shew it with as good proof as I can say it in good faith c. Your Lordships c. Sir Francis Bacon in recommendation of his service to the Earl of Northumberland a few days before Queen Elizabeths death It may please your good Lordship AS the time of sowing of seed is known but the time of coming up and disclosing is casual or according to the season So I am a witness to my self that there hath been covered in my mind a long time a seed of affection and zeal towards your Lordship sown by the estimation of your vertues and your particular honours and favours to my brother deceased and to my self which seed still springing now bursteth forth into this profession And to be plain with your Lordship it is very true and no winds or noyses of civil matters can blow this out of my head or heart that your great capacity and love towards studies and contemplations of an higher and worthier nature then popular a Nature rare in the world and in a person of your Lordships quality almost singular is to me a great and chief motive to draw my affection and admiration towards you and therefore good my Lord if I may be of any use to your Lordship by my Head Tongue Pen Means or Friends I humbly pray you to hold me your own and herewithal not to do so much disadvantage to my good mind nor partly to your own worth as to conceive that this commendation of my humble service proceedeth out of any streights of my occasions but meerly out of an election and indeed the fulness of my heart And so wishing your Lordship all prosperity I continue Sir Francis Bacon to Mr. Robert Kempe upon the death of Queen Elizabeth Mr. Kempe This alteration is so great as you might justly conceive some coldness of my affection towards you if you should hear nothing from me I living in this place It is in vain to tell you with what a wonderful still and calme this wheel is turned round which whether it be a remnant of her felicity that is gone or a fruit of his reputation that is coming I will not determine for I cannot but divide my self between her memory and his name Yet we account it but as a fair morn before Sun rising before his Majesties presence though for my part I see not whence any weather should arise The Papists are conteined with fear enough and hope too much The French is thought to turn his practice upon procuring some disturbance in Scotland where Crowns may do wonders But this day is so welcome to the Nation and the time so short as I do not fear the effect My Lord of Southampton expecteth release by the next dispatch and is already much visited and much well wished There is continual posting by men of good quality towards the King the rather I think because this Spring time it is but a kinde of sport It is hoped that as the State here hath performed the part of good Attorneys to deliver the King quiet possession of his Kingdom so the King will re-deliver them quiet possession of their places rather filling places void than removing men placed So c. Sir Francis Bacon to Mr. David Foules in Scotland upon the entrance of His Majesties Reign SIR The occasion awaketh in me the remembrance of the constant and mutual good offices which passed between my good brother and your self whereunto as you know I was not altogether a stranger though the time and design as between brethren made me more reserved But well do I bear in mind the great opinion which my brother whose Judgment I much reverence would often express to me of the extraordinary sufficiency Dexterity and temper which he had found in you in the business and service of the King our Sovereign Lord. This latter bred in me an election as the former gave an inducement for me to address my self to you and to make this signification of my desire towards a mutual entertainment of good affection and correspondence between us hoping that some good effect may result of it towards the Kings service and that for our particulars though occasion give you the precedence of furthering my being known by good note unto the King so no long time will intercede before I on my part shall have some means given to requite your favours and to verifie your commendation And so with my loving commendations good Mr. Foules I leave you to Gods goodness From Graies Inne this 25th of March. Sir Francis Bacon to the King upon presenting his discoursetouching the Plantation of Ireland It may please your excellent Majesty I know no better way how to express my good wishes of a New-year to your Majesty then by this little book which in all humbleness I send you The stile is a stile of business rather then curious or elaborate And herein I was encouraged by my experience of your Majesties former Grace in accepting of the like poor field-fruits touching the Union And certainly I reckon this action as a second brother to the Union For I assure my self that England Scotland and Ireland well united is such a Trifoil as no Prince except your self who are the worthiest weareth in his Crown Si Potentia reducatur in actum I know well that for me to beat my brains about these things they be Majora quam pro fortuna but yet they be Minora quam pro studio voluntate For as I do yet bear an extream zeal to the memory of my old Mistriss Queen Elizabeth to whom I was rather bound for her trust than for her favour so I must acknowledge my self more bound to your Majesty both for trust and favour whereof I will never deceive the one as I can never deserve the other And so in all humbleness kissing your Majesties Sacred hands I remain Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Chancellor touching the History of Britain It may please your good Lordship SOme
late act of his Majesty referred to some former speech which I have heard from your Lordship bred in me a great desire and by strength of desire a boldness to make an humble Proposition to your Lordship such as in me can be no better than a wish but if your Lordship should apprehend it it may take some good and worthy effect The Act I speak of is the order given by his Majesty for the erection of a Tomb or Monument for our late Sovereign Queen Elizabeth wherein I may note much but this at this time That as her Majesty did alwayes right to his Majesties hopes so his Highness doth in all things right to her memory a very just and Princely retribution But from this occasion by a very easie ascent I passed further being put in mind by this representative of her person of the more true and more perfect representative which is of her Life and Government For as Statues and Pictures are dumb Histories so Histories are speaking Pictures wherein if my affection be not too great or my reading too small I am of this opinion That if Plutarch were alive to write Lives by Parallels it would trouble him for Vertue and Fortune both to find for her a parallel amongst Women And though she was of the Passive Sex yet her Government was so active as in my simple opinion it made more impression upon the several States of Europe than it received from thence But I confess unto your Lordship I could not stay here but went a little further into the consideration of the times which have passed since King Henry the Eighth wherein I find the strangest variety that in so little number of Successions of any hereditary Monarchy hath ever been known the Reign of a Child the offer of an Usurpation though it were but as a diary Ague the Reign of a Lady married to a Forreigner and the Reign of a Lady solitary and unmarried So that as it cometh to pass in massive bodies that they have certain trepidations and waverings before they fix and settle so it seemeth that by the Providence of God this Monarchy before it was to settle in his Majesty and his Generations in which I hope it is now established for ever hath had these preclusive changes in these barren Princes Neither could I contain my self here as it is easier for a man to multiply than to stay a wish but calling to remembrance the unworthiness of the History of England in the main continuance thereof and the partiality and obliquity of that of Scotland in the latest and largest Author that I have seen I conceived it would be honour for his Majesty and a work very memorable if this Island of great Britain as it is now joined in Monarchy for the Ages to come so it were joined in History for the times past and that one just and compleat History were compiled of both Nations And if any man think it may refresh the memory of former discord he may satisfie himself with the Verse Olim haec meminisse juvabit For the case being now altered it is matter of comfort and gratulation to remember former troubles Thus much if it may please your Lordship was in the Optative Mood and it was time that I should look a little into the Potential wherein the hope that I received was grounded upon three Observations The first of these times which flourish in Learning both of Art and Language which giveth hope not only that it may be done but that it may be well done Secondly I do see that which all the World sees in his Majesty a wonderful Judgment in Learning and a singular Affection towards Learning and Works which are of the mind and not of the hand For there cannot be the like honour sought in building of Galleries and planting of Elms along High-wayes and the outward ornaments wherein France now is busie things rather of Magnificence than of Magnanimity as there is in the uniting of States pacifying of Controversies nourishing and augmenting of Learning and Arts and the particular action appertaining unto these of which kind Cicero judged truly when he said to Caesar Quantum operibus tuis detrahet vetustas tantum addet laudibus And lastly I called to mind that your Lordship at some times hath been pleased to express unto me a great desire that something of this matter should be done answerable indeed to your other noble and worthy courses and actions joining and adding unto the great services towards his Majesty which have in small compass of time been performed by your Lordship other great deservings both of the Church and Commonwealth and particulars So as the opinion of so great and wise a man doth seem to me a good warrant both of the possibility and worth of the matter But all this while I assure my self I cannot be mistaken by your Lordship as if I sought an Office or employment for my self for no man knows better than your Lordship that if there were in me any faculty thereunto yet neither my course of life nor profession would permit it But because there be so many good Painters both for hand and colours it needeth but encouragement and instructions to give life unto it So in all humbleness I conclude my presenting unto your Lordship this wish which if it perish it is but a loss of that which is not And so craving pardon that I have taken so much time from your Lordship I remain c. Sir Francis Bacon to the King upon the sending unto him a beginning of a History of his Majesties time It may please your Majesty HEaring that you are at leisure to peruse story a desire took me to make an experiment what I could do in your Majesties times which being but a leaf or two I pray your pardon if I send it for your recreatiou considering that love must creep where it cannot go But to this I add these petitions First that if your Majesty do dislike any thing you would conceive I can amend it upon your least beck Next that if I have not spoken of your Majesty encomiastically your Majesty will be pleased only to ascribe it to the Law of an History which doth not clutter together praises upon the first mention of a name but rather disperseth them and weaveth them throughout the whole Narration And as for the proper place of commemoration which is in the period of life I pray God I may fiever live to write it Thirdly that the reason why I presumed to think of this oblation was because whatsoever my disability be yet I shall have that advantage which almost no writer of History hath had in that I shall write the times not only since I could remember but since I could observe And lastly that it is only for your Majesties reading Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Salisbury upon sending him one of his books of advancement of Learning It may please your Good Lordship I present
trust in a business of that nature and recommend it to one or more of them to inform you of their opinions and of their reasons for or against the granting of it and if the matter be of great weight indeed then it would not be amiss to send several Copies of the same Petition to several of your Friends the one not knowing what the other doth and desire them to return their Answers to you by a certain time to be prefixed in writing so shall you receive an impartial Answer and by comparing the one with the other you shall both discern the Abilities and Faithfulness of your Friends and be able to give a judgment thereupon as an Oracle But by no means trust not your own judgment alone for no man is omniscient nor trust only to your Servants who may mislead you or misinform you by which they may perhaps gain a few Crowns but the Reproach will lie upon yourself if it be not rightly carried For the facilitating of your dispatches my Advice is further that you divide all the Petitions and the matters therein contained under several Heads which I conceive may be fitly ranked into these eight sorts 1. Matters that concern Religion and the Church and Church-men 2. Matters concerning Justice and the Laws and the Professors thereof 3. Councellors and the Councel-table and the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdom 4. Forrain Negotiations and Embassies 5. Peace and War both Forrain and Civil and in that the Navy and Forts and what belongs to them 6. Trade at home and abroad 7. Colonies or Forrain Plantations 8. The Court and Curiality And whatsoever will not fall naturally under one of these Heads believe me Sir will not be worthy of your thoughts in this capacity we now speak of And of these sorts I warrant you you will find enough to keep you in business I begin with the first which concerns Religion 1. In the first place be you your self rightly perswaded and setled in the true Protestant Religion professed by the Church of England which doubtless is as sound and orthodox in the Doctrine thereof as any Christian Church in the World 2. In this you need not be a Monitor to Your gracious Master the King the chiefest of His imperial Titles is to be The Defender of the Faith and His Learning is eminent not only above other Princes but above other men be but his Scholar and you are safe in that 3. For the Discipline of the Church of England by Bishops c. I will not positively say as some do that it 's Jure Divino but this I say and think ex animo that it is the nearest to Apostolical Truth and confidently I shall say it is fittest for Monarchy of all others I will use no other Authority to you than that excellent Proclamation set out by the King Himself in the first Year of His Reign and annexed before the Book of Common-Prayer which I desire you to read and if at any time there shall be the least motion made for Innovation to put the King in mind to read it Himself It is most dangerous in a State to give ear to the least alterations in Government 4. Take heed I beseech you that you be not an instrument to countenance the Romish Catholicks I cannot flatter the world believes that some near in blood to you are too much of that perswasion you must use them with fit respects according to the bonds of nature but you are of kin and so a Friend to their Persons not to their Errours 5. The Arch-bishops and Bishops next under the King have the Government of the Church and Ecclesiastical Affairs be not you the mean to prefer any to those places for any by-respects but only for their Learning Gravity and Worth their Lives and Doctrine ought to be exemplary 6. For Deans and Canons or Prebends of Cathedral Churches In their first institution they were of great use in the Church they were not only to be of councel with the Bishop for his revenue but chiefly for his Government in causes Ecclesiastical use your best means to preferre such to those places who are fit for that purpose men eminent for their learning piety and discretion and put the King often in minde thereof and let them be reduced again to their first institution 7. You will be often sollicited and parhaps importuned to preferre Scholars to Church-living you may further your friends in that way caeteris paribus otherwise remember I pray that these are not places meerly of favour the charge of souls lies upon them the greatest account whereof will be required at their own hands but they will share deeply in their faults who are the instruments of their Preferment 8. Besides the Romish Catholicks there is a generation of Sectaries the Anabaptists Brownists and others of their kinds they have been several times very busie in this Kingdom under the colour of zeal for reformation of Religion The King your Master knows their disposion very well a small touch will put him in mind of them he had experience of them in Scotland I hope he will beware of them in England a little countenance or connivency sets them on fire 9. Order and decent ceremonies in the Church are not only comely but commendable but there must be great care not to introduce innovations they will quickly prove scandalous men are naturally over-prone to suspition the true Protestant Religion is seated in the golden mean the enemies unto her are the extreams on either hand 10. The persons of Church-men are to be had in due respect for their works sake and protected from scorn but if a Clergie man be loose and scandalous he must not be patronized nor winck't at the example of a few such corrupt many 11. Great care must be takan that the patrimony of the Church be not sacrilegiously diverted to lay uses His Majesty in his time hath religiously stopped a leak that did much harm and would else have done more Be sure as much as in you lies stop the like upon all occasions 12. Colledges and Schools of learning are to be cherished and encouraged there to breed up a new stock to furnish the Church and Common-wealth when the old store are transplanted This Kingdom hath in latter ages been famous for good literature and if preferment shall attend the deservers there will not want supplies Next to Religion let your care be to promote Justice By Justice and mercy is The Kings throne established 1. Let the rule of Justice be the Laws of the Land an impartial arbiter between the King and his people and between one Subject and another I shall not speak superlatively of them lest I be suspected of partiality in regard of my own profession but this I may truly say they are second to none in the Christian world 2. And as far as it may lie in you let no Arbitrary power be intruded the people of this Kingdome love
lower orb It were to be wished and is fit to be so ordered that every of them keep themselves within their proper spheres The harmony of Justice is then the sweetest when there is no jarring about the Jurisdiction of the Courts which methinks wisdom cannot much differ upon their true bounds being for the most part so clearly known 19. Having said thus much of the Judges somewhat will be fit to put you in mind concerning the principal Ministers of Justice and in the first of the High-Sheriffs of the Counties which have been very Ancient in this Kingdom I am sure before the Conquest The choice of them I commend to your care and that at fit times you put the King in mind thereof that as near as may be they be such as are fit for those places for they are of great Trust and Power the Pesse Comitatus the Power of the whole County being legally committed unto him 20. Therefore it is agreeable with the intention of the Law that the choice of them should be by the commendation of the great Officers of the Kingdom and by the Advice of the Judges who are presumed to be well read in the condition of the Gentry of the whole Kingdom And although the King may do it of himself yet the old way is the good way 21. But I utterly condemn the practice of the latter times which hath lately crept into the Court at the Back-stairs that some who are prick'd for Sheriffs and were fit should get out of the Bill and others who were neither thought upon nor worthy to be should be nominated and both for money 22. I must not omit to put you in mind of the Lords Lieutenants and deputy Lieutenants of the Counties their proper use is for ordering the military affairs in order to an invasion from abroad or a rebellion or sedition at home good choice should be made of them and prudent instructions given to them and as little of the Arbitrary power as may be left unto them and that the Muster-Masters and other Officers under them incroach not upon the Subject that will detract much from the Kings service 23. The Justices of peace are of great use Anciently there were Conservators of the peace these are the same saving that several Acts of Parliament have altered their denomination and enlarged their jurisdiction in many particulars The fitter they are for the Peace of the Kingdom the more heed ought to be taken in the choice of them 24. But negatively this I shall be bold to say that none should be put into either of those Commissions with an eye of favour to their persons to give them countenance or reputation in the places where they live but for the Kings service sake nor any put out for the dis-favour of any great man It hath been too often used and hath been no good service to the King 25. A word more if you please to give me leave for the true rules of the moderation of Justice on the Kings part The execution of Justice is committed to his Judges which seemeth tobe the severer part but the milder part which is mercy is wholly left in the Kings immediate hand And Justice and Mercy are the true supporters of his Royal Throne 26. If the King shall be wholly intent upon Justice it may appear with an over-rigid aspect but if he shall be over remiss and easie it draweth upon him contempt Examples of Justice must be made sometimes for terrour to some Examples of mercy sometimes for comfort to others the one procures fear and the other love A King must be both feared and loved else he is lost 27. The ordinary Courts of Justice I have spoken of and of their Judges and judicature I shall put you in mind of some things touching the High Court of Parliament in England which is superlative and therefore it will behove me to speak the more warily thereof 28. For the institution of it it is very antient in this Kingdom It consisteth of the two Houses of Peers and Commons as the Members and of the Kings Majesty as the head of that great body By the Kings Authority alone and by his Writs they are Assembled and by him alone are they Prorogued and Dissolved but each House may Adjourn it self 29. They being thus Assembled are more properly a Councel to the King the great Councel of the Kingdom to advise his Majesty in those things of weight and difficulty which concern both the King and People then a Court. 30. No new Laws can be made nor old Laws abrogated or altered but by common Consent in Parliament where Bills are prepared and presented to the two Houses and then delivered but nothing is concluded but by the Kings Royal assent They are but Embryos 't is he giveth life unto them 31. Yet the House of Peers hath a power of Judicature in some cases properly to examine and then to affirm or if there be cause to reverse the judgments which have been given in the Court of Kings Bench which is the Court of highest jurisdiction in the Kingdom for ordinary judicature but in these cases it must be done by Writ of Error in Parliamento And thus the rule of their proceedings is not absoluta potestas as in making new Laws in that conjuncture as before but limitata potestas according to the known Laws of the Land 32. But the House of Commons have only power to censure the Members of their own House in point of election or misdemeanors in or towards that House and have not nor ever had power so much as to administer an oath to prepare a judgment 33. The true use of Parliaments in this Kingdom is very excellent and they would be often called as the affairs of the Kingdom shall require and continued as long as is necessary and no longer for then they be but burthens to the people by reason of the priviledges justly due to the Members of the two Houses and their attendants which their just rights and priviledges are religiously to be observed and maintained but if they should be unjustly enlarged beyond their true bounds they might lessen the just power of the Crown it borders so near upon popularity 34. All this while I have spoken concerning the Common Laws of England generally and properly so called because it is most general and common to almost all cases and causes both civil and criminal But there is also another Law which is called the Civil or Ecclesiastical Law which is confined to some few heads and that is not to be neglected and although I am a professor of the Common Law yet am I so much a lover of truth and of Learning and of my native Countrey that I do heartily perswade that the professors of that Law called Civilians because the Civil Law is their guide should not be discountenanced nor discouraged else whensoever we shall have ought to do with any forreign King or State we shall be
to both the shipping of both in conjuncture being so powerful by Gods blessing as no Forrainers will venture upon This League and Friendship must inviolably be observed 15. From Scotland we have had in sormer times some Alarms and Inro esinto the Northern parts of this Kingdom but that happy Union of both Kingdoms under one Sovereign our gracions King I hope hath taken away all occasions of breach between the two Nations let not the cause arise from England and I hope the Scots will not adventure it or if they do I hope they will find that although to our King they were His first-born Subjects yet to England belongs the Birth-right But this should not be any cause to offer any injury to them nor to suffer any from them 16. There remains then no danger by the blessing of God but a Civil War from which God of his mercy defend us as that which is most desperate of all others The Kings Wisdom and Justice must prevent it if it may be or if it should happen quod absit he must quench that Wild-fire with all the diligence that possibly can be 17. Competition to the Crown there is none nor can be therefore it must be a fire within the bowels or nothing the cures whereof are these Remedium praeveniens which is the best physick either to a natural body or to a State by just and equal Government to take away the occasion and Remedium puniens if the other prevail not The service and vigilancy of the Deputy Lieutenants in every County and of the High Sheriff will contribute much herein to our security 18. But if that should not prevail by a wise and timous Inquisition the peccant humours and humorists must be discovered and purged or cut off mercy in such a case in a King is true cruelty 19. Yet if the Heads of the Tribes can be taken off and the mis-led multitude will see their error and return to their obedience such an extent of mercy is both honourable and profitable 20. A King against a storm must fore-see to have a convenient stock of treasure and neither be without money which is the sinewes of war nor to depend upon the courtesie of others which may fail at a pinch 21. He must also have a Magazine of all sorts which must be had from forreign parts or provided at home and to commit them to several places under the custody of trusty and faithful Ministers and Officers if it be possible 22. He must make choice of expert and able Commanders to conduct and manage the War either against a forreign invasion or a home rebellion which must not be young and giddy which dare not only to fight but to swear and drink and curse neither fit to govern others nor able to govern themselves 23. Let not such be discouraged if they deserve well by mis-information or for the satisfying the humors or ambition of others perhaps out of envy perhaps out of treachery or other sinister ends A steddy hand in governing of Military affairs is more requisite then in times of peace because an error committed in war may perhaps prove irremediable 24. If God shall bless these endeavours and the King return to His own House in Peace when a Civil war shall be at an end those who have been found faithful in the Land must be regarded yea and rewarded also the traiterous or treacherous who have mis-led others severely punish'd and the neutrals and false-hearted friends and followers who have started aside like a broken bowe be noted Carbone nigro and so I shall leave them and this part of the work VI. I come to the sixth part which is Trade and that is either at home or abroad And I begin with that which is at home which enableth the Subject of the Kingdom to live and layeth a foundation to a forreign trade by traffique with others which enableth them to live plentifully and happily 1. For the Home-trade I first commend unto your consideration the encouragement of Tillage which will enable the Kingdom for Corn for the Natives and to spare for Exportation And I myself have known more than once when in times of Dearth in Queen Elizabeths dayes it drained much Coyn of the Kingdom to furnish us with Corn from Forrain Parts 2. Good Husbands will find the means by good Husbandry to improve their Lands by Lime Chalk Marl or Sea-sand where it can be had But it will not be amiss that they be put in mind thereof and encouraged in their Industries 3. Planting of Orchards in a Soyl and Air fit for them is very prositable as well as pleasurable Sider and Perry are notable Beverage in Sea-Voyages 4. Gardens are also very profitable if planted with Artichokes Roots and such other things as are fit for food whence they be called Kitchin-Gardens and that very properly 5. The planting of Hop-yards sowing of Woad and Rape-seed are sound very profitable for the Planters in places apt for them and consequently profitable for the Kingdom which for divers years was furnished with them from beyond the Seas 6. The planting and preserving of Woods especially of Timber is not only profitable but commendable therewith to furnish posterity both for building and shipping 7. The Kingdom would be much improved by draining of drowned lands and gaining that in from the over-flowing of salt waters and the sea and from fresh waters also 8. And many of those grounds would be exceeding fit for Daries which being well houswived are exceeding commodious 9. Much good land might be gained from Forrests and Chases more remote from the Kings access and from other commonable places so as always there be a due care taken that the poor Commoners have no injury by such improvement 10. The making of navigable Rivers should be profitable they would be as so many in-draughts of wealth by conveying the commodities with ease from place to place 11. The planting of Hemp and Flax would be an unknown advantage to the Kingdom many places therein being as apt for it as any forreign parts 12. But add hereunto that it be converted into Linnen-cloth or Cordage the commodity thereof will be multiplied 13. So it is of the Wools and Leather of the Kingdom if they be converted into manufactures 14. Our English Dames are much given to the wearing of costly Laces and if they be brought from Italy or France or Flanders they are in great esteem whereas if the like Lace were made by the English so much thred as would make a yard of Lace being put into that manufacture would be five times or perhaps ten or twenty times the value 15. The breeding of cattel is of much profit especially the breed of Horses in many places not only for travel but for the great saddle the English horse for strength and courage and swiftness together not being inferiour to the horses of any other Kingdom 16. The Minerals of the Kingdom of Lead Iron Copper and Tynn
especially are of great value and set many able-bodied subjects on work it were great pity they should not be industriously followed 17. But of all Minerals there is none like to that of Fishing upon the coasts of these Kingdoms and the seas belonging to them our neighbours within half a days sail of us with a good wind can shew us the use and value thereof and doubtless there is sea-room enough for both Nations without offending one another and it would exceedingly support the Navie 18. The Realm is much enriched of late years by the trade of Merchandize which the English drive in Forreign parts and if it be wisely managed it must of necessity very much increase the wealth thereof care being taken that the exportation exceed in value the importation for then the ballance of trade must of necessity be returned into Coin or Bullion 19. This would easily be effected if the Merchants were perswaded or compelled to make their returns in solid commodities and not too much thereof invanity tending to excess 20. But especially care must be taken that Monopolies which are the Cankers of all trading be not admitted under specious colour of publick good 21. To put all these into a regulation if a constant Commission to men of honesty and understanding were granted and well pursued to give order for the managing of these things both at home and abroad to the best advantage and that this Commission were subordinate to the Councel-board it is conceived it would produce notable effects VII The next thing is that of Colonies and forreign plantations which are very necessary as out-lets to a populous Nation and may be profitable also if they be managed in a discreet way 1. First in the choice of the place which requireth many circumstances as the scituation neer the Sea for the commodiousness of an intercourse with England the temper of the air and climate as may best agree with the bodies of the English rather inclining to cold then heat that it be stored with Woods Mines and Fruits which are naturally in the place that the soil be such as will probably be fruitful for Corn and other conveniencies and for breeding of Cattel that it hath Rivers both for passage between place place and for fishing also if it may be that the Natives be not so many but that there may be elbow-room enough for them and for the Adventives also All which are likely to be found in the West-Indies 2. It would be also such as is not already planted by the Subjects of any Christian Prince or State nor over-neerly neighbouring to their Plantation And it would be more convenient to be chosen by some of those Gentlemen or Merchants which move first in the work then to be designed unto them from the King for it must proceed from the option of the people else it sounds like an exile so the Colonies must be raised by the leave of the King and not by his Command 3. After the place is made choice of the first step must be to make choice of a fit Governor who although he have not the name yet he must have the power of a Vice-Roy and if the person who principally moved in the work be not fit for that trust yet he must not be excluded from command but then his defect in the Governing part must be supplied by such Assistants as shall be joyned with him or as he shall very well approve of 4. As at their setting out they must have their Commission or Letters Pattents from the King that so they may acknowledge their dependency upon the Crown of England and under His Protection so they must receive some general Instructions how to dispose of themselves when they come there which must be in nature of Laws unto them 5. But the general Law by which they must be guided and governed must be the common Law of England and to that end it will be fit that some man reasonably studied in the Law and otherwise qualified for such a purpose be perswaded if not thereunto inclined of himself which were the best to go thither as a Chancellor amongst them at first and when the Plantations were more setled then to have Courts of Justice there as in England 6. At the first Planting or as soon after as they can they must make themselves defensible both against the Natives and against Strangers and to that purpose they must have the assistance of some able Military man and convenient Arms and Ammunition for their defence 7. For the Discipline of the Church in those parts it will be necessary that it agree with that which is setled in England else it will make a schism and a rent in Christs coat which must be seamless and to that purpose it will be fit that by the Kings supream power in Causes Ecclesiastical within all his Dominions they be subordinate under some Bishop and Bishoprick of this Realm 8. For the better defence against a common Enemy I think it would be best that forreign Plantations should be placed in one Continent and neer together whereas if they be too remote the one from the other they will be dis-united and so the weaker 9. They must provide themselves of houses such as for the present they can and at more leisure such as may be better and they first must plant for corn and cattel c. for food and necessary sustenance and after they may enlarge themselves for those things which may be for profit and pleasure and to traffique withal also 10. Woods for shipping in the first place may doubtless be there had and minerals there found perhaps of the richest howsoever the mines out of the fruits of the earth and seas and waters adjoyning may be found in abundance 11. In a short time they may build Vessels and Ships also for traffique with the parts near adjoyning and with England also from whence they may be furnished with such things as they may want and in exchange or barter send from thence other things with which quickly either by Nature or Art they may abound 12. But these things would by all means be prevented That no known Bankrupt for shelter nor known murderer or other wicked person to avoid the Law nor known Heretick or Schismatick be suffered to go into those Countreys or if they do creep in there not to be harboured or continued else the place would receive them naught and return them into England upon all occasions worse 13. That no Merchant under colour of driving a trade thither or from thence be suffered to work upon their necessiries 14. And that to regulate all these inconveniencies which will insensibly grow upon them that the King be pleased to erect a subordinate Councel in England whose care and charge shall be to advise and put in execution all things which shall be found fit for the good of those new Plantations who upon all occasions shall give an account of their proceedings to
Upon this heavy Accident I pray Your Majesty in all humbleness and sincerity to give me leave to use a few words I must never forget when I moved Your Majesty for the Attorneys place it was your own sole act more then that Somerset when he knew Your Majesty had resolved it thrust himself into the business for a Fee And therefore I have no reason to pray to Saints I shall now again make oblation to your Majesty first of my heart then of my service thirdly of my place of Attorney which I think is honestly worth 16000 l. pound per annum and fourthly of my place of the Star-Chamber which is worth 1600 l. per annum and with the favuor and countenance of a Chancellor much more I hope I may be acquitted of presumption if I think of it both because my Father had the place which is some civil inducement to my desire And I pray God your Majesty may have twenty no worse years in your Greatness then Queen Elizabeth had in her Model after my Fathers placing and chiefly because if the Chancellors place went to the Law it was ever conferred upon some of the Learned Councel and never upon a Judge For Audley was raised from K. Serjeant my Father from Attorney of the Wards Bromley from Sollicitor Puckering from Serjeant Egerton from Master of the Rolls having newly left the Attorneys place Now I beseech Your Majesty let me put you the present case truly If you take my Lord Coke this will follow first Your Majesty shall put an over-ruling nature into an over-ruling place which may breed an extream Next You shall blunt his industries in matter of financies which seemeth to aime at another place And lastly popular men are no sure Mounters for Your Majesties Saddle If you take my Lord Hubbart you shall have a Judge at the upper end of Your Councel-board and another at the lower end Whereby Your Majesty will find your Prerogative pent For though there should be emulation between them yet as Legists they will agree in magnifying that wherein they are best He is no States-man but an Occonomist wholly for himself So as Your Majesty more then an outward form will find little help in him for the business If you take my Lord of Canterbury I will say no more but the Chancellours place requires a whole man And to have both Jurisdictions Spiritual and Temporal in that height is sit but for a King For my self I can only present Your Majesty with Gloria in obsequio yet I dare promise that if I sit in that place Your business shall not make such short turns upon You as it doth but when a direction is once given it shall be pursued and performed and Your Majesty shall only be troubled with the true care of a King which is to think what You would have done in chief and not how for the passages I do presume also in respect of my Fathers memory and that I have been alwayes gracious in the Lower House I have interest in the Gentlemen of England and shall be able to do some good effect in rectifying that Body of Parliament-men which is Cardo rerum For let me tell Your Majesty that that part of the Chancellors place which is to Judge in equity between party and party that same Regnum judiciale which since my Fathers time is but too much enlarged concerneth Your Majesty least more then the acquitting your Conscience for Justice But it is the other part of a Moderator amongst your Councel of an Overseer over your Judges of a planter of fit Justices and Governors in the Country that importeth your affairs and these times most I will add also that I hope by my care the inventive part of your Councel will be strengthned who now commonly do exercise rather their Judgements then their inventions And the inventive part cometh from projectors and private men which cannot be so well In which kinde my Lord of Salisbury had a good method if his ends had been upright To conclude if I were the man I would be I should hope that as Your Majesty hath of late wonne hearts by depressing you should in this leese no hearts by advancing For I see your people can better skill of Concretum then Abstractum and that the waves of their affections flow rather after persons then things So that acts of this nature if this were one do more good then twenty Bills of Grace If God call my Lord the Warrants and Commissions which are requisite for the taking the Seal and for the working with it and for the reviving of Warrants under his hand which dye with him and the like shall be in readiness And in this time presseth more because it is the end of a Term and almost the beginning of the Circuits So that the Seal cannot stand still But this may be done as heretofore by Commission till Your Majesty hath resolved of an Officer God ever preserve Your Majesty Your Majesties most humble Subject and bounden Servant Febr. 12. 1615. A Letter to the King of my Lord Chancellors amendment and the difference begun between the Chancery and Kings Bench. It may please your most Excellent Majesty I Do find God be thanked a sensible amendment in my Lord Chancellor I was with him yesterday in private Conference about half an hour and this day again at such time as he did seal which he endured well almost the space of an hour though the vapour of the wax be offensive to him He is free from a Feaver perfect in his powers of memory and speech and not hollow in his voice nor looks He hath no panting or labouring respiration neither are his Coughs dry or weak But whosoever thinketh his disease to be but Melancholy maketh no true judgment of it for it is plainly a formed and deep Cough with a pectoral surcharge so that at times he doth almost animam agere I forbear to advertise Your Majesty of the care I took to have Commissioners in readiness because Master Secretary Lake hath let me understand he signified as much to Your Majesty But I hope there shall be no use of them for this time And as I am glad to advertise Your Majesty of the amendment of Your Chancellors person so I am sorry to accompany it with an advertisement of the sickness of Your Chancery Court though by the Grace of God that cure will be much easier than the other It is true I did lately write to Your Majesty that for the matter of Habeas corpora which was the third matter in Law you had given me in charge I did think the communion of service between my Lord Chancellor and my Lord Chief Justice in the great business of examination would so join them as they would not square at this time But pardon me I humbly pray Your Majesty if I have too reasonable thoughts And yet that which happened the last day of the Term concerning certain Indictments in the nature
the Pardon of the Parliaments Sentence Most gracious and dread Sovereign BEfore I make my Petition to your Majesty I make my Prayers to God above pectore ab imo That if I have held anything so dear as your Majesties service nay your hearts ease and your honour I may be repulsed with a denial But if that hath been the principal with me That God who knoweth my heart would move your Majesties royal heart to take compassion of me and to grant my desire I prostrate my self at your Majesties feet I your ancient servant now sixty four years old in age and three years and five moneths old in misery I desire not from your Majesty means nor place nor imployment but only after so long a time of expiation a compleat and total remission of the sentence of the Upper House to the end that blot of ignominy may be removed from me and from my memory with posterity that I die not a condemned man but may be to your Majesty as I am to God Nova creatura Your Majesty hath pardoned the like to Sir John Bennet between whose case and mine not being partial to my self but speaking out of the general opinion there was as much difference I will not say as between black and white but as between black and gray or ash-coloured Look therefore down dear Sovereign upon me also in pity I know your Majesties heart is inscrutable for goodness and my Lord of Buckingham was wont to tell me you were the best natured man in the world and it is Gods property that those that he hath loved he loveth to the end Let your Majesties grace in this my desire stream down upon me and let it be out of the fountain and spring-head and ex mero motu that living or dying the print of the goodness of King James may be in my heart and his praises in my mouth This my most humble request granted may make me live a year or two happily and denied will kill me quickly But yet the last thing that will die in me will be the heart and affection of Your Majesties most humble and true devoted servant Fr. St. Alban July 30. 1624. Sir Francis Bacon to King James of a Digest to be made of the Laws of England Most Excellent Sovereign AMongst the Degrees and Acts of Sovereign or rather Heroical Honour the first or second is the person and merit of a Law-giver Princes that govern well are Fathers of the People But if a Father breed his Son well and allow him well while he liveth but leave him nothing at his death whereby both he and his Children and his Childrens Children may be the better it is not in him compleat So Kings if they make a portion of an Age happy by their good Government yet if they do not make Testaments as God Almighty doth whereby a perpetuity of good may descend to their Countrey they are but mortal and transitory benefactors Domitian a few days before he dyed dreamed that a golden Head did rise upon the Nape of his Neck which was truly performed in the golden Age that followed his times for five Successions But Kings by giving their Subjects good Laws may if they will in their own time join and graff this golden Head upon their own necks after their death Nay they make Nabuchodonosors Image of Monarchy golden from head to foot And if any of the meaner sort of Politicks that are sighted only to see the worst of things think That Laws are but Cobwebs and that good Princes will do well without them and bad will not stand much upon them the discourse is neither good nor wise For certain it is That good Laws are good Bridles to bad Princes and as a very Wall about Government And if Tyrants sometimes make a breach into them yet they mollifie even Tyranny it self as Solons Laws did the Tyranny of Pisistratus and then commonly they get up again upon the first advantage of better times Other means to perpetuate the memory and merits of Sovereign Princes are inferiour to this Building of Temples Tombs Palaces Theatres and the like are honourable things and look big upon Posterity But Constantine the Great gave the name well to those works when he used to call Trajan who was a great Builder Parietarius because his name was upon so many walls So that if that be the matter that the King would turn Wall-flower or Pelitory of the Wall with cost he may Adrians vein was better for his mind was to wrastle a fall with Time and being a great Progressor over all the Roman Empire when ever he found any decayes of Bridges or High-wayes or cuts of Rivers and Sewers or Walls or Banks or the like he gave substantial order for their Repair He gave also multitudes of Charters and Liberties for the comfort of Corporations and Companies in decay so that his Bounty did strive with the ruines of time But yet this though it were an excellent disposition went but in effect to the Cases and Shells of a Commonwealth it was nothing to Virtue or Vice A bad man might indifferently take the benefit and ease of his Wayes and Bridges as well as a good and bad people might purchase good Charters Surely the better works of perpetuity in Princes are they that wash the inside of the Cup such as are foundations of Colledges and Lectures for learning and education for youth likewise foundations and institutions of Orders and Fraternities for Nobleness Enterprize and Obedience and the like But yet these also are but like Plantations of Orchards and Gardens in plats and spots of ground here and there they do not Till over the whole Kingdom and make it fruitful as doth the establishing of good Laws and Ordinances which make a whole Nation to be as a well ordered Colledge or Foundation This kind of work in the memory of time is rare enough to shew it excellent and yet not so rare as to make it suspected for impossible inconvenient and unsafe Moses that gave Laws to the Hebrews because he was the scribe of God himself is fitter to be named for Honours sake to other Law-givers then to be numbred and ranked amongst them Minos Lycurgus and Solon are examples for Themes of Grammar-Scholars For ancient Personages and Characters now a days use to wax children again Though that Parable of Pindarus be true The best thing is water for common and trivilal things are many tmies the best and rather despised upon pride because they are vulgar then upon cause or use Certain it is that the Laws of those three Law-givers had great prerogatives the first of fame because they were the pattern among the Grecians the second of lasting for they continued longest without alteration the third a spirit of reviver to be often expired and often restored Amongst the seven Kings of Rome there were four Law-givers For it is most true that a Discourse of Italy saith There was never State so well
that we could not long suffer such attempts unrevenged and being somewhat amazed with the charge he denyed the things very flatly and promised to write very earnestly therein to the King his Master And for conclusion we said that we would write unto you to move the King to make restitution and to prohibit the going to the Seas of any other but of those that were good Merchants in this time of peace according to the Treaty of which our negotiation you shall hear more shortly by Letters from the Council although I thought it good by this my private Letter somewhat to touch it unto you This speech with the Ambassador was on Saturday the fourth of this present and upon importunity of the Ambassador he had Audience of the Queens Majesty this day to whom he shewed a Letter from the King that Percivall coming over with Letters of late thither was stayed at Deip and the King hearing that he had Letters from the Queens Majesty ordered to dismiss him and willed the Ambassador to pray the Queen to think no offence in it for the said Percivall was to be Arrested in France for great debts which he ow'd there besides that as the Ambassador saith he is to be charged there with a murther After he shewed this Letter to her Majesty she called the Lord Chamberlain and me to her in his presence being no more of her Council then and in very round speeches told the Ambassador that she did not take the French Kings answer for the matter of Callis in good part and so much the worse because the Queen Mother by her Letters sent by Mr. Smith wrote that her Son had given very benign Audience and so reasonable an answer as ought well to content her Majesty In which manner of speech she saith she is not well used considering the answer was altogether unjust and unreasonable and if hereof the Ambassador shall make any sinister report you may as you see cause well maintain the Queens answer to be very reasonable as having cause to mislike the manner of writing of the Queen thereon which nevertheless you may impute to the unadvisedness of the Secretaries for so the Queens Majesty here did impute it Upon Sunday last I received Letters from Barnaby your Secretary who therein did very well advertise me of the staying of Percival at Deip and indeed I do finde that the cause hath grown from the Ambassador here either of displeasure or of suspition that he hath against the State Ro. Condulphe for whom he knew Percival was specially sent and finding this day the Ambassador very earnest in private speech with my Lord of Leicester and my self that Percivall would be Arrested in France after that he had delivered the Queens Letters I advised him to write to the contrary for otherwise he might provoke us to do the like with his Messengers and surely if I may be suffered so will I use them I have no more to write unto you But I can assure you that the Queen of Scots was married the 15. of this May and the Nobility therewith so offended as they remain with the Prince and keep apart from her what will follow I know not My Lady your Wife is safely arrived and was long with the Queen on Sunday I thank you for the little French Book which she brought me the like whereof I had before Yours assuredly W. Cecil May 27. 1567. To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador Resident in France SIR THe matters of Scotland grow so great as they draw us to be very careful thereof I think not but you do hear of them by the reports but briefly these they be The best part of the Nobility hath confederated themselves to follow by way of Justice the condemnation of Bothwell and his Complices for the murther of the King Bothwell defends himself by the Queens maintenance and the Hambletons so as he hath some party though it be not great The 15. of this moneth he brought the Queen into the field with her power which was so small as he escaped himself without fighting and left the Queen in the field and she yielding her self to the Lords flatly denyed to grant Justice against Bothwell so as they have restrained her in Lothleven untill they may come unto the end of their pursuit against Bothwell The French Ambassador and Villeroy who is there pretend to favour the Lords with very great offers and it may be they do as much on the other side At this time I send unto you certain Packets of Letters left here by Mr. Melvin who lately came hither from the Queen of Scots the sending of those to my Lord of Murray requireth great haste whereof you may not make the Scotish Ambassador privy but I think you may make Robert Steward privy with whom you may confer for the speedy sending away of the same letters His return into Scotland is much desired of them and for the Weal both of England and Scotland I wish he were here and for his manner of returning touching his safety I pray require Mr. Steward to have good care Our Wars in Ireland are come to a good pass for the Arch-Traytor Shane-Oneale is slain by certain Scots in Ireland of whom he sought aid one murtherer killed by many murtherers hereby the whole Realm I trust will become quiet I pray you of those things that our Ambassador in Spain by your letters may be advertised whereof I cannot at this time make anyspecial letter unto him for lack of leisure and so I pray advertise him from me I am pitifully overwhelmed with business Sir Nicholas Throckmorton is shortly to pass into Scotland to negotiate there for the pacification of those troubles Yours assuredly W. Cecil Richmond 26. June 1567. To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador Resident in France SIR THis your Lackquey brought me letters from you and also from your servant Mr. whom he left at Rye for such business asby his letter he hath certified me whereof I have informed the Queens Majesty wherein she also well alloweth of your circumspection and I wish all to succeed as you advise for otherwise the peril were great Sir Nicholas Throckmorton hath been somewhat long in going into Scotland and entred by Berwick on Munday last I think the two Factions of the Hambletons and the Lenox's shall better accord then your neighbors where you now live would if Bothwell might be apprehended I think the Queen there shall be at good liberty for the Nobility My Lord of Pembrooke perceiving likelihood of troubles there in that Country would gladly have his Son Mr. Edward Herbert to return home and so I pray with my hearty commendations to him declare my Lord his Fathers minde and if my Lord of Murray should lack credit for money my Lord Steward would have his Son give him such credit as he hath for my Lord alloweth well of his friendship I am
much troubled for lack of certain advertisements from you whilst we hear from other parts reports so diversly Nevertheless I do think and affirm that there be some letters dispatched from you since the date aforesaid Those which you wrote last to the Queens Highness were well and amply written and so I wish you should do with the rest hereafter You may perceive by the Queens Majesties letter which I send at this time her sincere meaning which if it be well taken it is well bestowed and yet I think she should not finde the like courtesie and good meaning if she had need of the like from the which I pray God long keep her Her Majesty is well disposed to send some thither if she thought she might do good towards the peace against which I think plainly all Ambassadors but your self are vehemently disposed and so it appeareth by the fruits of their Councils and if you told the Queen mother so as of your own head as a thing you hear spread abroad in the world I think you might do well and speak truely for as for the Popes Ministers their profession is to prefer the State of their corrupted Church before the Weal of any Kingdom in the earth and whatsoever come of any thing they look onely to the continuance of their own ambitious ruling and as for other Ministers of Princes or for men of War it is a truth infallible the more they do impoverish that Monarchy of France the better they think their own estates and if the Queen-mother and other good Councellors of the King do not understand this you may say if you can in good terms Oculos Habent non vident Our matters here in England remain as hitherto they have long done by the goodness of God in great quietness This day I had letters from my Lord of Sussex of the first of this moneth from Antwerp who I perceive meaneth to pass over the Seas hitherwards this night so as I think he will be here by Munday what he bringeth I know not at all Bredrood is dead at Collen the Count of Berry eldest son to the Prince of Orange is in Zealand ready to be carryed into Spain it is doubted that the Counts of Egmond and Horne shall follow Yours assuredly W. Cecil March 6. 1567. To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador Resident in France SIR YOu have done very well in this doubtful time to write so often hither as you have done for that the Queens Majesty hath been in great expectation what to judge to be the truth in the middest of so many divers advertisements for howsoever we be from other places advertised we measure the same even by yours The last letters which you sent were dated the 30. of March which came hither yesterday being the 7. And considering the last accident hapned the 29. by a treachery to have supplanted the good meaning of the peace I am in opinion that the Prince and his should have a reasonable occasion offered unto them to mend their bargain in certain points tending to their own surety which surely if they do not better foresee me thinks their danger wil not be far off I pray you to continue your vigilancy in exploring of wherein you may do very well to procure that the R may be induced to withstand that enterprize as being a matter very prejudicial to the whole London 2 Paris c. Here hath been of good long time one Emmanuel Tremelius who heretofore in King Edwards time read the Hebrew Lecture in Cambridge and hath now been sent hither by the Count Palatine the Elector to inform the Queens Majesty of the proceedings of the said Elector in sending his son into France without intention to offend the King and the Realm or to assist the Prince of Conde in any thing but onely in the defence of the common cause of Religion who now upon the ending of these causes in France will depart hence and truely in my opinion the said Elector hath shewed himself to be a Prince of great honor in this Action The Prince of Orange hath also sent hither a special Gentleman to declare unto her Majesty his innocency in such causes as are objected against him touching any part of his duty towards the King of Spain And further also to shew good cause why he doth not return into the Low Countries to appear before the Duke of Alva whom he noteth to be a Judge not competent because he hath already notorionsly broken the Laws and ancient priviledges of the same Countries Out of Scotland I hear that the Hambletons continue in that Faction against the Regent and I believe they be nourished out of France by means of the Abbot of Arbroth who lately came thorough this way Of my Lady your wifes dangerous sickness out of the which she was newly escaping when your Son arrived here I doubt not but you are well advertised so as I need not to write any other thing but onely to rejoyce with you that she is so well amended You see by my writing that this Country thanked be God is as barren of news as that of France is plenteous Sir Ambrose Cave is departed this life and as yet it is not known who shall succeed him some name Mr Vice-Chamberlaine some Sir Henry Sydney some Sir Ralph Sadler some Sir Nic. Throckmorton her Majesty can make no ill choice of any of these And so trusting ere this letter can come to your hands I shall receive some of yours containing the resolution of this long lingring peace Yours assuredly W. Cecil April 8. 1568. SIR THis evening Harcourte arrived here with your letters which were long looked for and be now welcome for your satisfaction by this bearer you shall understand of the recovery of my Lady your Wife The Gentleman that lately came hither named Monsieur de Beamont one of the late disorder of France passeth into Scotland which is not much to be liked The book which you sent of the peace hath not printed in it certain Articles by way of request made to the King by the Commissaries on the Princes part what answers Marginal of the King I fear much the surety of the Prince and his Colleagues I hear by him that came last now of strange news at Diep of the King and Prince of Spain I pray you if there be any of moment send us word Here is an Ambassador arrived from Portugal for to brawle about Merchants and Maritime matters For haste I can write no more Yours assuredly W. Cecil April 14. 1568. Postscript I send you the beginning of the Parliament of Scotland when I have more you shall have more sent you To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador Resident in France SIR YOur last letters brought hither are of the 18. of April which came hither the 29. of the same moneth by which I looked to have heard where the
I know your Son Mr. William and other your servants hereto doth advertise you and therefore I pray you to bear with my shortness for I am almost smothered with business We look to hear of the apprehension of more of the Rebels I send you extracts of our letters out of the North as of late time they have come Yours assuredly W. Cecil Windsor-Castle 7. Jan. 1569. To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador c. Advertisements from Lyexham 22. Decemb. 1569. THe two Rebellious Rebels went into Liddesdale in Scotland yester-night where Martin Elwood and others that have given pledges to the Regent of Scotland did raise their forces against them being conducted by black Ormeston an Out-law of Scotland that was a principal murtherer of the King of Scots where the fight was offered and both parties lighted from their horses and in the end Elwood said to Ormeston he would be sorry to enter deadly send with him by bloodshed but he would charge him and the rest before the Regent for keeping of the Rebels and it he did not put them out of the Country the next day he would do his worst against them whereupon the two Earls were driven to leave Liddesdale and to flye to one of the Armestronges a Scot upon the batable on the borders between Liddesdale and England the same day the Liddesdale men stole the horses of the Countess of Northumberland and her two women and ten others of their Company so as the Earls being gone the Lady of Northumberland was left there on foot at John of the Sides house in a Cottage not to be compared to many a Dog-kennel in England at their departing from her they went not above fifty horse and the Earl of Westmerland to be the more unknown changed his Coat of Plate and sword with John of the Sides and departed like a Scotish Borderer The rest of the Rebels are partly taken in the West Borders of England and partly spoiled by the English and Scotish Borderers By letters of the 24 The Rebels be driven to change their names their Horses and apparel and to ride like Liddesdale men The Regent of Scotland will be this night upon the Borders of Liddesdale The Earl of Cumberland the Lord Scroop and Mr. Leonard Dacre have shewed themselves very Honorable and diligent in their service at the Rebels entring into the West Marches and upon the scaling of the Rebels there be great numbers of them taken there There be in every of the Marches against Scotland sundry Bands of Horsemen and shot laid if they shall enter into the Realm again By letters of the last of December The Regent of Scotland is gone from Jedworth to Edenburgh and hath taken the Earl of Northumberland and six of his men with him Before his departure from Jedworth he sent for the Gentlemen of Tividale to come before him where all came saving the Lord of Farnehurst and the Lord of Bucklugh whereupon the Regent rode towards them but they hearing thereof suddainly rode away Robert Collingwood Ralph Swynton with others of their company were taken in East Tividale and delivered to the Regent who re-delivered them to their takers and charged them for their safe keeping Egremont Ratcliff with certain with him remain about Liddesdale And it is thought the Countess of Northumberland the Earl of West-merland Norton Markenfield Swynborne and Tempest are removed out Liddesdale to the Lords of Fernhurst and Buckclugh SIR I Doubt not but the report of the cruel murther of the Regent in Scotland will be diversly reported in those parts and diversly also received by some with gladness and by some with grief as I am sure it shall be of you the manner of it was thus as I have been advertised the 22. of the last moneth the Regent coming thorough the Town of Lithgo which is in the midway between Sterling and Edenburgh having in his company about a hundred persons was stricken with a Courrier about the Navell with the Pellet coming out about his Hucklebone which also slew a horse behinde him and of this wound he dyed the next day afterward within night the murtherer was one Hambleton of Bothwell-Hall who lay secretly in a house to attempt this mischief having shut the doors towards the street in such sort as no man could enter on the foreside to take him and so he escaped on the backside where he had a horse to serve his turn although he was pursued what is like to follow miserably to that Land I dare not judge but do fear that the death of so good a man will prove Initium multorum malorum At the writing hereof I know not what is done or intended but some write from thence That the Earls of Marr and Morton and other friends to the young King are come to Edenburgh and do in the Kings name preserve the State and do purpose to have the Land ruled by four Regents and one to be a Lieutenant for the wars to execute their directions a matter more probable in talk than in effect as I shall hereafter understand more so will I write It happend that at this time Sir Henry Gates and the Marshal of Berwick were at Edenburgh having been at Sterling with the Regent the Fryday before for the demanding in the Queens Majesties name of the Earl of Northumberland and other the Rebels and by direction of the Regent they attended at Edenburgh for answer to be given the day of his death which now is as our Lawyers call it sine die Mr. Randolph went from hence towards Scotland the 29. upon knowledge of the hurt and doubt of his life The same day also came Montlnet to her Majesties presence with the French Ambassador bringing his letters dated the 27. of December at which time I think they understand not of the stay of our Rebellion The sum of Montlnets message consisted upon these two heads request for restitution and liberty of the Queen of Scots and a declaration of the Kings inclination to peace with his subjects and their disguising with him by treating and suing for peace and yet amassing of new Forces in Almaine and seeking also to surprise the Kings Towns as Burdeaux and otherlike whereupon the King requireth the Queens Majesty not to favor his Rebels if they should seek any further succours from hence as they have done as persons unworthy of any favor They have made great instance to be answered for the first matter but the Queens Majesty hath hitherto deferred them but I think upon Monday next they shall have audience I forgat to shew you that in the request for the Queen of Scots he desired liberty to go to her and from thence to pass into Scotland which thing would not be granted unto him Upon the death of the Regent the Earl of Sussex and Mr. Sadler were admonished to stay there for that it was thought good that Mr. Sadler should have gone from thence into Scotland
have received the Rebels or invaded England that have either Castle for themselves or houses for their Tenants besides the loss and spoils of their other goods wherein nothing is reckoned of that was done in the other parts by the Lord Scroope for that it was not done within the County of Tividale c. The Rode of the Lord Scroope Warden of the West marches of England into Scotland Who the 17. of April at ten of the clock at night with three thousand Horse and Foot came to Ellesingham on the Wednesday at night and burned that Town in the morning being from Carlile twenty miles On Thursday he burned besides Hoddom the Maymes the Town and all the houses which is the Lord Herryes and from Carlile sixteen miles That day they burned Trayle-trow which is the Lord Maxwells from Carlile 16. miles They burned the Town of Reywell which is the Lord Coplands and the Lord Homeyn's from Carlile eighteen miles They burned the house of Copewell and the Demesne of the Lord Coplands from Carlile nineteen miles They burned the Town of Blackshieve which is the Lord Maxwells from Carlile 20. miles Item The Town of Sherrington of the same Lords twenty miles Item The blank end of the same Lords twenty miles Item The Town of Lowzwood of the same Lords twenty miles Goods taken the same Rode one thousand Neat and one thousand Sheep and Goats Of the Scots are taken one hundred Horsmen within a mile of Dunnforest Some say that Swynborne is taken SIR BY letters from my Lords of Sussex and Hunsdon of the 29. of April it is advertised that the Castle of Hume being besieged by them and the Battery laid the 27. of April the day following the Captain sent out a Trumpet to desire a Parlie which granted the Castle desired licence to send a Messenger to the Lord Hume to know his pleasure what they should do whereupon it was agreed a Messenger should pass and one was sent with him to see that no delay should be used the Messenger at his return brought Commission from the Lord Hume to deliver the Castle simply without condition trusting to their Honors for a favourable dealing with his men whereupon the Castle was received and all the Armor and Weapons and the people licenced to depart without Bag or Baggage and now the same remaineth newly fortified to the Queens Majesties charge more stronger then it was before to the intent the Rebels may not have their refuge thither as they had before By other letters of the first of May from my Lord of Sussex it is advertised that the most part of the March of East Tividale Esdale Ewesdale Wawcopdale and other parts upon the Borders from the East to the West Seas affirm their continuance of obedience to their King desire the Amity betwixt both Realms offer to spend their lives in the resisting of any Forreign power that shall offer the disturbance of either refuse dependence upon the French offer to depend upon the Queens Majestie and in their actions have refused to receive the Rebells or to assist the invaders of England the like whereof all others do offer that acknowledge that authority The contrary part openly receive the Rebels maintain the invaders of England share in their actions and ill meaning to England and seek dependence and maintenance of the French The Earls of Morton Murray and Glencarne with others of the Kings Council prepared to be at Edenburgh the 29. of the last whereupon the Duke of Chastilherault and Huntley went to Lithgo the 28. to stop their meeting and the 29. Morton went out of Edenburgh with a thousand men to meet the other Earls a By-wayl and so came together that night to Edenburgh with all their Forces or to fight for it in which time the Lords of Hume and Liddington be entred the Castle with Grange so as it is likely they will try shortly by the sword which side shall have the Authority W. Cecil IT may please you to be advertised according to my Lord Lieutenants direction I entered into Scotland on Tuesday at night last the 18. of this April and on Wednesday at night encamped at Heclesengham within Hoddom distant from Carlile 18. miles and within Scotland 12. miles and on Thursday in the morning I sent forth Simon Musgrave appointed by me as General of the Horsemen to burn and spoile the Country and to meet me at a place called Cambretreys and the said Simon burnt the Towns of Hoddome and the Maynes Troltrow Rovel and Calpoole the Town of Blackshaw Sherrington the Banck end within three miles of Dumfriese Lowgher and Lowgherwood and Hecklsengham which Towns were of the Lands of the Lord Herryes and Maxwell the Lord of Cockpoole and the Lord of Holmends and as the said Simon and his company came to old Cockpool there was the Lord Maxwell with his Forces and the Inhabitants of Dumfriese assembled and skirmished with the Couriers and compelled them to return unto the said Simon and then the said Simon marched unto the Town of Blackshaw with his Company where the Lord Maxwell was in order and his Forces and the said Simon and Fargus Graime with the number of a hundred Horse-men did give the charge upon the said Lord Maxwell and made him flee and his Company also In which fight there were a hundred prisoners taken whereof the principal was the Alderman of Dumfriese and 16. of the Burgesses thereof the rest were Footmen the chase was followed within one mile of Dumfriese after which conflict the said Simon returned to Blackshaw aforesaid and burnt it and seised a great number of Cattle and delivered the same unto certain Gentlemen and others to convey unto me and he the said Simon Rode with a hundred Horsmen to burn the Banck end Lowgher and Lowgherwood and as the said Gentlmen with their Company came to a streight place neer unto Old-Cockpool the said Lord Maxwell the Lord Carlile the Lords of Holme-ends Closburne Lorgg Hempsfeild Cowhill and Tenoll with the number of four hundred horsemen and six hundred footmen charged them very sore and forced them to alight and draw their company to a strong place to abide the charge of their enemies and so they remained untill the said Simon came unto them and alighted and put his Company in Order and set his Horse between his Company and the Sea and so stood in order to receive the enemy and in this sort continued charging and receiving their charges the space of three hours I being at Cambretreys aforesaid a place before appointed between me and the said Simon for his relief being distant from him three miles understanding of some distress sent my Band of Horsmen with my brother Edward Scroope and a hundred and fifty shot with Mr. Awdley and Mr. Herbert to their relief and the said Simon upon the coming of the said Band of horsemen and Shot gave the enemies the charge with all his Forces whereupon they fled in which
4. Time Perkin Warbeck in your Grandfathers But of all the most lively and proper is that of Lewis the French Kings Son in Henr. 3. Time who having at all no shew of Title yet did he cause the Nobility and more to swear direct Fealty and Vassalage and they delivered the strongest Holds unto him I say let these be sufficient to prove That occasion gives minds and scope to stranger things than ever would have been imagined If then the Affectionate side have their Affections weakned and the Discontented have a Gap to utter their Discontent I think it will seem an ill preparative for the Patient I mean your Estate to a great sickness Now the agent party which is Mounsieur whether he be not apt to work upon the disadvantage of your estate he is to be judged by his will and power His will to be as full of light ambition as is possible Besides the French disposition and his own Education his inconstant attempt against his brother his thrusting himself into the Low Country matters His sometime seeking the King of Spains Daughter sometimes your Majesty are evident testimonies of his being carried away with every wind of hope Taught to love greatness any way gotten And having for the motioners and Ministers of the mind only such young men as have shewed they think evil contentment a ground of any Rebellion who have seen no Common-wealth but in faction and divers of which have defiled their hands in odious Murthers with such fancies and favourites what is to be hoped for or that he will contain himself within the limits of your conditions since in truth it were strange that he that cannot be contented to be the second person in France and heir apparant should be content to come to be second person where he should pretend no way to Sovereignty His power I imagine is not to be despised since he is come into a Countrey where the way of Evil-doing will be presented unto him Where there needs nothing but a head to draw together all the ill-affected Members Himself a Prince of great Revenues of the most popular Nation of the world full of Souldiery and such as are used to serve without pay so as they may have shew of spoil and without question shall have his brother ready to help him as well for old revenge as to divert him from troubling France and to deliver his own Countrey from evil humors Neither is King Philips Marriage herein any example Since then it was between two of one Religion so that he in England stood only upon her strength and had abroad King Henry of France ready to impeach any enterprize he should make for his greatness that way And yet what events time would have brought forth of that Marriage your most blessed Reign hath made vain all such considerations But things holding in present state I think I may easily conclude that your Countrey as well by long peace and fruits of peace as by the poyson of division wherewith the faithful shall by this means be wounded and the contrary enabled made fit to receive hurt and Mounsieur being every way likely to use the occasions to hurt there can almost happen no worldly thing of more eminent danger to your estate Royal. And as to your person in the scale of your happiness what good there may come by it to ballance with the loss of so honourable a constancy truly yet I preceive not I will not shew so much malice as to Object the universal doubt the Races unhealthfulness neither will I lay to his charge the Ague-like manner of proceedings sometimes hot sometimes cold in the time of pursuit which alwayes rightly is most ferven And I wil temper my speeches from my other unreverend disgracings of him in particular though they might be never so true this only will say that if he do come hither he must live here in far meaner reputation then his mind will well brook having no other Royalty to countenance himself with or else you must deliver him the keyes of your Kingdom and live at his discretion or lastly he must be separate himself with more dishonour and further disuniting of heart than ever before often have heard you with protestation say No private pleasure nor self-affection could lead you unto it but if it be both unprofitable for your Kingdom and unple sant to you certainly it were a dear purchase of Repentance Nothing can it add unto you but the bliss of children which I confess were a most unspeakable comfort But yet no more appertaining unto him then to any other to whom the height of all good haps were alloted to be your Husband and therefore I may assuredly affirm that what good soever can follow Marriage is no more his than any bodies but the evils and dangers are peculiarly annexed to his person and Condition For as for the enriching of your Countrey with treasure which either he hath not or hath otherwise bestowed it or the staying of your servants minds with new expectation and liberality which is more dangerous than fruitful or the easing of your Majesty of cares which is as much to say as the easing of you to be Queen and Sovereign I think every body perceives this way either to be full of hurt or void of help Now resteth to consider what be the motives of this sudden change as I have heard you in most sweet words deliver fear of standing alone in respect of forreign dealings and in them from whom you should have respect doubt of contempt Truly standing alone with good fore-sight of Government both in peace and warlike defence is the honourablest thing that can be to a well established Monarchy Those buildings being ever most strongly durable which lean to none other but remain from their own foundation So yet in the particulars of your estate presently I will not altogether deny that a true Massinissa were very fit to countermine the enterprize of Mighty Carthage But how this general truth can be applyed unto Mounsier intruth I perceive not The wisest that have given best rules where surest Leagues are to be made have said That it must be between such as either vehement desire of a third thing or as vehement fear doth knit their minds together Desire is counted the weaker Bond but yet that bound so many Princes to the Expedition of the Holy Land It united that invincible Hen. 5. and that good Duke of Burgundy The one desiring to win the Crown of France from the Dauphin The other desiring to revenge his Fathers Murther upon the Dauphin which both tended to one That coupled Lewis the Twelfth and Ferdinando of Spain to the Conquest of Naples Of fear there are innumerable Examples Mounsieurs desires and yours how they should meet in Publick matters I think no Oracle can tell For as the Geometricians say That Parallels because they maintain divers lines can never join so truly two having in the beginning
justly say evil of you which whether your Majesty have not done I leave it in you to the sincereness of your own Conscience and wisdom of your judgment in the world to your most manifest fruits and fame through Europe Augustus was told that men spake of him much hurt it is no matter said he so long as they cannot do much hurt And lastly Charles 5th to one that told him Le Holladour parlent mal mais Ilz. patient bien answered Le. I might make a Scholar-like reckoning of many such Examples It sufficeth that these great Princes knew well enough upon what wayes they flew and cared little for the barking of a few Currs And truly in the behalf of your subjects I durst with my blood answer it That there was never Monarch held in more precious reckoning of her people and before God how can it be otherwise For mine own part when I hear some lost wretch hath defiled such a name with his mouth I consider the right name of Blasphemy whose unbridled soul doth delight to deprave that which is accounted generally most high and holy No no most excellent Lady do not raze out the impression you have made in such a multitude of hearts and let not the scum of such vile minds bear any witness against your subjects devotions Which to proceed one point further if it were otherwise could little be helped but rather nourished and in effect begun by this The only means of avoiding contempt are Love and Fear Love as you have by divers means sent into the depth of their sousl so if any thing can stain so true a form it must be the trimming your self not in your own likeness but in new colours unto them Their fear by him cannot be increased without appearance of French Forces the manifest death of your estate but well may it against him bear that face which as the Tragick Seneca saith Metus in Authorem redit as because both in will and power he is like enough to do harm Since then it is dangerous for your State as well because by inward weakness principally caused by division it is fit to receive harm Since to your person it can no way be comfortable you not desiring marriage and neither to person nor state he is to bring any more good than any body but more evil he may since the causes that should drive you to this are either fears of that which cannot happen or by this means cannot be prevented I do with most humble heart say unto your Majesty having assayed this dangerous help for your standing alone you must take it for a singular Honour God hath done you to be indeed the only Protector of his Church and yet in worldly Respects your Kingdom very sufficient so to do if you make that Religion upon which you stand to carry the only strength and have aboard those that still maintain the same course who aslongas they may be kept from utter falling your Majesty is sure enough from your mightiest Enemies As for this man as long as he is but Mounsieur in Might and a Papist in Profession he neither can nor will greatly shield you And if he grow to be King his defence will be like Ajax shield which rather weighed them down than defended those that bare it Against Contempt if there be any which I will never believe let your excellent vertues of Piety Justice and Liberality daily if it be possible more and more shine let such particular actions be found out which be easie as I think to be done by which you may gratifie all the hearts of your people Let those in whom you find Trust and to whom you have committed Trust in your weighty Affairs be held up in the eyes of your Subjects Lastly doing as you do you shall be as you be the Example of Princes the Ornament of this Age the Comfort of the Afflicted the Delight of your People and the most excellent Fruit of your Progenitors and the perfect Mirror of your Posterity My Lord Sanquir's Case IN this cause of the life and death the Juries part is in effect discharged for after a frank and formal Confession their labour is at an end so that what hath been said by Mr. Attorney or shall be said by my self is rather convenient than necessary My Lord Sanquire your fault is great it cannot be extenuated and it cannot be aggravated and if it needed you have made so full an Anatomy of it out of your own feeling as it cannot be matched by my self or any man else out of Conceit So as that part of aggravation I leave Nay more this Christian and penitent course of yours draws me thus far that I will agree in some sort to extenuate it for certainly as even in extream evils there are degrees so this particular of your offence is such as though it be soul spilling of blood yet there are more soul for if you had sought to take a way a mans life for his Vineyard as Achab did or for envie as Cain did or to possesse his bed as David did surely the murder had been more odious Your temptation was revenge which the more natural it was to man the more have Laws both divine and humane sought to repress it Mihi vindicta But in one thing you and I shall never agree That generous spirits you say are hard to forgive no contrariwise generous and magnanimous minds are readiest to forgive and it is a weakness and impotency of mind to be unable to forgive Corpora magnanimo satis est prostrasse Leoni But howsoever Murther may arise from several motives less or more odious yet the Law both of God and man involves them in one degree and therefore you may read that in Joabs case which was a Murther upon revenge and matcheth with our case he for a dear brother and you for a dear part of your own body yet there was never a severe charge given that it should not be unpunished And certainly the circumstance of time is heavy upon you it is now five years since this unfortunate man Turner be it upon accident or be it upon despight gave the provocation which was the seed of your malice all passions are asswaged with time love hatred grief all fire it self burns out with time if no new fuel be put to it Therefore for you to have been in the gall of bitterness so long and to have been in restless Chase of this blood so many years is a strange example and I must tell you plainly that I conceive you have suckt those affections of dwelling in malice rather out of Italy and Outlandish manners where you have conversed than out of any part of this Island England or Scotland But that which is fittest for me to spend time in the matter being confessed is to set forth and magnifie to the hearers the Justice of this day first of God and then of the King My Lord you have friends and
she is a Queen allied and friended as is known and I tell you also that my heart is not inferiour to hers so as an equal respect would be had betwixt us on both parts but I will not contend in comparisons first you know quoth she that the accord was made in the late King my Lord and Husbands time by whom as reason was I was commanded and Governed and for such delays as were then in his time used in the said ratification I am not to be charged since his Death my Interest failing in the Realm of France I left to be advised by the Councel of France and they left me also to mine own Councel indeed quoth she my Unkles being as you know of the affaires of this Realm do not think meet to advise me in my Affairs neither do my Subjects nor the Queen your Mistriss think meet that I should be advised by them but rather by the Councel of my own Realm here are none of them nor none such â—s is thought meet that I should be Counselled by the matter is great it toucheth both them and me and in so great a matter it were meet to use the advice of the wisest of them I do not think it meet in so great a matter to take the Counsel of private and unexpert persons and such as the Queen your Mistriss knoweth be not most acceptable to such of my Subjects as she would have me be advised by I have quoth she often times told you that as soon as I had their advices I would send the Queen your Mistriss such an answer as should be reasonable I am about to haste me home as fast as I may to the intent the matter might be answered and now the Queen your Mistriss will in no wise suffer neither me to pass home nor him that I sent into my Realm so as Mounsieur l' Ambassadour quoth she it seemeth the Queen your Mistriss will be the cause why in this manner she is not satisfied or else she will not be satisfied but liketh to make this matter a quarrel still betwixt us whereof she is the Author The Queen your Mistriss saith that I am young she might well say that I were as foolish as young if I would in the State and Countrey that I am in proceed to such a matter of my self without any Counsel for that which was done by the King my late Lord and husband must not be taken to be my act so as neither in Honour nor in conscience I am bound as you say I am to perform all that was by my Lord and Husband commanded to do and yet quoth she I will say truly unto you and as God favours me I did never mean otherwise unto her than becometh me to my good Sister and Cosin nor meant her no more harm than to my self God forgive them which have otherwise perswaded her if there be any such what is the matter pray you Mounsieur l' Ambassadour quoth she that doth so offend the Queen your Mistriss to make her thus evil-affected to me I never did her wrong neither in Deed nor Speech it should the less grieve me if I had deserved otherwise than well and though the World may be of divers judgments of us and our doings one to another do well know God that is in Heaven can and will be a true Judge both of our doings and meanings I answered Madam I have declared unto you my Charge commanded by the Queen my Mistriss and have no more to say to you on her behalf but to know your Answer for the Ratification of the Treaty The Queen answered I have aforetime shewed you and do now tell you again that it is not meet for to proceed in this matter without the advice of the Nobles and States of mine own Realm which I can by no means have until I come amongst them You know quoth she as well as I there is none come hither since the death of the King my late Husband and Lord but such as are either come for their private business or such as dare not tarry in Scotland but I pray you Mounsieur l' Ambassadour quoth she tell me how riseth this strange affection in the Queen your Mistriss towards me I desire to know it to the intent I may reform my self if I have failed I answered Madam I have by the Commandment of the Queen my Mistriss declared unto you the cause of her miscontentation already But seeing you so desirous to hear how you may be charged with any deserving as one that speaketh of mine own minde without instruction I will be so bold Madam by way of discourse to tell you As soon as the Queen my Mistriss after the death of her sister came to the Crown of England you bore the Armes of England diversly quartered with your own and used in your Countrey notoriously the style and title of the Queen my Mistriss which was never by you put in ure in Queen Maries time And if any thing can be more prejudicial to a Prince than to usurp the tide and interest belonging to them Madam I do refer it to your own judgment you see such as be noted usurpers of other folks States cannot patiently be born withal for such doings much more the Queen my Mistress hath cause to be grieved considering her undoubted and lawful interest with the offer of such injury Mounsieur l'Ambassadour said she I was then under the commandment of King Henry my Father and of the King my Lord and husband and whatsoever was done then by their order and Commandments the same was in like manner continued until both their deaths since which time you know I neither bore the Armes nor used the title of England Me thinks quoth she these my doings might ascertain the Queen your Mistriss that that which was done before was done by commandment of them that had the power over me and also in reason she ought to be satisfied seeing I order my doings as I tell you it were no great dishonour to the Queen my Cosen your Mistriss though I a Queen also did bear the Armes of England for I am sure some inferior to me and that be not on every side so well apparenâ—ed as I am do bear the Armes of England You cannot deny quoth she but that my Grandmother was the King her Fathers sister and I trow the eldest sister he had I do assure you Mounsieur l'Ambassadour and do speak unto you truly as I think I never meant nor thought matter against the Queen my Cousin Indeed quoth she I know what I am and would be loth either to do others wrong or suffer too much wrong to my self and now that I have told you my minde plainly I pray behave your self betwixt us like a good Minister whose part is to make things betwixt Princes rather better than worse and so I took my leave of the said Queen for that time The same day after this my Audience