and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
his Apol. The Spanish King 's right to the Indies The Spanish Kings title to the Dukedom of Millan Guicciard lib. 14. Vie de Fâ—ancois pâ— Guicciardin The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy Dâ— Com. De Com. How the Spanish King retaineth all those States which he now possesseth Titus Liv Corn. Tac. Polibius Appianus Alexand. Tit. Liviuâ— Plut. in the life of Eumenes Plut. in the life of Theseus Idem in the life of Romulus Holinshed Polid. Virg. Tiâ—us Liv Guicciard lib. 15. Polid. Virg. Hect. Boâ—t Holinshed Appianus Alexand. Tit. Livius Historia Pontifical de D. Illescas Neustra Tho de Walsingh Justinus Vida de Paulo 3. de D. Illescas The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Turk The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the French King Bodin Tit. Livius lib. 33. Tit. Livius lib. 9. Monsieur de la Nove en le discourse politiques Plutarch Du Haillan Andreas Friccius de Repub. Polib l 1. The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Princes of Germany The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Pope of Rome The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Venetians the rest of the princes of Italy The Queen of England is the mightiest enemy that the Spanish King hath Da Hailan Plutarch Man cannot prevent what God intendeth Herodotus lib. 1. Just. lib. 43. Tit. Livius Herodotus lib. 3. Just. lib. 44. The justification of the Queens attempts against Spain and Portugal Guicciard lib. 10. Machiavel in his discourse upon Tit. Livius That it is lawful for a prince to receive succour another Prince flying unto them for refuge and relief Du Haillan lib. 24. Vida de H. 3 Holinished Du Hailan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Bible in 2 Kings Chap. 12. Illescas vidâ— de Alexandro 6. Biondo lib. 16. Du Haillan lib. 9. Piero Mexias vide Macrino Du Haillan lib. 1. Jul. Caesar lib 3. Terapha de Regibus Hispan Justin. lib. â—7 Holiâ—shed Polid. Virg. T. Walsing in his Neustria Du Haillan That leagues are no longer inviolable then until there is some advantage given to break them Guicciard lib. 5. â— 2. Polid. Virg. lib. 19. Hect. Boet. lib. 7. Idem lib. 9. Idem Princes for lawful occasions may have bin offended with their confederates and leave them Illeseas vida de Sexto 4. Idem vida de Julio 2. Idem vida de Leon. 10 Idem ibid. Paulus Jovius l. 26. Idem vida de Clement 7. Idem de Paulo 3. Holinshed Pol Virg. Du Haillan Dinothus de bello Belgico Czsars Commen◠〈◊〉 That the intercepting of the Spaniards money sent many years ago into Flanders gave him no just cause of quarrel against England Dinothus de bello Belgico Dinothus de bello Belgico The Spâ—â—niaâ—d is not so strong as men â—â—pose him to be The Spaniard is not so wealthy as he is taken to be Paul Jovius Comines Guicciard Paul Jovius Illescas Dinothus Paul Jovius Tho. Wals. Idem Math. Paris Dinothus M. Ant. Arrayo David Chytâ—aeus Munsteri Cosmog Vasoeus Vide de Elutherio Functius lib 1. Nic. Gyesâ— Polid. Virg. lib. 4. Rob. Barns in vita Pontiâ—icum pag. 68. Guicciard lib. 10. 5. 18. Nic. Giles Munsterius Vide de Marq. de Pescara Holin shed Dionthus de Bello Belgiâ—o Silâ—a 〈◊〉 aei The fiâ—st 〈◊〉 of the Spanish King in governing the Low◠〈◊〉 by Spaniards The Spaniardsâ— Error in not graâ—ting Liberty of Conscience unto his Subjects in Flanders Memories de France Caâ—ion Sleidanus Herodotus Holinshed Pol. Virgil Boetius Annales Flandriae The King of Spains third Error in entring into League with the Guisâ—rdâ— Mar Antonio Arrogo That the Pope is not able to yeeld the Spaniard any great help De Comines Guicciardine That the Princes of Italy cannot greatly respect the Spâ—niards That the Spaniards can neither have prâ—fit nor hâ—nour by the Leaguers Du Hatllan Finis coronat opus Four causes proving the Spaniards indiscretion in entring into League with the â—â—isards Fama crescit eundo Plutarch in his life Guicciardine Aâ— unknown Author in Italian Du Hailan Pedro Corneiodâ— la ligay Consideration Francâ—seâ— A French discoursâ— written by an unknown Author Du Haillan Carion De Comines Du Haillan Carion Objection Answer Hâ—linshed Pol. Virgâ—l Guiâ—ciardine That the Spaniards can have no good assurance of the Leaguers firm friendship A Book written in Latine as it is supposed by the Arch-bishop of Lyons The same Authors accusations refuted Oâ—jection Answer Declaration del Estate de France en temps les Roys Henry 2 Francis 2 Charles 9. Objection Answer That the French King had just cause to kill the Duke of Guise Caesar Comment Tresor deTresoâ—s Declaration del Estate c. Quosemel est imbuiâ— recens c. Negotiation de la pax del an 1575. That the Popes excommunications are not to be feared nor a lawful cause to invade England The Popes means to grow up to authority The great wrongs losses and Indâ—gnities which England sustained by Acknowleding the Popes Authority Temporal Princes intermedling with speritual matters warranted by the Scriptures The Spaniards indiscretion in crediting our English Fugitives The late Scotish Queens death gave the Spaniard no just occasion to invade England Six Arguments in the bâ—half of the Scottish Q. used by her friends to provâ— that she could not lawfully be condemned by our Queen The Answer to the first Argument The Queen of Scots is inâ—erior to the Queens Majesty That the Kings of Scotland owe homage unto the Crown of England for Scotland The answer to the third Objection Quo semel est imbuâ—a recens c. Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae Pidaces Herodotus Pastoralis De officio Delegati Gloss Pastoralis Felinus in Eccl. n. 6. L. 1. idem Pompon C. 2 Felinus in Eccl. n. 6â— Qui resistit 11 quest 3. Bald. Barroll Lucias F. Bald. de fid mis. Abb. Fe. ex parte de test Abb. Fe. Fel. Glossa Jason n. 32 Autent de Monarchis in principalibus Fel. in Ep. 1. de prob n. 6 7 Bodin de Repub. Specul l. 2. de actione seu pet 93. n. 3. Fel. in cap. Pastoralis Speculum l. 5. de Legibus S. 6. n. 29 Jason in leg mil. n. 7. Bald in anth sacr puber in 3. coll Advertisement de Seignior Vasc. Fign
considerable advantage 98 XXIX That there was just occasion given for the intercepting the Spanish money sent into Flanders 105 XXX That the Spaniard is generally supposed to be more powerful then really he is 110 XXXI The nature and condition of the Spanish people 115 XXXII The false commendations given by divers Authors unto Spain 117 XXXIII That the King of Spain 's wars with the Low-Countries have depriv'd him of that benefit which he might have reaped if they had not been so much impoverished 123 XXXIV That it was no point of Policy in the Spanish King not to grant liberty of Conscience to his subjects in Flanders 128 XXXV That it redounded not so much to the Spanish Kings honour as he imagined to enter into a League with the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise against the Lutheran Princes 136 XXXVI That many Princes have been less to blame for entring into a League with the Turk then the King of Spain for his League with the Guisards 139 XXXVII That Princes oversights are never forgotten after their deaths however their vertues may 142 XXXVIII The likelyhood of the downfal of the Duke of Guise his faction 145 XXXIX That it is but uncertain trusting to the friendship of Rebels 148 XL. The French King vindicated from divers things laid to his charge 151 XLI The King of France his killing of the Duke of Guise justified 160 XLII How the Kings of France have from time to time raised the revenues of that Crown 166 XLIII The commendations of Henry the third of France from divers eminent Authors XLIV To what a vast power and authority the Popes of Rome are advanced from a small beginning with their deceits and cruelties 172 XLV VVhat losses and injuries Princes have sustained by submitting to the Pope's authority 179 XLVI Queen Elizabeth unjustly accused by the English fugitives to the King of Spain for overcharging her subjects with unaccustomed subsidies and taxes 183 XLVII The Spanish King blamed for giving too easie credit to the reports of the English fugitives 189 XLVIII Certain objections against the Queen of Englands putting the Scottish Queen to death answered 191 XLIX VVhether it be allowable for Subjects to take up Arms against or put their Princes to death 202 L Of the proceedings of divers Princes toward those that have fled unto them for succour 208 LI. That Embassadors violating the Laws of Nations or of Arms have oft-times been rigorously dealt with 210 LII That neither the death of the Scottish Queen nor any other occasion could warrant the King of Spain's invading of England 215 LIII That it is no easie matter for the King of Spain to conquer England 218 LIV. The Popes and Emperours machinations against the Lutherans make them so much the stronger 224 LV. The cruelty of Princes to their subjects proveth most commonly prejudicial to themselves 229 LVI Many motives of Rebellion and Discontent among the K. of Spain 's subjects threatning inconveniences to him the like whereof have fallen upon Princes in former ages 238 LVII That many famous and learned men have favoured wrong causes for reward or preferments sake 241 LVIII That the K. of Spain 's best friends may be easily won to for sake him or at least to stand Neutral 243 LIX Several Emperours of the House of Austria set forth according to their true qualities and conditions 249 LX. That there is as just cause to fear France if that Kingdom grow too powerful as Spain it self 257 LXI That the Low-Countries joyned together under one Form of Government would grow very formidable 258 LXII How powerful the Switzers are grown since they have Incanton'd themselves 260 LXIII How expedient a Confederacy with the Low-Countries is in reference to a falling out either with France or Spain 261 In the Supplement I. IOhn de Soto Secretary to Don John de Austria removed and John de Escovedo put into his room p. 2 II. Antonio Perez commanded by the K. of Spain to poison Escovedo 3 III. Several questions discussed concerning Escovedo 's murther and first whether the K. commanding Escovedo to be murthered may not worthily be accounted a murtherer 4 IV. The second question whether Antonio Perez obeying the Kings command be not guilty of Escovedo 's death as well as the King 10 V. The third question whether the King being found a murtherer deserveth not to be deposed or excommunicated better then the K. of France deserved to be deprived of his life for murthering the Duke of Guise 13 VI. The fourth question whither this excommunication and deposition may be warranted by the example of other Prince 14 VII VVhether wilful perjury and breaking of Laws be punishable with deprivation in a Prince and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a Prince 17 VIII That the Nobility of Aragon have from the beginning bound their Kings strictly to the maintaining of their priviledges 22 IX That Subjects may seek remedies against such Princes as will not do them Right and Iustice. 26 X. The K. of Spain 's actions much aggravated in respect of those which the K. of France hath been charged with 27 The Table A ADrianus the Emperour's vast Armies and strength in war p. 74 Albertin Coraza made lord of Padua p. 53 Alexander the Great the pattern of a valiant Prince p. 5 Not superiour to divers of-the Roman Captains p. 232 233 Alexander King of Epirus his opinion concerning Alexander the Great 's victories p. 74 Pope Alexander the third's prastises against Frederick Barbarossa p. 177 Alonzo King of Aragon adopted by Joan Queen of Naples p. 55 Alphinus King of the Scots and Picts openly beheaded p. 214 other examples of the like nature p. 215 Cardinal Allen compared with Richard Shaw and John Petit p. 189 The ambition of the Earl of Anjou 's wife set him on to get the Kingdom of Naples p. 258 Amulius his cruelty to his Brother Numitor and his children p. 89 Anjou quitted by the King of England p. 45 Don Antonio justifieth his Title to Portugal by several arguments p. 60 Anthony Montefeltro made Duke of Urbin by the Emperour Lewis 53 Appius his severity hurtful to the Commonwealth 233 The Arch-bishop of Toledo rebelleth against the King of Aragon p. 16 and is aided by Alonzo K. of Portugal ib. Aristides the pattern of a just Magistrate 5 Armies going far from home meet with many occasions of destruction p. 70 71 Artevild Agricola and Besconius the chief Ring-leaders of the Gantois Rebels 230 231 Astyages seeketh the destruction of his Grand-child Cyrus 87 88 89 Attila the Scourge of God 5 Augustus the pattern of a fortunate King 5 The Duke of Aumale chosen head of the faction of the Guises 159 The House of Austria their Original from Hapsburgh p. 17 Their Greatness Tyrannie and Oppression p. 17 18 The continuance of their Greatness 50 The Author a voluntary Exile in the time of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 His Credit with Great men
Buckler of the Commonwealth 5 Ferdinand King of Spain layeth claim unto the Kingdom of Naples p. 56 57 He excuseth the breach of the League between France and Spain p. 98 His ingratitude to Gonsalvo 238 Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions 6 Flemmings that they had just cause to rebel against Spain p. 16 17 The Flemmings and French more boldly then justly accused of rebellion 2 Earls of Foix heretofore of great power in France p. 37 The Earldom of Foix given to the Earl of Candale by the King of France 38 France divided into many opinions p. 6 France hath in former times rebelled against their Kings p. 19. The principal Kingdom of Europe for antiquity good Laws c. p. 19. Not subject to the Roman Empire p. 35 36. Hath been dispos'd of by Will and Testament as well as other Nations p. 35 36 Anciently divided into four Kingdoms p. 53 Cannot be lawfully Excommunicated by the Pope p. 248 249 France and England 195 Francis the first of France entreth into a League with the Turks 139 Francis Sforza is won by promises to take part with Philip Maria Duke of Milan 242 Frederick King of Naples entertained by Lewis the French king 95 Frederick Duke of Austria unlawfully chosen to the Empire 251 The Emperours Frederick the second and the third oppose the Pope and are excommunicated p. 174 Frederick the third freed from the Castle of Vienna by George king of Bohemia 252 The French king's prodigality in spending the Revenues of the Crown excus'd p. 168 His imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education 169 G GAleotto Malatesta made Lord of Armino Pescaro and Fano by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Gantois rebel against Lewis the last Earl of Flanders p. 229 They take Bruges and put the Earl to flight 230 Gargoris king of Crete his several cruelties to his Grandchild Atis 89 90 Gaston Lord of Bearn maketh the Earl of Foix his sole Heir 37 Gavel-kind a Law peâ—uliar but to some parts of Kent 29 Germany pestered with sundry religions 6 A German Writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of Mary Queen of Scots 190 191 Geytel de Veronio hath la Marca given him by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Golden Bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four Emperours in one House 254 Gonsalvo beateth the French out of Naples 57 Government strangely interchanged amongst several Nations 9 The Government of the Low Countries taken upon him by the Duke of Alenson 106 Great to whom given as an attribute or Sir-name 8 Guicciardine as well a Lawyer as Historian 30 Guido Earl of Flanders denied his liberty by the King of France 123 Guido Polenti made Duke of Camerino by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Duke of Guise chief head of the Leaguers in France p. 20 His proceedings and policies p. 21 His subtle practices against the French King p. 157 He is murthered in the Kings presence 158 The Guisards of France condemned of ambition and treason p. 140 141 The probability of their ruine p. 144 145 Their rash proceedings after the Duke's death p. 146 147 Their accusations of the French King refuted 151 152 H HAnnibal the pattern of an expert General p. 5. His praise p. 69 His oversights ibid. He fights the Romans with a very inferiour number 78 Harold 's injuries to William Duke of Normandy the occasion of his invading England 220 221 The Emperour Henry the third restoreth Peter King of Hungary his enemy to his Kingdom 95 Henry the second King of England his humiliation to the Pope for the death of Thomas Becket 180 Henry the third King of England sollicited by the Pope to aid him against Conrade the King of Sicily p. 55. 56 His complaint against Pope Innocent to the General Councel at Lyons 180 181 Henry the fifth King of England his Title to the Crown of France p. 29 The Frenchmens objections answered p. 30 31 32 c. His success in France 10 Henry Base Brother to Peter King of Castile aided by the Kings of France and Portugal p. 15 He driveth his Brother from the Kingdom 60 61 Henry Earl of Richmond recovereth the Kingdom of England 221 222 Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour his eyes plucked out by William King of Sicily 209 Sr Henry Cobham 's opinion concerning Henry the third King of France 189 170 Hephestion the pattern of a faithful Counsellor 5 Herculâ—s the Chastiser of Tyrants and Defender of the weak and helpless 108 Hugh Capet by what means he attained the Crown of France p. 25. His practises imitated by the Duke of Guise 150 Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham his great riches 185 The Hugonots subversion endeavoured by the Guisards 158 165 I AJacobin Fryar murthereth King Henry the third of France 159 Jamâ—s king of Aragon and Sicily leavâ—h his kingdoms to his second Son Alphonsus 39 James Prince of Scotland detained prisoner by Henry the first king of England 209 Jealousie the overthrow of divers great Princes 238 Imbert leaves the Dolphiny to Philip de Valois 50 The great Injuries done by the House of Austria to other Princes 254 255 Interviews between Princes many times dangerous 209 Joan Queen of Sicily adopteth Lewis of Anjou 54 John king of England first an enemy afterwards reconciled to the Pope p. 178. He enjoyeth all the Benefices Bishopricks and Abbeys of his Realm p. 187 He is questioned by the French king for the death of his Nephew Arthur p. 199 And forfeits his Estates in France for not appearance 199 John Balliol 's Title to Scotland preferred before Robert Bruce by Edw. the first king of England 196 The Italian Princes hardly able to help the Spaniard 138 Pope Julius cited by the Colledge of Cardinals to appear at the Councel of Pisa 206 Justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery 189 Justinian the Emperour his ingratitude to Narses 238 K KEmitius king of Scotland by what means he prevailed with his Nobles to fight against the Picts 50 L LAdiflaus king of Hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the Earl of Cilia 161 A League with Turks more allowable then with the Guisards of France p. 140 141 Leagues may be broken upon just cause given p. 98 And are usually broken upon advantages p. 98 99 101 The League between the Pope Spain and Venetian against the Turk 137 The Leaguers in France their proceedings and policy 19 Lewis the Meek his war against Bernard king of Italy unjust p. 28 His cruel usage of him 163 Lewis Do-nothing deposed by the Nobles of France 41 Lewis Oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to Richard Duke of Normandy 97 Lewis the Emperour his humanity to Frederick his Competitor 200 Lewis the eleventh king of France payeth a yearly revenue to the king of England and his Counsellors p. 43 he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his Nobles then to hazard a war with his subject 236 Lewis king of Bohemia brought up by the Marquess of Brandenburgh in all kind of delights 169
destroyed in a very short time and Ierusalem yeilded up again unto the enemies I might tell how Constantinople by the discord of the Graecians how Anatolia by the same cause and the subtilty of Ottamon how Caria Licaonia and Phrygia by the like occasion how Harly and Andrynopoly by the very self same means and how by reason of the debate and controversie betwixt Emanuel Paleologo Emperor of Constantinople and the King of Seruia and the Valachians all Albania Velona Salona Râ—manca and Thracia were subdued and taken by the Turk I might tell you how that the discord betwixt Alphonso King of Arragon and of Naples and the Venetians and betwixt Sextus the Pope Francis Sforza Duke of Milan and the Floentines enforced the poor Venetians who otherwise were not able to withstand their domestical Enemies to give the Turk Chalcedonia a principal City of Anatolia together with the Island of Stalemina otherwise called Lemnos and an hundred thousand Duckets in ready money and eight thousand of yearly Tribute I might tell you as Lewis Fuscarin Embassadour of Venice in an Oration that he made unto Pope Pius the second told him That the contentions betwixt Christian Princes have been so many and so obstinate that the Turk by reason of them possesseth two Empires which be Constantinople and Trapesonda Four principal Kingdomes of Persia Arabia Syria and Egypt Twenty great Provinces and two hundred fair Cities I might tell you how Barbarossa burnt Niza in Provence and carried above forty thousand Captives out of the Kingdom of Naples Pulia and Calabria taking only advantage of the sedition which then raigned in Italy I might tell you that the Island of Rhodes was lost because the Christians were not able to succour the same by reason of the Wars of Italy and the Insurrection of the commonalty of Spain I might tell you that the Kingdom of Hungary was lost by the like dissention And briefly that in late years the contentions betwixt the French Kings and Charles the Fifth and King Philip of Spain have greatly hindred the progress happy success and fortunate accomplishment of such enterprises as were valiantly attempted and might worthily have been executed against the aspiring pride of the insatiable Turk But to tell you all this and the circumstances thereof were somewhat too tedious And I hasten unto other points and I shall have occasion to handle that which is untouched and not sufficiently declared in this point in another place more aptly hereafter The second point whereat they wonder is that Princes hating Rebels as the Enemies of their estates the Impugners of their authority the Adversaries of their absolute power and the Subverters of their Kingdoms do in these dayes not only bear with Rebels but also harbour them not receive them alone but also aide and assist them So say they the Queen of England maintaineth the Rebels of the United Provinces commonly called the States of the United Provinces So say they the King of Spain supporteth yea and helpeth with money men and munition the Rebels of France commonly called Leaguers So say they the Popes holiness animateth the Catholicks of France and England to rebell against their Soveraigns Truly to nourish Rebels is an action in nature hateful and in policy dangerous for to aid the wicked is to participate with them in their wickedness and he that giveth countenance comfort or succour unto his Neighbours domestical Enemies is to look for the like measure if his Subjects at any time and upon any occasion chance to rebel against him But because many things in outward appearance seem good which indeed are naught and vitious not only in this Age but also in times past are and have been baptized by the names of vertues It is now and it hath always been usual to deem all things honest that are profitable honourable that are expedient and lawful that may be justified by examples Is there any thing that maintaineth States and upholdeth Kingdomes better then Justice And yet lived there not a man that inwardly professed and openly said Si violandum est jus regnandi causa Is there any thing more odious or unbeseeming a Prince then to say one thing and do another And yet lived there not a Prince that wrote for his Posie Qui nescit dissimulare nescit Regnare Is there any greater sign of an insatiable mind and of ambitious covetousness then having many Kingdomes to covet more Kingdomes and yet lived there not a King who having conquered most part of the world wept because he heard a Philosopher dispute of another world which he had not as yet subdued Is there any thing more cruel or barbarous then an Emperor being bound by duty and commanded by the Almighty to conserve and preserve his Subjects to wish and intend the death of all his Subjects And yet lived there not an Emperor who wished that all the people of Rome had but one head that he might cut it off at one blow And what moved these Princes Kings and Emperors to violate Justice to dissemble with all men to aspire and desire more Kingdomes and to covet and imagine the death of their Subjects but a colourable shew of honour or of profit The common Proverb saith give a man an Inch and he will take an Ell and who desireth to do be great regardeth no Parentage careth for no kindred nor esteemeth any Lawes The ancient Romans whose fame is notable through all the world and whose Actions are imitated by most of the world seemed outwardly to be just and true dealers never coveting more then their own but alwayes contented in common opinion with their own And yet in their inward thoughts they were never satisfied till all that belonged to others became their own They first conquered Italy then Spain next France afterwards Germany and after them Scotland and England their desires and covetousness rested not there but as men infected with the Dropsie the more they drink the more they desire to drink so they the more they had the more they desired and did spread the wings of their ambitious Avarice over all Africa and Asia making themselves of Lords of one Town Monarchs of the universal world In all which their conquests they carried an outward shew of manifest Equity pretending for all and every the wars which they undertook not one but many just causes which they used to declare unto their friends and confederates and not to conceal them from their very enemies unto whom they sent usually an Herald of Arms who should demand restitution of such things as they pretended to be unjustly taken from them or reparation of their supposed wrongs But if a man should now with the eyes of indifferency look upon the causes which moved them to undertake all or most part of their wars he should find that they were but colorable shews for what cause had they to war with Carthage but that they envied Carthages greatness What moved them to subdue
hostility answered That he could not leave off his wars because he knew not what authority Don Philip who was the Mediator of that Peace and should have had the French Kings daughter for wife to his son Charls had from the King and Queen of Spain to conclude the said Peace And the said King and Queen hearing of the good success which their General had daily against the Frenchmen permitted him to proceed as he began and disclaimed all that was agreed or yeilâ—ed unto by the said Don Philippo saying that he had no power or authority from them to make any such agreement But Don Philippo seeing his credit thereby called in question published to all the world that he had done nothing more in the concluding the said peace then the King and Queen had given him full commission to do and further before he departed out of Spain he saw them both swear upon the holy Evangelists and upon the Image of Christ crucified that they would confirm ratifie and observe whatsoever should be concluded by him Thus Naples was gotten deceitfully although Francis the first after that he was unhappily taken Prisoner at Pavia by Charles the fifth did voluntarily renounce all his Right Title and Interest unto the same kingdom for the ransom and deliverance of his two Sons who were Prisoners a long time in Spain as pledges for their Father From Naples and Sicily I hasten to the kingdom of Navarra gotten by the Spaniards Predecessors and held as unlawfully by him as the two other kingdomes for when as Ferdinando so often before mentioned had occasion to pass with an Army through the kingdom of Navarra to succour the Pope he demanded safe passage of the King thereof who being so commanded by Lewis the French king his Soveraign denied him passage Ferdinando certifying the Pope of his denial the Pope excommunicated the King and depriveth him as a Schismatique of his kingdom Ferdinando hereupon having his Army in a readiness invadeth the kingdom taketh the King unprovided and before he could have any help from the French king depriveth him of his Royal Seat and Dignity and his Heirs have held the same ever â—ithence by no better Title then this Of which give me leave in a few words to tell you my simple opinion and then I will come to the kingdom of Portugal As it is most certain that the Kings of Naples and of Scotland hold their kingdomes the one of the Pope of Rome the other of the Queen of England as of their Soveraigns so it is undoubtedly true that the Kings of Navarra owe homage faith fealty and obedience unto the king of France as unto their Lord and Soveraign for their kingdom in regard whereof they are bound to many conditions of services unto him as their Soveraign and especially to aid and assist him in his just quarrels wars and contentions against any other Prince whatsoever and never to leave him upon pain of forfeiture of their States and Dominions holden of him which is so true that many Doctors of Law writing upon this case make this question whether a Vassal such as the king of Navarra was in respect of the French king leaving his Lord and Soveraign sorely hurt in the field and forsaking him in that case doth forfeit his Estate or no And they all generally conclude that it his wounds be not mortal and such as they leave no small hope of life then the Vassal for forsaking him loseth his Estate be it never so great But I will not stand upon the proof of this point nor upon the justifying of the king of Navarra his denial made unto the Aragonian king by Commandment of his said Lord and Soveraign for I shall have occasion to enlarge hereof in another place whereunto when I come you shall see it sufficiently and plainly proved that the king of Navarra could not without manifest loss and forfeiture of his kingdom unto the French king deny or resist his Commandment This then being most manifest it must needs follow that the king of Aragon did most wrongfully invade and take from him his kingdom and so consequently the king of Spain withholdeth the same from the present king of Navarra with no better right or reason then he that detaineth a private mans lands who never having any just title thereunto justifieth his Tenure by no other reason but by a few years wrongful possession which giveth no just title especially if the same hath been continually claimed and demanded by the lawful owners thereof as without all doubt the kingdom of Navar hath been for the present king and his Predecessors did oftentimes require restitution thereof of them which did wrongfully detain it And had not the civil wars of France hindred the present king from demanding the same by force of Arms he had long before this time warred upon the now king of Spain for the recovery thereof Now to the Kingdom of Portugal This kingdom as Scotland and Navarra are members of the kingdom of England and France so it is a member of the kingdom of Spain for Alphonsus the sixth king of Spain had a base Daughter nam'd Taresia whom he married unto Henry Count of Lotharinga and gave him in Dower with her the Kingdom of Portugal because he had done him very great service against the Moors But his Son Alphonsus the first was the first that was named King of Portugal and the first that got the City of Lisbone from the said Moors and having overcome in one Battel five of their Kings he left five Shields for Arms unto his Posterity This kingdom hath had many alterations and sundry Wars moved by such as layed claim thereunto but none considering the small continuance thereof more lamentable then the late Wars betwixt the now king of Spain and him whom the Spaniards call Don Antonio and no lawful king of Portugal for besides that the chief of the Nobility of that Realm were either cruelly murthered in the said War or unkindly held in extream thraledom or servitude by the Spaniard their natural and professed enemy the rightful King was most wrongfully driven from his lawful Inheritance to live as you know in a strange Country with the Princely and yet slender releif that her Majesty of her Royal liberality and clemency vouchsafeth him and his poor Train The Spaniard for the better obtaining of his Kingdom imitated in some measure the policicy of Charls the fifth his Father who during the competency betwixt him and Francis the first king of France for the Empire brought an Army of men unto the place where the Electors were assembled to make choice of the Emperour pretending the cause of bringing his Army thither to be his just and Princely desire to free the Electors from all manner of fear which they might justly have of some violence to be offered them by the French king if they made not choice of him Whereas in very deed his
it cometh to pass that divers learned men in their Writing striving to yeild more praises to Spain then it deserveth make mention of such commodities to be as yet in Spain which many years before our great Grand-fathers time were never seen nor found therein So doth Iohannes Vasoeus in his Preface of his History of Spain say that there was sometimes so great abundance of gold and silver Mines in one Province of Spain called anciently Boetica as that divers forain Nations being drawn thither with an unsatiable desire and covetousness thereof did not only lade their Ships with Gold and Silver but also made Anchors for their Ships of silver The same Authour addeth further That when the Carthaginians came first into Spain they found in many houses great Barrels and Hogsheads made of pure silver and in some Stables the Mangers for their Horses of silver In so much that the Carthaginians being enriched only with the wealth of Spain were made able therewith alone to subdue the Sicilians Libians and Romans for they found their silver in such great quantity that one man called Bebelo gave daily unto Hannibal there thousand Crowns The same Authour proceeding in one and the same manner of commendation affirmeth our of Iustin That Spain may compare for fertility of soil with France Affrica and Italy for that these Countries never help Spain but Spain oftentimes holpe them with Corn and all other kind of Victuals The same Authour Hyperbolishing still in one manner calleth Spain the most warlike Nation of the world the Teacher of Hannibal to war the Nurse of Souldiers and the Province which knew not her self nor her strength before she was overcome and that she troubled the Romans more then any other Nation of the whole world The same Authour always continuing one course preferreth Spain for Antiquity of true Religion and for faithful obedience to her Soveraign Kings and Governours before all other Nations attributing the first foundation of their faith and profession of Christ unto Paul the Apostle and Iames the son of Zebedeus and extolling their loyalty because they have not only been always true unto their own Kings but also to forraign Princes and Leaders As Hannibal Pompey Iuba King of Numidia Sertorius a notable Roman Rebel reposed greater trust and confidence in Spaniards then in their own Nations Lastly the same Authour striving to exceed all others in flattery equalleth Spain for learned men and women with the most learned Nations of Europe And Sebastianus Foxius in his Book de Institutione Historiae with a Spanish brag speaking by way of a Dialogue more arrogantly then wisely of himself giveth such praises unto himself for eloquence as Tâ—lly the father and founder of eloquence would or did ever challenge And yet Tullies Verse O fortunatam natam me Consule Romam argueth that he was somewhat proud and arrogant Now to avoid the just reprehension of hatred or malice I will forbear to confute their Assertions at large and briefly impugn them not by mine own but by other mens Testimonies who shall not be inferiour but equal to Vasoeus for learning and sidelity Munster therefore shall tell you that Spain now yeildeth no golden or silver Mines but that all the Mines it hath are of Lead and Tin which may perhaps in time turn into Gold and Silver if we may beleeve Raymundus Lullius and other Alchimists of his opinion which if it should chance at any time as many Historiographers as write of England would tell you that England should not then go behind Spain for gold and silver The same Authour shall likewise tell you how likely it is that Spain should excel Affrica France and Italy in fertility of soil since as he saith Spain lieth barren waste and desolate in many places and late experience sheweth that Denmark Holland and England have many times supplied Spains wants of Corn and other Victuals How warlike a Nation Spain hath been let not only Terapha a Spanish Chronocler and better witness for Spain then Vasoeus a Flemming but also reason and daily experience testifie both which telling us as you shall hereafter hear that Spain hath been conquered by more sundry Nations then any other Nation in the world do by necessary inference conclude that Spain yeildeth unto all those Nations in Prowess and Chivalty And all Historians of former times and of this present Age will undoubtedly controll as many as shall presume to affirm that France and England troubled not Rome much more then Spain did before they could be conquered for where was Caesar in greater danger then in England Where was there a Prince that durst challenge him to a single Combat but in England And what hold had he of his Conquest after he had conquered England No better then Vasoeus might have of a wet Eel by the tail But to proceed to the confutation of the rest Terapha in some manner agreeth with Vasoeus touching the Antiquity of Religion for he saith that during the Raign of Claudius the Emperour Iames the Apostle travelled over all Spain and not long after Paul came to Narbona but how many won Iames to profess the Gospel by travelling over all Spain Forsooth but poor nine Disciples as Terâ—pha reporteth a small number for so great a Travel or for Vasoeus to boast and brag of much less for him to preâ—et Spain in this respect before all other Nations for I know not why for Antiquity of Religion England should yeild unto Spain because the same Iosephus which buried the body of Christ not alone as Paul and Iames came into Spain but with great company arrived into England and not he alone but divers of his society converted not poor nine but infinite many and not to profess Christ Jesus but to be baptized And if a Spaniard may carry equal credit with a Flemming which a Spaniard will rather die then not do our little English Island professed Christ long before Spain For Dr. Illescas in his Pontiâ—ical History reporteth that Pope Elutherius sent Fugacius and Damianus into England to baptize King Lucius and all his Houshold And England was the first Province in all the world in common opinion of all other Nations that received and professed Christian Religion and if Spain may brag of their Isidorus Archbishop of Sivil or of Eludius Archbishop of Toledo which purged their Country of the Heresie of the Monopoliss why may not our Island boast of Augustinus Militus and that Iohn which Pope Gregory the first sent into England not to remove errors as their Bishops did but to confirm our Countrimen in that Christian Religion and Profession which they had received and entertained almost five hundred years before their coming Neither may it be justified that Spain as Vasoeus saith after it had once entertained the Doctrine of Christ never fell from the same for Illescas in the life of Pope Pelagius the second affirmeth that in the 585. year of Christs Incarnation
unto his Majesty in the year 1575. to negotiate a general peace betwixt the King and his discontented Subjects as well Papists as Protestants This Ambassador in the preamble of his Speech to the King used these words We thank God that it hath pleased him so highly to favour us as to send us a King that both will and can hear himself the wants and complaints of his Subjects and order and redress the same according to his good pleasure and the laudable course of Justice For if our Writers have imployed their Labours in writing to blame and reprehend those Kings which hear not but by the Ears of others which see not but by the Eyes of others and speak not but by the Mouthes of others We have most great occasion to think our selves very happy and blessed unto whom God hath sent a King so gentle and so loving unto his Subjects as that he will hear all our causes and controversies himself and a King of so rare and excellent Wisdom as that he is able to decide and determine our Contentions This commendation given him by Seigneur Darennes far exceedeth Sir Henry Cobhams because he was the Ambassador of a Prince that was in League with the late King and the Siegneur Darennes of a Prince that not long before had born arms against this King And Sir Henry might speak for favour but the other spake as he thought because it appeareth by the rest of the speeches which he used in the same negotiation that he neither would or could dissemble And because this praise and commendation was given by an Enemy rather then by a friend it cannot but be void of all partiality assertion or flattery Thus you have heard the French Kings Vertues and his Imperfections the Leaguers folly and the Spanish Kings indiscretion Now it resteth to declare unto you his further error which although it be the last yet it is not the least and I fear me I shall have occasion to enlarge my self more of it then I did of the other three It is not unknown unto all or most part of the World that the King of Spain too much crediting the light and false reports of certain English Fugitives did once attempt and doth still intend to invade and subdue England This attempt and this intention although it seemeth to be grounded upon good reasons and to be allowed by the wisest Councellors yet I will shew that it was neither begun with wisdom nor is continued with any great discretion To shew this it shall be needful to examine all and every of the causes which moved him to undertake this attempt and purpose The causes are many and some of them are already sufficiently declared others rest first to be discovered and then then to be confuted It hath already been shewed that for succouring of France for aiding of Flanders for intercepting his money and for favouring and furthering of Don Antonio his resolution to recover the Kingdom of Portugal the Spanish King had no just occasion to be offended with the Queens Majesty It remaineth to prove that the Popes Excommunication That the false and sinister reports of the English Fugitives the death of the late Queen of Scots OF the sending away of his Ambassador with some small disgrace out of England giveth him no just occasion to trouble her Majesties quiet and peaceable Government All this being proved his indiscretion shall be made appear by three principal Reasons The first because he took no good course for the accomplishment of his enterprise The second Because that although his course had been good yet he neither was nor is able to subdue England And the third Because albeit he should chance to conquer our Realm yet he could not hold the same long The order whereunto I have tied my self requireth that I begin with the Popes Excommunication And for the better clearing of this point it were necessary to shew what Authority he hath to excommunicate But this is a matter that requireth a whole and large Volume and therefore I have thought good not to medle therewith but to refer you for your better instruction unto the large Apology which Marsilius Paturius wrote above 266 years ago in the defence of the Emperor Lewis of Baviera against the Pope that would not admit or allow him for Emperor There you shall see that the Pope although he were Christs lawfull and indubitate Vicar a point which never was nor will be proved yet he hath no more Authority then Christ himself had There you shall read that Christ came not into the world to Rule that he took not upon him to Command Princes but that both he himself obeyed and taught his Apostles to obey Princes There you shall understand that Saint Paul the Apostle Saint Peter and other of Christs Disciples obeyed the Civil Magistrate and submitted themselves unto Temporal Government There briefly you shall learn that not Clergy man ought to meddle with Temporal matters And that the Pope hath no more Authority to pardon sins or excommunicate any man then other Inferior Priests and Ministers have All this being true as in that Apology you shall finde it learnedly substantially and sufficiently proved not by humane Reasons which may be erroneous but by sacred Scriptures which cannot be controlled your own discretion may sufficiently warrant you that this Excommunication can be of no great force And yet because many of our Countrimen attribute too much unto the Popes Authority and cannot be perswaded but that he came unto the same directly and holdeth it immediately from Christ. I will shew you as briefly as I can how the Pope of Rome attained unto that great Authority which he now enjoyeth It appeareth by Du Haillan in the French Chronicle that in the time of Charles the Great the Popes of Rome had no power or authority in Rome it self they medled but onely with matters of Religion with Ecclesiastical Discipline and with points of Divinity It appeareth also by Platina Dr. Illescas and Robert Barnes three notable Writers of the Popes lives the first being an Italian the second a Spaniard and the third an Englishman that many years after Christs passion and after St. Peters death they were cruelly massacred and martyred by the Emperors of Rome It is also notorious and apparent by the testimony the same Writers and of many more that they were wont to be chosen approved and confirmed by the Roman Emperors insomuch that he was not held for a lawful Pope which had not the Emperors approbation Briefly you shall find in the Histories and Chronicles of France that three Popes being chosen at one time they came into France the Kings whereof were then also Emperors to excuse themselves and their election because it was made without the consent or privity of the Emperor and to stand to his opinion that then was Emperor which of the three should be Pope but now there is a great alteration and a marvellous change
Popes actions I have acquainted you with many Devices great Subtilties and fine policies but the finest deceits are yet behind For is it possible to have a better means to overthrow and ruinate a Princes Enemies then to make them perish without laying hands upon them without effusion of blood without spending of money without imploying his own Force and Authority There is no Victory but is honourable and yet of all Victories that is most commendable which is purchased with least effusion of blood or spending of money The Pope therefore aiding himself with this kinde of policy whenas some Prince or other being mightier then he will not bow under his yoak against whom he dareth not make open Wars he seeketh by all means possible to bring him into hatred with some other Prince he slandereth him spreadeth evil rumors and reports of him taketh away his good name scandalizeth his person and imploreth the Aid and Assistance of all Christian Princes against him he giveth his Kingdom to him that can or will invade the same he declareth him to be an Hereticke he depriveth him of his Scepter he taketh all his Titles from him he commandeth his Subjects not to obey him he suborneth his own Children to rise up in Arms against him he procureth his Subjects to seek his overthrow he causeth another to be crowned in his place and he excommunicateth both him and his Kingdom And if neither the Forces of his Enemies nor the rebellion of his Subjects the confederacy of many Princes against him nor the pollicies whereof we have spoken be able to supplant and suppress him then he procureth some one or other to kill him or to deliver him by some Treason into the hands of his Enemies Truly these are strange policies cruel devices and such kind of revenge as a man shall hardly find to have been practised by secular Princes and therefore that my words may carry the more credit since they tend to the discredit of the holy Father of Rome I will prove by the Testimony of authentical Histories all that I have said Boniface the eighth sollicited the King of England to wâ—rr against Philip the faire King of France And Pope Benedict who cared not whâ—t it cost King Philip so that his Popedome might bee honoured by the Holy Warrs which the said King had promised to make against the Turk defamed him through all the world calling him disloyall false and forsworn Prince Pope Hildibr and sowed great dissentions and immortal warres betwixt the Princes of Germany and the Emperor Henry the 4. and commanded the Electors to chuse another Emperor in his place and when that would not prevaile he suborned the Son to beare armes against the Father and to deprive him of the Empire Alexander the third procured the Millanois and other Cities of Italy to rebell against Frederick the Emperor and Alexander the sixt took the name and Title of most Christian King from Charles the eighth of France and gave it unto the King of Castile It is written that Innocent the fourth held a Councell at Lions in France and with the helpe of the Frenchmen thrust Fredericke the second from the Empire and caused Henry Landsgrave of Thuring to bee chosen in his place And we find in diverse true Histories that Pope Pascall Gregory the 7. Victor the 3. and Vrban the 2. had great variance and contention with the Emperor Conrad and Henry his son for the Collations and Installations of Bishops And when they could not otherwise huâ—t them they excommunicated both the Father and the Son But I have to tell you a more strange History a more wicked Action and such a one as beseemed not a Christian much less the Pope who calleth himself the Father of all Christians And that is an History of Alexander the 3. who was so furious indiscreet and frantick in prosecuting the hatâ—ed which he bore unto the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa that besides other malitious and wicked meanes by which he sought to have him killed whiles the good Emperor was busied in warring against the Turk for the good and benefit of all Christendom he sent word unto the Turk that he should look for no peace at the Christians hands so long as the Emperor lived and that therefore it behooved him to look for some meanes to surprise and kill him and to the end the Emperor should not escape the Turks hands unto whom hee was not known hee sent him his picture whereby the Turk found a way within a small time after to tâ—ke him Prisoner And although the Emperor feigned himself to be the Emperors Chamberlain yet that could not helpe him For the Sultan conferred him with the Picture which the Pope had sent him and thereby knew him And when the Emperor was sett at Liberty not without great charges to himself and greater detriment to the whole State of Christendom he assembled the Princes of Germany together and there shewed them the Popâ—s letters and likewise the Picture which he had sent to the Sultan There wanted no good will in Gregory the 7. that the Emperor Henry the 4. was not killed in hearing Mass by a great Stone which hee had caused to bee â—ung so cuningly and artificially right over the place where the Emperor should heare Mass that while he was upon his knees and at his devotion it should have fallen down upon his head but it pleased God to preserve the Innocent Emperor and to suffer the Store to fall upon the chief Workemans head whiles hee was making tryall of his skill and cunning What shall I speak of his unsatiable desire of Revenge who so much forgat God and the reverence which his best Predecessors bore unto the Sacrament of the Altar that he caused the same to be poysoned and a good Emperor to be poysoned therewith But what do I trouble you with Forreign examples with old and ancient Histories since we have some of later time some â—igher unto us some domesticall Testimonies which do sufficiently witness the Fury Enmity Hatred Cruelty and Tyranny of Popes Can any man desire a better proof of the Popes Avarice then the History of King Iohn This King as our Chronicles testifie was somewhat too severe to his Clergy and over-hard to the Nobility of his Realme insomuch that boâ—h rebelled against hâ—m and had their recourse for their better Ayd unto the Popes Holiness who presently excommunicated him and commanded all Christian Princes and especially the King of France to invade his Country The French King obeyeth this commandement and sendeth his Son Lewis with a great Army into England where he is received with great honor and aided by the rebellious Barons with all the helpe and power that they could make for him The King perceiving that he was too weak to encouunter with his own Subjects and with the Forreign supplies that were sent â—hâ—m and thinking that it was best for him to seek for helpe at his hands by whom he was hurt
sent presently Ambassadors unto Rome to pacifie the Pope by making his kingdom Tributary unto him and by promising to hold the same of him to take him for his Superior and to bee obedient unto all his commandements The good old man presently changeth his mind pacifieth his own wrath and of a deadly foe becometh the Kings great friend insomuch that he revoketh whatsoever was before decreed excommunicateth the King of France for robbing the Patrimony of the holy Church and commandeth the English Subjects to return presently unto the dutifull obedience which they owe unto their King Is there any Man so ignorant within this Realme that hath not oftentimes heard how many times the later Popes of Rome have sent not only secular Men but Seminary Priests into England to murther our gracious Soveraign There are some Widowes and Orphans within this Kingdom who lament even at this day the death of their husbands and of their Parents which have lost their lives because they would have deprived our mercifull Queen of her life at the Popes instance and instigation It were to be wished that poor France had not lately felt the great miseries which follow after the Popes heavie indignation It should not have lost within the space of 15 years 14 hundred thousâ—nd men not Strangers but naturall French men it should not have lost in so small a time above 142950. French Gentlemen it should not have lost in so unhapy a time their late King the first King that ever was murthered by his owne Subjects in France it should not complaine that the Father had killed the son the child hâ—s parent the brother the seed of his mothers Wombe and the kinsman the next of his owne kin briefly it should not be pestred and plagued with such unnatural Subjects as delight in the slaughter of their owne Country men as comment and approve of the wicked horrible and most odious and detestable Murther of their owne Leige Lord and Soverraigne Now seeing that either the Approbation of murther as in the Emperor Phocas or the Allowance of unlawfull usurpations as in Charles the great or the Toleration of wicked Rebellions as in Henry the son against the Emperor Henry the Father or the maintenance of wrong Titles as in King Pipin of France or the practise of subtile and devillish devices as in the before mentioned Popes hath caused the Advancement of Popes It must needs follow that they have not lawfully attained unto the Authoritie which they now challenge But to omit all that might here be conveniently spoken against the Succession of Popes against their Authoritie their Pride their abuses and the Iniuries offered unto all Nations that either voluntarily or forcibly have lived under their obedience To leave to tell you how many Catholick Princes they have excommunicated as Hereticks how many Seditions Tumults and Wars have been raised in the world by them and in the defence of their causes To leave to declare unro you how â—thany religious Princes and Kings have nothing esteemed their excommunications how many had good occasion to commend and bless them briefly to avoide that prolixitie which could not be avoided if I should enter into this discourse I will onely signifie unto you the great Wrongs losses and Indignities which our Realme alone hath received by receiving the Pope and his Authoritie for of a brief declaration hereof will follow this great benefit that when it shall appeare as it may appeare unto as many as will vouchsafe to reade the before named Marsilius Pativius that their Authoritie is usurped and that by receiving and acknowledging the same our Realm fele many inconveniences and many Miseries from which it is now freed no man should think her Majestie to be Lawfully excommunicated whome the Pope hath anathematized for not reverening him and his Authoritie whom her Predeâ—effors long since rejected There was a time when as our Kings blinded with the same zeale and affection which now possessâ—th the hearts of those Princes which are wholie devoted unto the Popes holiness honored him as those Princes now do then there was no Realme comparable to ours neither for number nor for beautie of religious houses There was no Country that yeilded greater Obedience unto the Sea of Rome no people that was more readie to receive and entertaine the Popes Legats to honor and reverence them and to fulfill and accomplish whatsoever they required at our hands This great zeale and obedience of ours whereas it should have purchased us especiall favors for he that loveth most ought to be required with most love procured us in time great hatred for no Nation had the like injuries offered unto them as were proffered unto us Whence this hatred proceeded I shall not need to relate our Hâ—storiâ—s ease me of that labour and paine and the manifold Abuses which are suffered will manifestly prove the same There is nothing that derogateth more from the Majesty of a King then to be ruled by Forrein Laws nor any thing that grieveth or offendeth Subjects so much as to be drawen from home into remote and far distint places to prosecute their Right and Suits in Law The first is odious because it disgraceth the Country whose Prince endureth that Jndignitie and the last is grievous because it is both troublesome and chargeable In the time of our Superstitions and foolish zeale unto the Sea of Rome Thomas Archbishop of Cant. was slaine in his Cathedrall Church by William Tracey Reynold Ursin Hugh Marvell and Richard Britton who thinking it noâ— convenient that a proud Prelate should prefer the Popes Commandment before our Kings Authoritie and being grievously offended with the great Indignities that were offered unto our King and his kingdom for his superstitious and contentious Bishops sake came out of Normandie of purpose to end by his death those troubles and vexations from which they thought that our Realme could not be freed so long as he lived The King whenâ—this Murther was committed in England was in Normandy where hearing the News thereof he greatly lamented his death Clothed himself in Sack-Cloth confessed himself unto Almighty God and protested before his divine Majestie that he neither was guilâ—ie or privie to the Archbishops death unless he might be held for guilâ—ie which had just occasion not to love him over well besides Henry the second for he was then King having for this Bishops sake tasted somewhat of the bitter fruits of the Popes Indignation and fearing that when his death should be known at Rome he should incurr his further displeasure sent presently certain Ambassadors unto Rome to excuse him and to signifie his Innocency unto the Pope but his Holiness would not admit them unto his sight untill that certaine of his Cardinals told him that they had express commission from their King to signifie unto his Holiness that he would stand to the Popes and his Cardinals Iudgment and undergo what Penance soever it should please him and them to
lay and inflict upon him The Pope sendeth two Cardinals into England before whom the King sweareth that the Murther of the Archbishop was undertaken and performed without his consent and privitie And yet because he confessed that in his wrath and anger he had spoken some words that might perhaps embolden the Malefactors to committ the same he could not be Absolved before he promised to give the Cardinals so much readie money as would maintaine 200. soldiers for a year in the Holy land and also that all his Subiects should have libertie to appeale from his Courts unto Rome a great punishment for a small offence For what a trouble and grief was it thinke you unto the Subjects of this Realme to have all causes carried unto Rome where they spent their travel and their money many years before they could be ended and received no indifferent Iudgment because their Contentions were for the most parâ— as you shall heare with Italians who found better favour either for money or for love then our Countrimen which were meer Strangers unto the Judges But these griefs are nothing in respect of those which we endured in the time of Henry the third the which were so grievous that the King together with the Clergie and Nobility complained thereof unto the generall Councell which was held in Pope Innocent the third his time at Lyons They complained first that the Pope not being contented with his Peter-pence did newly exact new contributions of the English Clergy and still intended to extort more and more from them contrary to the ancient Customes and Liberties of England Next that the Patrons of Churches when they fell void could not present fit Clerks unto them as by grant from the Pope they might do but their Churches were collated unto Italians who understood not our Mother tongue and therefore could not instruct their People whose Soules for lack of discipline and good instructions perished Thirdly they complained that the Pope imposed upon their Churches more Pensions then he had formerly promised to take of them and leavied divers taxes within this Realme without the Kings knowledge or consent Fourthly and lastly that Italians succeeded unto Italians in the best Benefices and Ecclesiastical livings of England Of which followed these Inconveniences First there was no Hospitality kept for the releif of the Poor Next the word of God was not preached to the edifying of mens Soules their divine Service was not celebrated to the comfort of mens consciences and lastly churchâ—s were not repaired to the benefit of their next Incumbents It was further shewed that the Clergy of England was enforced to maintain and arme some Ten Souldiers others five and others fifteen to bee sent with sufficient Armor and horses to serve the Pope in what place soever it pleased him Again it was declared that although there was an Ancient priviledg in England that no Legate should come into the Realme unless the King required and allowed him yet they came continually one after another and the later still exceeded the former in troubling and overcharging the Realme Moreover it was proved that besides the Popes Tributes and Subsidies Italians held Benefices in England to the yeerly value of 60 Thousand marks and transported out of the kingdom tâ—e most part of that money to the great impoverishment of our Country Neither were these griefes so lamentable but that it grieved all estates in our Country much more that our best wits for lack of such preferment as was due unto Learning were fain to leave the Universities and to betake themselves unto Mechanical Trades and such Occupations as were not fit for men of their Gifts and capacities whereby our Realme was almost induced unto a very Barbarisme The Ambassadors that made this complaint were men of great dignity mature Judgment and of exceeding great learning But what could they prevaile in a Councell where the Popesâ— Faction was so strong that at the very self same time he deposed the Emperor Frederick and sent away our Ambassadors greatly discontented For he gave them a chargâ— streightly to command all Bishops in England to set their hands and seales to that detestable Charter which King Iohn made to the Pope for a yeâ—rly pension to be paid unto the Sea of Rome unto which commandement all the Bishops more indiscreetly then wisely shewed themselves most obedient But the King protested that although the Bishops had bowed their knees unto Baal yet he would stand stoutly in the defence of the Liberty of his Realme and would never pay any yearly pension unto Rome under the name of a Tribute I might here take occasion to tell you how this Tribute grew but you must remember that I have already touched the same somewhat in all that may be said in the behalf of the Pope and for the maintenance of that Pension it hath been lately confuted in a leamed Treatise called Anti-Sanderus I might also proceed in declaring other inconveniences which our Realme hath endured by our voluntary subjection unto the Pope But these may suffice to commend those our Kings for their wisedome and magnanimitie which cast off that yoke amongst whom there are none that deserve greater commendation then the Queens Majesty that now raigneth and her Noble Father and godly Brother For some of their predecessors indeed permitted not the Pope to overcharge their Subjects but they have discharged them of all kind of Grievances which he was wont to put them unto and have both wisely and boldly excluded him and his Authority which he wrongfully usurped Whereat both his Fatherly reverence and our Romish Sâ—ctaries so much repine that they cry out with open mouth that it is against all Reason all Divinitie and Scriptures that secular Princes should have and arrogate unto themselves any manner of Authority in Ecclesiastical causes This and the Substraction of such Taxes and Impositions as the Sea of Rome was wont to impose upon the Englâ—sh Clergie are the true and only Causes why the Pope thundereth his Interdictions and Menaces against our Gracious Sovereigne and her kingdom although he pretendeth that her dissent and diversitie from his Religion only moveth him to excommunicate her Majesty You have heard sufficient Reasons to justâ—fie the taking away of those duties and services And the same might be warranted by the Examples of many Forreine Examples who upon the like occasion have done the like But I may not handle every matter that is worth the handling in this discourse which already is grown to be far large then I thought it should have been And yet considering the Impudency of our Adversaries in denying all kind of Authority unto Temporall Princes in spiritual Causes and for satisfying you somewhat in that point who especially Charged me to yield you some satisfâ—ction therein I will in few words and by a few Examples fetcht from the holy Scriptures prove unto you that this her Majesties proceeding in Ecclesiasticall Causes is waranted by holy Scriptures
king hearing that the Duke of Lancaster was returned out of Portugal and that in England fâ—r greater Forces were prepared to resist his invasion then Iohn of Vienna had mentioned withdrew his Forces from Sluce unto the places from whence they came and as the Spaniards would cover their dishonour received in their attempt against England by the Duke of Parma his not joyning with them in convenient time as it was decreed in Spain before they departed out of Spain so they laid the fault of not proceeding in the journey upon the Duke of Berry who knowing the Forces of England as undoubtedly the Duke of Parma did far better then those that took upon them to make report thereof came not unto the French king at Sluce until the dead of Winter when it it was too late to depart thence to invade England And as the Frenchmen falsly charged the Duke of Berry that he had received Bribes of the king of England to divert his king from his intended enterprise against England So the Spaniards more indirectly then justly blame the Duke of Parma that in consideration of some reward either received or promised from us he held not his promise to joyn his power with the Spanish strength against us And lastly as of the French vain enterprises and all the preparations thereof there came nothing else into England but certain great Tents and lodgings of Wood capable as their Authors report of all their kings huge Army So of the Spanâ—sh invincible Navy and of their mighty Army nothing was seen in England but the spoil of their strong Armado and the flags of their tallest ships which were brought to Paulsâ—Cross â—Cross and there shewed unto the People as notable monuments of their wonderous overthrow Now followeth the death of the Queen of Scots a Queen in whom God had joyned some vertues with many vices a happy Queen if she had not been too much affected unto the Pope of Rome too much lead and counselled by the Spanish King a Pope and a King that have overthrown more noble Families in England France Flanders and Scotland then they have true and good Noblemen within their Realms and Dominions Of this Queen because she was nobly descended and the mother of a most noble King I forbear to set down what Buchanan hath written And yet because her Majesty is charged to have done her to death wrongfully I cannot but relate what another reporteth of her Another that was neither an Englishman nor a Scot but a German Another that writeth of her as Cornelius Tacitus doth of his Emperors Sine ira studio without hatred or affection for she was unto him as those Emperors were to Tacitus neither known for any good turn that ever he received of her nor hated for any wrong that ever she did unto him This Queen saith my Author being weary of her second husband whose life was often sought and at length unhappily shortned not long after his death married James Hepborn Earl of Bothwel whom during her Husbands life she had used most fumiliurly Certain Noblemon of Scotland being greatly moved with the indignity of so wicked a deed and desirous to revenge so horrible a Parricide raised an Army against the Queen and forced her to resign her Kingdom unto her young Son But they confined her unto a certain Island whence escaping the next year by corrupting her Keepers and the Hamiltons Forces which fought in her defence but overthrown by the Lord Protector of Scotland she meaning to go unto her Mothers friends into France took her journey by England where she was detained and when as certain Treasons intended by the instigation of the Pope against the Queen of England her State for the delivery of the Scottish Queen and establishing her in both Kingdoms were revealed and discovered she was more straightly kept and lookt unto until at length because she had used many means to deprive the Queen of her life she was condâ—mned to death in the year 1586. by the Lords and Commons of the Parliament House and executed the same year accordingly Against this Sentence and his execution there are made these exceptions First it is said That the late Queen of Scotland being an absolute Prince as well as the Queen of England could not be condemned to death by her because Par in parem non habet potestatem Next it is alleadged that if a Prince should so much forget himself as not onely to pronounce but also to execute a sentence of death upon his Equal over whom he hath no manner of Jurisdiction or Authority other Princes will be greatly offended with this Sentence and never endure that it should be put in execution To these Reasons there is added a Third That since there is no Law as yet written to punish a Prince with death they think it unlawful to make new Laws new Statutes for the punishment of a Prince and in case it were lawful it is not known who should make these Laws who should adminster them who should execute them and therefore sithence there is no law against Princes there can be no great punishment inflicted upon Princes and because there was never any custom known or practised to proceed so severely against Princes Lives it must needs be against all good Custâ—m to call their Behaviour in question or their Lives into danger The favourers of this cause proceed further and look upon the malice and wickedness of Subjects who as soon as they begin to hate their Prince unjustly and for no occasion would quickly by themselves or by other Princes by open violence or by secret conspiracies be rid of their Princes So say they would it come to pass that by whom Princes ought to be preserved by them they should perish and by whose help they mould be delivered against all others through their hatred they should be destroyed by themselves The Patrons and Advocates of this Queen bring another reason to confirm their opinion For say they if a Prince fall willingly into another Princes hands or if it happen that flying from his malicious Subjects or from his foreign Enemies or being driven by Tempest or other casualty into one Kingdom when he meant to go into another or that being in the field one Prince is detained by another the detainer that shall not ransom but execute such a Prince shall break and violate the Laws of Arms of Humanity or of Hospitality Lastly the Laws of Nations require that Princes Ambassadors even in the hottest broils and most bloody contentions that are betwixt Princes shall have free ingress and egress into and out of the Kingdoms into which they are sent But if the Laws permit or rather command Ambassadors who do but represent the persons of Princes to be free from all dangers what honest or just pretext can there be to violate or wrong their Lords and Masters For it is against all reason against common practâ—ce and experience to spare the
Raigne married Margaret his Daughter at Yorke and then and there did him homage for his Kingdom Lastly it appeared by the Popes Bulls written into Scotland that the Kings of Scotland were excommunicated by divers Popes because they would not obey the Kings of England their Lords and Soveraignes Buâ— against all this and whatsoever else may be said by us to fortifie and defend our Title the Scots make three principall Objections The first that their King never did homage unto us but for the Countries of Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Huntingdon the which they confess they held of our Kings and by their grant and guift The second that Edward the third being chosen Arbitrator of the great and notable contention that was betwixt Iohn Baliâ—l and Robert Bruce for the Kingdom took the two Competitors aside and sounded which of them would take the kingdom to hold it of him which when Robert whose Title was as they thought best refused to do and Iohn was content to performe hee wrongfully pronounced Judgement for Iohn Baliol and so extorted this Homage by Fraud and Corruption The third that the Estates of the Realme never acknowledged this Homage but were so farr from yeilding thereunto that the Nobility of Scotland deprived Iohn Baliol of the Crown and gave the same unto Robert the first because he submitted himself and his Kingdom unto King Ed. The three Objâ—ctions may not be unanswered and therefore unto â—very one of them in Order True it is that a King may hold his Kingdom of no Superior and yet owe Homage for some Member thereof unto another or some Principality that hee holdeth of an other and he shall still nevertheless remaine a most absolute King For who will deny King Edward the third of England to be either absolute or Soveraigne King of England although he swore Homage and Fidelity unto King Iohn of France for Gascoigne and other Dominions which he held of him in France Or who will take the Emperor Chales the fift not to bee an absolute and Soveraign King in Spain or other his Dominions and Kingdomes because hee sometimes owed Fidelity and Homage unto the French King for the Dukedome of Burgondy Bâ—t the case is altered in the King of Scots because hee did Homage both for these Countries and for his Kingdom And this is no good Argument The King of Scots did Homage unto England for certain English Provinces held of England therefore they did not Homage for Scotland But the second Objection is of better weight and yet may bee thus answered I might here oppose the Credit of an English man against a Scots credit and desire to have Holinshed and Thâ— Walsingham speaking for us to be as well believed as Hector Boetius and George Buchanan would bee credited when they speake for Scotland But you shall heare this Objection confuted by an Italian namely by Pelidore Virgil a man of more indifferency of less partiality and perhaps of better Judgement against whom if it be be said that he was either hired to write our History favorably or that he could write nothing of us but what he had from us I â—nswer that there was never any man justly condemned upon a bare and light suspition and I eftsoones say as I once said before that where a matter cannot be proved but by domestical witnesses there such a proof is both allowable and lawfull Then to refell this Objection I say out of Polid. Virgil that Kâ—ng Edward pronounced not Judgment for Iohn Balioll because he promised to hold Scotland in homage of him but because he came of the eldest Daughter of King David and Robert Bruce of the Second I strengthen my saying by these Arguments First it is said that King Edward very wisely when as this great conâ—ention was referred unto his Audience and determination he called together as Hector Boetiâ—s himself writeth the learnedst men of England and of Scotland he sent the State of the Question into France whence he received Answer that Iohn Baliolls Title was the better And because he might be suâ—pected if he should examine the matter alone and give sentence himself he chose 12. English men as Boetius saith or 20. as Holinshed reporteâ—h and as many Scots as English men whom he made Judges of the controversie and they when they had throughly discussed both conpetitors Rights gave Judgment for Iohn Balioll which Award was confirmed by the King Then whenas the King had seen so many Evidences and proofs confirming his Right and Title unto the Soveraignity of Scotland as are before mentioned is it likely that he who had Right to that which he demanded would condition with the Competitors in such manner as is objected Lastly although he had made Iohn Baliâ—ll to enter into such a condition and to binde himselfe thereunto this cannot help the Scots for that it is lawfull for any Man to Claime his Right at any time and to tell him that is likely to detaine and withstand his Right that he shall not have his lawfull Favor unlesse he will be content And this is most lawful in a cause of Contention betwixt the Soveraigne and his Vassal because the Soveraigne must require Homage at his hands and the Vassal is not in some Mens opinion bound to do him homage unlesse it be required The third Objection is Answered with as little difficultie as the rest For the chief Peers of Scotland acknowledged Obedience and homage unto King Edward They consented unto the delivery which Iohn Balioll made unto our king of his kingdom they required our king to be bound as he was in an hundred thousand Marks to deliver the kingdom to thier king again within two moneths and they appointed certain principal Noblemen to receive and keep the Revenues and Profits of the Crown to his use whom King Edward should declare to have best Right thereunto Againe Iohn Balioll was not deprived of his Crown by the States and Nobility of Scotland as Bucanan reporteth but was enforced as Hector Boetius restifieth to resigne all his right in the Crown unto King Edward and to relinquish and give over his kingdom and at the same time all the Nobility of Scotland did swear homage and Obedâ—ence unto our King and Boetius hath nothing to say 〈◊〉 their defence but that our King enforced them thereunto As though it were not lawfull for the Superior to constraine his Vassals and Subjects in case fair means cannot prevaile with them by violence to acknowledge their duty and service unto him But it pleased the Almighty to punish the Scotish disloyalty Inconstancy and Rebellion they revolted often They broke their promise many times They thought it lawfull to delude us with fair words and to deceive us with vaine promises But the eternall who hateth deceivers and deceitfull dealings so prospered all our Attemps against them that our King for a while left them destitute of a King caused them to swear and submit themselves unto some of
and penetrate even to the hearts of his best friends and his most assured Allyes But he is a faint friend that will be won with a word and he not worthy the name of an Ally whom the dash of a pen may make forsake and abandon his Confederate How then what other general way is to be practised Where a pen cannot prevail let a purse be walking Quis nisi mentis snops oblatum respuit aurum Let greater advancement be proffered to the Spanish Governors greater preferment to his best friends notable rewards unto those that will leave him Iulius coesar to win the hearts and affections of Scipios Souldiers promised them peaceable and quiet possession of their own goods and to reward them with the self same Honor Offices and Dignities which he vouchsafed upon his own own followers and by this means he won from Scipio many of his dearst friends Francis Forza a Captain of great worth and of better credit served the Venetians and the Florentines together many years against Philip Maria Duke of Millan and they to retain him to their onely service made him great offers promised him great preferment but the Duke hearing hearing thereof with a faithful promise to give him his onely Daughter in marriage and to make him his sole and onely Heir made him forsake his old friends and to become his vowed friend and servant But Francis Forza was a mean Captain and a man of no great Linage and therefore easie to be changed with an assured hope of better advancement whereas men of good account of honorable Parentage and of fufficient Lands and possessions such as the Spaniards cheifest Governors commonly are will not falsifie their faith or forsake their King for any reward whatsoever Truly men of great honour prefer their credit before their gain and yet honorable men are men as others be and suffer themselves to be won as others are There was a time when the Marquess of Mantoua whose Successors are now Dukes and equal to great Princes and he not inferior unto any of his Predecessors having vouchsafed to serve the Venetians as their General against Lewis Duke of Millan stood not so much upon his honor but that the said Lewis with greater offers and a larger Pention then he had of the Venetians was able to withdraw him from their service and devotion There was a time when the mighty Emperor Charls the Fift being desirous to alienate the affection of Pope Leo the Tenth from Francis the First King of France obtained his request and purpose by promising the Cardinal Iulio de Medicis a yearly Pension of ten thousand Ducats to be paid him out of the Arch-Bishoprick of Toledo and by giving to Alexander de Medicis a Pension of the like value in the Kingdom of Naples There was a time when the said Emperor Charls being jealous of the great friendship that was betwixt Pope Clement the Seventh and the Duke of Urbin and likewise desirous to distract Andrew Dorea from the service of the said Pope who then was in League with the French King prevailed with the one by giving him the City of Lova in the Kingdom of Naples and gained the assured friendship of the other by making him Duke of Malfie and by encreasing the pay and Pension which the Pope gave him To be short there was time when as Philip sirnamed the Fair King of France did not onely entreat Adolph the Emperorâ— by the onely means of great Rewards to forsake the Amity and Alliance of Edward King of England and of Guido Earle of Flanders but also procured Albert Duke of Austria by warring upon the Emperor at home to detain him in Germany so that he could not as he had promised trouble and molest France But some men will say These men had no regard of their honour whereunto a man carrying any reasonable respect will hardly be intreated to commit any thing that may never so little blemish or prejudice his reputation It cannot be denied that vertuous men had rather have their names eternized by their vertuous action then their Families enriched by unlawful corruption Yet it is written and written by an Author worthy to be remembred amongst the best Authors of our time That the Marquess of Pescara a Prince whose Vertues Fame Reputation Credit and Honor were nothing inferior unto the most honorable and vertuous Princes that ever lived on earth had been won by his friend Ieremy Morony to forsake the Emperor Charls the Fift if the Cardinal Acoltera and the Marquess of Angelâ— together with those learned Civilians which were sent by the Pope and the Venetians to perswade him that the Emperor was not lawful King of Naples and that the Pope had power to dispose thereof unto whom it pleased him had used pregnant and sufficient Reasons to enforce their perswasions and to assure him of the Kingdomâ— And undoubtedly the brotherly love of Don Iohn de Austria and the loyal affection of the late Duke of Parma might easily have been shaken by a more sweet then tempestuous wind of the like nature For since Marquesses Dukes Emperors and Popes have been content to be caught with a golden hook let no man be afraid to try and sound or despair to win and change the affections of meaner personages especially such as are either greedy or needy of rewards and against such Princes as have given many occasions of discontentment unto such Personages But now to descend from the general means unto those particular ways which I promised to declare unto you let me I pray you with good leave and patience run over the short Catalogue of his best friends and shew you how even they may be entreated or councelled either to forsake him utterly or to stand as Neutrals and idle lookers on whilst others shall annoy him And because of late years and since his late dishonour received in England he hath used all means possible to induce the Princes of Italy to aid him in a second Enterpâ—ise which he intendeth against England I will as briefly as I can set down divers Reasons which may be used to disswade them from yeelding him any manner of assistance It may therefore be said unto the Italians in general thâ—t they live now in peace and quietness under the wings and protection of divers Princes but who knoweth whether the Spaniard desireth this aid of them to disturb their quiet and to disquiet their general peace who knoweth whether he that now favoureth them will hereafter take occasion to hate them who knoweth since it is the custom of Princes to seek help of others not for any great need they have thereof but either to weaken them or to bring them into the haâ—red of others whether the King of Spain desireth their succour and furtherance to diminish their strength or the number of their friends Briefly who knoweth when their friends are diminished and their forces impared whether he will not suddenly denounce open Wars against them Great
himself Monarch of all the world all the Princes of Christendom fearing his over growing greatness began to consult and take advice how they might bridle his ambition and hinder the proud and insolent projects of his aspiring and imperious minde But the Princes of Germany who had greatest occasion to fear him most were the fiâ—st that bended all their thoughts and all their cogitations to move the rest of the Princes and Potentates of Europe to joyn with them in League and Amity against him Then were there sent Ambassadors unto the King of England France and Denmark Then were there Letters written unto the Swiâ—zers Then were Letters dispatched to the Duke and Seigniory of Venice to desire help against the Emperor and to distract the Venetians from the League of Amity which they had with him and to intreat both the Venetians and the Switzers not to suffer any Forces to pass by their Dominions which should be sent out of Italy unto Caesar. Then did as many Princes as were not in League with the Emperor shew themselves forward in this honourable Action and those who for their Leagues sake could not openly assist the Confederates against Caesar exhorted others to joyn with them against him and to make them more able and willing to enter into the action they lent or paid them great sums of mony which they owed unto them Then since it behoveth Princes in wisdom and policy to keep their next neighbours as weak as they may since the Spaniard before the king of France changed his Religion pretended to war against him for no other causeâ— but to inforce him thereunto and now continueth his Wars and aiâ—ing his Rebels although the French king is of himself become a Catholick which proveth manifestly that it was not Religion but ambition that moved him to aid and assist those Rebels since it is apparent to the World that he onely disturbeth as I have said the peace and quietness of all the world and causeth the Turk to insult as he doth upon Christian Princes since both Othon the Third and Conrad the Emperors Laws injoyn all Princes as it hath been shewed upon other occasion to bend their Forces and to bandy themselves with main might against such a Prince and such a disturber of common peace as the Spaniard is I see no reason why the Princes of Christendom as well Friends as Foes unto him should not all joyntly and with one consent inforce him to contain himself within his bounds and limits and to succour and assist him against the common Adversary of Christian Religion who of late hath given the Christians no small overthrow The Popes of Rome were wont when Christendom stood in no greater danger of the Turk then it doth at this present to send their Ambassadors from Prince to Prince to reconcile them if they were at variance and to exhort them to imploy the uttermost of their powers against the professed Enemy of Christendom It is written that Paulus Tertius a Poâ—e that was ninety years old when he departed this world not long before he diâ—d considering the great danger and peril that was likely to fall upon Christendom by reason of the pride and ambition of the great Turk and the unnatural discord and dissention that was betwixt â—rancis the first and Charles the fifth sent his own Nephew the Cardinal Fernese unto them to make a friendly composition and agreement betwixt them The like Atonement might the present Pope make betwixt the French king and the Spaniard who hath now no other pretence to fight against France but that the king thereof although he is become a Catholick yet he remains Excommunicate a pretence both vain and frivolous because the kings of France and the Peer thereof and also all his Officers cannot be lawfully excommunicated by the Pope as it may appear by the priviledges granted unto divers kings of France by many Popes as namely by Martin the third and fourth Gregory the eighth ninth tenâ—h and eleventh Alexander the fourth Clement the fourth and fifth Nicholas the third Urban the fifth and Boniface the twelfth The which Priviledges are to be seen in the Treasury where the kings Charters are usually kept And when the Pope shall interpose his Authority many other Princes shall likewise labour to make them friends as of late years the King of Denmark was a Mediator of peace betwixt him and our gracious Sovereign And if when this motion shall be made unto him he will neither regard the Authority of the Intercessors nor respect the manifest eminent danger of Christendom but still continue and follow his ambitious nature and unchristian course then will it be a sit and convenient time to implore and imploy the aid and assistance of his near and dearest friends against him then because â—insmen forsake even the next of their own blood when they will not yeeld unto reason and friends many times fall unto variance when they are put in mind of old quarrels and antient injuries it will not be amiss to revive the memory of old and new wrongs and indignities offered by the house of Austria unto their Neighbors their Allies their Kinsmen their Friends and other Princes that now either fear or favour them Then would it be shewed that all the Emperors and Princes of that Family have neither regarded consanguinity of blood or alliance of Friendship nor the wealth of their Subjects nor the bonds of Equity and Reason but have always preferred their private gain before the Commonweal their own interest before their â—â—insmens and Friends commodity and advantage their own will and pleasure before all Law and Justice briefly their subtil devices and deceits before plain dealing and sincerity Then to begin with the infancy of their Family it would be made known that when they were but poor Counts of Hapsparge they encroâ—ched upon their Neighbours they wronged and oppressed the simple and well-meaning Switzers over whom they tyrannized so long that at length by common consent and by a general Revolt against them both they and their Officers were violently driven out of the Country Then would it be declared that Rodulph the first Emperor of their House obtained the Empire by plain deceit and cunning and so carried himself therein that he sought his own commodity more then the wealth of the Empire and shewed many evident signs and arguments of loathsom and detestable ingratitude For whenas the Empire had been void almost Twenty years and divers Compeitors affected the same as Henry of Thyringia and VVilliam Earl of Holland Alphons King of Castile and Richard Brother unto the King of England and all those Corrivals had almost wasted themselves and their friends in seeking for the place and in maintaining themselves therein The Electors being over-wearied with the length and troubles of this tedioâ—s Competency sent Conrade Archbishop of Coruge unto Othagarius King of Bâ—hemia to pray him to accept the Empire but he thinking himself not sufficient
Earl of Flanders whose Nobility and Subjects were often reconciled unto them and yet returned to their former disobedience and discontentment And France in my simple opinion although the King that now raignneth and his discontented Subjects were never so well reconciled would quickly return again into Civil Dissentions For the King being most honest frank open-hearted free-minded sometimes somewhat hasty so earnest of that which is laid before him that he hath less regard of that which is passed and also unto that which he must follow and lastly so much presuming upon his good hap and fortune that he can neither conceive nor careth to prevent far fetched practises these his conditions will easily renew some occasions of discontentment even perhaps in his best and his most loving Subjects Every man that hath deserved little will demand much when his Kingdom is frank and free And will it not be impossible to content all that shall and will beg of him An open-hearted man cannot dissemble his grief nor conceal an injury and is it not likely that he shall have many griefs many injuries offered him An hasty man never wanteth wo and doubtless he shall have many occasions to shew himself hasty And then if he shall either neglect that which he ought to follow or not be carefull to prevent such practises as may be devised against him he that hath but one Eye may see that he cannot long continue in Peace and Amity with such Subjects as shall be still encouraged by other Forraign Potentates to rebel against him And that which hath been said already maketh it most manifest that his Subjects shall not want this encouragement Thus have I satisfied your Request in every point that it pleased you to give me in Charge In some things I have been somewhat briefer then I would and in other perhaps longer then I should The length may be excused because all things being done for your pleasure I hope you will give me leave to please my self in some things wherein I was carried away with the great delight that I took in handling the same And the brevity is excusable because when I saw that my Treatise was grown to be somewhat long I thought it convenient to hasten to an end Excuse both and tender my credit and accuse me of unkindness if I be not ready to yeeld you better contentment in the like Task hereafter when years shall have encreased my slâ—nder Experience and Experience shall have perfected my simple Knowledge FINIS To the Reader A Libel whose substance cannot be changed after it is once given into a Civil or Ecclesiastical Court may in some sort be declared or amended before a replication be made thereunto A witness which after Publication is once granted cannot justly be received may be lawfully examined upon new Articles depending upon the former and a Iudge after the Deposition of Witnesses are communicated to both parties may by vertue of his office and to inform his own Conscience re-examine a witness If Additions and Declarations may be allowed in matters of Iudgement and Iudicial Courts and especially in the examinations of witnesses which may easily be corrupted I hope it shall not be offensible in me to make a Declaration of some things not sufficiently declared and expressed in any precedent Treatise especially since this addition serveth rather to illustrate then any way to enlarge my Discourse and all or the most part of that which I have thought good to add in this place came to my mind or my knowledge since my task was finished Farewel and judge so of my labours that you discourage me not to labour for you again in any thing wherein my pen and my pain may yeild you pleasure and contentment A SVPPLEMENT TO THE HISTORY OF THE State of Christendom AFter that I had thorowly as I thought finished my task and had discoursed upon every point thereof in such manner as you see of some briefly and of divers more at large I hapned upon a Book called Podaces de Historia that is to say The Fragments of an History The which was lately Imprinted and Written as it is supposed by Antonio Peres somtimes Secretary unto the King of Spain and now residing in London not as a rebellious Fugitive as many of our Countrymen live in Spain but as a Gentleman that thought it better to forsake his lands and livings then to live under the tyrannie and injustice of a cruel and ungrateful King This Book containing much matter fit to clear and declare some points lightly handled in my Treatise in regard whereof and for that divers men both speak and think diversly as well of the maker as of the matter thereof I have thought it meet and convenient with the substance of this book May it therefore please you to understand that whereas Don Iohn was sent by the Spanish King to Govern the Low-Countries he had a Secretary appointed him by the King called Iohn de Soto a man that endeavoured himself by all means possible as wise and worldly servants most commonly do first to know and then to feed his Masters humour and by feeding thereof to seek his own profit and preferment In which his endeavours he proceeded so far that the Spaniard fearing lest that his Brothers ambitious nature receiving both nourishment and encouragement from his wise and politique Secretary might in time adventure to attempt somthing to the prejudice of his Kingdoms and Dominions thought it convenient not to suffer so dangerous a servant to attend any longer upon so ambitious a master But because he doubted that if Iohn de Soto were removed from Don Austria's service and not preferred to some place better then the Secretaryship was it would not only discontent the servant but also displease the Master for the better contentment and satisfaction of both he advanced him to an office of greater countenance and commodity and with advice of his Council placed in his room Iohn Escovedo a man of a milder nature and in the Kings opinion not so fit at that time as the other was to favour and further his brothers aspiring and audacious enterprises This man advertised the King his master of all Don Iohn de Austria his doings and sought rather to please the King then the young Duke his Master But at length he followed the footsteps of his Predecessor and yeilded nothing unto him in feeding his Masters humours he found quickly that his Master loathed the name of Duke and longed to be a King that the Pope and Princes of Italy were as desirous as he to make him King that the best way to induce the Spanish King to yeild his consent thereunto was to entreat the Pope to write unto his Brother in his behalf and that England was a Kingdom for his purpose and worthy the conquering A plot is laid how to invade England and conquer it and the Pope is entreated to recommend the enterprize to the Spanish King and Don
Iohn for the execution before and the possession after the conquest The Pope writeth unto the King in the behalf of his Brother he fearing that when his brother had obtained England he would not rest satisfied therewith but coveted greater matters and that he should find many Christian Princes ready to assist him in his endeavours thanketh the Pope for his loving and kindly care of his Brothers advancement and denieth not his suit for fear he should offend his Brother but requireth time to consult and deliberate of the matter for the enterprize said he is honourable but hard and difficult and my Brother a fit man to be employed therein but his credit must be regarded and his aiders and abettors cannot chuse but participate of his dishonour if the enterprize should not succeed according to his and their desires This answer runneth for currant until the plot laid for England was prevented and broken by the wisdom and policy of the Queen and Council of England Then Don Iohn and his Secretary together with the Pope and other Italian Princes think upon another Kingdom for him and altogether practise how to make him King of Tunis a place that required a man of his worth as well to keep it as to contain the Turk within his limits The Pope therefore writeth again unto the Spanish King praying him to bestow the Kingdom upon his Brother He entertaineth both the Pope and his Brother as he did for England alwaies forbearing to make Don Iohn greater and mightâ—er then he was himself All these practises with the Pope were done secretly and Escovedo was the man that was still employed in them The King was never made privie unto them until that the Popes Nuntio talking by chance with Antonio Peres revealed all their secret intelligences with the Pope and he presently made report thereof unto the King The Spanish Ambassador also advised the said Peres that Don Iohn de Austria by means of Escovedo had great recourse unto the King with whom his Messenger had several privie conferences and never acquainted him with any and after they had been with the King they went unto the Duke of Guise who concluded a great league of amity and friendship between Don Iohn and the said Duke upon pretence that the defence of both Kingdoms France and Spain was the cause of this League Antonio Peres imparteth the news unto the King who dissembleth his knowledge thereof and entertaineth both his Brother and his Brothers Secretary with all outward shews of kindness and brotherly affection Don Iohn wearied with continual crosses and untoward proceedings in Flanders resorted on the sudden into Spain without giving the King any notice of his coming The King giveth him outwardly a very kind entertainment confer together about his preferment and dispatcheth him in all haste for Flanders pretending the troubles there to be such as his long absence from thence might greatly endanger his State Don Iohn departing leaves Escovedo behind him to solicite and follow his business in his absence Here endeth Escovedo's prosperity and beginneth Antonio Peres his downfal from that favour and good fortune which followed him before that time For when the Duke Don Iohn was gone the King consulteth with him how to proceed against Escovedo Then they call to mind all their former intelligences they think it dangerous to send him back again into Flanders because he would still nourish him in his ambitious humour Then they hold it likewise to be a matter of no small danger to proceed against him by Order of Law because that was to call his Brother in question and so to offend his Brother thereby to give him an occasion to fall from him unto his most mortal enemies Then they resolve that the best and safest course was to give Escovedo a Baccado that is a morsel to shorten his days because that being done secretly his Brother would haply think that some of his enemies had secretly poysoned him This resolution being thus taken Antonio Peres is commanded by the King to put the same in execution and he performeth the charge so cunningly that no man but he and the King knew by whom Escovedo was poysoned He being dead his son Pedrâ— Escovedo useth all means possible to come to the knowledge of them that murthered him and seeking findeth some light occasion of slender presumption against Antonio Peres which is nourished by Peres his enemies Escovedo counselled by Peres adversaries and his Fathers best friends presenteth an humble supplication to the King wherein he accuseth Antonio Peres of his Fathers death and beseecheth his Majesty to vouchsafe him the benefit of Law and Justice against the Murtherer His Petition is received and read by the King that he shall have Justice with all favour and expedition Peres is committed as a prisoner unto his house and order is given for his examination The King wavereth betwixt hope and fear as men usually do whose consciences are charged and burthened with guilt somtimes he hopeth well because no man to his knowledge knowing the matter but he and Peres he thinketh that the accuser shall never be able to make sufficient proof of the matter and somtimes he doubteth that Peres may in hope of pardon from him by whom he was set on work confess the murther and the cause thereof These perplexities thus troubling the King Peres is likewise perplexed with the same passions somtimes he liveth in hope because the King comforteth him and his accuser proceedeth faintly in his accusation within a while after he beginneth to fear because he is committed to harder durance commanded to confess the fact and conceal the cause willed to compound with his accuser and so eagerly prosecuted that he flyeth to Aragon The people there being grieved with the manner of proceeding against him and with the manifest breach of their ancient priviledge rise up in Arms make Ghilmesa their Head and by main force deliver him out of prison he being at liberty flyeth into France and thence cometh into England Thus you have briefly heard the fact now it remaineth to clear such questions as may arise from this fact The Questions are these 1. First Whether the King commanding Escovedo to be murthered in this manner may not worthily be accompted and called a Murtherer 2. Next Whether Antonio Peres obeying this Commandment hath not committed as great an offence as the King 3. Then Whether the King being found a Murtherer deserveth not to be Deposed or Excommunicated for this Murther better then the King of France did deserve to be deprived of his Life and Crown for murthering the Duke of Guise 4. Lastly Whether this Excommunication and Deposition may be warranted by the example of other Princes who having committed the like offences have endured and undergone the like punishment To clear the first question it shall be needful to know whether the King had just occasion offered him by Escovedo to cause him to be murthered For though Princes have life
and death over their subjects yet he is to be accompted a Tyrant that causeth any of his Subjects to be done to death without having deserved to lose his life and this authority given them by Law and common consent of their subjects tendeth to no other purpose nor respecteth any other end then that sin may be punished and malefactors not permitted to live both to the scandal and detriment of well doers If therefore Escovedo committed no offence worthy of death the King had no power no warrant no authority to take away his life his offence therefore must be known the nature quality and circumstances thereof well examined and duly considered and according as his crime shall fall out and prove to be great or small pardonable or capital so shall the Kings actions seem punishable or excusable All that Antonio Peres his Book chargeth him withal is that he had secret intelligence with the Pope the King of France and the Duke of Guise wherein he was set on by his master Don Iohn de Austria who was the King's Lieutenant General and by vertue of this office represented the Kings own person and was armed with his authority if not in all things yet in as much as concerned the execution of his charge and commission The question then must be whether the Secretary unto such a Lieutenant performing that which is commanded by his master may be taken and condemned for a Traytor Treason hath many branches and is of divers kinds and it would be tedious and troublesome to make a recital of them all And it shall suffice to declare whether any of the actions specified in this accusation be within the compass of Treason He wrote Letters to whom To the Pope Why He was no enemy but a friend to the King of Spain What was the tenor and contents of this Letter Nothing else but that it might please his Holiness to recommend one Brother unto another Why That was an office of kindness and not of treason And for what purpose desireth he to have him recommended Forsooth for the employment in the service and enterprise that was to be made against England Why that service liked the King and proceeded first from him it tended to his benefit it was to be undertaken in revenge of his supposed wrongs against his enemy and all this is no treason And for whom wrote he For Don Iohn de Austria his Kings Brother the Pope's Darling and Turks scourge the Princes of Italies Favourite the Queen of Englands terror and the whole Worlds wonder But he wrote without the King's privity How shall he know that Had he not good cause to think that all that he did was done with the King's counsel and consent Had he not eyes to see and ears to hear and discretion to consider that whatsoever was done against England should be both grateful and acceptable unto the King I but he might think that the King would not be content to have his Brother made a King Why He was his Lieutenant already and so next to a King He had done him great service and was to do him more and so deserved no small recompence he had the Title of a Duke but no Living fit for a Duke the vertues and valour of a King but no possibility to be a King but by his Brothers favour and furtherance briefly he desired that honour and Escovedo perhaps thought the King meant to prefer him to that honour the rather because the King might be led to advance him to a Kingdom in his life time by his fathers example who prefers his Brother Ferdinando to the Empire before he died himself why then be it that he was either deceived in his cogitation or beguiled with the love of his Master or went further then he had warrant to go why lawful ignorance extenuateth the gravity of and as to annoy a Princes enemy so to pleasure his friend was never punishable or at any time accounted treason But when the enterprise against England failed he solicited the Pope for the Kingdom of Tunis but how Not to have it without the Kings good leave and liking And when made he that motion Even then when the Princes of Italy and the wisest Counsellors of Europe stood in fear of the common enemy doubted that Tunis might be recovered by the Turk and therefore thought it meet to have so valorous and victorious a Prince there as was Don Iohn de Austria who having the Kingdom in his own right would be the more willing and ready to defend it and was this desire an offence Or could this motion be counted treason He might have remembred that Don Iohn de Soto was removed from serving Don Iohn de Austria because he furthered him in the like enterprizes But he saw him preferred to a place of greater honour and commodity which gave him just occasion to think that the King rather liked then disallowed his actions Thus you see there is no desert of death in practising with the Pope Now it remaineth to consider how this dealing in France with the King or the Duke of Guise may be justly esteemed a crime capital It appeareth that the French King was then in League with the Spaniard whose Ambassador was then residing in his Court and Ambassadors are not permitted to remain but where there is a League of Amity betwixt Princes The Guisards affection hath been declared to have been always greater towards Spain then towards France And the enterprize of England might seem unto Don Iohn de Austria very difficult yea impossible without some favour without some help from France if then to favour this enterprize he had some secret intelligence with France is he therefore blame-worthy Or hath it ever been counted a fault in a servant or Lieutenant to seek all lawful and honourable ways to bring to pass his Masters desire and purpose Do Princes prescribe unto their Lieutenants or Ministers all that they can do to compass and effect their designs Do they not rather give them a few short Instructions and leave it to their discretion and wisdom to foresee and use other means to further their intentions Is not this the reason why they make choice of wise and discreet men for such employments Is not this the cause that when they send young Noblemen either to Wars or Ambassadors or to forraign Governments they are ever accompanyed with grave and wise Counsellors Briefly Is it not this that moveth them to command that their young Lieutenants Ambassadors or Governours shall do nothing without their Counsellors I know that it is very dangerous to be employed in Princes affairs Danger in conceiving a message and Danger in delivering the same and danger in reporting an answer thereunto And yet be it that a messenger conceiveth not a business rightly that he delivereth not his will and pleasure as he should do and that he faileth in report of his answer to whom he is sent yet he committeth not a
and Antonio Peres his voluntary confession which is a slender kind of proof and especially against a King for exceptions may be made and taken against it As that Antonio Peres bewrayeth his own filthiness and therefore is not to be heard That he is but one witness That he is as Socius Criminis and therefore his accusation of little force and many other like which for brevity I omit and will dispute tanquam ex concessis and have two principal reasons to induce me thereunto The first because I presume that no man will be so impudent as to accuse a King and his own Soveraign to his face and to the view of all the world of a horrible murther unless his accusation were true and tended rather to purge himself then to defame and discredit his Prince The second cause I find that the Spanish Kings friends and favourers have not made any conscience or difficulty to calumniate our Princess her life and actions upon far more slender presumptions then we have of this murther The Author of that seditious Book which was written against the late King of France delivereth it for his resolute opinion That the said King deserved to lose his Crown because he not only consented but also commanded the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal his Brother to be murthered He aggravateth his murther by three principal reasons and instances The first Because they were innocent The second Because they were allied unto the King And the third Because they were massacred by common murtherers These reasons have already been sufficiently reproved Their innocency hath been shewed to be horrible treasons their alliance unto their King not worthy of pardon or commiseration and their death to be warrantable by Law and equity It resteth to make a brief comparison betwixt them and Escovedo and the comparison may be this Escovedo practised with friends they with foes He for the King's Brother they against the King his Brother and all his blood He to the benefit of his Prince and Country they to the hurt and ruine of the King and his realm He with the consent and command of the King's Lieutenant they against the will and pleasure of all the King 's loving and faithful Officers He to reduce the King's subjects to their obedience they to alienate their Princes subjects from their allegiance He to submit strangers unto his Princes Dominions and they to subject their Prince and Country unto strangers He to â—oyn other Countries with the Spanish Kings they to dismember and distract many provinces from the French Crown He was never admonished to desist they were oft-times required to depart from their unlawful League and Confederacy He was cut off before he came to any open action they lived after they had committed many notable and notorious treasons He was accused but of presumption they were convicted by divers and evident proofs He perished because it was thought he would or might have done evil they were not executed before it appeared that they had done too much evil He living could not endanger his Kings life and they if they had not been slain when they were would have shortned their King's days and utterly have subverted his Realm and their Country Briefly his death did the Spanish King no good their punishment had freed the French King and his Country of many troubles and dangers had not a factious and wicked Fryer ended his life before he could see an end of those troubles If ergo the King of France deserved to be excommunicated and deposed for murthering them much more deserveth the King of Spain the like punishment for massacring him although they far excelled him in honour and dignity And if great crimes are to be punished with great penalties small offences with small correction and such as the fault is such is the chastisement I shall not need to prove my opinion with more arguments And if the common and Ecclesiastical Laws have no greater punishment then degradation and excommunication and both of them are equal unto deposition unto death in the Civil Law and if for what faults they may be afflicted by an Ecclesiastical Judge deposition and death may be imposed for the same crimes by a Civil Magistrate Murther being punished with degradation and excommunication in an Ecclesiastical Court Murther must needs be capital before a Temporal Judge But what need I stand any longer upon the proof of my opinion The Author of the before-named seditious Book easeth me of that pain Ergo since the Law saith Such Judgement as a man giveth against another such must he expect and look for himself and he that approveth a witnesses honesty and integrity when he is produced to testifie in a matter for him cannot refuse to take exceptions against his person if he chance to be brought forth afterwards for a witness in another cause against him The Leaguers were the Spanish King's friends who by the mouth of this author have condemned the French King for a murtherer and have thought him worthy to be deprived for those murthers must needs allow the same reasons the same Law the same judgement against the Spaniard Thus the third question is cleared Now followeth the fourth in the handling whereof I shall likewise be eased by the same author for the same examples which fortifie his opinion may serve to confirm my assertion He mentioneth many Princes who were deposed or excommunicated or censured by the Pope for murther The Princes deposed were Ptolomeus Phisco King of Egypt Tarquinus superbus King of Rome Philip King of Macedonia Herdanus King of Castile and Edward and Richard both the second Kings of England The Kings excommunicated by the Pope were Peter King of Castile whom Pope Urban excommunicated because he killed Blanch the daughter of the Duke of Barbon and divers Peers of his Realm Maganus Nicholas King of Denmark who was likewise excommunicated for the murther committed by his sons procurement on the person of Canutus his Nephew And lastly King Iohn of England who incurred the like punishment for causing his Nephew Arthur to be murthered without any desert without any due observance of Law or Equity The same author aggravateth again the French King's murther because the Cardinal was an Ecclesiastical man and a man of great Calling and Dignity and proveth again his opinion by the example of Henry the eighth King of England whom the Pope excommunicated and absolved his subjects from the oath and duty of obedience which they owed unto him because he cause Fisher Bishop of Rochester to be done to death And by the example of Bolislaus King of Poland whom Gregory the seventh not only excommunicated but also deprived him of his Crown and Dignity because he had killed holy Stomlaus But it may be said that the French King killed two and the Spaniard but one that Escovedo was a man of no such quality as the Duke and the Cardinal that their death alone was not the only crime that
THE TRVE EFFIGIES OF Sr HENRY WOTTON K T EMBASSADOVR IN ORDINARY TO THE MOST SERENE REPVBLIQVE OF VENICE AND LATE PROVOST OF EATON COLLEDG Anno Aetat is Suae 72 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOM OR A most Exact and Curious Discovery of many Secret Passages and Hidden Mysteries of the Times Written by the Renowned Sr HENRY WOTTON Kt. Ambassadour in Ordinary to the most Serene Republique of VENICE And late Provost of EATON COLLEDG LONDON Printed for HUMPHREY MOSELEY and are to be sold at his Shop at the Prince's Arms in St Paul's Church-yard 1657. To the Judicious Reader THe Author of these Politique and Polite discourses knew the world so well and the world him that not to know Sr Henry Wotton were an ignorance beyond Barbarism in any who have been conversant in the least measure with any transactions of State A Knight he was of choice Intellectuals and noble Extraction who may be said to have King'd it abroad half his age in Embassies by representing the person of his Soveraign Prince in most of the Courts of Christendom amongst the severest and most sagacious sort of Nations for he was thrice sent Ambassadour to the Republique of Venice from the most serene Prince James the first King of Great Britain by whom the Order of Knighthood was conferred upon him Once to the States of the United Provinces Twice to Charls Emanuel Duke of Savoy Once to the United Princes of Upper Germany in the Convention at Heylbrun Lastly He was sent Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Archduke Leopold the Duke of Wittenberg Imperial Cities Strasburgh and Ulm and to the Roman Emperour himself Ferdinand the second And however it may be thought by some that after so many great and noble employments the Provost ship of Eaton was a place not considerable enough for a personage of his merit yet if we consider the sedateness of his temper and spirit he being of a speculative and quiescent disposition it seems to have been rather his own choice then any want of regard in those times to a man so highly deserving of the Commonwealth and consequently it appears that those weighty affairs he manag'd both at home and abroad with so much honour and reputation were rather the effects of his zeal to the service of his King and Country then of any aspiring or ambitious thoughts seeing he forsook the highest places of honour and profit which he merited at the hands of a great King for the more contenting enjoyments of a solitary and studious retirement Had he been never known unto the world until the publishing of his late works called Reliquiae Wottonianae there is in them contained that which may abundantly demonstrate how admirably he was accomplish'd both in the severer and politer Arts. Not to insist upon the many Elogiums deservedly fixt upon his fame by the most learned and judicious persons both Native and Forraign I shall only insert what the most vogu'd Poet of this age hath sung of his skill in Tongues He had so many Languages in store That only Fame can speak of him in more It were but needless therefore to premise any thing concerning these following discourses written by a person of such a known and celebrated worth but only this that by the high quality of his negotiations in soveraign Courts he had the greatest advantage that could be to feel the pulse of Government and make inspections into those Arcana Imperii those mysteries of State which he communicates here to the world in many choice and judicious Observations whereby the discerning Reader may be will acqnainted with the state of Europe and the interest dependencies and power of most Princes together with the occasions and motives of most of the Wars that hapned the last century whereof some came from slight quarrels for he tells you that Charls the Hardy Duke of Burgundy made a war for a Cart-load of Sheep-skins in which he breath'd his last With these Modern observations he intermingles many ancient passages both of Greeks and Romans which may much conduce to rectifie and enrich the understanding of the Reader The Contents of the Several Discourses I. THe Occasion of Sir Henry Wootton 's undertaking this Treatise p. 1. II. His Opinion both in general and particular concerning Princes their means and designs 5 III. That notwithstanding the Invasion of the Turks the Civil Wars among Christian Princes cease not 10 IV. That Princes aiding of Rebels is no new thing but hath been practised in former Ages 13 V. That it was not without just cause that the Flemmings rebelled against the king of Spain 16 VI. The several rebellions of the Frenchmen against their King and the causes thereof 19 VII The practises of Sejanus Pompey Crassus Piso and Curio with a comparison between the Duke of Guise and them and also other great Rebels 23 VIII That the Salique Law of France did not infringe the Title of former Kings of England to that Crown and the Frenchmens Objections concerning the same answered 29 IX That Kings have often dis-inherited their eldest sons and given their Kingdoms either to strangers or to their younger sons 37 X. Reasons why the Kings of England having a right to the Crown of France and having had so good success in former times in demanding of their right do not still continue to presecute their demands and the causes and means of their losing all France 42 45. XI How the Kings of Spain Came to arrive to this height of Power which they enjoy at present from so small a beginning 52 XII That the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been fatal to most Nations of Europe 54 XIII By what means the Spanish King obtained Naples and Navar. 58 XIV The Spanish King 's Title to the Kingdom of Portugal 59 XV. The Authors opinion concerning the claim of the several Competitors to the Crown of Portugal 60 XVI The Spanish King's Title to the Indies 61 XVII The Spanish Kings Title to Milan 62 XVIII The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy and how he retaineth all those States which he possesseth 63 XIX VVhat inconveniences Armies have bin subject to going far from home with the causes of Hannibal's ill fortune 69 XX. The manner of the king of Spain's dealing with the Turk 71 XXI The manner of the Spanish King 's proceeding with the French 73 XXII The Spanish King 's proceeding with the Princes of Germany 79 XXIII VV hat account the Spanish king maketh of the Princes Italy 80 XXIV Queen Elizabeth proved to be the most considerable enemy of the Spaniard 82 XXV Divers examples shewing that what God hath decreed cannot be prevented by any foresight of man 87 XXVI Queen Elizabeth justified in her attempts against Spain and Portugal 91 XXVII Several examples in what manner Princes have demeaned themselves toward those that have fled to them for succour 95 XXVIII That Princes have oft broken Leagues with their confederates upon occasion given or upon some
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
be a Heretick a Waster of his Revenues a Lover of dishonest women a Murderer of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise and a Prince neither able nor worthy to govern so great and mighty a Kingdom as France I heard the Spaniards attempts and enterprises against England justified because our Queen was excommunicated her people not able nor willing to help and succour her her Subjects overcharged with unaccustomed Subsidies our Forces not sufficient to encounter with his strength and our Realm easie to be subdued by Forraigners I heard again some men condemn the Spaniard of great folly for ruling the Low Countries by strangers for not granting liberty of conscience unto his Subjects in those Countries for taking upon him to enforce them to alter and change their Religion for intending to reduce all Protestants to the ancient profession of Papistry for aiding the Leaguers in France and for attempting to make himself Monarch of the world I heard some think it a thing impossible to subvert him others suppose it to be a very easie matter to overthrow him and many desirous to know the means how to weaken him I heard the tumults of Aragon diversly construed the murder of Escovedo sundry wayes censured and the proceedings against Antonio Perez justified by some and condemned by others To be short I heard many say more then I can well and readily remember and yet not so much as I can be content to hear in praise of my Countrey and in disgrace of Spain in commendation of our Princess and in dispraise of the Spaniard in allowance and approbation of all her actions and in reprehension of all or most part of his Enterprises These things were in substance all that I heard some to my comfort and others to my grief And if in clearing all these things you will vouchsafe me your paines I will warrant your return within a very short while after that you shall have sent me your Treatise Your credit with Cardinal Allen your acquaintance with Morgan your Friendship with Thomas Throgmorton your conversation with Charles Pagett and your long experience in forraign affairs hath undoubtedly enabled you to give me a full satisfaction to all these demands If you run through them lightly you shall rather point at them then please me If you dwell upon them long you may fear to be thought too tedious And yet because you have leisure enough to handle them at large I shall take great delight to see and read them somewhat largely handled Such was his speech and this my short reply In hope of performance of your promise I will undertake your task not because I take my self able to answer your expectation but to shew you that I will hazard my poor credit to recover my dear Countrey and because I trust you will use my labours for your instruction and not to my discredit You may be instructed if you read them advisedly and I discredited if you make them common To be short with assurance of his secrecy I undertook his task if he shall hold his promise I shall think my labours well bestowed if they may procure my return I shall have employed my pains to my contentment And if my pains may pleasure and satisfie the Readers their satisfaction shall double my joyes when I shall attain safe and free access unto the long desired place of my Nativity The singular affection which you bear unto me and the great good opinion which unworthily you have conceived of me have greatly deceived you in making especial choice of me as of one better able then any other of your wise and discreet friends to deliver unto you a sound and sure Judgment of the present Estate of Christendome You see Flanders in trouble France in Arms Scotland in division and the whole remainder of the universal Christian world either as Neutrals idly looking and gazing on their miseâ—ries or as men interessed in the same cause voluntarily ayding and abetting them or their enemies This sight seemeth unto you very strange because that professing one Christ Crucified fighting under one Master and bearing the general name of Christians they give occasion unto the professed enemy of Christianity by taking advantage of their unnatural dissention to to enlarge his already too large Confines and Territories In truth you have some cause to marvel hereat But if it may please you to remember That things in common are commonly neglected that perils which be far off and not presently imminent are little regarded That dangers which are at hand and hang dayly over our heads carry us away with their due confideration from the vigilant care and providence which we ought to have of common Enormities And lastly that this careless negligence or the common Adversary is no new thing but a matter of great Antiquity and long continuance You will leave to wonder thereat and begin to prâ—y unto the Almighty as I do to remove the Causes of our unnatural 〈◊〉 to change the minds of our malicious Christians and to illuminaâ—e the hearâ—s of our lawful Princes that they may with the eyes of Indifferency and 〈…〉 upon the calamity of their loving Subjects Consider the cause 〈…〉 thereof consult upon the ways and means to redress the 〈…〉 deliberation put in present practise those remedies 〈…〉 and singular Wisdom shall seem most meet and convenien◠〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 but silly Ship-Boys in this huge Vessel tossed with the raging Waves of 〈◊〉 unmerciful Seas We may look upon the Masters behold the Pilots â—nd be ready at the Call and Command of the other Officers and this is all that we can do and who so looketh for more at our hands erreth as much in your Opinion as you are deceived in your Choice But the Interest which you have in me and the hopes which I conceive of you make me rather to hazard my poor Credit then to incur your heavy Displeasure You may and I hope you will conceal or excuse my follies but I would not and God forbid I should deserve the least diminution that may be of your accustomed favours towards me In hope therefore of your Secresie I will boldly enter into this Tragical Discourse The chief Actors whereof are The mighty Monarch of Spain The merciful Queen of England The unfortunate Don Antonio of Portugal The valiant King of France The Imperious Prelate of Rome The sleeping and secure States of Germany The Politique and Grave Senate of Venice And the weak but wise Princes of Italy Spain coveteth more then his own Portugal and France would gladly recover their own Rome and England labour and indeavour only to conserve and maintain their own Germany feareth not the peril that is far off Venice temporizeth wisely and the rest of Italy sheweth an outward affection to him that is mightiest but inwardly wisheth his weakness and the good and prosperous success of his Adversaries This is in brief the open and hidden Idea of the present Estate of Christendome wherein the
Princes are as you see many their Designs as you have heard too viz. to conserve and to increase their own and the means to effeâ—t and accomplish their Desires as you shall understand many in number and divers in nature Of the Princes their Designs and their Means I will deliver unto you my opinion in General and in Particular Generally You see and I consider that by the Competencies Pretensions Titles Quarrels and Debates of all these Princes the general Estate of Christendom is greatly weakned and the strength of the common Adversary daily increased That all their Realms and Dominions are either molested by continual Wars within the very Bowels and poor inward parts of the same or grieved with intollerable charges in sending out Men and Munition with other things necessary unto the said Wars That their Subjects are greatly impoverished by reason of these Charges and their hearts sorely oppressed with grief and anguish because of these troubles Lastly That some of these Princes fain would and cannot others can and will not redress those Enormities Now seeing all this you cry out with the time against the time with the time you accompany their just complaints with your sorrows who lament the iniquity of the time and against the time both you and they say that it is more wicked dangerous and troublesome then ever it was You think it impossible to find a Magistrate so just as Aristides An Emperor so good as Trajan A King so fortunate as Augustus A Prince so valiant as Alexander A Captain so chaste as Scipie A Councellor so faithful as Hephestion A General so expert as Hannibal A Conqueror so merciful as the Romans You see no Princes in this our corrupt Age surnamed Gods as was Demetrius amongst the Athenians The delight and love of the people as was Titus amongst the Romans The wonder of the world as was Otho the third amongst the Germans The Founder of their Cities as was Caius Marius amongst the Romans The Father of the common people as was Cyrus amongst the Persians The Son of fortune as was Charles the Great amongst the Bohemians The Buckler of the Common-wealth as was Fabius Maximus Or the Sword of the Country as was Marcus Marcellus You rather find that some Princes may be called Tyrants as was Dionysius The Scourge of God as was Attila Epicures and God Bacchus as was Antonius Lords and cruel Governors as was Cambises Covetous and Merchants as was Darius Lecherous and Effeminate as was Sardanapalus You see no Honours done unto Princes of our time as was done in times past If they be in Adversity their Subjects put not on mourning weeds as the Romans did when Manlius was in trouble If they be in Prison the Clergy giveth not their Treasure and the Commonalty the fourth part of their goods for their Liberty as the Clergy and Commonalty of England did for the Ransome of R. 1. If God calleth them to his mercy neither do the women bewail their deaths ten Moneths together as the Roman Dames did the death of Coriolanus nor the men poll their Heads their Horses and their Mules or fill the Air with cries the Rivers with tears or the Fields with continual lamentations as the Persians did for Masistias But contrary wise some of them are wrongfully driven from their Kingdoms as in Don Antonio of Portugal others continually molested with Domestical Wars as is Henry King of France some untimely done to death by their unnatural Subjects as was the late French King others unjustly persecuted by their unmerciful enemies as is the merciful Queen of England you see the Godly called ungodly as the Princes of France and England are commonly termed Heretiques and those which are far from the Catholique faith called Catholiques as the present King of Spain and a few of his Predecessors You see Subjects licensed to rebel against their Soveraigns as in France and England You see Fathers bear Arms against their children and Brethren war against the seed of their Mothers Womb as they do in France and Flanders You see Fields that were wont to be fruitful to lye now barren and unfertile Cities that were rich and populous to be poor and desolate Merchants that lived in wealth and prosperity to languish in need and penury Gentlemen that neither wanted ease or pleasure to lack all manner of rest and contentment And lastly Men Women and Children that knew not what murther and massacres meant cruelly murthered and daily massacred You see Germany pestered with divers Religions Poland infected with sundry Heresies France divided into many opinions Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions and England troubled with Genevian Puritans and obstinate Barrowists You see in all or some of these Regions Monasteries subverted Religious Houses destroyed Ecclesiastical living abused and Benefices unworthily collated You see Justice corruptly administred Laws dissolutely executed good counsel negligently followed and dissembling flattery more then diligently embraced You see new charges daily invented unaccustomed Subsidies yearly imposed extraordinary grievances hourly practised and unknown Offices unadvisedly established You see secret wars under the name of peace hidden enemies under the colour of amity privy seditions under the pretence of ancient confederacies You see Nobility to degenerate in vertue from their Ancestors Sons to vary in opinion from their Fathers Neighbours to dissent in Religion with their next Inhabitants and Judges not to agree in matters of Justice with their fellows in Office You see the Puritan ready in outward appearance to dye for his Religion the Anabaptist for his the Papist for his the Lutheran for his the Barrowist for his and other Sectaries for their several Sects and Heresies Briefly you see Offices dearly sold which were wont to be freely given Women impudently bold which were accustomed to be honestly minded Men transformed into mis-guised Atires and children brought up and misled in unknown vices and impersections Now seeing all this you fear that variety of Religions may subvert the Countries wherein it is suffered as it did in Bohemia and Hungary That new exactions may chance to cause a Rebellion in the Regions wherein they are levyed as it did in France and Flanders That Princes degenerating from their Antecessors may be driven from their Imperial Crowns as they have been in Spain and Germany That Towns not inhabited may cause penury amongst the Nobility want amongst the Merchants and extream poverty amongst the other Inhabitants as they do in France and Flanders And lastly That all and every one of these Mischiefs and Miseries may breed further inconveniencies as they have done in other Countries in which they have been either in old time or within our memory practised This sight therefore and this fear ingendreth in your heart a just and worthy dislike of the present time and a great desire and delight in the Age of your fore-Fathers You condemned
things Since Might overcometh Right and Blood asketh Blood What man liveth in this Age whose Predecessors endured not the torments that he suffereth Saw not the miseries that he seeleth Tasted not the bitterness that he swalloweth Felt not the wrongs that he supporteth Lost not the blood that he loseth The Sun shineth now as it hath done the Stars keep the course they were wont to do the Sea ebbeth and floweth as it ever did and the Rivers run the same way which they always ran I mean and you may understand how I mean that all things proceeding from nature duly keep and observe their Natures I mean therefore and you may perceive how I mean that as long as nature hath created and shall create Princes of diverse dispositions so long their Subjects have been and shall be subject unto contrary fortunes unto good if they be good and godly and unto bad if they be naught and wicked In the good they have enjoyed and shall enjoy the benefit of Peace In the bad they have felt and shall feel the discommodities of War In the good they had and shall have all things which they desire In the bad they wanted and shall want nothing that may discontent them In the good their estate was and will be such as you commend In the bad their condition was and shall be such as you condemn For as Princes retain the Prerogatives given and granted unto Princes so Subjects maintain still the conditions and qualities incident and proper unto Subjects Every Prince hath his qualities and every sort of people hath his conditions The Spaniard varieth from the Italian the Italian from the French the French from the German the German from the English-man and the English-man from the Scots And such as all and every one of these Nations have been such they will be as long as they do and shall inhabit the same Climate and receive breath from the same Air. And as these Nations naturally hate one another so by nature they desire not to be subject one unto another and therefore if against their nature one of them chance to have never so little authority over the other the one commandeth imperiously and the other obeyeth most unwillingly and yet it so hapneth oftentimes that the Commander is commanded and they that once obeyed many times command So did Padua command Venice and now Venice commandeth Padua So did Rome rule Spain and now Spain ruleth Rome So did France sway the Empire of Germany and now Germany precedeth France So did France command the King of Navar and now Navar either doth or should command France So did Portugal hate Spain and now doth Spain rule over Portugal So did Italy bear sway over most part of Christendom and now some part of Christendom is Mistris over Italy And when things happen as these do contrary to nature contrary to mens expectations contrary to mens desires can there be Peace where there are so many occasions of War Love where there is such cause of hatred Upright dealing where there are so many motives and incitements unto wrong Is it possible that proud men should agree with the humble and meek Plain dealers with common Deceivers Men of peace with men of war Simple Subjects with subtile Princes Especially since Kings of strange natures or Countries never ruled well or long people varying from them in nature or conditions Whence came it that the Danes were driven out of England the French-men out of Naples the English-men from France and of late years the Spaniards out of Flanders Forsooth because Conquerors are odious and why are they odious truely because they are most commonly insolent And wherefore are they insolent verily because they think it lawful for them to do what they list And what moveth them to be of that mind The good opinion conceived of themselves and the bad conceit which they have and hold of the Conquered What think they of themselves marry that they are valiant happy victorious and fortunate And what is their opinion of the Conquered Undoubtedly they hold them for Cowards base minded vile Slaves and effeminate persons And what are the effects of these sundry opinions Certainly that the Conquerors heaping cruelty upon cruelty and the Conquered seeking all means possible to free and mancipate themselves from bondage and servitude they by negligence commit many errors and these by wary circumspection and providence take advantage of their follies Whence they lose their conquest and these recover their Liberty I take oftentimes great delight to read our English Chronicles and especially the Reigns of Edward the Third and of Henry the Fifth because I see therein the continual success which they both had against the Frenchmen It delighteth me greatly to consider what sway Edward the black Prince bare through all Christendom to see how Princes Courted him to read how Kings sought unto him to behold how he restored Kings to their Kingdoms and drave Usurpers from their Usurpations To remember how valiantly he fought at Poitiers and Cressy two of the most famous Battels that ever were fought in Europe To Record how he took the French King and most part of the French Nobility Prisoners How he brought the King and them into England how reverently he carryed himself towards the Captive Prince how Honourably he was received by his Father and his Subjects and how lovingly the two Kings entertained one another and in the end departed one from the other But my joy is turned into sorrow and my delight into grief when I see that the Frenchmen naturally hating Englishmen that the Prince forcibly overcharging the Conquered with new Subsidies and unaccustomed Tributes that the Gascoins disloyalty forsaking their obedience unto their natural Prince and that the French King unkindly taking hold of the occasions that were offered unto him they with him and he with them set upon the poor Prince when he was unprovided invaded his Country when he thought little of their coming and drave him into England who had driven them out of France The like hapned unto Henry the fifth and his Successors for the one was not so fortunate in Conquering as the other was unfortunate in his losses but hereof hereafter And now more plainly to my purpose let me confer the miseries of this Age with the calamities of former times They that inveigh against the present State wonder at many things which I will begin in order and let you see and understand that in times past all things were in as evil case as they are at this present They first wonder that the common Adversary of Christendom being in Arms and ready to invade part of Austria the civil Wars in France and Flanders cease not but continue in as great fury rage and extremity as ever they did That the Princes of Christendom labour not to appease and finish the said Wars but rather nourish and maintain them That the Popes Holiness whose
principal use and commendation hath been and is to set Princes at unity which be at variance indeavoureth not to reconcile but to animate them in their Quarrels who have taken unjust or not very just occasions to war one against another And that by this common negligence the common enemy is not repulsed but encouraged to increase his over-large Confines and Territories To this I will Answer before I come unto other Points This negligence as I have said before is no newthing nor these troubles in France and Flanders a strange President nor the Causes moving or continuing the same are such as never hapned in any other Age They therefore who blame our time for this respect should remember that the Turk is grown unto his greatness by the dissention of Christian Princes only And that they may the better perceive herein I report a manifest truth I will prove as much as I have said by many examples It is not unknown unto them that be conversant in Histories That the Turks first beginning was very base and obscure That his power was weak and feeble and his Dominion small and of less moment which he hath enlarged by taking advantage of the discord and variance of Christian Princes who when they have been in Arms against him for and in the defence of the common Cause have overthrown the common Cause by sudden jars and debates which arose both untimely and unfortunately amongst themselves About the year 1106. Baldwin being Successor unto his Brother Godfrey of Bulloin Duke of Lorrain in the Kingdom of Ierusalem the Christians besieged Carra in Mesopotamia and having with continual Seige and sundry Batteries driven the same unto great extremities they that were in the City determined to yeild themselves unto the mercy of the Christians amongst whom suddenly there arose a strife and contention whose the City should be and so they deferred the entring thereof until that controversie was decided in which interim there came such great succor of the Turks and Moors that they overcame the Christians and cut all their throats In like manner the Christians laying Siege unto Damasco and having equalled the Walls thereof with the ground through discord and dissention growing suddenly amongst them they departed without taking the same and thought it better to leave it unto the Infidels then for one Christian to see it in the possession of another And not long after the Turk by the departure of Conrade the Third Emperor of the Romans and of Lewis the French King who returned to their homes by reason of civil Wars begin in Germany by Gulfin a Rebel of the Empire the Christians lost the whole Country of Edissa and whatsoever else they held in Mesopotamia Furthermore Baldwyne the seventh King of Ierusalem being dead and leaving behind him one only Infant while Guydo Lusignian and Raymond Earl of Trypoli Brethren in Law unto the King contended who should succeed him Saladyne King of Damasco hearing of their contentions secretly sent word unto the Earl Raymond that if he would circumcise himself he would help and assist him with all his Forces against Guido and make him King of Ierusalem unto which his offer although the Earl gave not open ear at that time yet by outward shews he declared his good liking and delight therein and became Saladines great friend and confederate who seeing the Earls inclination favour and readiness assembled presently a great Army of Moors and Turks and set upon the City Tyberiades belonging unto the Earl Raymond for so it was secretly agreed betwixt them thereby to make his Brother in Law Guydo Lusignian to come to succor him and then either to kill him or to take him by the Earls treachery as they indeed took him in a certain Battel wherein all the Christians were slain and Saladine took Ierusalem and all Palestina in the Moneth of October in the year 1187. And Raymond in hope that Saladine would perform his promise circumcised himself but he failed of his purpose For the Turk was so far from keeping of his word that be drave Raymond from all that he had in possession whereupon he dyed suddenly as some say and others write that he fell into such a desperation that he hanged himself So likewise by the discord of the Inhabitants of the City of Acon the Moors and Turks slew above 30000. Christians And the Tartarians came into Hungary and Polonia and destroyed both the one and the other Armenia The Emperor Frederick Surnamed Barbarossa and Philip King of France together with Richard the first King of England lamenting the late loss of Ierusalem resolved to combine themselves and with their untied Forces to recover the same And being come unto Suega and having obtained divers great and important Victories by reason of discord and dissention betwixt the two Kings the French King not only returned into France but also made War upon King Richard in his absence for the Dukedome of Normandy which King Richard understanding although he was then in a readiness to win Ierusalem and did great hurt daily unto the Infidels insomuch that Saladine purposed to yeild Ierusalem up into his hands returned home into his Country leaving the most honourable Enterprise which he had begun And the Turks who were sorely decayed and weakned in strenght through the benefit of his sudden departure not only recovered that which they had once determined to give over unto the Christians as already lost but also drove them from those places which before his departure they quietly possessed It is likewise Recorded of Frederick the Second that he being excommunicated by Gregory the ninth and having no other means to purchase his Absolution determined to go unto Asia and to recover Ierusalem at his own proper Charges Where the Almighty so favoured him that Ierusalem was delivered unto him by composition and he was Crowned King thereof upon Easter day in the year of our Lord 1229. and because he was also King of Sicily the Kings thereof at this day bear the name of Kings of Ierusalem But whilst this Emperor was busied in the Wars and Affairs of the Holy Land the Pope maligning him for the Kingdom of Sicily procured him secret enemies in Italy mighty Adversaries in Germany and such Rebels in every place where there was any thing appertaining unto him that the good Emperor was constrained to return and to imploy his whole power and strength for the recovery and conservation of his own After whose departure the Christians by the Popes Counsel breaking the Truce which the Emperor had taken with the Turk for their advantage and dividing themselves into Factions by the imitation and example of Italy which was divided into Guelfians and Gibbilines made civil Wars one against another And when the other part was assaulted by the Turks and Infidels they did not only not help one another but of set purpose the one part assisted the very Moors against the other by whom they were both
England but because England holpe France in their wars against them What pretence had they to conquer Scotland but that Scotland succoured England Why hindred they the Switzers going into France with intention to conquer France but that they thought it a better morsel for themselves What colour used they to overcome the residue of the world but sometimes a pretence to defend their Confederates sometimes a shew to maintain the liberties of their Neighbours sometimes a feigned and hypocritical zeal of Religion when as indeed they oppressed them whom they pretended to defend brought into bondage for whose liberty they would seem to fight and were in all respects as irreligious as they whose Religion they seemed to condemn So to be short they cunningly enlarged their Confines by seeming to be careless of Conquests made themselves Monarchs by pretending to suppress Tyrants and did wrong unto all men by bearing an outward shew to suffer no manner of injury to be done unto any man This cunning in aspiring unto Forrain Dominions begun in the Infancy of the Romans prosperity continued in the riper years thereof and practised even until their declining Age was not only proper unto them but passed as their Empire did from them unto other Rulers by what name or title soever they were called taking advantage of the time omited no means to attain unto their desires and purposes Though therefore the name of Rebels in all Ages hath been odious their Cause was never unjust and the voluntary Aid given unto them never was honourable unto him that aided them yet the Chronicles not only of our Nation but also of other Regions Realms and Dominions are full of Examples of many Princes not inferior to the Princes of our Age be it in Might in Power in Authority or in Goodness who rather regarding the propagation and increase of their Dominions then the conservation and maintenance of their Honours did as our Princes do now not only receive their Neighbors Rebels into their protection but also use them as means and instruments to molest and persecute their Neighbours by whose decay and downfall they might rise and aspire unto higher Authority Neither hath the League of Amity the bond of Kindred and Parentage the duty of children to their Parents the affection of one Brother to another moved Princes to withdraw their helping hand succor and assistance from those who being tyed by all or some of those Bands rebelled against their Sovereigns Iames King of Scotland being not only in League with Henry the seventh being King of England but also by Oath and Homage bound unto him as his Vassal did not only favour and receive into his protection a young Man named Perkin who was suborned by Margaret Dutchess of Burgondy to call and carry himself for one of the Sons of her Brother King Edward but also married the said Perkin unto Katherine Daughter unto Alexander Earl of Huntley and his own neer Kins-woman and with him and for him invaded England Here you see the Vassal favour and succor the Rebels of his Sovereign and the neer Kins-woman conspire against her Leige Lord and King Richard Earl of Poictou because his Father Henry the second denyed him that Honour although by the death of the young King Henry he was become his eldest Son to marry him with the French Kings Sister Alice and to declare him immediately for his immediate Successor became the French Kings Man to serve him against his Father Robert Son unto William the Conqueror having tasted the sweetness in Commanding others so far that he loathed to be commanded by others Rebelled against his Father and was aided and succoured in his Rebellion by the French King Henry Son unto Henry surnamed the Grosse because his Father was Excommunicated by the Pope and as an Excommunicated person was not in his opinion to hold and sway the Empire was not only animated by the Pope to Rebel against his Father but also assisted by him until he took his Father Prisoner Here you see the Sons Rebelling against their own Fathers protected and succoured by them which either were or should have been Friends and Confederates unto their Fathers Henry base Brother unto Peter King of Castile knowing that his Brother for his evil and licentious life was generally hated of all his Subjects Rebelled against him and with the help of the Kings of France and Portugal deprived him of his Life and Crown Here you see the Brother bearing Arms against his Brother ayded by two Kings who should rather have favoured a Lawful King then an Usurper The Marquess of Villona and the Archbishop of Toledo both neer Kinsmen unto Ferdinando and Isabel King and Queen of Aragon and of Castile Rebelled against them both and received aid and succour in their Rebellion from Alonso King of Portugal Here you see the Kinsmen Rebelling against their own blood ayded by their Sovereigns Kinsman and Conâ—ederate And seeing all this how can you marvel that in this Age against the corruption whereof you and others inveigh most bitterly Princes ayd the Rebels of other Kings betwixt whom there is no manner of Alliance Or if there be any the same is long since dissolved and resolved into hatred and enmity For albeit the King of Spain Married the Sister of the Queen of England and of the late French King by which Marriages he was Allied unto both in League of Friendship and Affinity Yet you know and shall hereafter see that many occasions besides the deaths of his Wives have changed his love into hatred and his good will into malice So that it is no marvel since every injury asketh a revenge every enemy seeketh all means possible to hurt and annoy his Adversary and every Prince can be content to take such advantage for the enlargement of his Confines and for the maintenance of his Estate as the time and opportunity doth or shall yeild him If the Spaniard who hath purposed in his heart to devour and swallow up the Kingdom of France useth the Rebellion of the Guyzards for his best means and instruments or if the Queen of England who findeth no better ways to keep the Spaniard from invading and subduing her Realms and Dominions then to busie and to find him continually occupied in defending or in recovering his own doth succour his pretended Subjects of the United Provinces for indeed they are not his Subjects and vouchsafeth daily to send them such supplies of Men and Money as seem most necessary for their defence The Third Point whereat they wonder dependeth somewhat upon this Point which is Why the Flemmings being always reputed a fearful and timerous Nation And the Frenchmen having at all times most worthily carried the names of the most Faithful and Loyal Subjects of Europe the one in hatred of the Spaniard Rebelleth against the Spaniard and the other at the Instigation of the Spanish King beareth Arms in his behalf against their natural Leige Lord and Soveraign But if it
late French King and still continue their open Revolt and unlawful disobedience against his right Heir and lawful Successor Neither can any man deny that all they that took part with Lewis surnamed the Meek against Bernard King of Italy were also most famous and disloyal Traytors For Lewes being younger Brother unto Pipin who dyed before his Father Charlemain and left Bernard King of Italy his sole Heir had no right to the Crown of France so long as the said Bernard his eldest Brothers Son lived for that as well in the Succession of Crowns and Kingdoms as of private mens Lands and Inheritances the eldest Brothers Son and Heir is always to be preferred before his Uncle And for as much as Lewis having taken his Nephew Bernard in the field Prisoner did not only detain him and his chief Councellors in hard Prison but also in the end put him to an unlawful and unnatural death Those Subjects who followed and assisted him in those his unkind and unjust actions because it is a most wicked deed to participate with the wicked in their wickedness must needs be accounted as wicked as the present Subjects of France who consented unto the cruel Massacre of their late King Again all those French Subjects who bore Arms against Edward the Third in the behalf of Philip de Valoys were in as high degree of Rebellion as these latter Rebels And so likewise were those who stood with Charls the seventh against Henry the fifth and sixth of England For the only reason and cause which they alledged to debar these English Kings from the Succession as lawful Heirs to the Crown of France was the Law Salique which as they then pretended excluded not only women but also other Heirs males descending from the woman from the Inheritance of the Crown Which Law was no sufficient bar because it was undoubtedly a local Law made in Salem a Town about the River of Rhine in Germany at what time the French Kings were both Kings of France and Emperours of Germany and therefore as all other local Laws are was tyed to the Inheritance of that Town only and could not stretch her Forces to forrain Countries or to the succession of Kingdoms no more then the Law of Gavelkind being peculiar not to all but to some part of Kent is of full strength and full force in other places of England Besides it is confirmed that there was never any such Law in France by the Testimony of the Duke of Burgundy who when as Philip surnamed the Long was created King never left to cry out against his Creation and to profess openly That the Kingdom belonged of right unto Ioan Daughter unto Hutine sometimes King of France before that Philip stoppen his mouth with the gift of the Country of Burgundy in Dower with his eldest Daughter I could stand longer upon the proof that there was never any Salick Law in France were it not that Du Haillan a French Chronicler in the first Volumn of his History easeth me of that pain and cleareth that point so plainly that he being a Frenchman and refuting a Law suggested not only to be a Law but also one of the chief Pillars and Maintainers of the ancient Dignity of the Crown of France cannot be thought to write thereof either partially or untruly But although I let pass Ed. 3. his Title as the less valuable because it was impugned and weakned by the only Allegation of that Law yet I must enlarge somewhat more Henry the fifth his Right because the same in my simple conceit and opinion was far stronger then Edward the Thirds For Henry the fifth considering that because his Predecessors did always from the time of Edward the third lay continual claim unto the Crown of France and that therefore the Kings or rather Usurpers thereof had do right nor just title thereunto because they not having bonam fidem a point requisite in Prescription by reason that they knew the right to be in Kings of England rather then in themselves could not lawfully prescribe a right unto the said Crown demanded the same by force of Arms of Charls the sixth and drave him to such extremities that he being able no longer to make resistance against his invincible Forces was glad to capitulate and agree upon conditions of Peace with him The principal Articles of which Peace were That the said Charls the sixth should during his life continue King That he should dis-inherit his Son and Heir who was afterwards Charles the seventh That the King of England should take to Wife Isabel Daughter unto the French King and in regard of that Marriage he proclaimed Regent of that Kingdom during Charles his Father in laws life because he was sometimes Lunatique and Heir apparent to the Crown after his death And lastly that the Nobility and Peers of France should not only consent thereunto but also take a solemn Oath which was accordingly performed and executed to maintain every point of those Articles and uphold and assist Henry the fifth and his lawful Heirs and Successors against Charles Son unto the French King the rather because his Father had for very good and just occasions him moving thereunto dis-inherited the said Charles and by the last Will and Testament made when he was in perfect sence and memory ordained and constituted the said Henry his sole and lawful Heir of the Crown But the Frenchmen have their Objections to all that is said the which I cannot lightly pass over because I know you are desirous to hear their Exceptions and also what may be replied in Answer to their Allegations But I may not dwell long upon every particular Point because my leisure will not serve me and it is not pertinent to my first purpose They say first That their Kingdom goeth not by Dissent and Inheritance from the Father to the Son but by succession which is grounded not upon Law but upon a Custom by vertue whereof the next of the Blood Royal be he of the farthest degree that may be of Kindred succeedeth not as a lawful Heir but as a Successor by Custom not newly invented but of long continuance even from the time of the first King Pharamond Which objection I mean briefly to Answer before I will proceed to any others Guicciardine who wrote an Universal History of all things that hapned in his time not only in Italy but also in all other places of Europe although he was a very perfect and learned Lawyer yet when he had occasion to touch any Point of Law he handled not the same Lawyer-like but passed it over lightly setting down his opinion of the Case in as few words as he could possibly because if he had done otherwise he knew that he should not observe the Laws and Bounds whereunto Histographers are tyed and bound In like manner although these Questions are meerly civil and ought to be handled by me as a Civilian yet because I purpose
to write you an historical discourse I wil touch them lightly for that I speak of them obiter and by digression and I hold it sufficient to refute the Objections that may be made in this Cause not by Law but by the Histories of France For albeit Iohn Bodine a Frenchman and notably well seen and read in Histories discoursing in his Book de Methodo Historie at large what Rules are to be observed in judging a right of an Historographer and what credit may be given to an History setteth it down in an opinion not controlable That in matters touching France or England you ought not to credit a French or English History but rather a stranger writing thereof with more indifferency and less partiality yet as in Causes which cannot be well decided or perfectly known but by Domestical witnesses their Testimony is to be preferred before all others So in matters of State which cannot be so well known unto Forrainers as unto men born and bred within the same State better credit ought to be given unto these then unto them You shall therefore hear this first Objection refuted by their own Writers and especially by Du Haillan who in my opinion is the best Historographer that writeth of France who refuteth this Objection by reckoning up a bed-roll of Kings who did not succeed one another but were chosen one after another Pharamond saith he in his third Book was the first chosen King of France After whom Daniel surnamed Childerick was chosen Pipin likewise was chosen and after him Charles and Charlâ—main his Sons And the Frenchmen despising the Youth of Charles King Lewis his Son who was betwixt nine and ten years of age chose Odâ—n Son to Robert the Saxon for their King And afterwards being discontented with his Government they deprived him of his Kingdom and set up Charles in his place who governing them somewhat looslly was likewise deposed and cast into Prison and in his place Baâ—ul King of Burgundy was instituted and created King of France and there remaineth even at this day a certain form of Election which is made at the consecrating and crowning of the King at Beihins where the Peer of France in the name of the Clergy Nobility and People chuse the King that is present Here you see an Election begun in Pharamond continued in others and observed at this day and yet as many as have been Kings since Capet's time have succeeded to their Kingdoms and claimed the same by Inheritance rather then by custom and you shall see when we come to another of their Objections that neither this Election nor this Custom in succession hath been alwayes duly kept and observed The second Objection against this agreement is That although Contracts do bind Princes as well as Subjects yet such Contracts as are made by men not being sufficient and able to celebrate Contracts as men distracted of their wits Lunatiques and others not being in perfect sense and memory do not bind the Contrahents but are held in Law as matters of no weight force or validity and therefore Charles the Sixth who concluded his Peace with the above-mentioned conditions being both before and after the celebration of the same notoriously reputed and known to be a Lunatique this Contract did neither bind him nor his Successors To this it is easily answered That Contracts made by men disabled by Law to enter into any such compositions are of force by two wayes The one if they with due and requisite solemnities be done by such as by Law are deputed to have the Government of their goods and persons during the time of their weakness and imbecillity The other if they themselves having dilucida intervalla being as Lunatiques many times are in perfect sense and memory to celebrate any manner of Contract the same is of full force and strength and therefore Charles the sixth being as their own Histories report at the time when this Agreement was made in his right wits and memory This contract wanted not the force and vertue which Law requireth especially since the chief Nobility of the Realm were then not only present but consenting thereunto and sworn to the performance thereof The third Objection is That the Kings of France cannot alienate the Demeans Rights Titles and Interests of the Crown without the privity and consent of the three Estates which consent could not possibly be had at this Agreement because a great part of the Peers Nobles and others were then absent and bore Armes with the young Prince Charles or at the leastwâ—se followed him against the King his Father To this I briefly answer That in matters which go by plurality of voices it is not alwayes necessary that all be present but that the greater or better part of them that will and do vouchsafe their presence thereat yield their consents thereunto especially when the others who are absent have been cited and warned to be present and they either willingly or contemptuously will not appear For albeit the thing that concerneth all men must be approved of all men yet when some or all may approve or disallow the things which concerneth them and they will not be present to shew their consent or dislike their absence shall not prejudice the Contract that is celebrated and there is no wrong offered unto them by proceeding in their absence quia volenti non fit injuria In this case therefore those that were away being either voluntarily absent or trayterously minded to their King which appeared in that they followed his Son against him and animated and assisted him in his disobedience and rebellion against his Father could not in any respect prejudice the force and validity of this contract for if they were absent of purpose then there was no injury done unto them and if they were Traytors as undoubtedly they are who either bear Armes against their Prince or assist his Enemies with their counsels then they had lost the right of their consent and voice And so consequently the Contract which was celebrated by the more and better part or by all the Nobility and of the three Estates that were present and true and Loyal Subjects unto their King notwithstanding the others voluntary malicious absence was by Law warrantable especially being confirmed and fortified by the Oath of the King and his Council and Nobility The fourth Objection against this Agreement is That when it was concluded the King of England had almost Conquered all France was there with his power and strength about him and shut up the French King as it were in Prison and utterly disabled him to make any resistance against his invincible Army and conquering Forces And therefore whatsoever he did being done by fear and compulsion was of no better force then a Contract extorted by violence or made in Prison by a private man which when he is set at liberty he is not bound by Law to perform except he list To this
Point I likewise Answer briefly That the Law that provideth for the remedy of such as by Imprisonment or by violence and just fear and such as the Law â—aith cadet in fortem virum have yeilded to any inconveniency extendeth not in my simple conceit her force unto the Contracts of Princes which are celebrated and concluded after long Wars betwixt them For if Conquerors might not impose what conditions of Peace they please upon the conquered there would never be any end of Wars And as private men being in troubles may even in cases which admit no giving or taking on any side as for Ecclesiastical livings betwixt Ecclesiastical persons redeem their troubles by giving or taking whatsoever shall be agreed upon and with the best conditions they may so in Wars Princes who have lost the field and so weakned their Forces that they are able to make no longer resistance may lawfully alienate the more part of the Revenues of their Crown to purchase their liberty and their Subjects quiet who if their Princes might not capitulate with his and their Adversary in such manner as the Conqueror shall demand should be deprived of their lives liberties and Livings of all which three every King is sworn to have a special care and regard and to seek all means possible to preserve them all And in consideration hereof it is usual amongst Princes rather to lye in durance a long time then to yeild to the unreasonable demands of their enemies whilst they are in the heat of their choller and indignation because when their wrath is somewhat asswaged and either time or intercession of other Princes who commonly in such cases interpose their helping hands and be Mediators of Peace mitigated and moderated their anger they are willing to yeild to reasonable conditions For confirmation hereof I could alleadg many examples but I will deal with a Frenchman at his own weapon Guicciardine in his before mentioned History discoursing at large of the hard measure that was offered unto Francis the first King of France after he was taken Prisoner at Pavia in Italy by the Army of the Emperour Charls the fifth saith That there were never but two Kings of France taken prisoners in the field to wit King Iohn and the said Francis King Iohn was so kindly used in England where he lay above 2 years priâ—oner that after he was delivered thence he would needs go thither again to see his good Host for so he termed the King of England whereas Francis the first albeit he greatly desired to be transported out of Italy into Spain being in great hope and confidence that the Emperor who had seen the change and variety of time and also the inconstancy of fortune would have some Princely compassion upon him found all things contrary to his conceived hope and expectation for he was committed to hard prison kept with a continual and strong guard not attended upon as a Prince of his might and greatness ought to have been hardly suffered to speak with his Sister who was sent out of France on purpose to comfort him and never brought unto the Emperours sight and presence until that through grief and melancholy he fell into so dangerous a sickness as made the Phisitians almost despair of his recovery the Emperour not for love as Guicciaraine affirmeth but for fear to lose by his death all that he hoped to get for his Ransome went to visit and comfort him The reason of this hard usage was to inforce him by long durance and want of liberty to redeem his troubles upon hard conditions And although he had oftentimes answered the Emperour that he had rather dye in Prison then yeild to his unreasonable demands which could not be well performed without the great prejudice yea almost the utter subversion of his Kingdom and had accordingly written unto his Nobility and Council in France that they should make no more account of his life or liberty because the demands of his Ransome were too too unreasonable yet he was forced at length to subscribe and consent unto such hard conditions and Articles as were agreed upon by Charles the fifth and his Council Which indeed were so hard that although his Sons lay in Spain as Hostages for their performance yet after he was delivered he would not see them accomplished but fell a fresh to Wars with the Emperor and in the end by the intercession of other Princes made a more reasonable end But King Iohn as both the French Chronicles and ours do report was set at liberty with more equal conditions and yet the same were not performed And the Frenchmen in all Treaties of peace with us have either gone so far beyond us with their wits that they have oftentimes greatly deceived us or have so fraudulently violated all or the more part of the Articles of their Agreement that our victories being many against them never yeilded unto us any great commodity or advantage The consideration whereof moved one of their Writers to say that we never won any thing of them by the dint of Sword but they recovered the same again by the sharpness of their wits And another Historian of theirs mocketh us in his writings and saith That when we come to treat with them of Peace we sit down proudly and with great words extoling our exploits valour and good success against them in the beginning of our parts we do demand no less then the whole Kingdom of France but in the end of them we fall from Mountains unto Molehills Now sithence we by their own confession have been so courteous and reasonable that we have yeilded them far better favour and better conditions of peace then they hoped for and they contrarywise have dealt so craftily and so deceitfully with us both in the time of King Iohn and others before the Reign of Charles the Sixth that we cannot be blamed for dealing more hardly with them in the said contract and for using the surest way we could devise for our security and assurance of that which was promised unto us And certainly as the Treaties and Conclusions of peace made with King Iohn and King Francis were in the opinion of the best and learnedst Lawyers of Europe held lawful although they were not in all points performed so the Contract made betwixt Charles the Sixth and his Son-in Law Henry fifth of England was undoubtedly agreeable to Law and Equity for otherwise Princes should be in worse condition then Subjects who are bound to perform every point of a reasonable contract or agreement which they make But it was hard to demand and take a whole Kingdom True if conquests were not lawful we should have dealt so favourably with Charles the Sixth as our Predecessor did with King Iohn it might be we would have done so if King Iohn and his Successors had not before oftentimes deceived us Princes do not usually take advantage of their enemies when they have the upper hand over them
with all utmost extremities But if they do what remedy is there or who can gainsay the Conqueror Courtesie is commendable in all men and especially in Princes who are to extend the same at all times when it is demanded in good manner and by men worthy of mercy and compassion And such was the lamentable estate of Charles the Sixth who had at once many miseries heaped upon him by the heavy wrath of God as namely wars within his Realm rebellion of his own Son against him revolt of his Subjects and distraction of his wits and so it was extream cruelty to adde affliction to the afflicted Indeed mercy is to be extended to persons worthy of commiseration and Lunatiques are by all men to be pitied and in regard hereof the King of England whereas he might have destroyed the whole Realm of France burned the Cities wasted the Countries led away the people in captivity taken their goods to his own use bestowed the Nobilities and Gentlemens Lands upon his own Subjects altered the Lawes of the Countrey changed the Government thereof deprived the most part of them of their lives and seated his own Subjects in their possessions he suffered them to live at liberty to enjoy their ancient possessions to maintain and use their own priviledges to dwell in their wonted habitations and to continue in all respects as free as they were before they were conquered And whereas he might have made the King prisoner carryed him with him into England and to have placed another to govern for him especially he being not in case to rule and govern by himself He was so far from so doing that he suffered him to enjoy the Kingdom whilest he lived and by taking his Daughter to wife transferred not only the French but also the English Crown unto the issue of her body a thing to be greatly desired of that Father whose Son by reason of his disobedience deserved not to succeed him a thing practised by all men that have had the like children a thing far beyond the custom of Frenchmen themselves who in the like cases have not used the like clemency and moderation For over what Enemies had the French-men ever the upper hand whom they used not most cruelly What barbarous cruelty exercised they in Italy and especially at Naples where their Tyranny in Government their extremity in polling their insolency in mis-using the common people was such that in one night they were all slain and in hatred of them and their posterity the wombs of all Neapolitan women that were suspected to be with child by French-men were ripped up and the children pluckt out and likewise murdered with their Mothers What cruelty purposed they to have practised in England at what time Lewis the Dolphin of France was called into England by the Barons who bare Armes against King Iohn Intended they not to have destroyed the most part of the Realm Purposed they not to have killed the very Barons themselves who were their friends and confederates Had they not executed this their purpose if a noble French-man who was in England had not as well in hatred of their intended cruelty as in commiseration of the poor English Nobility revealed upon his death-bed their barbarous intentions To be brief what severity used King Lewis surnamed for his lenity towards others Lewis the M E E K against Bernard his own Nephew and rightful heir to the Crown of France as we have shewed in the second point which we handled whom he not only deprived of his right but also held him a long time in Prison and condemned him to lose his eyes which were accordingly pluckt out of his head and his cheif Counsellours endured the like punishment Of which both he and they complaining not without just occasion were so far from finding such compassion and remedy as they deserved as that a new Edictment was framed both against him and them Now with such Adversaries with men of such cruelty with such as had oftentimes falsified their faith and broken their promises what wise Prince would ever have used greater lenity more mercy or better Justice then the King of England shewed them Especially considering the immortal hatred deadly malice and long emulations competentions quarrels and contentions that have been alwayes betwixt England and France The fifth Objection that they make against this Contract is is That the Kingdom of France cannot be given unto any man by Will or Testament Which priviledge seemeth unto me very strange because I find by report of probable Histories that the Kingdomes of Spain England Aragon Scotland Poland and other Countries have been given away by Will and Testament and therefore if the French-men will challenge an Immunity contrary to the custom of other Countries and repugnant to the Law of all Nations they must shew how they came by such a Priviledge and why they should not follow the customes of other Kingdomes For whosoever will alledge an exemption from the due observance of the Law must make it appear at what time for what occasion and by whom he or his Predecessors obtained the same that the quality of the Giver and the consideration and cause of the Grant being duly examined and discreetly considered the strength and validity of his exemption may be well and perfectly seen I know that there are many degrees of Princes and that some Kings are in some manner subject unto others from whom they receive Lawes and by whom they and their Kingdomes are ruled and directed So hath Scotland been ruled by England so hath Denmark acknowledged the Empire so hath Sicily obeyed Rome so hath the Pope challenged power and authority over the Empire But all Histories agree in this that although of other Kingdomes some be subject to the Pope others unto the Emperour yet the Kingdom of France is and alwayes hath been most absolute neither depending upon the Emperour nor being in any respect subject unto the Pope That the Emperour hath no authority over France was shewed when as Sigismond the Emperour would have made the Earl of Savoy a Duke in Lyons for then the Kings Officers withstood him therein and forced him to his great grief and in a great fury and anger to depart thence and out of all the dominion of France before he could use in that point his Imperial power and authority And that the Pope hath no manner of Authority Prerogative or Preheminence over France it appeareth by the confession of all Canonists who have written and do write of the Popes Prerogatives For albeit they make the Empire and almost all the Kingdoms of the world in some sort subject unto the See of Rome yet they confess the King of France to be so absolute that he acknowledgeth no Superior but God and that there is no other Prince but he unto whom some Pope or other hath not either given or confirmed his Estate and Kingdom It must needs
of his life in a house of Religion And that the Peers of France not regarding the young years of Charls the son of Lewis their King deprived him of his right and made Eude Earl of Paris king of France You may think it as lawful for Charls the 6. to deprive his Son Charles of his Inheritance for the horrible murther committed as it hath been said on the person of the Duke of Burgundy a Prince of the blood royall a Peer of France and a Counsellour unto the King his Father and for the great manifest and undutiful disobedience which he shewed unto his Father as it was for the States of the same Realm to deprive Theodorick for his Insufficiency Lewis for his Pusillanimity and Charles for his youth So you see the last Objection refuted by their own Examples And as you see the cause why it is said that the Kings of France cannot dis-inherit their children so I will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the Kings of France owed them There was a time and so it is still when a King of France dyed greatly indebted to the Switzers which debt they challenging of his immediate Successor and Heir who dyed in their debt It was answered that although true it was that Contracts do bind the Contrahents and their heirs as well private men a Princes yet the Kings of France not succeeding as Heirs but as Successors by custom are not within the meaning and sense of that Law which speaketh of Contracts and their Contrahents and their Heirs only By which cavil the poor Switzers were deceived of their due debt as we English-men have been debarred of our Claims Titles and Rights sometimes by the Law Salique which was as I have said no Law of France and sometimes by such exceptions devices and subtleties as I have lately specified The fourth point whereat they wonder is why the Kings of England having good right unto the Crown of France and better success when they demanded their Right by Fire and Sword do not still prosecute their demand and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their Predecessors got in many years This point consisteth of two several points the one why we forbear to challenge our right the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our Kings had conquered especially Henry the fifth who subdued the greatest part of France and although he dyed very young yet he left his Son Henry the Sixth being an Infant of few years so mighty at home so be-friended abroad so accompanied with good Souldiers so well assisted with good Counsellours so followed by cunning and expert captains and so directed by wise and discreet Generals that when he was but ten years of Age he was crowned at Paris King of France by the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy and in the presence of the chief Peers and Nobility of France This first point is easily answered because ever since the first time we laid claim to the Crown of France those Princes of ours who were Martial men and inclined to Wars demanded their Right by open Wars as both ours and their Chronicles do testifie But it pleased God sometimes to send us as he doth unto other Kingdomes such Princes as were rather given to pleasure and unto peace rather then unto Wars and Martial exploits in whose time the Frenchmen were wise enough to take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures and when our Kings and Subjects following as Subjects commonly do the humours and qualities of their Princes gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes the French followed the Wars and either by open Invasions or by subtile devices recoverd part of their losses Besides it hath sometimes fortuned that when we had valiant Princes and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their Right our Realm hath either been divided within it self and by domestical dissention hindred to prosecute Forraign Wars Or that our Kings coming by their kingdoms by force of Armes have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their Heirs then to make Wars abroad Again during the contentions betwixt the houses of Lancaster and of York sometimes the one part and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship and alliance of the Kings of France and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes by their aid furtherance and sufferance thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their Amity yea and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions lest that having them for their Enemies they should either invade their Realms or assist their Competitors who most commonly fled unto them for help relief and succour For as many of our Kings as have been driven out of their Royal Seats and Dignities by their domestical Adversaries have been either entertained or restored to their Crowns by the Kings of France and Scotland the Dukes of Burgundy or the Princes of Henault as were Edward the fourth Henry the second the sixth and the seventh Besides some of the kings of France as namely Lewis the twelfth and Francis the first doubting that our Kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in Forraign Wars corrupted our Kings Council with bribes and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them that they did not only bewray their Masters secrets but also diverted their purposes and if at any time they were purposed to molest France or to joyn with the Enemies of France they changed the Kings minds and perswaded them not only not to hinder but also to help and further the French Kings in all their Enterprises and against all their Enemies And they were not only contented to â—ee our cheif Counsellors as Francis the first â—id Cardinal Wolsey who bare such sway with Henry the eighth changed his determination so often made him friend and enemy to whom he would and favoured the Emperour Charles the fifth and sometimes the French king his common Adversary in such manner that it was commonly said that Cardinal Wolsey ruled the French King the King of England and the Emperour but also they purchased our Kings favour and furtherance with yearly Fees and Pensions For it is written that Lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the King of England for his friend payed him yearly in London 50000 Crowns and bestowed yearly 16000 other Crowns upon his chief Counsellors the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls and when our King had any occasion to send any Embassadour unto him he received them so honourably entertained them so friendly rewarded them so liberally and dispatched them with so fair words although their Embassage was never so unpleasant and displeasing unto him that they departed alwayes very well contented And albeit that some
of them knew that whatsoever he did was to win time to work his will and purposes yet because they got much by their dissimulation they dissembled their knowledge and never acquainted our King with his secret intentions The same Lewis besides this manner of entertaining of our Ambassadors used when there was any great matter in debate and contention betwixt us and him to receive all Ambassages that were sent unto him and never to answer any of them but alwaies promised to send other Ambassadors after them who should bring his answers and give our king such assurance of all things whereof he had occasion to doubt that he should have no longer cause to be discontented and when it came to the sending of such Ambassadors because he would be still assured to gain time he sent such personages as never had been in England before to the end that if his former Ambassadors had promised any thing that was not performed or begun any Treaty that was not finished the latter should not be able to make any answer thereunto but enforced to desire some time and respite to acquaint their Master therewith and to crave and have his resolution therein Further you may remember that it hath been already said that the Almighty to the end that Kingdoms should remain still under their natural Princes or being transferred from one Nation to another should at length return unto kings of their own Nation who indeed are more fit to govern them of his infinite goodness toward man doth usually send a peaceable Successor after a Warlike Prince in whose time the conquered recover either all or part of their losses which by his heavenly will and pleasure hath hapned in England as well as in other places For we have had such Princes as did as well lose what their Predecessors had conquered or recover what some of them lost We won in the time of Richard the first the Kingdom of Cyprus and sold it presently We enjoyed by reason of the marriage with the daughter and heir of VVilliam Duke of Aquitane and wife unto Henry the 2. that Dukedome better then 300 years and at the last lost the same by negligence We possessed the Dukedome of Normandy 350 years and lost it in the time of Charls the 7. We subdued Scotland in Edw. 1. time and lost it not long after We conquered Ireland better then four hundred years since and yet retain it VVe ruled in Flanders for a while and were driven out of Flanders after a small while Briefly it is written by some that Brennus who first took and conquered Rome was an Englishman and that he continued his conquest but a very short time And as we have had good fortune against others so others have not wanted good success against us for the Romans conquered us the Saxons subdued us the Danes ruled us and lastly the Normans had the upper hand of us of whom our Kings are lineally descended and in whose race they have continued better then 500 years Again it is usual betwixt Princes when they are wearied with long tedious chargeable and dangerous wars to desire peace and to yeild to the same upon reasonable conditions and in consideration of their troubles endured in wars of their charges sustained thereby and of their subjects impoverished by the means thereof to take long times of Truce and surcease from wars within which time it is not lawful to do any act of hostility And this occasion hath also restrained some of our Princes for attempting any thing against France although they had great desire to recover their right in France Moreover it hath now and then hapned that when we have been determined to prosecute our right we either have been diverted by the entreaty of other Princes who have been mediators for peace betwixt France and us Or hindred by the departure of such Conâ—ederates from our part as promised to aid and assist us in our enterprises Or drawn from them to defend our selves at home by reason of the sudden invasions which have been made by the Scots upon England at the intreaty and perswasion of the French which hath been the usual policy of the Kings of France to turn the wars from themselves upon us alwaies retaining the Scots for their friends and confederates for no other purpose but either to help them when we came into France or to make war with us when we intended to have carried our Forces thither Again either by the weakness or by the corruption of our Council we have as hath been said been so over-reached by the Frenchmen in all such agreements as we have made with them that when we have won the whole we have been contented with part and when as we might have had mountains we have vouchsafed to accept mole-hills yea we have bound our selves to relinquish our Right to renounce our Titles and give over all our Interests So at what time Prince Edward married Isabella daughter of Philip sirnamed the Fair we resigned the Dutchy of Guyenna So Edward sir-named Long-hands acquitted the French King of all the right he had to the Crown of France to the Dutchy of Normandy and to the Earldoms of Anjou Mayne Tourrain and Poictou So Edward 3. having taken King Iohn of France prisoner at Poictiou and retained him four years prisoner in England took certain Towns and Countries in France for his ransome and surrendred the residue of France into his hands to be held by him and his heirs for ever and with express condition never to lay any claim thereunto thereafter These agreements have been another cause why we have repressed our desires and not prosecuted our rights Lastly when we conquered France and had continual wars therewith the Realm was not then as it hath been of late years united void of dissention free from civil wars in the hands and under the government of one King and not divided dis-membred and possessed with divers petty Princes who either for alliance with us or for some quarrel betwixt them and the French Kings were alwaies ready to aid and assist us So we had help somtimes of the Duke of Burgundy of the Earl of Anjou of the Duke of Britain of the Earls of Foix of Flanders of Holland and of Arminack and somtimes of the kings of Navar and of the Emperors of Germany which helps of late years failing us and the reasons already mentioned have occasioned our weak slender and slack pursuit of the Title and Interest which we pretend unto the Crown of France Now to the second Point of this fourth Point wherein I should spend so much time and overweary you with too long impertinent discourse iâ— I should relate unto you the time and manner how and when we lost Normandy Aquitania and every other member of France and therefore it shall suffice to shew you how and when we had conquered almost all France in a few years we lost again all in a very
short time Both ours and the French Histories agree in this Point That either in or immediately after the happy and prosperous Reign of Henry the fifth we flourished and possessed most in France and lost all or most part of all in the time of his Son Henry the sixth The ways how this came to pass were many I have reduced them unto four and twenty the least of every of which was and hath been enough to lose whole Estates and Kingdom not gotten by Conquests which are easily recovered but descending by Inheritance which are hardly lost The first Cause of our loss of whatsoever King Henry the fifth had gotten in France was the death of King Charls the sixth for when he was dead many of the French Nobility which before either for fear of the English puissance or for the love which they bore unto King Charls favoured and furthered our part revolted from us unto the Dolphin his dis-inherited Son and it is usual in Factions the head of one side being dead or suppressed the residue be so weakned or feared that either all or the most part either fly unto their Adversaries or else make their peace with them with as reasonable conditions as they can possibly as was seen by the death of Pompey whose Adherents fled unto Caesar or sought his favour after their principal Ring-leader and Guide was slain The second Cause was the sparkles of sedition and strife which began betwixt us and the Duke of Burgundy our principal Aider and Abettor who was highly discontented with us because that Humphry Duke of Glocester either blinded with ambition or doting with the love of the Lady Iaquet sole Heir unto the County of Holland had married her notwithstanding that her Husband Iohn Duke of Brabant and Brother to the Duke of Burgundy was then living The third Cause was the liberty of Iames King of Scotland who being Ransomed with courtesie and having sworn Loyalty unto the young King Henry the sixth was no sooner in his own Country then he forgot his Oath and allyed himself with the French King The fourth was the Revolt and departure of the Duke of Britany and his Brother from us unto the French King The fifth Cause was the dissention betwixt the Bâ—shop of Winchester and the Duke of Glocester who governed the young King for appeasing whereof the Duke of Bedford Regent of France was called home The sixth the liberty of the Duke of Alancon who being Ransomed in the Regents absence did greatly strengthen the Dolphins power The seventh the death of the Earl of Salisbury and of the worthiest and most fortunate Captain that ever England bred at Orleans After whose decease the English good and prosperous fortune presently began to decline The eighth was the refusal of the Duke of Bedford to suffer Orleans to yeild to the Duke of Burgundy Of which refusal there proceeded two great inconveniencies The one That they of Orleans offering to yeild themselves unto the said Duke because they held it less dishonourable to yeild unto a Frenchman then unto an English Prince although it were to the behalf and use of the King of England and seeing their offer refused grew as many both before and since have done upon the like occasion so wilful obstinate and desperate that we could never get their Town but suffered great losses in laying and continuing our Siege thereat a very long time and indured such shame by departing thence without taking the same that even until this day as I saw of late years my self they yearly celebrate this day as Festival to our great dishonour whereon they compelled us to withdraw thence our overwearied and bootless Forces The other That the Duke of Burgundy thinking by this refusal that we envyed his Honour too much who had rather lose a Town of such strength and importance as Orleans was then to suffer it to yeild unto him although it were as I have said to our own use and advantage began by little and little to remove his affection and unfeigned friendship and furtherance from us The ninth The often conveying of Forces out of England into Holland and in succour of the Duke of Glocester against the Duke of Brabant who as mortal enemies warred one upon the other for the cause above mentioned and also into Bohemia by the Bishop of Winchester for the Pope Martin who intended to make a Conquest of Bohemia The tenth The Dolphins policy who refused divers times to put tryal of his cause to the hazard of a Battel The eleventh The mistrust and jealousie which the Regent had of the Parisians for fear of whose wavering and unconstant minds a fault whereto they have always been greatly subject the said Regent left divers times very good and advantagious occasions to fight with the Dolphin and return to Paris The twelfth The variance and strife betwixt the Duke of Bedford then Regent and the Cardinal of Winchester proceeding of this cause especially for that the Cardinal presumed to command the Regent to leave off that name during the Kings being in France affirming the chief Ruler being present the Authority of the substitute to cease and to be derogate The thirteenth The death of the Dutchess of Bedford Sister unto the Duke of Burgundy with whom dyed the true friendship between the two Dukes The fourteenth The foolish pride of the Duke of Bedford who coming from Paris of purpose to St Omers a Town belonging to the Duke of Burgundy and appointed and chosen a convenient place for them to meet and end all contentions betwixt them both thought that the Duke of Burgundy should have come to his Lodging to have visited him first as Son Brother and Uncle unto Kings And the Duke of Burgundy being Lord of that place would not vouchsafe him that Honour but offered to meet him half way which the Duke of Bedford refusing they departed the Town discontented and without seeing one another and never after saw and conâ—erred together The fifteenth The Duke of Burgundy displeased with this occasioâ— and won partly by the outcries of his own people overwearied with wars and partly by the general councel held at Arras for the according and agreeing of the two Kings joineth with the French King The sixteenth The death of the Duke of Bedfore who being a man throughly acquainted with the humors and wars of France by reason of his long continuance in the one and conversation with the other died the fourteenth year of Henry the 6. his Reigne and presently after many French Noblemen and worthy Souldiers who followed the said Duke with-drew themselves from the English Faction The seventeenth The Duke of York his Successors so long stay in England occasioned by the malice of the Duke of Somerset that before his coming into France Paris and many other good Towns of France had yeilded unto the Dolphin The eighteenth The sending over but of hundreds yea of scores where before thousands were sent to keep
tell â—im mâ—st part of his secrets and to be short she being seconded by the Gentleman and others whom he and the pity they had of the poor estate of the Country had made willing and ready to joyn with her in such petitions and motions as she had made unto the Dolphin setled such an opinion of wisdom and holiness in him that he presently took her for a guide sent from heaven to direct him in all his doings and by her perswasions left his Love and followed this maiden to the wars who being always accompanied with good Captains and counselled by them what directions she should give to the Dolphin to the end she might win credit with him at the first sped very well in many things which she attempted and especially in raising our siege at Orleans where I have seen her picture in brass mounted upon a very large brazen horse and there is yearly as I have said before a solemn Feast and procession kept in remembrance of her that she drave the Englishmen from thence The Dolphin being thus animated by her and encouraged by the good success which followed her for a while proceeded so manfully that he never left until he had recovered all the Kingdom of France So he by her sped not ill but she for him had no good end for being in the end taken by the Englishmen and arraigned at Roan upon divers articles of witchcraft was found guilty and there burnt for a witch A strange metamorphosis and not so strange as ridiculoâ—s But if you consider how many things Scipo perswaded a few Roman Souldiers to do which were almost impossible to be done by a few only by telling them that he had often and secret conference with a Goddess who counselled him to put those things in execution and promised him good success in those enterprises you may easily think that his policy might work the effect which it wrought It is written of Mahomet the God of the Turks that he grew to the credit and reputation of a God by as mean a device as this for he carryed a shew of holiness was better learned then their Teachers were had the gift of Eloquence secretly had insinuated himself into the favour of the people and to perswade them that he had secret conference with God and that whatsoever he Preached unto them was put into his mouth by the Holy Ghost he had used a tame Dove to come and stand upon â—is shoulder ever when he Preached unto them and to join his Beak and Head unto his Ear as though it did whisper something into his Ear Whereby he won such credit that not only his Laws were thought to proceed from the inspiration of the Holy Ghost but he ever sithence hath been honoured for a God It is written again of Kemitius King of Scotland that when he had oftentimes endeavoured by divers ways to induce his Nobility to think well of his intended Wars against the Picts and could not by any manner of perswasions prevail with them he invented a policy never used or heard of before he called his Council and Nobility together to consult of matters of weight and held them in consultation until night then he provided a great and costly Supper which of set purpose he caused to continue until the night was very far spent insomuch that they being overcharged with meat and drink fell all asleep then he commanded that into every one of their Chambers there should go a man apparelled in a long Gown made of fish skins with the scales still remaining upon them who carryed in one hand a staff of rotten wood because that it as the scales of the fish do in the dark maketh a kinde of glittering able to astonish those who never saw the like and in the other hand a great Oxes horn out of which the man speaking should give a sound and voice far differing from the voice of a man These men so apparel'd entring into the Counsellors chambers spake in a great and grave voice and said That they were Messengers sent thither from Heaven to tell the Scottish Nobility that they ought to hearken to the advice and Counsel that Kemitius their King gave them and to aid and assist him to recover his Kingdom out of the hands and possession of the Picts When they had thus said every one of them as he was taught hid his staff under his Gown and gathering the fishes scales together in such manner that it seemed unto the beholders that as the glittering so they suddenly vanished away In the morning the Nobility met together and every one of them telleth the King what he had seen and heard that night he wondred thereat as though he had not known thereof telleth them he had the like vision but thought not good to acquaint them therewith lest that they glorying too much in the special favour which God shewed unto them should by revealing the same before it was time unto over many greatly offend his heavenly Majesty but that he meant to shew unto them what he had heard and seen when the Wars were happily undertaken and ended The Nobility confirmed in the opinion of the Miracle by the Kings report yeilded presently unto his Counsel and with all possible speed made great preparation for the Wars against the Picts But now from these by-tales again to my purpose which I might dilate and beautify with examples confirming every one of these 24. Causes to be sufficient to lose a Kingdom but your own reason and experience is able to assure you thereof and therefore I will proceed no further in this Point Saving that I have thought good to clear one thing which perhaps may seem doubtful unto you for I think it wil seem strange unto you why I call him by the name of Dolphin whom the French Chronicles call Charls the seventh you know that our Kings eldest Son during the life of his Father ever sithence that Wales was first conquered by England was called the Prince of Wales And so the eldest Sons of the Kings of France have bin called Dolphins of France since that Imbert and Humbert dyed without Heir and gave Dolphiny unto Philip deValois King of France with condition that the eldest Son of the Kings should be called Dolphins which name was given unto Charls the seventh during his Fathers life when he was dutiful and retained after that he grew to disobedience and rebellion yea continued by our Writers and Chroniclers after his decease for me thought it not convenient to call him King of France because our King was then entituled by that name but we vouchsafed him still the name of Dolphin even as the Spaniards having deprived the present and rightful King of Portugal of his Kingdom calling him still by the name of Don Antonio as he was called before the Kingdom fell unto him by descent and the Leaguers call the now King of France not by the name of
the better knowledge of them and difference between them it was added The King of France holding his Mansion house or Royal Court at Paris at Orleans at Soissons or at Mets. And the Soveraignty of Basemain of these four Kingdoms was due only unto the King of Paris as unto the chief and principal King until in the year 618. all these kingdoms were united and incorporated into one So was England divided into many kingdoms as into the kingdom of Kent of Northumberland c. So the three sons of Brutus as Camber Locrinus and Albanactus divided the whole kingdom betwixt them after their fathers death And this division continued in France in England and in the Empire until their mortal wars or friendly marriages voluntary agreement or forceable violence greedy ambition or fatal destiny reduced them unto one Monarchy The Union of the twelve Kingdoms of Spain fell out in Ferdinando his time who being king of Aragon matched with Isabella Queen of Castile as heir unto her Brother Henry and in her right held himself and after his decease transferred unto his Daughter Ioan begotten upon her body all the Kingdoms of Spain which Daughter married with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria who begate upon her body Charls the fifth who was Emperour and unto him succeeded Philip which now reigneth And thus he came by the States within his own Country The States without the limits of Spain some of them are Kingdoms as of Naples of Navarra of both Sicilies and of Portugal together with the many Kingdoms of both the East and the West Indies some Earldoms and Dukedoms as of Milan Brabant and Flanders of Burgundy and briefly of the seventeen United Provinces How he came by all these it will be more tedious then wondrous to declare The Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been the butchery of most Nations of Europe For the Popes challenging to be Soveraign Lords thereof and by vertue of that Title to have full power and authority to dispose the same at their pleasure according to the variety of their humours their affections their quarrels and their factions they have somtimes bestowed them upon Frenchmen other times upon Italians somtimes upon Germans other times upon Swetians somtimes upon Spaniards other times upon Hungarians and once upon the Englishmen So that all these Nations either for the conqâ—est or for the deâ—ence thereof have lost their blood hazarded their lives and spent infinite treasure which is shortly proved by these examples following In the year 1381. Pope Clement crowned in Avignion Charls Prince of Tarento King of Sicily who had married the sister of Ioan Queen of Sicily and of Ierusalem the which Ioan for default of heirs adopted for her son and heir Lewis Duke of Anjou and made him king of Naples Sicily and Ierusalem and Duke of Cambria and Earl of Provence This gift and adoption was ratified by the Pope and furthered by the Frenchmen for these respects Clement the pope having a Corrival named Urban who was favoured by the king of Castile and of Hungary thought it convenient and necessary for him to procure the help and assistance of the Frenchmen for the better maintenance of his cause as divers of his Predecessors had done before him and therefore with his gift and donation so wrought and won unto him the said Lewis who was then Regent of France that although the Kings above-mentioned had sent their Ambassadors unto the French king to entreat his favour and furtherance for Pope Urban they could not prevail with him because the said Lewis who governed the king and all the Realm was wholly for Clement insomuch that through his favour Clement's Cardinals had all the best Benefices and Ecclesiastical promotions of France without any respect being had to their lives to their learning to their qualities or to their Religion The Frenchmen aided the said Lewis in this quarrel and in his Wars for the obtaining of these Kingdoms most willingly because they were desirous to send him far from home who wearied them at home daylie with new Taxes and unaccustomed grievances Pope Urbane on the contrary side to gratifie his friends and to be assured of their help gave these Kingdoms unto Charls Nephew of the King of Hungary who willingly accepted the same as well for the benefit thereby likely to arise as for to revenge the death of his Brother cruelly and unjustly murthered by the said Ioan his Wife Wherein he had so good success as that he took the said Ioan Prisoner and caused her to be put to death Here you see Frenchmen and Hungarians at mortal Wars for this Kingdom And before these later Contentions you shall understand that the above mentioned Ioan being weary of her Husband Lewis and having divers ways so wronged him that he lived many years indurance Adopted for her Heir Alonso King of Aragon who drave Lewis out of his Kingdom Here you see Frenchmen and Spaniards at deadly feud for these Kingdoms Conradin Duke of Suavia and Son to Conrade the Emperour being disposed and purposed to retire himself after the death of his Father into his Kingdom of Naples obtained great help of divers German Princes and especially of Frederick Duke of Austria his very neer and dear Kinsman but being encountred by Charls brother of the King of France and betrayed unto him by Pope Clement the fourth both he and the aforesaid Frederick were taken Prisoners and by the advice of the Pope not long after beheaded So came the Kingdom of Naples from the Suavian unto the Frenchman and the Dukedom of Suavia ended and was utterly extinct by the Treason and wickedness of Pope Clement What Contentions have been betwixt divers Families of Italy and divers Houses of Naples it self for those Kingdoms the Chronicles of Italy report And I hasten from this Nation to our own Country because it may seem somewhat strange we had ever to do so far from home and what quarrel presence or title we could lay to a Kingdom so remote and far distant from England By that which hath been said you may easily perceive that the Popes have used these Kingdoms and their pretensive right unto them for the only means and instruments to furnish themselves with friends in time of need and necessity And when they began to be weary upon any occasion of the present King of Naples they incontinently set upon another displaced their enemy and called such a Prince as best pleased them or the time or the opportunity made fittest to hearken to their perswasions and to persecute their Adversaries into Italy and there continued and cherished him for a time until they likewise grew weary of him or he could no longer stand them in stead This is verified by many Armies that have been especially brought out of France and by sundry Kings and Princes of that Country who spent their time travel and treasure in those Wars But there is not one Example that
confirmeth the same more apparently then that which our Histories report of Henry the third King of England This King by reason he had Reigned many years saw sundry alterations in divers Kingdoms and as Princes who continue long are oftentimes sought unto he was honoured of all the Kings and Potentates that lived in his time and many of them were glad of his amâ—ty and friendship for as he was mighty so was he very wise and therefore able to help them with his strength and counsel them with his wisdom yet neither so strong nor so wise but that his power was abated and his wisdom abused by the Popes subtle policies There was a time when Conradus king of Sicily began to be somewhat grievous and offensive to the Pope who to be revenged of his supposed wrongs had suborned divers Princes against him and when all had either failed him or faintly proceeded in their quarrel against Conrade he fled for his last refuge unto the said Henry the third and to induce him to shew his readiness and good will to drive Conrade out of his Royal Seat and Dominion he used divers sinister means and many subtle devices First he defamed the said Conrade accused him of Heresie layed murther to his charge burthened him with the death and poysoning of his own Brother thereby making him odious to the world Then not thinking it sufficient to disgrace and discredit him for that the Princes neither then nor in those days did easily undertake Wars one against another in hatred of the vices which possessed them but in hope of the Kingdoms which they enjoyed he to encourage our King the more gave him the Kingdoms of Apulia and Sicily and entituled his Son by the name of king of both those Countries And understanding that he wanted sufficient men to imploy in that service he dispensed him to take those Souldiers which had enrolled themselves for the Wars of the Holy Land and publishing that his Adversary for grief was dead and forsaken by his friends With these devices and his Embassadors subtleties he induced our King to bind himself upon pain of loss of his Kingdom to spend and send 140 m Marks to those Wars and this promise was so readily performed and men by our King so willingly transferred for that service that the whole Realm in very short time felt great want both of men and of money Thus you see that Naples and Sicily have been both troublesome and chargeable to as many Nations as I before named And yet you see not how they came directly unto the house of Spain nor with what Right and Title king Philip possesseth them at this day To the end therefore that herein as well as in other Points you may be fully satisfied I will let you understand the late claims and challenges layed and made to those Kingdoms Charls the eighth king of France challenged the Kingdom of Naples because Renatus Duke of Anjou his very near Kinsman dying without children and being made Heir of the same kingdom by the last Will and Testament of Ioan Queen of Naples had made and declared in his last Will and Testament Lewis the eleventh for his Heir unto the same kingdom which Lewis was Father unto the said Charls who followed the Claim with such speed and expedition that he got the kingdom by force of Arms in so short a time that a notable Historiographer writing thereof saith That an Embassadour would almost have spent as much time in going thither from France as the said Charls did imploy in conquering thereof The Frenchmen enjoyed not their Conquest many years for Ferdinando king of Spain began to lay claim unto the kingdom of Naples because that although Alphonsus king of Aragon had bestowed the same kingdom upon Ferdinando his base Son yet both Iohn his Brother and Successor in the kingdom of Naples and also Ferdinando himself being Son unto the said Iohn had just cause of claim and title therâ—unto because that Alphonso having gotten the same both with the Forces and with the treasure of the Realm of Aragon it should of right belong unto that Crown This claim of Ferdinandos was furthered by Pope Iulio the second who either being wearied of the insolency of the Frenchmen or desirous to follow the steps of his inconstant Predecessors or rather willing to revenge the wrong offered unto his Predecessor by Charls the eighth what time he imprisoned him in the Castle of S. Angelo and enforced him to give him for his ransome or deliverance the Castles of Civita Vecchia of Forracina and of Spoleto to hold them until he had made full conquest of Naples and also constrained him to invest himself in the said Kingdom besought Ferdinanâ—o king of Aragon to undertake the defence of the Church and of the States and Dominions thereof against all those who persecuted the same and especially against Lewis the 11. of France and to make him the more willing and ready to accomplish this his desire he sent him the Investure and Gift of the same kingdom with a very small and reasonable yearly Tribute for the same Ferdinando thinking his Title the better by the Popes Grant and his possibility to prevail the greater because of his assured help and furtherance prosecuted his claim by open Wars upon the Frenchmen wherein he had so good success that he drew the French King to make a friendly division of the kingdom between them This composition as all agreements betwixt Princes most commonly are was kept inviolable until Gonsalvo General for the Aragonian king in those parts who was afterwards for his Excellency called the Great Captain as Pompey was amongst the Romans took these occasions following to dispossess and drive the Frenchmen out of all that they possessed within the Realm of Naples First he alledged that the division was not equally made because the Dogana of Puglia which indeed was the best and greatest Revenue of that Crown was wholly allotted unto the Frenchmen and neither any part thereof nor any thâ—ng else that might countervail the same in worth value and goodness was assigned unto the Spaniards Secondly there fell such a disease amongst the Frenchmen by reason of the abundance of fruit which they eat daylie and because the waters which they drank as it was thought were poisoned by the Spaniards that most part as well of the private souldiers as of the chief Captains died thereof and many for fear thereof departed from the French kings Camp Thirdly that poor and small remainder that was lest presuming that this composition should be held inviolable grew so negligent and careless that they suffered the Spaniards to do all that they would and never distrusted them until it was too late Lastly Gonsalvo being required to desist from Wars because there was a peace concluded betwixt the Spanish and French kings in regard whereof the French General had long before surceased all acts of
Forces tended to no other purpose then to chuse him But the king of Spains device was not in all respects so cleanly as you shall hear by the sequel But you must first understand how many Competetors there were for this one Crown and what right every one of them had thereunto Emanuel king of Portugal married first Isabel Daughter to Ferdinando king of Castile by whom he had but one male child which died in his infancy Then he took to Wife Mary the second Daughter of the said Ferdinand by whom he had nine children Iohn who had issue Iohn the third and he Sebastian which was lately slain not leaving any issue behind him Lodowick who was lately secretly married and had issue this Don Antonio who now liveth in England The third child was Ferdinando who married a daughter of the Earl of Marialva by whom he had two Sons who dyed before their Father The fourth was Alphonsus who was made Cardinal and departed the world not having any child The fifth was Henry who was likewise a Cardinal and king after Don Sebastian and died also without issue The sixth was Edward who married Theodosia Dutchess of Burgantia by whom he had three children that is to say Mary who married Alexander Prince of Parma Katharine who took to husband the Duke of Burgantia and Edward who died unmarried The seventh was Anthony who died in his infancy The eighth childe was Isabel who was married to Charles the Emperour and had issue by him the present king of Spain The last was Beatrice wife to the Duke of Savoy These were the issue now follow the Competitors they were five Don Antonio lawful son as he proved unto Lodowick the second heir male of Emanuel The Prince of Parma as Tutor unto his son begotten upon the eldest daughter of Edward the sixth heir male The Duke of Bergantia begotten on the body of Katharine the second daughter of the said Edward King Philip begotten of the body of Isabel eldest daughter unto Emanuel And the Duke of Savoy the lawful heir of the youngest daughter of the said Emanuel Now of all these competitors to deliver you first my opinion I take it alwaies salvo meliori judicio that none of them all could lawfully claim the Crown of Portugal For as many as hold the marriage of Henry the eighth king of England with the Lady Katharine unlawful because she was married unto his eldest brother Arthur must needs hold the marriage of Emanuel king of Portugal far more unlawful because both king Henry and he married unlawfully For if two brethren cannot successively marry one woman truly two sisters cannot be married unto one man And the reason which some use to justifie king Henry his marriage cannot serve for the justification of king Emanuel's matrimony for all that was said in the defence of the Lady Katharine was that her husband never knew her carnally which cannot be truly said for king Emanuel because he had a son by his first wife wherefore if all these nine children being begotten in unlawful wedlock cannot possibly be reputed legitimate and therefore are not lawful heirs to their reputed fathers much less can any of they who descend from any of these nine children be esteemed lawful heirs to the Crown of Portugal But grant them to be lawful and then to each of their Titles in order Don Antonio hath sufficiently justified his Title in his Apologie by many reasons which I reduce to these three principally First he proveth his Fathers marriage though it were with his far inferiour to be lawful notwithstanding the disparagement in regard of which it was concealed Then he fortifieth his Title by the custome of the people of Portugal who by ancient priviledge challenge a right in case of controversie for the Crown to make choice of such an one of the competitors as they shall have a special liking and love unto Lastly he either sheweth or might shew that Bastards have succeeded in the Kingdom of Portugal and that therefore although Bastardy had been fully proved against him yet being chosen by the common consent of the people it was no sufficient bar or lawful exception to say that he was a Bastard especially being made by such an one as came from a Bastard himself and holdeth his own Kingdom by right derived from a Bastard as doth the present king of Spain For the Chronicles of Spain report that Henry bastard brother unto Peter king of Spain taking advantage of the evil opinion which was conceived of his brother by reason of his loose and dissolute life by the help of the French King notwithstanding that Edward the third aided the said Peter and once restored him to his Crown drave him the second time from the same and having slain him in the Field usurped his Royal dignity and transferred it unto his heirs of which king Philip is lineally descended For there was a time when as Iohn Prince of Castile and son to Henry of Castile challenged the Kingdom of Portugal because he had married Beatrice the only daughter and heir of Ferdinando late king of Portugal but the people would not accept him for their king because they naturally hated the Castilians and therefore they chose a bastard for their king named Denis saying That it was as lawful for them to chuse the said bastard for their king as it was for the Castilians to admit Henry the bastard for their king who had as is above said deprived most unlawfully and unnaturally the lawful king of his life and Scepter Now from Don Antonio unto the rest in general who because they all claim by right of their mothers are all excluded by an inviolable law of Portugal alledged against the aforesaid Iohn Prince of Castile in the behalf of the aforementioned bastard Denis whereby it is provided That no woman shall enjoy the Crown of Portugal For whereas there is a Law that no woman shall succeed the same Law as it appeareth by the Law Salique alledged against us in the time of King Edward the third excludeth also the males descending from the woman And so these four Competitors claim is utterly void and of none effect And in case where women may succeed the Females descending from an heir male are to be preferred before such as come only and directly from the female And so the Prince of Parma and the Duke of Bergantia descending from the daughters of Prince Edw. and they in law succeeding their Father as the same person and his undoubted heirs are not only to be preferred before the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy who came of the daughters of the before-named Emanuel but also before their Aunts the said King Philips and Duke of Savoy's mothers because in matter of Succession the elder brothers children are always preferred before the Uncles or Aunts Those Titles and the means how the Kings of Spain prevailed before the rest of his Competitors are largely set
only true and faithful unto him but also so discreet and wise that they both foresee and prevent all occasions of rebellion These Governours have their eyes alwaies open and watching not only over the Subjects committed to their charge in holding them low and in continual fear of severe punishment for every small offence but also over the Princes which confine with the Governments in keeping them from all opportunities of invading their States These Governours are assisted by grave and wise Counsel by whose advice they are directed in matters of great weight These Governours are accompanied by many under-officers who are employed in gathering such intolerable taxes as are layed upon the common people upon which officers the fault is layed if any offence be taken against the extremity of the taxes and somtimes the Governour upon complaint made unto him if no excuse can pacifie the complainants mitigateth the rigour of the exactions or sendeth them unto his and their king for relief and remedy who if he shall see no other way to content them or to continue and contain them within the bounds of their wonted obedience yeildeth somwhat to their petition and so laying the blame either upon the necessity of the time or the extremity of his expences or the severity of their officers dischargeth himself of the fault which was imputed unto him and sendeth the Petitioners away in some measure well pleased and satisfied But I shall have occasion to handle this point more largely in another place when I shall speak of such exactions as were levied in particular estates in this our age And therefore reserving the residue of that which I have to say for that place I will proceed in declaring unto you other means which the Spaniard useth for preservation of his Estates in peace in quietness and in dutiful obedience It is written that his Father Charls the fifth fearing that Ferdinando Duke of Calabria and the only remainder of Ferdinando late King of Aragon might in time find some friends to help him or his issue if he should so marry that he might have any to the Crown and Kingdom of Aragon married him unto Germana widow unto the said Ferdinando but barren and past children reaping of this marriage two benefits and both of great weight and consequence For whereas the said Duke by refusing the Crown when it was offered him by the people and by perswading them to accept and receive the same Charls for their King had made the Emperour somwhat beholden unto him he did not only seem in some measure to recompence that good turn by honouring him with the marriage of a Queen but also he assured that Kingdom unto himself and his heirs by bestowing a barren wife upon him who was rightful heir thereunto and by that marriage was utterly disabled to have any lawful Issue The Spaniard not by mariage but by employment of the late Duke of Parma in such wars as were somwhat pleasing and answerable to his humour kept him alwaies so busied that he could never attend to the conquest of Portugal which of right belonged unto his Son rather then unto the King of Spain And as the Emperour rather deprived the above-named Ferdinando by giving him a barren wife of all possibility to have any lawful issue and so consequently of all earnest desire to recover that Kingdom which should end in himself for want of a childe to whom it might descend So the Spanish King deprived the said Dukes son of all hope to recover his right in Portugal by procuring and counselling him to match in such a Family as never can be able to yeild him any competent aid for the recovery of his said right Again it is written of Richard the third and also of Edward the fourth Kings of England that they both fearing lest that Henry Earl of Richmond who lived in exile with the Duke of Britany by whom he was only sustained and succoured might in process of time find some Friends at home or purchase the favour of some Forraign Prince abroad to help him to recover the Crown of England whereunto he always laid claim did seek all means possible to have the said Earl delivered unto them by the Duke but they could never prevail and therefore never lived secure or assured of their Estate And Richard the third according as he doubted was deprived of his Royal Dignity by the said Earl In like manner the Spaniard hath sought all ways possible to have Don Antonio delivered unto him and hath made him divers great and fair offers of great livings and dignities if he would return into his Country and acknowledging him for King live under his obedience but he could never prevail and God knoweth to what end it hath pleased the Almighty to preserve and reserve the said Don Antonio from many great and almost inevitable dangers and hazards of his life He is not now so low so poor so bare so destitute of all friends so void of all hope but that Henry Earl of Richmond was in all degrees and measure of need and poverty equal unto him It is an infallible rule in policy that no Usurper hath any firm hold or strong assurance of his Estate as long as any pretending right thereunto liveth but the Spaniard hath sufficiently foreseen and provided for any manner of harm or detriment that may arise unto him or unto any of his by Don Antonio or by his children For as the loss of the Battel at Canna deferred the Victories that Hannibal might have had against the Romans and his abode at Capua where his Souldiers learned to be effâ—minate and forgot to be right Souldiers took away all hope to subdue the Romans so the overthrow received by Dâ—n Antonio within his own Kingdom when he was possessed thereof made it very difficult for him to re-gain or recover the same And the late repulse taken at Lisbona when he was before the Town with the small and weak Forces of England hath put him out of all hope to attain his purpose And yet it is held for a sure and most sound opinion by many martial men that not with much great strength then he had then from hence it would be an easie enterprise to recover that Kingdom which opinion I list not to controll for that men of my profession may not conveniently contend with Souldiers especially in matters concerning martial affairs And yet I fear me that if any second enterprise should be attempted against Portugal with an English Army of greater strength of better provision of sounder bodâ—es and of more convenient furniture then the last was the Commanders of such an Army should be subject to no less inconveniencies then the other was and so long as those incommodities are found in an Army so long the like success as hapned unto the first will follow the latter You seldom hear or have read of any Army that went far from home that hath not been subject unto
countries to think well thereon to consider all casualties and to provide for them long before they happen lest that want of fore-sight cause his utter discredit and destruction The only means is to send such a number as is neither too great to be conveniently maintained nor too little to effect and accomplish his purpose especially if things be so ordered that as soon as occasion shall be ministred fresh supplies may be conveyed over in due time and by competent and sufficient numbers For if the supplies be defective in number or not transported in seasonable time they are sent as experience teacheth but as Sheep to the shambles But from these matters which are touched but by the way of digression back again to the Spanish King and to the narration of other reasons why possessing many Kingdomes he enjoyeth them all peaceably or with so little distrurbance as he doth For the better understanding whereof you are to consider the State and condition of such Princes who have any Lands or Territories confining or bordering upon his Dominions and in them you are to mark and observe what power they have to annoy him if they would or what will if they could The Princes with whom by reason of such Neighbourhood he hath any way to deal are these The Turk the princes of Italy the princes of Germany the French King and the Queen of England Of which some could be content to annoy him by all means possible but they want ability answerable to their good will others have might enough to prejudice him divers ways but he carrieth so watchful an eye over them is so jealous of their greatness so well acquainted with their counsels determinations and purposes that all their intents indeavours and enterprises against him are most commonly so soon prevented by his careful providence as they are intended through their malice and indignation But it is not sufficient to declare thus much in general terms you shall see his particular proceeding with every one of these Princes The Turk he knoweth to be a Prince greatly to be feared of all Christians as well in regard of his great power as in respect of his subtile policy His power is terrible because he armeth speedily and that in such multitudes as both the number and the expedition terriâ—ieth all Christendom For when he armeth he most commonly bruiteth it abroad that he meaneth to carry his Forces to one place when indeed he conveyeth them to another yea and somtimes he sendeth Ambassadors to will them to be assured and out of all doubt that he will not in any wise molest or trouble them whom his full intent purpose and resolution is to invade upon a sudden Considering therefore his strength his religion his natural hatred against Christians together with the continual emulation quarrels and contentions that are betwixt Christian Princes he holdeth it most convenient and necessary to have alwaies a vigilant eye over such an adversary For of Christian Princes he considereth who they be whom he most envieth whose States he most longeth for after whose Dominions he most thirsteth and unto which he hath best access and easiest possibility to attain them The House of Austria are his nearest kinsmen and on one side the next adjoyning neighbours unto the Turkish Territorirs With them for kinred sake he entertaineth perpetuamit amity and is loth to offer them any occasion of discontentment because he knoweth that of late years they have not only possessed the Empire but also been greatly favoured in Germany with whose invincible power and puissance they are both able and ready when occasion shall be offered to offend and defend the Turk For it is their Dominion unto which the Turk hath an especial eye and an unsatiable desire and by them and their means Christian Princes most annoy him because by the Country of Hungary the way lieth open unto these Regions which he lately subdued and a Christian Prince leading an Army through that Country against the Turk may undoubtedly have good success against his Forces if he shall observe these conditions following First if in conducting his Army he shall avoid and decline the wide plains and come not neer unto the River Danubius of the commodity whereof the Turk by reason of his great courage standeth alwaies in need Secondly If he shall not come nigh unto such places where the Turk may have convenient use of his Horsemen and innumerable Footmen with the excessive multitudes of which he will easily oppress and suppress a Christian Army if they should chance to encounter in those Plains Thirdly If the Christian Prince shall arm this year and proceeding slowly on his journey not meet with the Turk but fortifie and strengthen such places as he shall get and conquer and the next year when as the Turk neither is wont nor can arm with the like number and quantity proceed manfully For the Prince in thus doing shall compel him to stand continually upon his Guard and alwaies to entertain great and gross Armies which he should not be able to endure long or else enforce him to use such Forces as might be more easily conquered and so consequently drive him to change the accustomed course and custome of his Wars which would be as much as half a victory gotten against him Fourthly If the Christian shall endeavour to draw him into some Streight and there with some war-like stratagem enforce him to a Battel and with a Troop of well ordered Footmen encounter his Janizaries which he usually reserveth for some extremity and with valour and some unknown and unusual exploit drive them to the worst or put them out of their array and order there is no doubt but with the strangeness thereof he might obtain a notable victory against him whose horsemen are most easily overthrown because they are for the most part unarmed Fifthly If he shall mark and observe when there is mutiny sedition or secret dissention disturbance or discontentment betwixt the Turk and his Subjects and by all cunning and policy entertain the same maintain the procurers and heads thereof and in the very heat of their tumult be ready to invade them For indeed the especial means to weaken the Turk is to assault him when he is otherwise busied in wars with the Sophi or with any other enemies or when his successors are at contention for the crown or his people divided amongst themselves or he did lately receive some notable overthrow for he tyrannizing his subjects in such manner as he doth the least overthrow that can be must needs endanger his State greatly because he feareth that his own people will be ready to give entertertainment aid and succour unto any by whom they may have certain hope to wind their necks out of the yoke of that intolerable servitude which they now suffer This is so true that it is credibly affirmed by the best Warriours of our age That if the Christians had procceded with their invincible
these examples move them to do the like when as the like occasion of fear or of envy is offered unto them Hannibal counselled as you have heard Antiochus to war upon the Romans in Italy when they were far stronger then the Spaniards is and no man had better experience of the Romans or of Italy then Hannibal had The reasons therefore enforcing Hannibal to give that Counsel to Antiochus may as they have many times serve to move the French King to follow his counsel the rather because experience proved it to be true and Antiochus failed of his purpose because he hearkned to Hannibal's perswasion But this difficulty will be better cleared if I shall let you understand the opinion of one of the best Warriors of our Age as well touching the wealth as the strength of the French King Monsieur de la Nove who dyed but a few years past and when he lived was generally reputed and esteemed the best Captain of our time in his Book of Military discourses delivereth that the French King Henry the second levyed yearly by ordinary means of his Subjects fifteen Millions of Francks part whereof were engaged and pawned for his debts and yet saith he our King levieth no less at this day Here you see the French Kings Revenues were in some measure comparable unto the Romans For Plutarch in his before mentioned History writing of the life of Pompey who was surnamed the Great reporteth That the yearly and ordinary Revenues of the Roman Common-wealth before the Conquest obtained by Pompey came but to five Millions of Crowns which is fifteen Millions of Francks the just Revenue of the French King until that Pompey increased the same and brought it to eight Millions and 500 m Crowns and brought unto the Treasure-house ten Millions of Jewels and ready coin So if you remember that as it hath been shewed the Romans never flourished more then they did when they were governed by Consuls and not by Kings or by Emperours yea you shall see that the French King coming not much behind them in yearly Revenues may be thought in some respect equal unto them The same Mounsieur de la Nove in his twentieth Military Discourse talking of the might and puissance of the French King deliverâ—th That he may very conveniently set forth an Army of 60. Companies of men at Arms of 20. Cornets of light Horse-men and of five Companies of Harquebusiers on Horseback which were in all 10000. Horse-men besides 4000. Royters and 100. Ensigns of French Foot-men and 40. Ensigns of Swizzars and yet he shall leave his Frontier Towns sufficiently well armed and furnished with men and munition as well to defend as offend the enemy Du Haillan in his 14th Book of the History of France setteth down That Philip de Valois when as he warred with Edward the Third King of England for the Crown of France had an Army of 100 m fighting men The same Authour in his sixteenth Book writeth That Charls King of France meaning to go into England against King Richard as I take it the second brought to the Sluce in Flanders a Navy of 128â— Ships all loaden with men and munition which I have thought good to let you understand to the end you may see that if the Alps should be made unpassable by the Spaniard for the Frenchmen which was the Emperour Charls the fifth's purpose and intention to do if in his life time he could possibly have brought it to pass yet the French King is not unable or unfurnished of ships to convey and carry as his Predecessors have done a sufficient Army by Sea into Italy Plutarch in the life of Iulius Caesar recordeth that the Frenchmen came with an Army of three hundred thousand fighting men to raise Iulius Caesars Siege before Alexia a huge number and such a number as the Romans never used the like against any Forrain Enemy as the same Plutarch testifieth in the life of Fabius Maximus where he affirmeth that the greatest power which the Romans ever had against any enemy whatsoever was but eighty eight thousand souldiers and Andreas Ficcius in his book de Repub. reporteth that they seldome or never passed the number of forty or fifty thousand a less number then which Charls the fifth the present King of Spain's father held to be sufficient as I have said before to encounter with any Christian Prince and I have thought good to repeat because hearing what you have heard of the French power you may think the French King well able to annoy any King of Christendom For although I should grant that his power is weakned and he not able to arm such multitudes as his Predecessors have done for which I see no reason if he were freed of his Civil wars yet it must needs be granted that he could easily make an army of that number and therewith greatly prejudice the Spaniard in Italy especially since a Captain of valour and experience will adventure to set upon innumerable multitudes nothing fearing their number with a few well trained and experienced souldiers as Alexander the great did upon Darius his innumerable hoste and Hannibal did upon the Romans who as Polibius testifieth in his second book with scant twenty thousand feared not to fight with the Romans in Italy amounting unto seven hundred thousand footmen and seventy thousand horsemen Thus as in Revenues so in multitudes of Souldiers at the leastwise in such multitudes as they commonly used you see the French King is in some measure comparable to the Romans but especially in no respect inferiour unto Hannibal for men or money and therefore without all doubt and controversie as likely and able to war with the Spanish King within the very bowels of Italy as he was to contend with the Romans when they were strongest as all Princes are most commonly within their own Realms and Dominions especially if they have as the Romans had the same wholly and entirely to themselves But although this point touching the King of France his possibility and means to molest and trouble the Spanish King in Italy be well and sufficiently cleared by that which is said yet I cannot so leave it for I hold it convenient to let you know the opinion of his Father concerning the same matter He therefore considering the variable affections of the Princes of Italy the hidden and secret malice which they inwardly bear unto all strangers and forreigners the many pretensions which the French King hath unto Naples and Milan together with sundry prosperous attempts and journeys which of late years they have made into Italy counselled the present King of Spain his son at the time he resigned all his Kingdoms unto him a very rare and commendable act to carry a watchful and wary eye over the French King he willeth him to be jealous of his greatness and to seek all means possible to weaken him he adviseth how to war against France and how by his own
strong but either otherways busied or not so bold to set upon him for fear of the other Princes of Christendom who would be ready to succour him And the forenamed Princes be many but not equal in Forces to our Queen for he that is mightiest of them is mighty either by Sea only or by Land only her Majesty is strong both by Sea and Land they thereâ—ore not able to trouble him without the help one of another and her Highness of her self sufficient to cross his enterprises to withstand his indeavours to prevent his purposes and to invade his Kingdom In so much that he may well reckon it for one of the chiefest blessings that God hath bestowed upon him that it pleased his divine Majesty to make her a woman and not a man a lover of Peace and not a friend of War a Princess desireous to maintain her own and not to Conquer other Princes Kingdoms for if ever she had affected higher Dominion if ever she had desired to enlarge her Territories or coveted to enrich her self with his or other Princes losses What occasions have been offered unto her What advantage hath time it self given her What suit have some of her Neighbours made unto her not to receive them only into her protection but also with her aid help and assistance to subjugate other Dominions Scotland may commend her Justice and Liberality France hath great occasion to extol her Lenity and Temperance Flanders is bound to pray for her prosperity And the Spaniard himself shall be unthankful if he praise not her Equity Time hath greatly favoured her by sending divisions amongst her Neighbours The Almighty hath strengthned her by impairing the strength of her adversaries both have set her many degrees above all the Princes of Christendom by giving her peace when they have had wars her abundance when they haue suffered many wants her loving and dutiful Subjects when their people have been unkind and rebellious briefly her all the blessings that mans heart can wish and them most part of the crosses that humane imbecillity can endure I may not dwell upon her praises because they are far beyond my capacity I cannot set forth her blessings because they are innumerable The one require an higher stile a more eloquent Tongue a better Wit and a greater understanding then the most High hath bestowed upon me The other are apparent but not computable and whosoever shall undertake to express them shall faint before he be half entered into them And yet I may not thus leave them lest passing them over in silence I should seem curious in other States and ignorant of our own Neither may I adventure to write all that I know Princes actions are open in outward shew but inwardly obscure subject to the view of many men but exceeding the wisdom and capacity of most men soon espied but never throughly seen seeming quickly to be known but hardly well understood in appearance easie but in effect very difficult in some mens opinions reprehensible but in others judgments praise worthy To be short they may be talked of but not controlled admired but not censured lightly enquired after but not narrowly sifâ—ed and examined It sufficeth to hear them it becometh not any man to seek and search the Reasons of them Nature enforceth us to desire the one and wisdom warneth us not to be curious of the other But I have taken upon me to make a full Discourse of this time and therefore may not omit the principal Actions of the only Princess of our time nor obscure her Puissance by leaving it untouched whose power is invincible because it was never touched The Maiden whose honesty was never attempted deserveth the name of a true Virgin And the Prince whom no man dareth to molest may well be termed invincible The Fort that never parteth is seldom taken And the King whose Power never decreaseth can hardly be subdued It is written that the Frenchmen seeing the innumerable Armies that have been sent out of England into France and considering that they murthered our men dayly and in great numbers and yet we received daily new supplies from home as though our men never dyed compare us unto wild Geese which in the coldest Winters come unto the watry grounds every year by great flocks and albeit most part of them be killed before the Winter be fully ended yet they return the next year in as great quantities as they did the year before And so although they were wearied with killing and slaying our Country-men yet as soon as one Army was defeated there came a new supply which took sharp revenge of the others deaths and never suffered them to live in peace ease or quietness until they redeemed their vexations and troubles with such conditions as contented our Princes I might here take just occasion to trouble you with a long recital of the Forces and Armies which divers of our Kings have led and carryed either under their own or under their Lievtenants conduct into France or Flanders into Italy or Germany into Spain or Portugal into Turky or the Holy Land but our Histories and other Chronicles are full of them and you carry them so well in mind that I hold it very superfluous to refresh your memory I leave the prowess of Edward the third undeclared the fortunate Conquests of Richard the first untouched the happy Victories of Henry the fifth unrepeated and the strange and marvelous fortunes of many other of our Kings not mentioned I list not to boast of the black Princes valour of the Duke of Glocesters boldness of the Bishop of Winchesters pride who being but Subjects under our Kings carried out of our Realm divers Armies comparable to the Forces of Kings Old Histories are reputed for Fables Things beyond memory are not thought worthy of memory And what our Fathers did redoundeth not in some mens opinions to our praise or commendation according to the Poets saying Et genus Proavâ—s quae non fecimus ipsi Vix ea nostra voco But later Years have held many Testimonies of our strength manifold Arguments of our valour infallible proofs of our power The Spaniard is in the opinion of all men the terrour of Princes the controller of Kings the Monarch of the world and the most and highest Soveraign of all Soveraigns It is he that maketh Italy to tremble that holdeth Spain in great awe that terrifieth the proud and invincible Germans that molesteth the valiant and variable Frenchmen that tyranizeth over the effeminate Flemmings that mastereth the ancient and warlike Burgundians that captivateth the free and manly Switzers that miscarrieth the populous and poor Scots that bridleth the simple and untamed Indians that ruleth the unruly and obstinate people of Portugal that overlooketh with an eye of ambition with a heart of covetousness with a desire of superiority with an unsatiable appetite of Soveraign Authority the whole face and the large precincts of Christendom It is he that
Iulius Caesar. So did Peter King of Castile murther Rubaeus King of Granado for the greedy desire which he had of the infinite Treasure which Rubaeus brought into Castile with him So did Ptolomy imprison Antiochus who trusting him rather then his Brother Seleucus whom he had many ways and times grievously offended fled unto him from the heavy displeasure and persecution of King Eumenes So briefly did Henry the fifth King of England detain Iames afterward King of Scotland prisoner many years who flying from the unnatural persecution of his Uncle who had deposed his Father and usurped the Crown was driven by tempest into England These Examples varying much from the former And these Princes observing a quite contrary course unto that which the before-named Kings observed maketh this question very doubtful Whether it be lawful and commendable in Princes to receive and harbour another Prince who flyeth unto him for succour But if humanity deserveth always more commendations then cruelty if it be true that the Poet saith Turpius ejicitur quam non admittitur Hospes If Princes were first ordained and instituted to yeild relief to as many as were distressed If God most commonly blessed them who yeilded such relief and contrariwise punished those who exercised no kind of humanity towards them Briefly if wiser Princes have received them then have rejected them this doubt is easily dissolved and this difficulty quickly removed Now that humanity which is incident unto men is to be preferred before cruelty which is proper unto bruit beasts is a thing so apparent to common sense that I hold him for senseless that doubteth thereof and what is he who blameth him not for incivility who having received his friend into his house and being very well able to relieve him excludeth him without any occasion of discontentment offered by him Or who is so ignorant that knoweth not there is nothing more answerable unto the principal cause and motive of the first institution of Kings then it is to succour as many as have need of their help And our Chronicles do testifie that God plagued the posterity of Henry the fifth for his extremity used unto the poor distressed Prince of Scotland and the French Histories do declare that God never prospered Lewis sirnamed Oultremer King of France because he had dealt discourteously and unkindly with the Infant Richard Duke of Normandy whom he had received into his safe custody and protection And to be short the wisdom of those Princes who have harboured their Neighbours and Allies are commended beyond all measure by the Writers who mention them whereas their folly is reprehended and their cruelty blamed who rejected those of whom I lately made mention and all histories shall sooner perish then their infamy be forgotten But to reconcile the contrarieties of the precedent examples and to clear the difficulty of this question I think it not amiss to descend from the general argument to a particular supposition for so the controversie will soon be determined Suppose therefore for example sake that the Kings of France and Spain being in fast League of friendship together there ariseth a variance betwixt the Kings of France and Navarra from this variance they fall to wars of these wars follow the overthrow of the Navarrois after that overthrow he flyeth unto the King of Spain for refuge May the Spanish King in this case receive and harbour him To this demand it is not possible to make a good and an absolute answer unless the cause of the Wars betwixt France and Navarra and the kind of Alliance betwixt France and Spain be well and sufficiently known for the nature and quality of the one and the other may make the receipt and entertainment of the Navarrois lawful or unlawful If the French King had just occasion to war against the Navarrois because he was wronged by him or by some of his and the League betwixt Spain and France bound the Kings of both places not to receive one anothers enemies but that the one should hold him for his foe which was or is adversary to the other Then doubtless except the King of France of his part had first committed some Act contrary and repugnant unto the conditions of the Alliance whereby the same was broken and violated the Spaniard could not lawfully receive the Navarrois But contrarywise if the aforenamed Wars were unjust and the League not so streight as Alliance which are both offensive and defensive are then might the Spaniard without breach of his duty harbour the Navarrois especially if the French King had before the receipt violated the conditions of the League for as Bonds and Obligations betwixt private men tye not the Obligee to other things then are mentioned in the conditions so Leagues betwixt Princes do not prohibite them to do any thing that is not expresly or by implication forbidden by the Articles of those Leagues Besides as the world is now adayes Leagues are of no longer continuance then there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them and as soon as the breach of them may be certainly and assuredly profitable and advantagious unto the breaker they are not so religiously observed as they have been in times past but some colour or other is presently pretended to justifie their unlawful violation You have heard what a strait League was concluded betwixt the French King and Ferdinando King of Spain touching the Kingdom of Naples and also what occasion was taken to break the same as soon as Gonsalvo surnamed the great Captain had the French General at an advantage But I think I have not as yet acquainted you with the colour and pretence which was used to excuse the breach thereof the which because it now cometh fitly to the purpose I purpose to declare unto you Ferdinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain being accused by the French King that they had unlawfully broken the League of Friendship which was straitly concluded betwixt Spain and France against all enemies whatsoever that should attempt any thing against the Kingdom of Naples being equally divided as you have heard betwixt the two Crowns alledged for their excuse that amongst other Articles of their League and Agreement this clause was inserted That they should not be bound to any thing that might be prejudicial unto the See of Rome and that therefore the Pope having required them as Sovereign Lord of that Kingdom to succour the distressed Kingdom of Naples they could do no less but yeilded unto his request and with this Cautele contrary to their former promise made unto the French King the said King and Queen entred into confederacy and league against France with the Pope with the Venetians and with the Duke of Milan and the Duke of Ferara would not openly enter into this League but cunningly and with an Italian devise and subtilty he suffered his Son to serve the Duke of Milan as his Lieutenant
General with 150 men at Armes A few more Examples like unto this will give some better light unto the obscurity and doubtfulness of this question and therefore I will afford you some such examples Edward the third King of England espying a time of great advantage to invade Scotland because he might be the less blamed if he should take the same occasion publikely protested that he was not in League with the Scot because the League betwixt them was fully agreed and concluded upon in his minority and while he being under Age had not the capacity to perceive the disadvantage and great harm that grew unto him by the same League The Scots and Picts being in League with the ancient Britanes and spying a convenient time to molest them whilest Maximinianus the Emperour was absent invaded the Realm and pretended that they were not bound to the League concluded betwixt them and Maximinianus if he were once out of the Kingdom The same people notwithstanding their League invaded the Brittanes another time saying that the League was at an end by the death of Placitus the Roman Lieutenant who had concluded the same League The Brittans in the time of King Arthur entred into League with Lothus King of the Picts and bound themselves to receive Aludred a Pict for heir and successour unto King Arthur but when Arthur was dead contrary to the Convenants of this League they made Constantius and not Aludred their King and being accused of the said Picts for breach of the said League they answered that the League betwixt Lothus and Arthur was fastened unto this condition that as soon as the one or the other dyed the Subjects of neither of them should be tyed any longer thereunto adding further that it stood not with policy to admit a Stranger to bear rule and government over them The examples are infinite that might be alledged to this purpose but these few may suffice to shew the proneness and ready good will of Princes to falsifie their Faith and to colour the breach thereof with some reasonable shew and pretence when they found it not commodious or convenient for them to hold every Covenant and Article of their Agreements Now having seen by this that hath been said already that Leagues are lightly broken it resteth for the better strengthening of my purpose that I declare unto you by such examples as shall presently come unto my memory what occasions one Allie hath taken to be offended with another and how upon such occasions offered of great friends they have become mortal enemies For hereby you shall see that since Princes are most commonly led and ruled by examples insomuch that they hold all things to be well done which not being apparently unjust or dishonest are done by example that our Queen notwithstanding the ancient continuance of the League that hath been between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy of which the King of Spain pretendeth himself to be lawful Heir may most lawfully fall from the same and by many and infinite Presidents justifie the receipt of the King of Portugal and the aid given unto him I find many causes in such Histories as I have read which have moved princes who were conjoyned together in a very straight League of Amity and Friendship to fall at variance and either to war one upon another or to associate themselves each one with the Foes and Adversaries of the other Iulius Caesar although the Romans were in League with the people which were anciently called Lingones yet he held them yea and used them as Enemies because they aided the Helvetians which are now called Swizzers with corn and other provision Other Princes have taken occasion of offence against their Allies and Confederates because they have fallen to Agreement with their common Enemies and Adversaries without their consent of privity So was Pope Sextus the fourth highly displeased with Ferdinando King of Naples because he not making him privy thereunto had agreed all matters of variance and controversie betwixt himself and Laurence de medicis and the City of Florence So did Lewis the twelfth of France justly complain of Pope Iulius the second because at what time France stood in most need of him he compounded the differences betwixt the Church and their common Enemies and for this injury offered unto him published bills and books of greivous complaints against him saying that he was worthy to be deprived of his Popedom Illescas in the life of Pope Leo the tenth reporteth That the Venetians being in League with the King of Spain against the French King departed from their Alliance with the Spaniard and allied themselves with the French King for no other occasion but because Prospero Colona one of the Captains of the Spanish Army did not presently give unto them Bressia which he had taken from the French King and should as it seemed have been restored unto the Venetians as soon as it was taken Sometimes it falleth out that many occasions meet at one time to move a Prince to relinquish and leave the side and party of his confederate Many causes enforced Pope Leo the tenth to leave the French King and to join with Charls the fifth First his unsatiable desire to recover Parma and Placentia The pity he took of Italy to see what misery it endured under the French Thirdly The good will he had to gratifie the Emperor for the great love which he shewed at the Diet holden at Wormes unto the See of Rome Fourthly his indignation and displeasure conceived against Monsieur Lotreth Governour of Milan because he did not only molest and trouble the poor Millanois with a thousand vexations and grievances but also gave all the Benefices Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Livings within the Dukedom of Milan without the Popes leave and licence And further because he had had given commandment that no man should appear upon any Citation sent from Rome nor should go thither to follow any Suit or Process begun or moved there And lastly the remembrance of those injuries which were done by the King of France unto his Predecessors and especially unto Peter and Laurence de Medicis his Father and his Brother Here you see the Pope whom the rest of Italy most commonly followeth partly moved with a just hatred against the Frenchmen and partly fearing their overgrowing power in Italy to prevent the hateful increase of their greatness leaveth them and joyneth himself unto their enemies Now you shal see another Pope named Clement the seventh and with him also the Venetians finding that Charls the fifth with whom Leo the tenth allied himself against the French King yeildeth not accordingly as he was bound the investiture of the Dukedom of Milan unto Francis Sforza who promised to give him for the same six hundred thousand Ducates and to marry with whomsoever it should please him and also to hold the Dukedom at his devotion And further conjecturing
by the on-set which he gave upon France and by the great Power and Authority which he had even then in Italy that he went about to make himself Lord of the most part of the world And seeing that Francis the first King of France had lately won Milan from the said Emperour they entred into League with the French King against Charls the fifth as secretly as they might possible You have heard before how Leo the tenth taking the kindness shewed unto him by the Emperour at the Diet of Worms very kindly was moved thereby to leave the French party and to become one of the Emperours Faction Now you shall hear how Pope Paulus the third having the Cardinal Farnesius for his Embassadour with the said Emperour and finding that his Majesty had proclaimed a Diet to be held at Wormes touching the deciding of certain matters and controversies of Religion took it in so evil a part that the Emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes the cognizance whereof belonged unto the Pope that he commanded the said Cardinal to depart from the Emperors Court without taking leave of his Majesty and to leave the Cardinal Marcello Corvino in his place which was an indignity never offered unto any Prince unto whom either the Embassadour or his Majesty bear any love or affection This evil conceit of the said Paulus Tertius towards the same Emperour was encreased by three special Causes The first because the Emperour to strengthen himself against the above named French King had lately entred into League and Alliance with Henry the eighth King of England who was then fallen from that obedience which the See of Rome looked for at his hands The second because Caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his Aunt lately divorced from the same King The third because the Emperor would neither sell unto him the Dukedom of Milan nor make his Son Pier Lewis Duke of Parma and Placentia I might proceed in the recital of many other Examples like unto these but from these you may sufficiently gather that the wisest both Popes Emperors and Kings that ever lived of late years have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their Leagues for very small occasions especially if they found that any King or Emperour by reason of their League presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose went about to incroach upon other Princes and to make himself Lord of the world You may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the Princes of Italy and of their falling from France to Spain and again from Spain to France how greatly they fear the greatness of the one or the other in Italy how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them and how careless negligent and secure they are now since they notwithstanding not as their predecessors always did before them the aspiring Ambition of the Spaniard Moreover these Examples may teach you what opinion was conceived of Charls the fifth what jealousie and suspition other Princes had of him and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed The which having left as an Inheritance to his Son with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt no marvel though he do somewhat imitate his Father But great marvel it is why the Princes of our Age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde the same desire the same ambition and the same purposes which were in his Father But the more careless other Princes are herein the more commendations our Gracious Soveraign deserveth who for better then these thirty five years hath as I have said often and cannot say too often mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her Majestie in so honorable an Action Neither may it be imputed to her Highness as a fault that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of Burgundie and her Predecessors but rather as he amongst private men is highly commended who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their Neighbours so her gracious Majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame because it hath pleased her Highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes before the iniquity of any League or confederacie Besides since that the League that was betwixt England and Burgundy was as it may be gathered by the Chronicles of both Nations rather with the people subject unto the Princes of Burgundy then with the Princes themselves her Majestie continuing in Amitie with the States and People of the United Provinces and being ready to do the like if the like occasion were offered with the other of the seventeen Provinces doth not any thing in the prejudice of the Antiquitie of that League but as her Predecessors have done before her as namely Edward the third and Richard the second her Majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their Soveraign The which action being most commendable and such as might be approved by infinite Examples they do her Highness great wrong who not considering the indignities wrongs and injuries done unto her by the late house of Spaine and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the Crowns of England and Spain to have risen from Spain blame her Majesty as the first breaker of that ancient League These men besides many other things which are already refuted or remain to be fully answered hereafter in their several and fit places more maliciously then wisely object unto her Majesty that about the year 1569. her Ships intercepted 59 chests full of Ryals of Spain amounting unto the sum and value of eight hundred thousand Ducats which were sent unto the Duke of Alva out of Spain to pay his souldiers withal the which wrong gave as they affirm the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friendship betwixt Spain and England For by the intercepting of this money the Souldiers were disappointed of their pay and the Kings credit and authority was greatly impaired and weakened in the Low Countries But those men neither consider that Spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto England nor remember that when the Spaniard complained unto her Majesty hereof that it was wisely and sufficiently answered That her Majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the Spanish Kings which he owed unto divers Merchants of Genova who being well able to spare the same and her Highness having urgent occasion to use so much thought she might be so bold as the Spaniard had been to borrow the said money for a small time paying them as he did some yearly consideration for it Which Answer might well have contented the King of Spain
since the said Merchants at no time had any cause why they should not credit her Highness as well as him Nor did they weigh the violent and extraordinary dealing of the Duke of Alva who as soon as he heard the news of the intercepting of the said money commanded all our English Merchants that were then in Antwerp or elsewhere in Brabant and Flanders to be detained as prisoners seized upon their goods and Merchandizes and willed that the English house should be kept by a Guard of High-Dutchmen and presently wrote unto the King his Master to detain all our Merchants in Spain and further knowing that there were divers English Ships in Zeland laden with Cloth and other Merchandize of great worth and value he caused them likewise to be stayed and neither they nor our Merchants in Brabant Flanders Zeland or Spain were dismissed before the king of Spain was fully satisfied which might easily be done the very Cloth it self which was transported out of England into those Countries being almost worth the sum that was pretended God knoweth how truly to be taken away from the Spâ—niard For although we should grant that this money was wrongfully taken and detained by her Majesty yet the order which the Duke of Alva took for the recovery thereof was not to be justified He ought first to have acquainted his Master with the taking thereof Then an Embassadour should have been sent from him into England to demand restitution thereof And lastly if her Grace had denied the restoring of the same or not sufficiently satisfied the taking of it the course which was taken had not been amiss But here the Cart went before the Horse and judgment was given before the Cause was heard Now because our Merchants lived quietly in the Low Countries as well before as after the taking of this money because they enjoyed their Priviledges as largely as ever they did because we had daily Traffique with Spain and the Kings Embassadours remained then and many years after in England All which are Arguments and probable Conjectures that there was peace betwixt us and Spain the intercepting of this money will still seem unlawful unless it be shewed that the Spaniard hath given her Majesty some just occasion of discontentment before the time of taking thereof Truly it cannot be denied that our Merchants had Traffique as it is said in Spain and elsewhere under the Spanish Dominions but not for any love to our Prince or Nation but in regard of the great benefit that they brought unto the King and to his Countries which could not well stand or at the least wise as late experience hath shewed flourished as they did without them Witness the misery of Antwerp at this present the poverty of Burges and the calamity of many other Towns both in Brabant and in Flanders which as long as they were haunted and frequented by Englishmen yeilded to few Towns and Cities of Christendom for wealth and prosperity Witness again Middleboroug Vlushing Amsterdam and other Towns in Holland and Zeland which before the departure of our Englishmen from those Towns which are now under the King of Spain and before their Traffique in Holland and Zeland had not the tenth part of the wealth or resort of Merchants thither which they have at this present in so much that many Towns in these two Provinces are of late years made larger yea twice as big as they were wont to be Witness lastly the great wealth power and strength which the States of the United Provinces are grown unto since they have cast off the yoke of Spanish Tyrannical Government entred into strait League with our most gratious Queens Majesty and hath had Traffique with her loving Subjects for which the small aid which they have had from us small indeed in comparison of their great charges and with the yearly Revenues which they gather by the resort of Merchants thither it is seen of late that they are become so mighty as that for provision of Wars for strength by Sea for Munition for all kind of furniture for Wars both by Sea and Land and especially by Sea they may almost compare with the mightiest Prince in the world Have they not of late years boarded the Spaniard did they not when he sent his Invincible Army into England stand us in great stead Have they not won many Towns which were lost and betrayed in the time of the late Earl of Leicesters being there when they had far greater help and countenance by us then they have had of late Briefly have they not and do they not carry themselves so of late years that it may not only grieve the Spaniard but also all the Princes of Christendom that he hath given them so just and good occasion to know and to use their own strength For if the chiefest Towns of France which are grown to such an humor and liking of encantonizing themselves as it hath been thought meet to publish many reasons in print to shew the great inconveniences and difficulties which they should incurre and find in so doing if I say these Towns should enter into consideration of the wealth and prosperity of the said States and their Subjects and after due examination of their happiness follow their examples and so in time cast off the yoke servitude and obedience which time out of mind they have owed and most dutifully shewed unto their Kings would it not be a very ill president a dangerous imitation and a most pernicious example Should not other Princes have just cause to suspect and fear the like change and alteration in their kingdomes And were it not greatly to be doubted and feared that other Subjects would be as ready as forward as desirous as they of liberty of alteration and of a new kind of Government Nay was there not a time when almost at one time all the Subjects of Europe not seeing so much as they may now see jumped so well in one desire to free themselves from their subjection unto Kings and Princes as that all Kings and Princes were enforced to joyn together in strength and in good will to suppress them The danger therefore of this inconvenience only being well and wisely considered all the Princes of Europe have great occasion to be offended with the Spaniard who by his unjust severity hath in some manner endangered all their States and royal Principalities But hereof more conveniently hereafter in another place Now again to my purpose The Subjects of the United Provinces travell dayly into Spain they carry thither and fetch thence many commodities they only abstain from carrying and bringing of things necessary and profitable for the maintenance of Wars May any man considering the premises and seeing how they and the Spaniards fight dayly one against another at home and within their own Countries say truly that there is no War betwixt them No verily it is not the entercourse of Merchants nor the residence of Leaguers and Embassadours that
had rather have the French King a profess'd enemy then a dissembling friend And not satisfied with the indignity of this disdainful Answer he sent presently after him another Embassadour into France to tell the King thereof That the Spaniards were not so foolish and so unwise as not to see and perceive that whatsoever the Duke of Alencon did was done by permission counsel consent and furtherance of the King his Brother Out of this Answer and this Embassage I gather thus much That it is better for a Prince to have an open enemy then a deceitful friend And to prove the Spaniard to have been always such a friend unto the State of England I use these Demonâ—trations First It is not unknown as I have said before all the Treasons and Conspiracies which have been attempted intended and practised against her Majesty ever since her first coming to the Crown have had their beginning or their comfort their counsel or their furtherance their countenance or their invention from Spain Witness to omit others of lesser moment and yet of most dangerous consequence the Treasons of the late Duke of Norfolk since whose death it is better then twenty years and more then forty since he first began to be a Traytor Is it not more then twenty one years ago that Robert Rudolphy a Florentine Merchant who had lived many years in England departed out of England for fear that the Duke being committed to prison should reveal the practises and means which he had used by the solicitation of the King of Spain and of the Pope to draw the Duke unto those Treasons which he afterwards intended and had executed had he not been happily discovered did not the same Redolphy go from hence to Rome and there communicated with the Pope how the Duke was apprehended and thereby their Plot and device broken and prevented Was he not sent from Rome into Spain there to make the same relation and to consult with the Spanish king what means might be used for the liberty of the said Duke and if that might not be happily wrought and effected for some other kind of of annoyance to be done to England Was it not publiquly noised and certainly beleeved that the Duke of Alva should have joined with the said Duke and have done us more wo then I may boldly speak of and my heart can even without extream grief to relate or remember Witness again the most unnatural practises of the late Queen of Scots unnatural because she was a Queen as her Majesty was because she was her neer kinswoman and her Vassal beholding unto her Highness for her life and for the life of her own only child which unto good and loving Parents is always more dear then their own life Lived not this unthankful ungracious and unfortunate Queen more then twenty years prisoner in England and which of all those years lived her Majesty free from some Treason or other But hereof in another place Now let it suffice that it is apparent to all the world that she had secret Messengers secret help and counsel from Spain as well before as after her Imprisonment to animate encourage and set her forward in all her mischievous endeavours and purposes against our gracious Sovereign and her Realms Is not then the Spaniard a deceitful friend unto England Is he not then by his own confession more to be feared and more to be disliked then an open enemy Or are not we so wise as the Spaniard to see and perceive such deceitful proceedings and seeing them shall it not not be lawful for us to think of him as he thought of the king of France and to deal so with Spain as he dealt and dealeth with France such justice as a Magistrate useth unto others such must he expect himself saith the Emperour Iustinian He that seeketh dayly to increase his own power purchaseth to himself envy and batred So Said Sabellicus The Prince that desireth Cities that are far off cannot but covet those which are near at hand So said Leo Aretinus and it is hard and difficult to beware of such friends which secretly play the part of enemies So said Dionifius Hallicarnesus If therefore the king of Spain hath nourished civil dissention in France if he hath been so ready to maintain the Rebels thereof against their King that rather then the Realm should be without troubles he hath relieved and succoured the very Protestants of France and the heads of their Faction against their Sovereign and other their professed enemies And if he hath done all this to the end the French king might not be able to encroach upon him in Italy Flanders or any other of his Dominions Why may not our Queen who as a woman is fearful and timerous and as a Prince ought to be careful and provident for the safety of her Realm and of her Subjects relieve the States of the United Provinces being her ancient friends and Allies to the end that he Spaniard being busied in those parts may have no time leisure or commodity to work any manner of open or secret prejudice unto her Realm and her Subjects Dinothus a true Historiographer of the civil Wars in Flanders reporteth That when the King of Spains Embassador said unto the late French King that it was neither seemly nor convenient for his Majesty to receive the States who were Rebels unto his Master The French king Answered him that he neither received nor harboured them as Rebels unto his Master but as men wrongfully oppressed and that Christian Princes have always used to grant and give help and succour unto the oppressed And further that the States had assured him that they had oftentimes sent many supplications unto their King therein submiting themselves unto his mercy and humbly beseeching his Majesty to remit their offences and to receive them into his favour yea and when they might have any commodity they delivered themselves such supplication unto the Kings own hands but could never have any reasonable Answer from him And that therefore it was lawful for them to appeal from him that denyed them justice and to seek aid against him where they might hope to find the same If then the king of France a Prince of contrary Religion unto the States a Prince of as neer Alliance and of later Affinity unto the Spanish king then our Queen is a Prince that in his own Realm could never endure Protestants because he thought it very dangerous to suffer two Religions in one Kingdom held it the part of a Christian Prince to succour the oppressed and to be their Protector unto whom justice was openly denyed Why should it be a fault imputed unto our Queen that she releeveth her oppressed neighbours since she doth it not in malice towards the Spaniards but in mercy towards the afflicted not so much to offend him as to defend them not to enlarge her Dominions but to preserve her Realms and Subjects for how can she
him for a man of great wealth and of great care to maintain his credit been of greater worth upon the Bourse then the Kings their necessities had not been supplyed and therefore in the end of his Letter he beseecheth his Majesty to have an especial care of the payment of those small sums which were then taken up lest that Escovedo his credit failing for want of due payment they might fail of their purpose when they should have the like occasion to borrow at another time Besides his Father by reason of the great Charges which his continual Wars put him unto when he dyed left him greatly in debt and he himself ever since his Fathers death hath been at exceeding great charges either by building Castles and Citadels or by making houses of pleasure and Monastries or by maintaining continual Wars or by keeping many Garrisons or by buying and building Ships to withstand our Navy or by paying part of his Fathers debts or by entertaining our Fugitives or by upholding the Rebels of France Now as private men being left in debt by their Parents and living always at great charges cannot not possibly be rich and wealthy So Princes being not only charged with their Fathers debts but also overcharged with ordinary and extraordinary Expenses cannot have great store of wealth in their Treasure-houses And Alphonsus Duke of Ferrara as Paulus Iovius reporteth in his life held opinion that the Prince was not worthy the name of a Prince and was always likely to be contemned and wronged who had not in his Treasure great store of ready money laid up against he should have need thereof But to the end that all which I have said touching this last Point may carry the more likelyhood of truth and probability I take it not to be amiss to let you understand the proportion of some Princes expences in their Wars in their Buildings and in other occasions by which you may conjecture what the Spanish King hath expended of late years voluntarily and necessarily beyond his usual and ordinary charges The Bishop and Town of Colen in their Wars against Charls Duke of Burgundy spent every Month an hundred thousand Crowns as Philip de Comines avoucheth The Florentines in their Wars against the King of France undertaken by the Commandment of Pope Leo the tenth spent eight hundred thousand Ducates in the taking of the Dukedom of Urbin In their Wars against Caesar six hundred thousand and in other occasions depending upon the Wars against France after the said Pope Leo his death three hundred thousand Ducates And the same Pope spent in the said Wars against the Duke of Urbin eight hundred thousand Ducates as Guiccidine reporteth Clement the seventh spent in the Wars against Tuscany for the restoring of his Family ten hundred thousands Crowns as Paul Iovius reporteth Paulus tertius consumed in fifteen years in needless Wars above twenty Millions of gold as Illescas in his life affirmeth The Duke of Alva for the building of the Castle of Antwerp exacted of the Citizens thereof four hundred thousand Florins as Dinothus testifieth Cosmus de Medicis being first a private man and then Duke of Florence spent in private and publique buildings better then forty Millions of Crowns and ten Millions in Gifts and Rewards as Paulus Iovius averreth Edward the Third King of England spent in an idle Journey into France nine hundred thousand pounds as Thomas of Walsingham reporteth The Frenchmen in the time of Richard the second King of England spent a thousand Marks every day from Easter until Michlemas in maintaining but thirty seven Gallies and eight other Ships as the same Authour affirmeth Henry the third spent in a Journey which his Brother Richard made into Germany when he was chosen Emperour above seven hundred thousand pounds as Mathew Paris saith in his Chronicles But to come more neer to our purpose The King of Spain offered unto Don Iohn Duke of Austria three hundred thousand Crowns every Moneth to maintain his Wars in the Low Countties as Dinothus setteth down in his History The same King above sixteen years ago had spent better then fifty Millions of Crowns in his Wars of Flanders as Marco Antonio Arrayo testifieth And the States of the said Countries gave unto the Duke of Alencon yearly four and twenty Tuns of Gold to maintain their Wars both by Land and Sea against the King of Spain as David Chaytraeus reporteth Now if mean States in small and short Wars if petty Princes in private and publique buildings if the French king in the maintenance of a few Ships but for a few Moneths if our Kings in idle Journeys if the duke of Alva in building one Castle if the State of the Low Countries in their Wars and if the king of Spain himself so many years ago spent so much as is before mentioned What have his Citadels his Castles his Monasteries his Journeys his provisions by Sea his Ships and his Wars not in one place but in many not against one Prince but against divers not for short time but of long continuance cost him And as these wonderful Expences are Arguments that he had much so they be witnesses that he now wanteth And as his long and continual Wars in Flanders do shew that he is malicious prone to revenge and desireous to recover his own so they prove that his might his puissance and his power is not so great as it is taken to be For he that withal his strength cannot master one poor Nation that in many years cannot recover his own Patrimony shall any man take him to be able to bring to pass all that he attempteth Shall we deem him sufficient to subdue others Countries common sence and reason teacheth us that he which is not able to do little things is far unable to bring to pass matters of great weight Titus Livius divideth men into three sorts Some are so wise that they counsel themselves and others Others be not wise enough to advise themselves and yet to conceive and follow such advice as is given them And the third sort can neither take nor give good counsel So some Princes are able to help themselves and others Others can defend themselves but not assist their friends And there is a third kind that can neither defend their own States nor others I know not in which of these three sorts to place the king of Spain The last sort too base for him the second not high enough and the first in truth scant fit for him for he that cannot help himself how may we judg him sufficient to succour others and yet we see that there are no Wars where he hath not somewhat to do where he sendeth not some helps either of men or money or of both which argueth that he loveth to be always doing although he do nothing worthy his labour always troublesome although his troubles avail him little
King that Don Iohn de Austria in his Letter unto the King is fain to intreat his Majesty that if Don Alonsâ— moved with the same passion which possessed him when he chid hand-smooth with him should so much forget himself as to write Alganalibertag some unbeseeming speech unto his Majesty Como la ha hecho a mi as he hath done â—aith he unto me it might please his Majesty not only to dissemble but also to comfort favour and promise him some high reward assuring his Majesty that whatsoever recompence his Grace should bestow upon him he would take the same as bestowed upon himself yea further beseeching his Majesty to let Don Alonso understand what he had written in his behalf and that his commendations hath not a little availed him to the end saith he Salga de la opinion que ya concedido he may conceive no more so evil an opinion of me as he hath done Was not this think you a point of great disobedience in a base Souldier as Don Alonso had been Was it not a bold part of a Souldier to rail at his General unto his face Was it not a fault severely punishable to refuse to march under a Leader chosen by consent of an whole Councel at War Was not that General in an evil case who was constrained to flatter so mean a Souldier Or can that king be thought to have obedient and loyal Souldiers who must of necessity be inforced not only not to punish but also to pardon and not to tolerate alone but also to recompence a rebellious and insolent Captain for fear of some inconvenience that might follow of his discontentment or punishment But this was not all And Don Alonso alone shewed not himself discontented Sancho de Avila the Colonel Mudragon the Captain Monteselega the Colonel Verdugo the Castellan Francisco Hermandes de Avila and many other of the most especial Captains of that time were likewise so displeased and uttered their discontentments in such manner as that Don Iohn was compelled as he testifieth in the same Letter to pacifie them not only by granting them their whole pays out of Wars which they had in Wars but also by promising them that they should have the like charges and Offices in the Dukedom of Milan as they had in Flanders Now whereas the wisest best and most serviceable Captains shew manifest signs of undutiful carriage and intolerable arrogancy may the meaner Souldiers be justly blamed if they fall into the like offence Or can that Nation be worthily commended for loyal and obedient Souldiers whose chief Officers do so highly forget and neglect their duty especially in a matter of such weight and importance as the departure of the Spaniards out of Flanders was at that time unto the King but this kind of disobedience is not usual and whereas there be good Masters there most commonly be likewise good servants So the Spanish King being better furnished with notable Captains then any other Prince in Christendom he must likewise have sufficient and good Souldiers And because it hath been said that not the number and multitude but the goodness and valour of Souldiers maketh their Kings victorious it must needs follow as a necessary consequent that the King of Spain whose Captains pass the Captains of all other Princes both in number and experience cannot be without good Souldiers and therefore is strong enough to encounter with any Adversary whatsoever To this Argument it is easily answered that although the valour of Souldiers is better to be regarded then the number yet that Prince who hath valiant Souldiers not being able to bring into the field a proportionable and equal number unto his enemies especially such enemies as rather excel then yeild unto his Subjects in valour and Chivalry may undoubtedly be held and reputed a Prince of no great strength and puiâ—sance If then you remember as you cannot forget that the Christian Adversaries with whom the king of Spain hath any great contention are the king of France and the Queen of England the Subjects of either of which Princes are neither inferiour unto the Spaniards in number or in valour you cannot chuse but perceive and see that the King is not of might and power sufficient to contend at once with both these Princes This was well known unto his Father who as it hath been said before so carried himself in all his life time that when he had England for his enemy France was his friend and when he fell at variance with France he presently procured the friendship and alliance of England Besides there is nothing more usual then to make conjectures of things to come by things that are past and to measure the present forces of Princes by their own or their Predecessors strength and power at other times for although a Kingdom be at sometimes more populous then at others yet because man in reason hath a better regard of that which is commonly and dayly seen then of that which happeneth very seldom he cannot greatly be deceived that measureth a new raigning Princes might and power by his own and his Predecessors former puissance But before I enter into the due consideration hereof it shall not be amiss to let you understand whence it cometh to pass that the Spaniards are lately become so famous as they are you know that in this our corrupt Age as men are friended so they are favoured that they who are highest in Authority are most commonly as high in praise as they are in preheminence that all men covet to win favour with the Mighty that no man can so securely as perhaps boldly derogate the least jot that may be from their credit and reputation who in common opinion are held praise worthy Common same is by Law a certain kind of proof and our common Proverb saith That it may be an untruth which two or three report but that can hardly be untrue which all or most men affirm to be certain and manifest yea such is the force of common same that whensoever it proceedeth first from grave and honest personages it carrieth great credit and he shall hardly be credited that shall venture to gainsay or control the same Since therefore divers Authors of great Antiquity of marvellous gravity of singular learning and rare wisdom have attributed in their speeches in their conferences in their writings more praises and far greater commendations unto Spain then unto any other Country many for fear to be reputed unwise if they should not subscribe to their opinion some to follow the new received custome of open and intolerable flattery and others for affection which easily deceiveth very wise men have of late years either thought it a duty or a degree and step to preferment to concur in opinion both openly and privately with as many as have dedicated their Studies and devoted themselves and their uttermost endeavours to the setting forth maintenance and augmentation of Spain and of the Spanish Kings honour and reputation Thence
had in his life time many wars with divers Princes but none more notable famous and worthy of perpetual memory thâ—n his wars in France Italy and Germany For the wars which he had against the Turk are not properly to be termed his because his Forces alone were not imployed therein but the aid and help of the best and most part of Christendom His Forces in Germany were not above 9000 Horsemen and 50000 Footmen as Lewis Guicciardine testifieth in his Commentaries And although he used in these wars all his wit and policy to increase his own power and to weaken and diminish the strength of the Protestants performing the one by drawing into League with himself and unto his aid the Pope and other Princes of his own Religion And effecting the other as Sleidan writeth by great cunning and policy used in distracting many Princes concurring in opinion touching matters of Religion with the Protestants from their side and Faction yet the Protestants Army consisting of 10000 Horsemen and 90000 Footmen was far greater then his in number and had undoubtedly gotten the day against him when they joyned battel together had not divers of their Confederates left and abandoned them before the battel was fought Or had not the Duke of Saxony committed a gross error in joyning battel with him His Armies brought into France were many but none greater then at Laundresy and Marcelles In the first he was aided by our King And in the second by most of the Princes of Italy and other his confederates Insomuch that the King of France who had been first overthrown by him in Italy was constrained to implore the help of the Turk against him For when he came to Marselles he had as Dr. Illescas reporteth in the life of Paulus tertius in his Army about 25000 Almains 8000 Spaniards and ten or twelve thousand Italians the Almains gaâ—hered within the Dominion of the Empire the Spaniards within his own Realm of Spain and the Italians not onely in the Kingdom of Naples and the Dukedom of Milan but also in the Dutchy of Savoy and in other parts of Italy At Laundresey reckoning therein the Forces which he had out of England his whole Army came not to above 50000 as the said Guicciardine affirmeth These were the greatest Strengths that ever he gathered together and these are not so great but that our Queen without the help of any other Allie or Confederate hath oftentimes brought far greater Forces into the Field as both our Histories and the French and Scotish Chronicles do witness And Mr. de la Noüe his opinion before mentioned sheweth that the French King of himself is very well able to raise a far greater Army then any of these were against any of his Enemies I shall not therefore need as I might conveniently do in this place confer the Forces of England or of France with the strength of this Emperor who had never gotten the happy victory which he obtained against Franciâ— the first King of France had not the Italian Captains whom the French King put in trust deceived him by taking pay for many more Souldiers then they had in their bands a fault too much used in our Modern Wars had not the Switzers when there was most need of them departed to their own homes had not the French King given himself too carelesly to pleasures which caused his Forces to decrease and diminish daily or had not the said King very unadvisedly attempted in the cold Winter to besiege Pavia For the Marquess of Pescara understanding that the King of France being counselled thereunto by Captain Bonnevet was gone to besiege Pavia said unto his Souldiers We that were no better then men already conquered are now become Conquerors for our Enemy being therein ill advised leaveth us in Lody and goeth to fight with the Almains at Pavia where the French-men will not onely lose that Fury with which many times they work wonders but also will spend their chiefest Forces in a long and tedious siege of a Town not easie to be taken and in fighting with a very valiant and most obstinate Nation and in the mean while we shall receive fresh supplies out of Germany and without all doubt if the War continue long as it is likely to do we cannot but hope for a most happy and victorious end thereof Now if this Emperor in these Wars the worst of which was far more just then the best which the King of Spain hath lately undertaken could with the help and furtherance of all his Allies and Confederates make no greater Forces then are before mentioned nor with his Forces should ever have had so good success as he had if his Adversaries had been so wise and wary as they might have been Why shall his son King Philip be thought able to bring more men into the Field then were in those Armies or worthy of so good fortune as his Father had since his strength is in no respect comparable unto his and his Actions and his Enterprises have not the like colour and shew of Wisdom or of Justice as the Emperor had That the Father excelled the Son in strength all men will confess saving those wich carry a partial and prejudicate opinion of the present greatness of Spain for albeit the son hath lately added the kingdom of Portugal unto those Realms and Dominions which his Father possessed and left unto him although the Empire hath continued for these many years and is likely to â—emain still in the House of Austria and his very neer kinsmen in regard of whose Affinity and kindred he may boldly rest in as great hope and assured confidence of the Aid and Assistance of the Empire as he might if himself were Emperor Yet having so governed in Flanders that by reason of the long and continual Civil Wars those Countries cannot yeeld him such Aid of Men and â—oney as they did unto his Father who in all hâ—s Wars as Lewis Guicciardinâ— in the second Book of his Commentaries affirmeth had greater help both of Men and money from them alone thâ—n from all the rest of his Dominions he hath greatly impaired his strength and made it far inferiour unto his Fathers or unto that same which he himself was like to make before or at the first beginning of his Civil Wars For to omit that he can now hardly make such strength as the Duke of Alva or Don Iohn de Austria have had in their Armies in Flanders whereof the first had at one time 6000 horse and 30000 foot and the other as many footmen and 4000 horsemen more The decrease and diminution of his strength doth manifestly appear in this that the Low-Countries are now reduced unto that poverty and to such a penury of men that he cannot possibly fetch any reasonable great number thence to imploy them in forreign services but he is fain to bring in Strangers to defend his Towns against the united Provinces Iacobus Meyerus in the
sixth book of his Chronicles of Flanders reporteth that Philip King of Flanders in the year 1181 having Wars against the French King had 200000 Men in his Army and Adrianus Barbadus in the Chronicles of the Dukes of Brabant recordeth that the Bishop of Utritch is able upon any urgent occasion to arm 40000 Men. The first of these reports sheweth what the force of Flanders hath been and the second giveth me occasion to conjectuâ—e and think that the strength of the United Provinces cannot but be great since a Bishop of one Town could readily and conveniently Arm so many Men. It is written that the chiefest cause of displeasure and contention betwixt Philip sirnamed The Fair king of France and Pope Boniface the eighth was because the said Philip would not at the request and intreaty of the Pope restore Guido Earl of Flanders unto his Liberty that he might accompany and assist the Christians in their Wars in the Holy Land where the said Guido's Predecessors had done better service then any other Prince of Christendom and the Pope held an opinion that Guido's presence would avail the Christians much more then the society of all the other Princes What a loss then hath the king of Spain by the Low Countries poverty as well of money as of men since the same Countries were of late years more populous far richer and better inhabited then they were in times past It is a worlds wonder to see the Riches the beauty the Pride and the jolity of those Citiâ—s before the late Câ—vil Wars And it will make any mans heart bleed as we say within his body to behold the poverty desolation ruine and calamity of them at this present Neither is the weakness of Flanders so prejudicial or hurtfull unto the Spaniards as the obstinate continuance of the United Provincâ—s in their disobedience against him For considering the extremity of his malice against England it must needs be very grievous unto him that there is so fast a League of friendship betwixt us and them And he cannot but be sorry in heart as often as he remembreth what aid they yeelded us against his invincible Navy whâ—reby the same was more easily subdued and overthrown But if he should look considerately upon their Strength by Sea and the multitude of their Mariners and Sea-faâ—ing mâ—n whereof he hath more need then of any other people whatsoever 〈◊〉 cannot but utterly despair to attain unto his desires or to satisfie his revengefull minde so long as those Pâ—ovinces shall continue in Amity with us It will seem incâ—edible that I have heard reported of the multitude of the natural Inhabitants in such a Country where most part of their Martial men are imployed in forreign Garrisons and the people remaining at home are scant fit to make soulders For that every man that hath an affâ—ction and liking to be trained up in Armes desireth to be sent into some such place where he may have the use of Armes It is an ancient custom amongst Princes if one hath an occasion to passe with an Army through anothers Country to take Pledges and Hostages that he shall passe without any kinde of Annoyance And if caution be thought necessary when a multitude goeth but through a Forreign Dominion how can a Prince be too watchfull provident and circumspect over an infinite number of Forreigners residing within the limits of his Kingdom where although they be not armed yet they may arm themselves at any time although they be dispersed yet they may congregate and unite themselves together at their pleasure although they want Guides and Governours to direct them in any malicious enterprise yet if any Army of their own Nation should attempt any manner of Hostility against the Prince within whose dominion they live they may watch and wait for some good opportunity to joyne with their Countrymen and so endanger his Estate that harboureth them And sometimes Strangers of a few grow to so great a multitude in other Princes dominions that they become both terrible and dangerous unto the Countrey which they inhabit There was a time when certain wicked Rebels cruelly murthered Charles Earl of Flanders of which some were according to their desert severely punished and others were both they and their Posteâ—ity banished out of all parts of the Earldome and also out of all the dominions of the king of France insomuch that all men and nations hating them for their wickedness they wandered up and down the wide world and could not finde any place that would receive and harbour them until that Edward King of England vouchsafed them a simple dwelling place in a little Island of Ireland called Gherma where in a few years they so multiplied and encreased that in the year 1287. they presumed to wage war against the said King Edward but being happily subdued by him the greatest part of them were slain and the residue which escaped became Sea-Rovers and spared not to pill and poll any Nation whatsoever thâ—t chanced to fall into their hands This example may warn all Princes to take heed of strangers and especially of such as have been Traytors unto their own Princes and whosoever considereth well every circumstance thereof and of many others like unto it may boldly presume to say that the Prince whose Country is replenished with strangers and especially with such as have bâ—en Traytors unto their own Princes hath great occasion to live in great doubt of his own security and of his subjects safety But I speake not this against such strangers as are fled into England or any other Country for their conscience sake to avoid the tyranny of the Spaniards I know that God ordained Cities of refuge whereunto it was lawful for â—nnocents and men wrongfully oppressed to fly for safety and yet even over such strangers it cannot be amiss to have a watchful Eye as well to Cherish tâ—em if living well and under Law they be wronged by the natural subjects of his Country where they live against the course of Law as to foresee that neither all nor part of them be induced by the natural or professed Enemies of the State in which they are harboured to attempt any open Hostility or secret Treason against him that vouchsafeth to harbor them You have heard what may be said against the present strength of the Spanish King Now it remaineth that you hear what can be objected against his wisdom and justice in Civâ—l Government For as necessary are Justice and Prudence for a peaceable regiment as Force and Policy in time of Wars To censure his wisdom will argue small wisdom in me who do both know and acknowledge it to be my duty to think well as I have said of all Princes and not to examine their actions nor look into the mysteries of their secret enterprises And yet because his favorites and friends spare not to report whatsoever their wicked hearts can imagine against our Sovereign I may boldy presume to commit
to your secret view what others have published in prejudice of his wisdom and justice especially since I intend not to discover any hidden oversights but such as are known to the world for most manifest errours These unto him that hath leasure to enter into considerations of them all would fall out to be very many but my purpose is at this time but to acquaint you with four and of these four I will deliver you my opinion in this manner I hold it first for a great oversight that being bound by oath to rule and Govern in the Low-Countries by Deputies and principal Officers being born within the Limits of Brabant and Flanders he contrary to his Oath and all good policy hath ruled the said Countries by proud and dâ—sdainfull Spaniards For although a Magistrate loveth vertue and hateth vice embraceth justice and disliketh oppression possesseth all good qualities and entertaineth scant any kinde of ill disposition yet if he cannot accommodate himself unto the nature of those subjects which are committed unto his charge instead of Peace and tranquility he shall occasion and nourish among them discord and dissâ—nsion For proof whereof I shall need to alledge no other examples but the troubles and civil wars which in these few years have as I have said turned the prosperity wealth and riches of Flanders into Poverty Ruine and desolation For whosoever will considerately look into the causes of thâ—se troâ—â—les shall finde that they have proceeded principally from the contrariâ—ty of the natuâ—es and dispositions of the Spaniards and of the Flemings because the one never learned to command with a spirit of meeknâ—ss and lenity and the other could never endure to be ruled by proud and arrogant Officers but have alwayes been far better governed by the Courtesie and Clemency of Women then by the severity and rigour of Men. And truly although Nimrod began his reign with cruelty and violence as the Scriptures testifie and it hath been and it is a question disputable Whether it be better that the Ministers of Kings and Princes should be severe and cruel or gentle and courteous yet the wiser sort are of opinion that Humanity and Gentlenesse is both more commendable and necessary especially where the People that is to be governed is milde by Nature gentle in condition and no way inclined to conceive well of cruelty And certainly whosoever shall busie himself in reading many Chronicles shall undoubtedly finde in them that more Kingdoms Dominions and Seigniories have been overthrown and ruinated by the cruelty of under-Officers then by the severity of the higher Powers For in Histories men shall see that even those people who lived many yeers in peace without knowing what belonged to the besieging of a Town to the maintaining of a Camp or to the entertaining of any Domesticall sedition have been enforced by the barbarous and Cruel Tyranny of wicked Officers to prefer Wars before Peace and the effusion of blood before the conservation of their lives The Province of Graecia after that it had sought and gained many Battels subdued sundry Nations and triumphed over infinite Enemies was at the last overthrown and destroyed by the wickednesse and cruelty of their Governors The iniquity and cruelty of Appius Claudius shewed unto Virginius his Daughter changed the state of Rome and was the onely cause that their form and manner of Civil Government was altered The Ancestors of the same Flemmings which of late years have born Arms against King Philip of Spain not being able to brook and endure the Indignities and Injuries of those Officers which king Philip of France sirnamed The Fair set over them took out of Prison a poor Weaver and made him their Head rebelled against their king and killed all the Frenchmen that were in Flanders The People of sicilie moved thereunto by the barbarous cruelty of such French Governors as Tyrannized over them slew in one night all the Frenchmen that were in that kingdom and opened the bellies of as many women of their own Nation as were with childe by Frenchmen onely to destroy the fruit of their womb How many times have the People of England the Subjects of France and the Inhabitants of Spain rebelled for the same occasion Yea in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth whose Predecessors were driven out of all that ever they had in Switzerland for the great Tyranny which was used by him whom they placed for their Lieutenant And in truth less grievous and offensive are the Injuries which Princes themselves do unto their Subjects then those which proceed from the enmity and malice of their Officers and certainly much more dangerous to a Princes State are the Extortions Cruelties and Exactions of inferiour Magistrates then of those unto whom as well the Magistrates as the Subjects are accomptable This is first proved by the force and efficacie of Reason it self because every particular man can better endure to be wronged by the Master then by the Servant for that the Indignitie and base Condition of the wrong-doers many times increaseth the grief and discontentment which is conceived upon occasion of an Injury sustained Sâ—condly the Common People hating alwaies much more the evill and tyrannical Government of an Inferior Magistrate then of the Superior Powers think it far better to have a bad Prince who wil be Governed and directed by good Counsellors then to live under wicked Officers authorised to Rule and Govern them by a good and vertuous Prince For say thâ—y a wicked Prince liveth at ease in his Kingly Palace giveth himself unto pleasure followeth his delights and rejoyceth in the Company of his vain and foolish Favorites and these are most commonly the worst things that he doth But the wicked Magistrate studieâ—h continually how to commit Violence to invent new Exactions to trouble and torment the common People to clipp their Wings to deâ—â—owre their Children to dishonest their Wives and to seize upon their Goods to withhold their Lands and to violate and break their Priviledges These are the harmes that proceed from the bad Magistrate the remembrance of which is most greivâ—us the pain excessive the beginning odious and the end exâ—crable The consideration whereof maketh me think not onely ours but all other Estates and Kingdomes most happy which are governed by such Princes as are borne in the same Kingdoms which they Govern And those contrariwise most unfortunate and subject unto infinite miseries which are ruled by Forain Princes The consideration whereof made many kingdoms not to accept and acknowledge for their Kings the lawful Children of their deceased Soveraignes because they were born in Foâ—rain Countries The which consideration as it seemeth had sometimes place in England because amâ—ngst other Statutes of this Realme there is one to enable and make the Childâ—en of our Kings which are born in other Countries capable of the Crown of England Lastly the consideration whereof moveth many grave and wise Polititians to be of opinion
that the Princes are not overwise and discreet which labour all the daies of their lives to Conquer and subdue Forain Kingdoms For after that they have attained the desired Fruits of their desired Labour and Travaile what have they gotten worthy of their painâ—s and charges They have added somewhat to their former Reputation They have increased their yearly Revenues of their Crown They have as it becometh good Husbands augmented the Talent which God bestowed upon them And what is all this but a thing that glistereth and is no Gold a shew of Reputation that is no true Glory and a Representation of great profit than can have no long continuance For if this happie and glorious Conqueror shall leave his natural Country and govern in person his new Conquered Kingdome what sorrowes what inconveniences what troubles dangers and vexations will follow thereof His natural Subjects will complain that they are forsaken and the â—onquered will not long like of his Government The former will find Fault with his Deputies and the later will desire his room rather then his presence The one will not think him worthy to enjoy his own and the other will esteem all that he getteth theirs because they presume that it is gotten with the goods and wealth of the Country which they call theirs So he becometh a stranger unto his own and being daily amongst his own his own will not know him And that which is most greivous if his own chance to rebell as many have done in their Soveraignes absence he is fain to imploy strangers to suppress them And if his Strangeâ—e happen to revolt he muâ—t either make a Butchery of his own to subdue them or lose in a few daies that which was gotten in many years I shall not need to stand upon the proof hereof I have cleared that by many examples in the beginning of this discourse And therefore I will now come unto the second Error not inferior but rather greater then the fiâ—st It is an usuall Policie amongst Princes when they have given their loving Subjects just occasion of discontentment to yeild them some manner of satisfaction whereby their alienated mindes may be Changed and their natural Affections enforced to return But the King of Spain being neither mindful of his Policy nor careful as it should seem to maintain and keep his own having alienated the hearts and estranged the Affections of his kinde and tender Subjects by an indiscreet toleration of bad and leud Officers is so far from pacifying their Wrath as that he provoketh them unto further Anger and discontentment by refusing to condiscend unto a most reasonable Requâ—st which not they alone by their Ambassadors but also other Princes for them make unto him For after that the Low Coâ—ntries by the example of the Kingdoms of Poland Swedland Denmark France Scotland and England together with the Common-wealth Dukedoms Principalities Counties Palatinates and other Dominions and free cities of Switzerland Savoy Wittenberge and other Provinces of Germany fell from Popery unto the profession of Gods true Religion they desired of their King that they have liberty of conscience and without danger of a Spanish inquâ—siâ—ion profess that Religion wherein they were fully resolved to live and die But the King thinking it not convenient or beseeming the Royall Majesty of a Prince to yeild unto any extraordinary Petition were it never so humble or reasonable of his Subjects refuseth to satisfie this request For which his refusing as many asâ—favor him or his cause alleage these reasons First that Men of two Religions can hardly live in Peace and quietnes together in one Estate Secondly that these suppliants have been and are still the cause of all troubles and seditions in the Low-Countries Thirdly that he had faithfully promised the Popes holiness never to entertaine or maintaine any other then the present Roman Religion within any of his Kingdoms or Dominions Fouâ—thly that such a toleration as was demanded by his Subjects cannot be warâ—anted by the example of any Kâ—ngs or Princes of later or former times Fifthly that the King of France and the Queen of England having had the like motion made unto them by their natural and most loving Subjects could never be moved to condiscend to their humble Petitions And lastly that it was not seemly for his Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to yeeld or not to yeeld unto his Subjects especially since he both held and knew himself to be very well able to enforce his rebellious and heretical Subjects to submit themselves unto the profession of that Religion which his Subjects in Spain and in other his dominions do profess These are in briefe all the reasons that ever I could heare alledged by any man for the justification of his refusal and to the end that his error may not be coloured or maintained by the shew and shadow of these simple reasons I will briefly confute every one of them in order True it is that there is no streighter tie no surer stay no stronger hold to coâ—joyn and knit the hearts of Subjects together then is the conformitie and unitie of religion and that the readiest way to sever and separate their Affections is to set them at strife and variance for Religion In regard whereof diverse wise men and grave counsellors have advised their Kings to take heed that no kinde of heresie creep into their kingdoms to resist the first beginniâ—g of any heresie whatsoever and to foresee that no new opinion enter into the hearts of their Subjects and if any by chance happen to finde never so small entrance to labor by all meanes possible to remove the same For variety of opinions easily ingendred findeth meanes to increase without great difficultiâ— and having once penetrated into the interior cogitations of mens hearts so ravisheth their senses blindeth their eyes and obscurâ—th their judgements that they can neither see nor discerne the truth from falshood nor the light from darkness but so cleave and hold fast on their opinions that they will almost as soon and as willingly depart from their lives as from their heresies But if by reason of not opposing and withstanding the beginning and increase of opinions the number of Subjects professing a Religion contrary to their Kings be once grown to be equall or greater then the multiâ—ude of those which agree with him in opinion there are but two waies to reforme and order this disorder The one to command as Dagabert King of France did that all they that profess not the same religion which their King doth shall by a certain time appointed depart out of his Realme and that those who remaine within the limits of his kingdome beyond the day prefixed shall be held as Enemies unto the State and therefore be reputed 〈◊〉 worthie of present death The other to permit them to continue in their Country and to enjoy liberty of conscience The which way because it draweth nighest unto humanitie seemeth unto
were as yet not seen moved with reverence prepared the Ark to the saving of his Household By faith Abraham obeyed God when he was called to go into a place which he should afterwards receive for an Inheritance By faith Sarah received strength to coâ—ceivâ— Seed and was delivered of a Child when she was past Age. By faith Moses forsook Egypt By faith he with his people passed through the red Sea as on dry Land By faith the Walls of Iericho fell downe after they weâ—e compast about seven dayes And by faith â—he Prophets subdued Kingdoms stopped the mouthes of Lyons quenched the violence of Fire escaped the Edge of the Sword of weak were mâ—de strong waxed valiant in Battaile and turned to Flight the Armies of the Aliens Then since faith is of this force and efficacy shall not the faithfull bee able to convert them by whose conversation they shall reape no small benefit for if any man hath erred from the truth saith St Iames and some men hath converted him know that he that hath called the sinner from going astray out of his way shall save a soul from death and shall hide a multitude of sins And is it not a thing commendable before men acceptable unto God and worth the lâ—bours of any good Christian to save a soul and to hide a great multitude of sins But to leave these Divine arguments and to come unto humane reasons because they are more pleasing and acceptable to children of this world whom mee thinketh it should suffice for proof that Papists and Protestants may live in peace and quietness together because that in Poland where there are many Religions professed you seldome heare of any civil contention and in Switzerland in many Townes thereof the Papists and Protestants eate together lye in bed one with another marry together and that which is most strange in one Church you shall have a Mass and a Sermon and at one Table upon Fish daiâ—s Fish and Flesh the one for Papists the other for Protestants And whosoever shall look upon the present State of Spaine or the present Government of Italy in this Age in which Countries there is but one Religion professed shall finde no greater peace no more assured Friendship no streighter League of Amiâ—ie amongst them then there is amongst the people of Poland Switzerland and other Nations which give Friendly entertainment unto pluralitie of Religions neither can any mâ—n say with reason that the Protestants of Flanders have been the occasion of the unnaturall variance and civill dissention which now troubleth their Country For there is no man that reverenceth the Magistrate obeyeth the Laws of God and man or fulfilleth the true sense and meaning of boâ—h Laws more willingly then they as their Supplications their Leâ—ters their Apologies do testifie It is not they but their Enemies not they but their evill Governors not the Inhabitants of their Country but the Strangers sent into the Country and delâ—ghted wiâ—h the pleasures and the profits thereof that have occasioned these Troubles Neither is it to be thought that so many Princes as the King of France the Queen of England the Archduke of Austria and the late Duke of Anjou being all strangers unto them would ever have undertaken their defence and pâ—otection if they had thought or seen that the principal câ—use of Sedition might justly be imputed unto them It was the Tyranny of Don Iohn de Austria the Crueltie of the Duke of Alva the intolerable Priâ—e of the Spaniards in general the unreasonable exaction of the Hundreth the Twentieth and the Tenth Penny of â—vâ—ry mans substance together with other Causes mentioned in the bâ—ginning of this discourse that caused the forcible distraction of them from the usuall and dutifull Obedience Devotion service and observance of their Prince Iâ— the time of Philip the Fairâ— King of France as now in the Raigne of Philip the second King of Spaine whereby it may appeare that the name of Philip hath been fatall unto this Country there were the like troubles is Flanders as there are now and as now there were some of the Country it selfe that favoured Spaine more then their owne libertie so then there were many Liliari that tendred the French Kings Factions more then the safetie of their owne Connâ—ry and as now so then those Liliari together with the King of â—â—ance imputed the cause of the Troubles and Wars unto the peevish willâ—ullness of the poor Flemings and not to the perverse obstinacy and obdurate malice and crueltie of the French King and his Councellors Moreover as now so then diverse flourishes and shâ—wes of peace were made unto the Flemings not because they that offered those conditions of peace meant to performe them but to make the world believe that they were desirous of Peace whereas indeed their tender of peace was but to save themselves from the hazard of a Battel when they saw there was no way but to take it either with some great disadvantage or to forsake it with great dishonour Such offers of peace were those that have been lately made unto the United Provinces and such were they that were tendered many years ago by which the Spaniards received alwaies some benefit sometimes he got a Town a Hold or a Castle sometimes he distracted some of the Nobility from the Prince of Oranges faction and at other times he avoided some eminent danger which could not otherwise be escaped This will appear most true and manifest unto as many as shall read divers Apologies set out by the Prince of Orange and the States of the Low-Countries And therefore I know not with what conscience or with what shew of truth the cause of this Civil Discord may be ascribed unto the Subjects of Flanders and not unto the king of Spain and his evil Officers The first and second Reasons are sufficiently refuted Now to the third He hath promised the Popes Holiness not to admit any other Religion but his in any part of his kingdoms or Dominions How is his promise proved What ground hath it Upon what Reasons standeth it He is in some manner subject unto the Pope Be it he holdeth all or most of his kingdoms and dominions of him Let it be so he beareth the title of the Catholick king as an especial gift from him or his Predecessors It shall not be denied Lastly it is he whose friendship and amity â—is father willed him to embrace and entertain this must also be granted But what of all this He may not break promise with his Holiness True if the promise be possible for no man is bound to things impossible And is this promise impossible It is or at least-wise like to a promise that standeth upon â—mpossibilities â—r whatsoever cannot be done by a Prince without offence â—o God without effusion of blood without ruin of his Estate and without manifest and great prejudice unto his honour and dignity that may in some respect be esteemed impossible and whosoever
maketh any such vow or promise first it had been very good that he had never made it and next it were very convenient never to put the same in execution bâ—cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many This promise therefore if it were never made but suggested requireth no performance and if it were once made it likewise ought not to be performed because it is impossible and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood without hurt unto many and prejudice unto a whole estate From this promise therefore unto tâ—e fourth Reason a Reason almost as easie to be refuted as to be repeated For the Emperor Constans maintained the Corps and Colledge of Arrianus not for any affection that he baâ—e unto them but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his Subjects Theodosius sirnamed the Great who was always a most moâ—tal enemy unto their opinion did likewise permit them to live in company with his other Subject And Valens and Valentian whereof the one wâ—s an Arrian and the other a Catholick suffered men of both Religions to live under their Government The Emperor Ferdinand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of Silecia and Lituania which are Provinces of Bohemia to change their Religion And not long after him Maximilian the Emperor licensed them to build Churches after the manner and fashion of Protestants Besides the Pope himself the Dukes of Mantua Ferrara Florence and Baviera together with the Seigniory of Venice suffer Iewes to live in their Country And the Kings of Poland and Moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of Tartarians and Mahometists to lead their lives in their Countries Imitating therein the example of Constantine the great who after that he had established Christian Religion in Rome excluded not any Pagans and Infidels out of Rome In the Kingdom of Poland the Greek and Roman Religion was at one time a long whiâ—e professed And now there are many Lutherans Catholiques Anabaptists and Calvinists Lastly it cannot be denied and this methinketh should move the King of Spain most of all that his Father Charles the 5 after that he had fought a long while with the Princes of Germany which professâ— Luâ—herasme being aided in the same Warrs by the Pope and all the Princes of Italy granted at the length that Peace unto the Protestants which is called the Peâ—ce of Aubspurge Considering therefore that al these Popes Emperors Kings Dukes Princes and Barons having no less regard then the King of Spain of their Soules health hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of Heaven did permit do yet permit the professed and sworn Enemies of Christ and of his Gospell namely the Jewes to live nay to be born and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes Dominions and Principalities What Shame Dâ—shonor or prejudice can it be unto the King of Spains Catholick Majesty to give leave unto his loving and trustie Subjects to adore and worship the same Goâ— which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire I know not what should be the cause that he who is so desirous in all other things to follow his Fathers 〈◊〉 Examples and Counsells doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this Toleration which will be acceptable unto his Subjects answerable â—nto their desires agrâ—eâ—ble unto Gods word and very proâ—itable for the Advâ—ncement of his own reputation It is to come unto the fift Reason because the Queen of of England and the King of France will not yeeld unto any such Toleration in theâ—r several kingdoms Alaâ— neither the example of the one nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause For he hath not the like Authority in Flanders as they have in France and England They are free and he is bound They are tied to no conditions and he is fastened unto many and especially unto these not to break their ancient Priviledges nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the States of the Country by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance Besides there must needs follow farr greater Inconvâ—nience unto him then unto her by denying Liberty of conscience unto their Subjects For his are so many that require the same that above 30000 departed at â—ne time out of Flanders because he refused their humble Request and the number of Traditioners in England is so little that all that were of any note and name amongst them were heretofore and are at this present reduced into one little Island nay into no great house of a little Island But the late King of France who was esteemed one of the wisâ—st Princes of Europe would not in any wise suffer two Religions to be professed in his kingdom but because he would plant one onely there he made wars a great while against his own subjects destroying their houses wasting their Fields ruinating their Cities and Massacring their persons But who gave him Counsel so to do Was it not the King of Spain or his Pensioners And what advantage got he therefore Truly no other but the ruin and desolation of his Country And what end had he of his war before he died Forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars And what continuance had these wars Certainly they lasted above thirty years and the Protestants are now stronger then ever they were And what issue is come of these French troubles Undoubtedly the issue was such that whereas the Realm was divided but into two Factions a little before the Kings death there were three and of those three the last was most unjust pernitious and execrable For in the same one Papist killed another the son bore Arms against the father the brother against the seed of his mothers womb and the subjects being in their opinion of a good Religion against their King whose Religion was as good or better then theirs It is not then the French kings examples that moveth him It beseemeth not his Catholâ—ck Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects This is the last and in effect the best of his Reasons For it is usual amongst Princes and therefore no shame to crave counsel advice and direction one of another in matters of great weight and moment and happy haâ—h that Prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as hâ—s faithfull Friends abroad gave him Thence it cometh that Princes send Ambassadors one unto another that they crave conference one with another that they have oftentimes Interviews and solemn Meetings and according to this custom he either dissembleth egrediously or meant truly that the Ambassadors sent by the Emperor the Queen of England and other Princes of late years to Cullen should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his Subjects
Again this was no direction but an admonition no counsel but a request and such a request as might rather have honoured then disgraced him For had it not been a great glory and commendation unto him not onely to have listened but also to have submitted himself unto the motion and final judgment of so many Honourable and Princely Intercessors Was it think you a dishonour unto Alphonsus King of Castile and to Garsias King of Navarre that they referred the contention betwixt them for the bounds and limits of their Kingdoms unto the judgement and decision of Henry the second King of England Wise Princes rather then they will enter into wars or being at wars continue therein do usually commit their controversies sometimes to the determination of their equals and sometimes to their far inferiours and although the cause be far greater and of more weight then the controversie betwixt the Spanish King and his Subjects was yet they have been content to stand to their doom and judgement The contention betwixt Artobazenes and Zerzes was one of the most famous and intricate questions that hath been betwixt Prince and Prince Artobazenes challenged the Kingdom of the Medians because he was the first begotten son of his father Darius and Zerzes thought himself worthy to be preferred because his Father was but a private man when his Brother was begotten and a King whenas he begat him and therefore his Fathers private Patrimony belonged in his opinion unto his Brother but the Kingdom was his own Inheritance the rather because Artobazenes came not onely of a private man but also of a Mother and Grandfather by the Mothers side which were not Princes whereas both his Mother and Grandfather had kings to their Fathers This contention by mutual consent was referred unto the Uncle Artipherus who after due examination of the Cause gave the Kingdom unto Zerzes and this judgement hath ever since remained and been held for a lawfull sentence and notable president to be imitated in the like occasion even in these dayes There are few or no Historiographers of France England or Scotland that mention not the notable controversie betwixt Iohn Ballioll Robert Bruse and Iohn Hastings Husbands unto the three Daughters of David King of Scotland and Co-heirs of that Kingdom after the death of their Brother Alexander and by common consent of all Historians this rare and strange contention was referred unto Edward the first King of England who chose forty or some say eighty the one half English men and the other half Scotish-men who having throughly discussed every mans right gave sentence for Iohn Balliol who discended of the eldest Daughter of the King of Scotland which Award was confirmed by the King The Chronicles of Flanders and our Histories testifie that Henry the second and Philip King of France and after them Philip sirnamed The Fair and the Flemings his subjects after they had been over-wearied with a long continuance of most cruel and sharp wars the first two compromitted their difference unto their Archbishops and the later unto men of meanner condition and yet both the first and the last stood unto their Arbitâ—ement I could alledge many other Examples to this purpose but they would rather dilate thâ—n discuss my purpose and therefore that which hath been said shall suffice for the confutation of part of this last Reason And the rest shall be confuted more conveniâ—ntly in another place Then to the third Error Seeing that his purposes failed him in Flanders that the Hollanders were continually secured against him by the Queen of England that the Princes Cities Protestants increased daily as well in number as in power and authority he thinking that it would redound greatly to his glory honour and reputation to professe himself to be head and Protector of the Holy League which was intended to be made against all Princes or any other whatsoever professing Lutheranism entred into League with the Pope the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise with express condition that he as head and they as principal Adherents should labour travel and endeavour to the uttermost of their power to subvert all those which made profession of a contrary Religion unto theirs To sound the depth of this Alliance and to understand whether the same shall be profitable or glorious honest or commendable for him it shall be very expedient to enter into a particular consideration of the powers qualities conditions and means of every one of these Allies For although some or most of them have been spoken of before when we handled their abilities and means to hurt and annoy him yet it shall not be now amiss to declare what strength and sufficiency they have to help and further his intents and purposes The Pope as Christs Vicar the Holy Father of the Church the lawfull successor of St. Peter and the chief Protector of the Roman and the Catholick Faith for all these are his Titles that he challengeth as proper and peculiar to himself will think that his sacred Holiness is greatly wronged if I should not vouchsafe him the first place in this Alliance For albeit he very seldom entereth into League with Princes that are of less might then himself yet be his confederates never so great let their charges never so much exceed his and their Armies be they by Sea or by Land far excel his as well in number as in valour yet he claimeth a Prerogative to be chief Patron of the confederacy and Umpier and Arbitrator of all conâ—entions that may arise thereof The most famous Enterprise that hath been of late years was the Attempt made at Lepanto against the Turk by Pius Quintus King Philip that now is and the Venetians For the performance whereof the Spanish King and the Seigniorie of Venice were at far greater charges imployed more Gallies and greater Forces then his Holiness and yet the Reverend Father by reason of his usurped prerogative must needs have the honor of the first place in that League and whatsoever debates or difference fell out in any thing concerning the said League the same was to be referred unto his Holiness and to receive no other end then such as he should decree and determine For fear therefore of his heavy indignation I will not presume to defraud him of his honour The Princes of Italy shall have the second place and the Peers of France the last It shall be easie for any man to make conjecture and give his judgement of the Popes power and puissance that will consider that his City of Rome which is the chief seat and the greatest part of his strength retaineth not so much as the bare shadow of her ancient vertue that she loseth her Reputation Prosperity Peace and Dignity as soon as she beginnineth to be troubled or molested with the factions and partialities of the contentious Ursini and Colonesi two notable Families of
are Christians and Catholicks he may have far better assurance and confidence then of Turks and Infidells Truly I have heard the befoâ—e mentioned French king greatly blamed for entring into League with the Tuâ—k and his honour and reputation hath been and still is so much blemished thereby that a very wise and grave Author of our time to cover his fault with some honest pretence hath been enforced to distinguish how and in what manner a Christian Prince may be at league with the Turk The causes for which a Christian Prince may as he saith enter into League and Amity with this common Enemy of Christians are either to obtain Peace or Truce or to end a contenâ—ioâ— and quâ—rrel for any Dominion or Seigniory to have reparation and amends for wrong done unto him or to entreat leave for his Subjects to trade traffick iâ—to his Countries and not to yeeld him any aid against his Enemies And the same Author addeth that the said Francis being continually assaulted by the Emperor Charles the 5th and by the king of England within his own Realm and not being able to make his party good against them and other enemâ—es who at their instigation and request did put him ofttimes in great manifest danger to lose his whole estate was counselled by his wisest Friends for his better defence to joyn in amity with Sultan Solimon who was better able then he to interrupt and cross the violent course which Charles thâ— 5th took to make himself Lord and Monarch of all the world Necessity therefore enforced Francis the first to enter into this League without the which he had been in great pâ—rill and hazard of losing his whole Kingdom For conservation whereof I read in Histories that a Predecessor of the Spanish King called Peter confederâ—ted himself with the King of Bellemarine a Sariziâ— married his Daughter and renounced his Faith and profession of a Christian. Considering therefore that necessity hath no law that Commoditie and sweetness of Rule and Governmenâ— maketh many good Christians to forget themselves and their Duties that extreame malice conceived and borne against an Enemy hath constrained many Princes to seek to be in League with their very Adversaries and that a noble and valiant heart detesteâ—h nothing more then to yeild unto his Enemies and laboureth by all meanes possible to avoid that dishonor No man can can justly condemne Francis the first or the Duke of Milan Now touching the Queen of England her Majesty having alwais the feare of God before her eyes and walking in his waies as much as any Prince of Christendome hath alwaies thought no better of the Turk then he deserveth as well because she hath nothing to do with him as for that by reason of the great distance that is betwixâ— her and him she hath less occasion to stand in fear of his forces then any oâ—her Prince of Europe True it is that in regard of the late Traffick which some few of her Merchants have into Turky to their great benefit and advantage her Majestiâ— hath suffered them to have their Agent there who carrieth not the nâ—me of Ambassador as the Emperors the French Kings the Spanish Kings the Venetians and other Christian Princes Ambassadors do and yet his Credit is such that either with favours or with presents wâ—ereof the Turke is very desirous and coveteous he might have broken the League of peace and Truce which is betwixt Spain and hâ—m to the Spanish Kings great hurt detriment But heâ— Majestie had â—ather that the Hâ—stories of our timâ— should mention her vertues then declare her policies and thinketh it far better that as all men of our Age commend her Beautiâ— her bountiâ— and her goodness so her after-Commers should have occasion to pâ—aise and exâ—oll her constancy and Religious affection towards God and the Common wealth of Christendome But to returne to the Spanish league with the Peeres of France I think no good Christian can think bâ—tter of them then of a Turk and I am of opinion that the League and Amâ—ty of Turkish Infidels is more to be esteâ—med then the friendship of these Leaguers more profitable and advantageous unto him that shall stand in need thereof and more assured and firmâ— unto any one that have occasion to rely thereupon For since that these Rebels have deserved to lose their Lands and possessions have incurred the odious and detestable Crime of Treâ—son and have worthily merited the name of Traytors and Conspirators there can be no other League or Amitie with them then is with Theeves and Felons the societie and conversation with whome hath been in all Ages and in all places accounted as most odious and execrable yea by how much a Traitor is more odious and wicked then a Thief by so much his Infamy shame and dishonour is greater who asâ—ociateth himself with a Conspirator be iâ— that he conspireth against his Prince or against his Country or against both Such as a mans Companions are such shall he be held to be in all mens opinions and he that converseth daily with wicked men shall hardly be reputed an honest man The great and large Priviledges which belong unto Princes appointed by God to rule and governe his people make me forbeare to say so much as I might say in this place and yet I may not spare to reprehend and condemne the bad Consciences of those Consciousles Councellors who have perswaded the King of Spain to forget and forgo his honour his Reputation his blood and his Parentage to joyne himself with those who may increase the number but not the Forces of his Allies I have oftentimes heard say that the end honoureth all the rest of a mans life that the elder a man is the wiser he should be that the Actions of al men that are placed in high degree and dignity are subject to the view the sight the censure and judgement of all men that a man may easily fall from the top of honor and glorie unto the bottom of shame and infamiâ— and briefly that all men with open mouth speake boldly and freely that of Princes when they are dead which they durst not muter whilest they lived I could with therefore that either the vertues of the late French King or the affinitie conjunction and parentage that was betwixt these two Crownes or the conformitie of their religion or the remembrance of the greatness and power of France might have been able to have diverted and withdrawn the mightie Monarch of Spain from the Amitie of those Traitors and Felons of France to live in peace League and Amitie with his deare and beloved Brother of France But the detestable vice of Ambition which misleadeth the greatest and wisest Princes of the world with a vaine hope of good success and prosperous fortune in all their enterprises hath turned his love into hatred and covered the spots and blemishes of true dishonor with a Cloak of false honor and repuâ—ation And
them in their Necessities yet he stâ—ndeth in doubt that if he should send any great supplies and God should bless them with any extraordinary Fortune that the Duke of Mayne should be chosen King he seeth that they were too strong to yeild unto his motions hee perceiveth that he must keep them low and in continual need of his help and therefore when he hath once succoured them he withdraweth his forces and leaveth them somtimes in such distress that the Duke of Mayne is constrained to forget that he is Lieutenant General of the Crown of France and to his great shame and dishonor is driven to go seek for Aid of the Duke of Parma which carried the â—itle but of a Lieutenant unto his Master in one Province And truly it is reported that the King of Spain took not the loss of his men at the battaile of Iury where he received a great overthrow so grievously but that he was right glad to see his partakers reduced to so great an extremitie as that they were enforced to present him a Blank and to offer to subscribe to any thing that he should demand These faint proceeding of the King of Spain these apparent coutentions betwixt the Leaguâ—res themselves and this general discontentment of the common people might have shortned the Warrs in France if the now King had been of sufficient power to take and make his advantage of them But I shall have occasion to shew why this advantage was omitted and not taken in another place And therefore to proceed according to my purpose If you consider that the Etolians and Arcadians warrâ—d a long time together for a wild Boare that the Carthaginians held long Warrs with the People of Piraca for a Sea-Rovers ship that there were mortall Wâ—rrs betwixt the Scots and Picts for a few Doggs which the one Nation had taken from the other And that the wars betwixt Charles Duke of Burgondy and the Switzers began but for a cart loaden with sheep skins which Mr. de Romont took from a Switzer who passed therewith through his ground you shall easily perceive and see how ready Princes are to take very light occasions to war one against another And this ready desire accompanieth most commonly those Princes who have valiant hearts good occasions and ready means to be revenged on their Enemies It is therefore to be thought that the now king of France who is endowed with all the perfections and vertues which the Almighty of his bounteous liberality useth to bestow upon Princes will not suffer the king of Spain to offer him such wrong as he doth without revenging the same He is valiant and wise and undoubtedly he will follow the Life and Actions of his Predecessors of which Pipin made wars with the Venetians because they favoured the party of Nicephorus Emperor of Greece against Charles the great his Father Philip sirnamed The Fair warred against Adolph the Emperor because he had taken money of the king of England to make wars against France Philip Augustus denounced wars against France unto Iohn king of England because he killed his Nephew Arthur And Clovis the first of that name warred with Alurick king of the Visgots because he harboured and received the Exiles of France and had suborned certain men to come and kill the French king within his own Realm And hath not the king of Spain deserved much more then all these the hatred and hostility of the present king of France since he sendeth aid not to the Enemies but to the Subjects of the king of France since he hath not taken but given money to others to make wars against him since he hath not killed his Nephew but his own Son since he not onely receveth the Exiles of France but counselleth the good Subjects thereof to become bad and the most obedient to rebel against their king and hireth not strangers but his own natural Subjects to come and murther the French king in his own Palace But it may be said that the Spanish king hath taken a good course to keep the Frenchmen out of his kingdom by sending his Forces into theirs and by nourishing and continning the Civâ—l Wars in France To this I answer That the Leaguers begin now to lose their credit that their Forces and Strength declineth that their Towns and Partners leave them and that if they will not vouchsafe to imitate M. Coriolanus they must expect the success and fortune that fell unto the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury in England M. Coriolanus taking in evil part that the Romans had rejected a very reasonable demand which he made unto them joyned with their Enemies and obtained for them many battels and victories against his own Country but being intreated by his Wife and his Mother he returned into his Country and recovered whatsoever he or his Enemies had taken from Rome By whose Example if the Guisards being now so weakned as they are will not learn to submit themselves unto their Princes mercy they must fear and be afraid when they hear that the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury after that they had deprived one king of his Royal Seat and Scepter and placed another in the same were both cruelly murthered in the Field although there was a time whenas the one could have obtained whatsoever he would of the common People and the other by reason of his Offices had all the chief Forces and strength of England as well by Land as by Sea at his disposition and commandment Now if these two Earls had no better end but to be slain in the Field although they were the mightiest and best beloved Rebels that ever were in the world What assurance can the Guâ—sards of France have of their good fortune What hope in the multitude of their partners and their fellows in Arms What confidence in the favour of fortune which never was nor never will be constant in any other thing but inconstancy Their glory therefore cannot continue long their Alliance shall not greatly avail the Spanish king and the remembrance and memory of this their Rebellion will alwayes remain fresh as well in the hearts of our after-comers as in the mindes of our selves and our children because men are more prone and ready to remember the wrongs that others do unâ—o them then the benefits they receive from others How can the Frenchmen then forget the subtilty and cunning which the Spaniards used in taking from them the kingdom of Naples the rigour and cruelty that was shewed unto Francis the first to make him resign the Sovereignity of Flanders the injury and injustice used by Ferdinando king of Castile when he usurped and took into his hands the moyetie of the kingdom of Navarr and the unlawfull violence of the Spanish kings father practised in the usurpation of the Dukedom of Milan And remembring all this can they want good occasion to exercise all kinde of Hostility against the Spaniards as soon as it
taken an oath to keep the Statutes of his Country without breaking the same or without departing from the true sense and literal meaning of them may violate them if the iniquity of the time will not give him leave and leasure to confer with his superiour or to ask his opinion or if there be manifest dangers like to follow of the delay which he shall use Besides if a Judge be commanded yea sworn not to do any thing against the Lâ—wes of God or nature or of his Country yet if he be urged by some great occâ—sion or if necessitie enforce him thereunto or if some notable danger scandall or inconvenience is like to follow of the strict observance of those Laweâ— he may lawfully violate them And shall a Judge have Authority to break Lawes and shal not an absolute Prince have the like liberty A Provost Marshal taking a Theif in the fact of committing a robberie may hang him up presently with out any forme of Judgement and shall not a King cause a notorious Traytor to be murthered without a solemn Sentence The Governor of a City taking an Homicide an Adulterer a ravâ—shâ—r of Women upon the Fact may chastise and punish them according to the Rigor of the Law wâ—thout any forme of Law and a King taking a Traytor beâ—ng abouâ— to deprive him of his life of his Crown apd Scepter shall he not do him to death without asking the opinion of his Judges without imploring the helpe of his Magistrates and without imparting his Treason unto his Counsellors or unto the Friends and Allies of the Traytors especially when as he may escape whilst these things shall be doing when bee is so strong so backed with friends so guarded with Souldiers that if he be not executed upon a suddain the respiâ—e and leisure which shall be given him shall gâ—ve him time and meanes not only to escape the punishment which he hath deserved but also to put in great hazard the life of his Prince and the weale of his Country to be short when either the Prince or the Traytor must die presently It is written of Iehu the Judge and King of Israell that he fearing the great multitude of Baals Priests and doubting that if he should put them to death by the way of Justice there would follow some great Inconvenience or scandal to himself he feigned that hee himself wouâ—d do sacrifice unto God Baal and by that pretence and colour he caused them all to come together and when they were all assembled hee willed them all to be murthered Who hath heard the Historie of Ladislaus king of Bohemia commendeth him not for his wisdome and discretion in dissembling the grief which he took to see the Earle of Cilia his faithfull and assured Friend and Vncle killed almost in his presence so â—uningly that he not only seemed not to be grieved with his death but also to think that he was lawfully killed because hee presumed to come Armed into the Court where all others were unarmed The Bohemians seeing how lovingly hee entertained Ladislaus Humiades the Author of this Murther how kindly he used his Mother how wisely hee suffered Ladislaus and his Brother Matthias to bring him into Beuda and how resolutely when he had him where hee was stronger then hee he commanded him to be done to death for the murther committed on his Vncles person took it for a manifest Argument that he would prove as indâ—ed hee did a very wise just and valiant Prince siâ—ce in his youth he was so subtile and so resolute and gave them so notable an Example and President of his Justice Who hath read the policy which Darius king of Persia used in revenging the injury of Oretes who was grown to be so mightie so proud and so well backed with friends that hee neither could nor durst do him to death by the ordinary Course of Justice and prayseth him not for inventing a way to induce 30 of his Gentlemen to undertake his death And who commendeth not the Magâ—animitie and resolution of Bageus who when it fell out to his lott to be the first of the 30 that had vowed to hazaâ—d their live foe their king went no less hastily then cuningly about his enterprise and within a very short while murthered Oretes who had beaâ—ded and braved his King many years Briefly who readeth and alloweth not the History of David who when a man câ—me to him from Saul his Camp and told him that he had kilâ—ed Saul commanded his Sâ—rvant to kill him presently and said unto him Thy blood bee upon thine owâ— head for thine own mouth hath spoken against thee And yet every man knoweth that Saul killed himself and that this poor simple man thought to have had a reward of David for bringing him the first news of Sauls death These premissâ—s therefore being duly considered it must follow that the late king had great reason aâ—d just cause to command the Duke of Guise to be killed But his friends say nay They have caused it to be imprinted that he was one of the Peers of France one of the greatest of that Realme one of the best beloved Subjects of Europe and one that was allied unto great Kings and Princes And that therefore the King causing him to be murthered as he was migâ—t well think and justly feare that in doing him to death he should highly offend his best friends and give just occasion unto as many as suffered any loss or detriment by his death to revenge the same As therefore Iulius Caesar winked at the Treason committed by Dunorix and called him not into question for the same for feare to offend his Brother Divitiacus who was an assured and faithful Friend unto the people of Rome and a man of great credit and Authority in his Country even so the King should have spared the Duke of Guise and not have used such câ—ueltie towards him as he did for feare to displease and discontent his dearest and best friends and as Henry the 4 King of England deprived the Dukes of Anmarle of Exceter and Surrey of the Lands and possessions which Richard the second gave them and yet spared their lives so the king had done well if he had taken away the lands and livings and not the life of the Duke of Guise Truly if hâ—s kingdom should have received no greater loss or dammage by the Duke of Guise his life then the commonwealth of Rome received by Dunorix the king should not have greatly done amiss to have suffered him to live But since that the Duke did alwaies aspire unto the Crown and since he desired sought and laboured by all meanes possible to usurpe the same the King played as his Mother said the right part of a King whâ—â—â— as he resolved and exâ—cuted his death with all convenient speed For the same Caesar which had pitâ—y and compassion on Dunorix because his life could not greatly hinder or cross his dâ—signes and purposes first banished
I will briefly examine that which hath been already said and by his own Acts and Demands convince and prove his intention It is said that the foot shall not presume to rule the head no more should a Subject take upon him to controll the King or to prescribe unto him what hee shall do And yet the Duke of Guise not once but many times rebuketh his Kings proceedings against she Protestants blameth him of Negligence and telleth him more boldly then wisely that hee must not spare them but subvert them And what was that but to spoile his kingdom The Counsellor is commended which rather refuseth as Office and charge with modesty that is laid upon him then affecteth the same before he be thought worthy thereof and yet the Duke of Guise staieth not untill he was moved by the King but nâ—med himself for his Lieutenant And what was that but to appoint the Kings Officers Wee read of Saul that it grieved him greatly when it was said that David had killed Twenty thousand Enemies and Saul but ten Thousand and yet the Duke of Guise after that he had overthrown the Germans is termed an other Gideon and he termeth his King a loiterer and what was that but to disgrace his Soveraign It is commonly said that where there is no offence committed there needeth no pardon and yet the Duke of Guise would seem not to have offended although hee desireth to have all that was said or done to bee pardoned and buried in Oblivion And what was that buâ— to betraâ— a guilry conscience and an unwilling minde to acknowledge and confess his offence The Subject that armeth multitudes without his kings commandment when there is no fear of a Forreign Enemy or any other in arms within a Realm giveth many presumptions and arguments of a Rebellious minde And yet the Duke of Guise doth not onely arm Multitudes but also proteâ—teth that he and they will lay down his and their arms until the king yeeldeth unto his demands and what was that but to threaten and menace his king The Count of St. Paul High Constable of France was held a Traytor by Lewis the eleventh and so executed because he betrayed his counsel and kept certain Holds and Towns of strength from the king and yet the Duke of Guise must be no Traytor who revealed the kings secrets and withheld many Towns and Cities from him and drave him out of the principal City of his Realm Francis the first proclaimed the Duke of Bourbon to be a Rebel and a Traytor because he fled to Charles the fifth and bore arms in his quarrel against him and yet the Duke of Guise is no Traytor who favoureth the Spanish king more then his own Prince and bringeth Spaniards into France to murther and massacre the kings loving Subjects He saw that his conspiracies and secrets were discovered by the Duke of Espernon and therefore he must be banished the Court He saw that the king of Spain prevailed not against England because he had no Towns in France to harbour his wearied and Sea-beaten Souldiers and therefore at his next coming he must have Normandy at his devotion for that was his purpose when he demanded that Normandy should be given to the holy League What meant he when he required that his brother should be made great Master of the Kings Pallace and the Cardinal of Lorrain Governour of all France Why demanded he no office for himself Forsooâ—h because it was not yet time for him to say he must be king France could not brook two kings The late king must be first deposed and was it not his meaning to procure him to be depoâ—ed and deprived of his Crown at the Parliament which he required to be presently called and assembled That was the matter of great wait the cause of such consequence whereof they must consult an to bring the matter to pass there must be two great Armies in readiness the one in Picardy and the other in Dolphine to bridle those who were most likely to withstand hâ—s Coronation and not to admit and receive him for their king The Hugonets also must be all subverted They were the Oratoâ—s that preserved Athens they were the Geâ—se that saved the Roman Capitol they therefore must be taken away or else he must fail of his purpose That Nation whose king hath the honour to be called the most Châ—istian king may not brook an Heretick for their king and therefore the king of Navarr must be taken away he must not live any longer the Prince of Conde next heir to the Crown after him was already dispatched by poyson and his young infant was not fit to rule But if the king of Navarr's death might have contented him if his overthrow might have set France at Liberty and utterly have subverted the Protestants why was not this king of Navarr's offer accepted Why refused he the combat whereunto he was challenged Such a Champion as the Duke was should not have refused such a challenge such a Gideon that flew so many Germans should not have been afraid to encounter with one Man especially with such a man as forgat the name and state of a King to fight with a Rebel as debased himself to contend with a Traitor as if he won the battle could not but lose some of his honour because he had encountered with an infamous person and if he lost the field lost both his life and Scepter Such a Father and Protector of his Country should not have denied to hazard his life in such a quarrel as might have saved the lives of many of his best friends who have been killed since the time of that challenge But he thought it best to sleep in a whole skin and he knew how to be king without such a hazard he had preferred many and therefore they would and should prefer him But of him enough And from him to the rest wherewith the late king was more vainly then truly charged It followeth in the Accusation that he prodigally wasted the Revenues of the Crown and gave himself to all kinde of vice and wickedness This wastfull spending of the Revenues of the Crown is a fault that exceedeth all other faults a fault that offendeth a kings Subjects much more then any other vice because when Princes Treasures are wasted they flie to their subjects Coffers and empty their Chests to fill their own Exchequers Subjects therefore for their ease require that their king should be a good husband It was a commendation that Tully gave to king Demetriâ—s It is a quality that is required in a good Steward it is a property by so much more requisite in a Prince by how much his charge is greater then other mens but a though they desire that their Prince should be thrifty yet they would not have them covetous and as they can be contented that they should be liberal so they like not that they shall be prodigal Thrift maketh them able to live with their
Ioshua King of Iuda commanded Heikias the high Priest of the second Order and the Keepers of the Doores to bring out of the Temple of the Lord all the Vessels that were made for Baal and to do any manner of things mentioned in the 23. Chapter of the second Book of Kings David assembled the Sons of Aaron and the Levites to bring the Ark of the Lord into the House prepared for it Commanding them to sanctifie themselves And David had a Linnen Garment as all the Levites had that bear the Ark And upon David was a Linnen Ephod David also blessed the People in the Name of the Lord and appointed Certain of the Levites to be Ministers before the Ark of the Lord He Likewise divided Offices to the Levites to their Preists and to their Sons Solomon set the Courses of the Pâ—iests to their Offices according to the order of David his Fathâ—r and the Levites in their Watches for to praise and Minister befoâ—e the Priests every day and the Portersby their Course at every Gate For so was the Commandment of David the Man of God Iehosaphat in the third year of his Raigne sent his Princes to teach in the Cities of Iudah and with them the Levites and Priests And after he had appointed Judges in Civil Causes over all Iudah the set in Ierusalem certaine of the Levits and of the Priests and of the Chiefest of the Famâ—lâ—â—s of Israel for the Judgement and Cause of the Lord and made Amoriath the Priest the chief over them in all matters of the Lord. Ioash Commanded the Levites the Preists and Iehoiada the Cheif Preist to gather Money of all Israel to repair the House of the Lord. Briefly Hezekias goeth furthen then all these for he repaireth the Temple of the Lord and commandeth the Levites to cleanse themselves and to sanctifie the House of the Lord. He commandeth the Preists the Sons of Aaron to offer his Sin Offerings upon the Altar of the Lord. He appointeth the Levites in the House of the Lord with Cymbals with Viols and with Harps He willed the Levites to praise the Lord with the words of David and of Asaph the Seer He set posts through all Israel and Iudah to command them to come to keep the Passover with him and to turn unto the Lord He appointed the Courses of the Priests and of the Levites by their turns every Man according to his Office Briâ—fly he commanded the People of Ierusalem to give a great part to the Priests and Levites that they might be encouraged in the Law of the Lord. Since therefore the Queens Majesty intermedleth not in Ecclesiastical Causes somuch as these Princes did or any thing more then other Kings some of her Predecessors have done Since when her Majâ—sty called a Parliament to Consult of temporal matters the Bâ—shops and Prelates of this Reâ—lme have a meeting also in their Congregation House where whatsoever they decree and order is ratified by her Highness Royall Assent and Approbation since not her Majesty but her Graces Father was the first that assumed unto himself not without just occasion the Title of Supream head and Governor in all Causes Ecclesiastical within his Majesties Realms and Dominions And Briefly since what power soever the Pope had over England was loâ—g since taken from him This sentence of Excommunication against her Majesty is neither warrantable by Law nor any sufficient cause for the King of Spaine to invade our Realme Now to the false Reports of our English Fugitives who as all other Fugitives have accustomed to do fill the King of Spains ears with many vain Fables seeking thereby to exasperate him against our Realm to extenuate the Forces thereof to the end he may think the Conquest of England to be a matter of no great difficultie They calumniate her Majesties Justice â—ccuse her Government and blame her Proceedings against Seminaries and Romish Priests sent into this Realm from Rome as out of the Trojan Horse to seâ—uce her Majesties loving Subjects and to withdraw tâ—em from thâ—ir Obedience These grievous Accusations be sufficiently answered in a little and very learned Treatise Called the Execution of Justice But the Chiefest Point which they reprehend in Her Highness Goverment is there unanswered and therefore I have thought good to reâ—ell it in this place They signifie unto the Spaniard That her Majâ—sty had before the Coming of his Invincible Navie so overcharged her Subjâ—cts with new Subsidies and unaccustomed Taxes and Impositions that they neiâ—her would be willing nor able not to defray so great charges as should be requisite and necessary to maintain an Army by Sea and an other by land This Accusation is auggravated because her Majesty hath called a Parliement almost every fourth years since she came to the Crown and in some of them hâ—th not been contâ—nted with a single Susidie but hath charged her Subjâ—cts with a double Subsidy A matter as they say never heard of in any of her Predecessors times nor then needfull when it was required For the better answering of this objâ—ction I must run over the whole Raignes of some of her Majâ—sties Predecessors thereby to make it appear that they called Parliaments and levied Subsidies as often as her Highness hath done And because it would be tedious to trouble you with many I have restrained my self unto two only namely unto Ed. 1. and Ed. the 3. The Commons granted a Subsidy unto Edward the First in the third year of his Reign and another within two years after then having no extraordinary expences until the eleventh year of his Reign which was six years after he obtained another Subsidy And when he had reigned two and twenty years the Clergy gave him the half of their goods the Inhabitants of the Cities the sixth part and the rest of the common people the tenth of all that they possessed And yet within two years after he levied of all Towns-men and Citizens the Eighth part and of the Country people the Twelfth part of their goods and because the Clergy refused to grant him a Subsidy at that time they were all excluded from his favor and protection for the recovery whereof some by themselves and others by their friends gave him the Fifth part of all that they possessed Neither did the Liberality of the Laity nor the bounty of the Clergy so free them from further Contribution but that the very next year after the King having occasion to War against Scotland the common people gave him very willingly the Ninth part of their Goods the Clergy subject unto the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Tenth and the Clergy of York Diocess the Fifth part because they were nearer to the danger and invasion of the Enemy Edward the Third had a Subsidy of his people the sixth year of his Reign and another the next year after and within four years after the Commons granted him a Fifteenth the Burgesses of Towns and Inhabitants of Cities a Tenth and
The same King seemed in appearance to be offended with his Lord Chancellor for concluding the Truce with the French King and therefore took the Seal from him and caused a new to be made proclaiming through all his Dominions that not any thing sealed with the old Seal should stand in force both for that his Councellors had wrought more indiscreetly then was convenâ—ent and because the same Seal was lost when his Vice-Chancellor was drowned wherefore all men were commanded to come to the new Seal that would have their Charters and Writings confirmed The same King having levied two shillings once before of every Hide of land levied 5 s. of every Hide of Land for a Subsidie rating every Hide to certain hundred acres Lastly the same King caused Turneys to be exercised in divers places for the better trayning of men at Arms in Fâ—ats of Arms whereby he raised no small sums of money for granting license to his Subjects so to Tuâ—ney every Earl paid for his license twenty Marks every Baron ten Marks and every landed Knight four Marks and those that had no land two Marks Now from this King unto others King Iohn in the year 1204 levied a Subsidie of two Marks and an half of every Knights Fee belonging as well unto Spiritual as unto Temporal men the which exaction must needs be very great considering that there were better then forty thousand Knights Fees in England and that every shilling then was worth three shillings in these dayes according to the rate which Sir Thomas Smith maketh in his Book de Republica Anglorum Henry the third revoked all lands granted in his Minority unto his Servants and called to an accompt all his Officers displaced some fined others sold his Plate and borrowed so much money as he could get of the Londoners of Priors Abbots and of the Jews of one of which named Aaron it is written that he had at one time above 30000 Marks Henry the third again obtained certain Authentick Seals of the Prelates of England and sealed therewith certain writings and instruments wherein it was expressed that he had received certain sums of money for dispatch of business pertaining to them and to their Churches of these and the Merchants of Florence and of Sienna whereby they stood bound for repaiment by the same Instruments made by him their Agent in their names The Pope yeelded his consent unto this shift because it should go unto the discharging of the kings debts into which he was run by bearing of the charges of the Wars whereof I have made mention in another place against the king of Sicilie The same Henry caused a Proclamation to be made that all such as might dispend 15 l. in land should receive the honour of Knighthood and those that would not should pay their Fines and five Marks were set on every Sheriffs head for a Fine because they had not distrained every person that might dispend 15 l. land to receive the order of Knighthood as was to the same Sheriffs commanded The same Henry in the Forty fourth year of his Reign had granted him a Scutagium or Escuage that is fourteen shillings of every Knights Fee The same Henry in the second commotion of the Earl of Glocester engaged the Shrines of Saints and other Jewels and Relicks of the Church of Westminster for great sums of money wherewith he got Aid out of France and Scotland Briefly the same Henry caused all the weights and measures throughout all England to be perused and examined and laid great Fines on their heads that were found with false Weights and with false Measures Edward the second for his defence against the Scots had the sixth penny of temporal mens goods in England Ireland and Wales And Edward the Third for the recovery of France besides other Subsidies took the ninth Lamb Fleece and Sheaf of Corn through England Riâ—hard the Second had a Mark of the Merchants for every Sack of their Woolls for one year and six pence of the buyers for every pound of Wares brought in from beyond the Seas and here sold. He had likewise towards his charges for the Wars of France a Noble of every Priest Secular or Regular and as much of every Nun and of every married or not married man or woman being sixteen years old four pence and forty shillings of every Sack of Wooll of which ten shillings to be imployed at the â—ings pleasure and thirty shillings to be reserved for his necessity In the 24. year of Henry the Eighth his Reign when his Majesty married with her Highness Mother the Lady Ann Bullein Writs were directed to all Sheriffs to certifie the names of all mâ—n of 40 l. lands to receive the honour and order of Knighthood or else to make a Fine It is written by Philip de Comines that our Kings when they wanted money were wont to feign that they would go into Scotland or into France with an Army and that to make great sums of money they would levy men and pay them for a matter of two or three months within which space they would again dismiss their Armies although they had taken money of their Subjects enough to maintain them for a whole year or more and many times they had money of the King of Scotland or of France towards the charges of their Wars It is written by du Haillan in the Tenth Book of his French History that Iohn King of England being in great want of money enjoyed for six years together all the Bâ—nefices of his Realm and all his Bishopricks Abbeys and Monasteries wherewith he defraied the expences of his House and of his Armies which he might do very well because the Revenues of such Benefices as Italian Priests enjoyed sometimes in England came by just computation to above seventy thousand Marks by the year And it was declared in a Parliament held in the 11. year of King Henry the Fourth his Reign that the King might have of the temporal possessions Lands and Revenues which were lewdly consumed by the Bishops Abbots and Priors of England so much as would suffice plentifully to finde and maintain 150 Earls 1500 Knights 6209 Esquires and an hundred Hospitals more then were at that time The same King Iohn accused sometimes one sometimes another Nobleman of England that they lost his Towns and Cities beyohd the Seas by their negligence and fined them at great sums of money Thus I have with as much brevity as might be waded through the several reigns of most of the longest-lived Kings of our Realm and have set you down about thirty sundry and divers kinds of ways which they have used to make money in time of their want and necessities of all which her Majesties greatest enemies cannot truly shew or prove that her Highness in thirty six years that her Grace hath now reigned ever used as much as one and if it may please those that being Fugitives abroad and most envy and malign her peaceable and
quiet Government at home to confer the necessities of her Predecessors with the urgent occasions that her Grace hath had to use much ready money they shall finde that her Ancestors never had so just occasions of necessary expences as her Majesty had of late years yea almost for the whole time of her reign For albeit her Majesty hath not had continual open Wars as some of them had yet her charge hath been nothing inferior unto theirs For first Wars are now adays as I have said far more chargeable then they were wont to be Then her Grace hath had no other Princes to contribute towards her expences as her Predecessors had Next her Loans to foreign Princes as to the Kings of France of Navar of Scotland to the late Duke of Alencon and to the States of the Low Countries have been very great And lastly her charges both by land and Sea could not chuse but amount yearly to infinite sums considering how many times her Highness hath been constrained to send her Navy to the Seas and her Land Souldiers forth of the Realm Besides her Predecessors charges were for the most part voluntary being undertaken to conquer and not to defend their Realms to get other Princes Dominions and not to conserve their own to revenge forein injuries and not to repulse domestical invasions briefly their Wars were for their own profit and hers for her Subjects benefit considering therefore that whatsoever her Grace hath levied not granted unto her by her Parliament without any contradiction without any accusing her of Prodigalâ—ty wâ—thout any such exception taken against her demands as hath been taken against other her Predecessors without any suspition of hâ—r evil Government therefore without any consigning the managing and government of the same unto others then unto them who by her Majesties appointment have the custody thereof it is a manifest argument that her Subjects were always most willing to yeeld to all manner of contributions that her Highness in her Princely Wisdom and Discretion did take to be necessary for the defence of her Realm And if these malicious Accusers would look upon the governments upon the Exactions upon the extortions of such Princes in whose Realms they either live by Alms or wander up and down as Vagabonds their own consciences if at least they have any would condemn them of malice of untruth or of gross ignorance for the wisest amongst them may and are well able to make large volumes of such Subsidies Taxes Impositions and Grievances as are levied in France Italy Spain of which the hundreth parts are unknown much less practised in England and this must needs appear to be most true and manifest since it cannot be denied that in some Dukedoms of Italy the Circuit of which is not comparable unto one Shire of England the yearly Revenues of the Duke far exceed the Revenues and Rents of the Crown of England Moreover if it may please this Viperous generation of Fugitives to call to mind the Interest that Princes have in their Subjects Goods and the great power that is given unto kings in the Old Testament over the Lands and Possessions of as many as live under their Obedience and also to remember that Princes the longer they live the more absolute Imperious and self-conceited they are in the Execution of their Government and the more Experienced in their proof they must rather commend then condemn her Majesty whom neither continuance of time nor fulness of Authority nor presumption upon the good Wills of her people nor confidence upon the Equity of her Cause nor the consideration of her Subjects weal wholly depending upon her welfare nor briefly the remembrance of her gentle and sweet-Government hath ever imboldened to be over-chargable unto the Realm or over-burthensome unto her Subjects This grievous accusation is more truly then briefly refelled Now leaving the rest of these Fugitives suggestions unto another place wherein I shall have occasion to handle them more fitly I will end this point with condemning the King of Spain for being too light in crediting these Rebels in two principal points For first he ought to have considered that neither the vain Pamphlets disspersed by his lying Ambassador Mendoza nor the malicious book written by Cardinal Allen was able to alter remove or shake the natural and dutifull affections of our English Subjects they were too well acquainted with the Ambassadors old and inveterate malice with his hostile practices and his desperate intents They knew the Cardinal to be a Religious Fugitive to sell his tongue and the use thereof for money to be like unto Richard Shaw that was hired to preach at Pauls-Cross and there publickly to justifie the wrongfull usurpation of Richard the third to resemble the Duke of Buckingham who neither feared nor blushed to commend the same cause for just and most lawfull in the Guildhall London to imitate Iohn Petit a Preacher of France who for a far less bribe then a Cardinalship allowed approved and commended in Pulpit and in writing the most horrible murther committed by the Duke of Burgoigne on the person of the Duke of Orleans And lastly to follow his example who without all example was not ashamed to write a large volumn against the late king of France and therein to deduce many reasons many causes for and by which he maintained that the said King might be lawfully deposed and another set up and established in his place Secondly he might have considered that those Fugitives are for the most part peevish and discontented Schollers fitter to mannage a Pen then a Lance to dispute of Philosophy then to discourse of War to be partial in their own conceits then to be prodigal in their assurance briefly to be ready to say more then they know especially when they are either assured or in good hope by saying much to obtain much he might have remembred that Iohannes Viennensis sent into Scotland by Charles the sixth of France although he was a man of great experience a Captain of long continuance aud one that by his long abode in Scotland knew England and her Forces far better then our Fugitives do deceived his King at his return out of Scotland in reporting unto him the strength of our Nation he had fought with many of our Armies had seen 60000 Footmen 8000 and Horsmen of ours in the Field was of opinion that our Country was easie to be conquered within the Realm howsoever it prevailed and conquered abroad And lastly he both knew and signified unto the king that the Duke of Lancaster was absent in Portugal with the Flower and chief Youth of England These reason moved the French king to determine to invade England presently to carry an huge Army to Sluce in Flanders to assemble all the Nobility and Peers of his Realm for that voyage and to proâ—â—se unto himself an assured victory against England But what event had this Journey What effect followed of this perswasion The
Servant and to spoil the Master not to hurt the Subject and to murder the Prince to dismiss the Messenger and to detain the Sender briefly to honor him who representeth another mans person and to disgrace the party whose person is represented These are the most substantial Reasons that are made against this Sentence And to every one of these I will frame a brief Answer Par in parem non habet potestatem And therefore Princes who are most commonly equals cannot exercise any power or authority one against anoâ—her True it is that this is an ancient principle or maxime in Law but as other Rules or Maximes have their exceptions so this position is not without a limitation without an exception or interpretation Two Magistrates I grant being made and constituâ—ed by their Superior with equal power and authority have no power or jurisdiction one over another but they are created as it were with this condition that they shall use the authority which is given them by their Princes against their Inferiors and to those that are subject to their several jurisdictions But sithence this Law was made in their behalf onely who do acknowledge a Superior and that in such a time and in such a State in which there were many Magistrates but one King many Judges but one Emperor many that were equaâ—s among themselves but one that excelled them all in power and and authority I take it that the same concerneth absolute Princes no more then a privilege granted to Ticius alone belongeth unto Marius For sithence that the charge and alteration of time hath brought forth so many Kings instead of one Emperor that almost every Country hath now his several King Since the consent and general agreement of people hath given full power and authority unto their Kings to make what Laws they pleased since need and necessity requireth that new Laws be made and published almost every day and that they being once made shall not be of force out of those Realms within which they are established it cannot be but both absurd and ridiculous to beleeve and affirm that a Law made many hundâ—ed years ago by a Roman Emperor and that in Italy shall in these days bind those Princes over whom the Emperor hath no manner of power and that when aâ—tient Emperors had it long sithence abrogated and abolished For as many Shires and Provinces of England France and other Countries which had their several Kings are now reduced under the obedience of one King so contrariwise the Emperor which was wont to command many Nations is now brought to such alow ebb to so smal and slender an Estate that he can hardly challenge the absolute Rule and Government over the twentieth part of one Nation Since therefore Laws made by our Ancestors are so derived to our after-commers that it may be well said that they aâ—e as well Successors unto them in their Laws as they are their Heirs in their goods it is certain that many Laws remain still which were made many years ago but no Prince will admit or allow them any longer then they shall be found to be profitable and expedient for the Commonwealth or then they shall not diminish their royal Authority hence it cometh that some men hold opinion â—hat a King cannot make a Law which shall prejudice his Successors hence it cometh that former Laws may Lawfully be abrogated and others although they be quite contrary made in their stead so that they be found profitable for the Sâ—ate Hence lastly it cometh that the latter Statute repealeth the former and that which came last to light obtained most force Neither although there be but very few or no Princes especially in Christendome which even in these days of Weakness and infirmity of the Empire do not greatly respect and reverence the Emperor And albeit there be very few Lawyers which do not both read and admire the large volumes of the Civil Laws Compiled or rather digested into order by Iustinian the Emperor yet is there any King that useth the same Laws as Iustinian his Laws Or any Civilian that joyneth not the knowledge of the Statutes and Constitutions of his Country with the Studie of the Imperial decrees and Ordinance In England the Civil Law hath small force and lesse use In France it is in great Credit but there is a Capital punishment laid upon them who in pleading a Cause presume to alledge a Civill Text as a Law made by the Emperor but they alledged them as Laws approved by the French King For when as the King of France perceived that his Majesty should be greatly blemished and prejudiced if he should Govern his kingdom by Forreigne Laws and yet he saw that it was impossible to have or invent better Laws then the Civil Laws are he entertained the best of them being very loth that so good Laws should utterly perish and be forgotten But he commanded them to be Called his and his Successors Lawes least that it might turn to his discredit to Governe by other Princes Laws What accompt other Nations make of the Civil Laws it is easie to Conjecture by this That in Germany it self in which only Country the Emperor hath Imperial authority there are many Provinces which have banished the Civil Law Considering therefore that Laws made in Spaine binde not us in England and that the Frenchmen are not tyed to ours who shall be esteemed wise that will affirm that these Kings are Subject unto Iustinians Laws which are nothing inferior unto Iustinian his Successor in power and Authority But grant that the Emperors Laws have now as great Force and Strength as ever they had and that this Maxime Principle or Rule in Law Par in parem non habet potestatem doe bind all the Kings of the World yet it shall appear that it cannot any thing at all availe the late Scottish Queen For First as it oftentimes happeneth that men of great Authority lose the same by their own default or Negligence So princes going our of their own Countries into other kingdoms and Dominions make themselves inferior unto them in whose kingdom they remaine This is proved by Common experience For what Householder be he never so poor will suffer a rich man to rule or be his better in his own House What Master of a Ship will permit a Passenger bâ— he of never so great Wealth to Guide or Governe his ship Or what Captain can or will endure that a young Nobleman be he of never so great birth and Parentage shall lead and direct his Soldiers The sweetness which is in Commanders admitteth no Companion The Pope the Emperor or if there were any greater then they hath no share no part or Portion therein but all were it never so much belongeth wholy unto him that ruleth And there is such a feeling such pleasure in this sweetness that to extenuate the same by words is dangerous to diminish it by deeds perilous and to make others
partakers of it foolish in a King and Capital in a Subject Eumenes was King but of a poore Castle and yet he would not accknowledge mightie Antigonus for his Superior Pompey was a Subject and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him Caesar a Citizen of Rome and yet he could not brooke an equall And the late Prince of Orange a Prince of no great Power or Wealth and yet he held himself for as absolute a Prince as the mightie Monarch of Spain This again is proved by a notable example of the Emperor Charles the 4. who coming into France in the time of Charles the 5. King of France to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our King was mett upon the way by the French King which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet but the Emperor as soon as they were mett would have yeilded the highest place unto the King and accepted it not without great ceremony and it was written that it was given him but of Curtesie a Curtesie usuall among Princes aswell as amongst private men for as private men in their own houses and at their own Tables will of Curteâ—ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves so Princes when strange Kings come into their country will preferr them before themselves It is ceâ—tain that the Emperor precedeth of right all the Princes of Christendom And yet when Francis the first King of France was brought from Pavia where he was taken Prisoner into Spain at their fiâ—st meeting the Emprror and he embraced one another on horseback with their Capps in their hands and in covering their heads there passâ—d great ceremony betwixt them each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered and after that they had talked a while they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time And after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand This again is proved by the Emperor Sigismond who when hee would have made the Earle of Savoy as you have heard upon an other occasion Duke at Lyons hee was commanded by the Kings Attorney not to attempt any such thing in France aswell because it was thought that being in an other Kings Country he lost his Authority and Power to create a Duke as for that it seemed unto the French King that he was not to suffer him to use any Royall Authority within his dominions The Queen of Scotts therefore when shee was in England was inferior unto the Queens Majesty and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal Reasons The one because there is an inequalitie betwixt Kings one of them being better then an other The other because she was her Majesties Vassall and the third because she was deposed and so no longer a Queen First for the inequality it is certain that the Kings of Spain and of France be both resolute Princes and yet France challengeth precedency before Spain for five principal causes The first because the consent and opinion of the learned is for France and not for Spain The second because the French Kings have a long time had the honor to be Emperors and not the Kings of Spain The third because the French Kings have been called most Christian Kings these many hundred yeares and Ferdinando the fift was the first and that but lately that was called the Catholick King of Spain The fourth because at the Feast of St. George in England France even in Queen Maries time was preferred before Spain The fift because the house of France is more ancient then that of Spain which raigned long before the Castle of Hapsburg was builded The sixt and last because the book of ceremonies which is kept at Rome preferreth France before Spain Next to France is England as appeareth by the same book which putteth England in the second place and Spain in the third Again those Kings are best which are Crowned and by the same book it is evident that France England and Spain only have Crowned Kings Next it seemeth that the meaner sort of Kings also strive for Precedency and one of them will be accompted better then another For it is written that Matthew King of Hungary thinking himself better then Ladislaus King of Bohemia when they met once together Matthew went bare-headed and tyed about the head with a green Garland because hee would not put off his Capp unto the Bohemian but have him put off his unto him which the King of Bohemia perceiving deceived his expectation by tying his own Capp so fast unto his head that when they met hee could not put it off and so the Hungarian being bare-headed saluted the Bohemian that was covered But to leave these Inequalities and to come unto the second point which being proved it must needs follow that the Scottish Queen was farr inferior unto our Queen uâ—â—o whom shee owed honor homage and obedience Many of our Kings have challenged the Soveraignity over Scotland but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then Edward the first who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good caused all the Monasteriâ—s of England and Wales to bee searched to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his Title The King found in the Chronicles of Mariamis Scotus of William of Malmesburg of Roger of Hoveden of Henry of Huntingdâ—n and of Radolph of â—ucet that King Edward his Predecessor in the yeare of our Lord nine hundred and ten subdued the Kings of Scotland and Câ—mberland and that the Subjects of both these kingdoms in the nine hundred and eleventh year chose the said Edward for their Soveraign Lord. He found further that Adeslaus King of England subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six Scotland and Northumberland and that the People of both Countries submitting themselves unto him swore unto him both fidelity and homage Hee found again that King Edgar overcame Rinad the son of Alphinus King of Scots and that by that victory he became King of Four kingdoms namely of England Scotland Denmarke and Norway He found also that St. Edward gave the kingdom of Scotland to bee held under him unto Malcolm son unto the King of Cumberland and that William the Conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said Malcolm and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him The like did William Rufus unto the same Malcolm and unto his two Sons who raigned one after another Besides it appeareth unto the said Edward that Alexander King of Scotland succâ—eded his brother Edgar in his kingdome with the consent of Henry the first King of England that David King of Scots did homage unto King Stephen and William unto King Henry the second unto Henry the third unto King Richard and unto King Iohn It appeared again by the Chronicles of St. Albans that Alexander King of Scots in the thirty year of King Henries
his own laws made the Earl of Pembroke whose name was Odomar Valentinian Governor of Scotland and to the end they should have no Memory no Monument nor Testimony of a Royal Majesty he transferred a Seate of Stone whereupon their Kings were wont to sit at their Coronation out of Scotland into England and the same remainth at thâ—s day at Westminster Now to leave these and the like Testimonies because they carry the lesse credit for that they are reported by our own Historiographers I will come to the violent presumptions which may be gathered out of their own Histories First it cannot be denyed that God hath blessed us with many famous and notable Victories against the Scots Then it must be granted that we had alwaies wit enough to make our best advantage of those victories Next it is not likely but that we took the benefit of such advantageâ— And who will think that when we were so often provoked so many times deceived so throughly informed of our Right that we would not claime our Right Againe at the very time of this notable competency betwixt Iohn Balioll and Robert Bruce it is written that Ericus King of Norway sent certain Ambassadors wiâ—h Letters of Commissiâ—n from him to demand the Kingdome of Scotland in the Right of his Daughter Margaret sometimes Wife unto the King of Scots in which Letter he acknowledgeth our King to be Lord and Soveraigne of Scotland And why should there be found Bulls of Excommunication against the Kings of Scotland for not obeying our Kings Or why should it be recorded that two Kâ—ngs of Scotland Carried at severall times the Sword before King Arthur and king Richard at their Coronations Or why is it not probable that Scotland should be as well Subject unto us as Bohemia and Hungaria were unto the Empire Naples and Sicilie unto Rome Burgondy and Navarr unto France the Duâ—edom of Moscovia aâ—d the Marquisate of Brandiburge unto Polâ—nâ—a Portugall unto Spaine and Austria unto Bohemia Or lâ—stly why may it not be thought that as these Kingdoms and Dominions remaine still in their old Subjection and acknowledg their Ancient Soveraigne so Scotland ought to do the like Our Fortune seldome failed us against them They never used us so kindly nor our kings at any time behaved themselves so unwisely that they Resigned their Right and Title unto Scotland as other Princes have done But now to the like advantage of this kind of inferiority as a Frenchman contracting or bargaining with one of our Nation in England maketh himself by this contract and Bargaine a Subject unto our Laws so any man whatsoever offending within our Realm subjecteth himself by reason of his offence unto our Jurisdiction And this is so true that a very mean man being a Judge if a great personage remaining under his Jurisdiction who by reason of his greatness may seem to be freed from his Authority shall commit an offence worthie of Punishment during his abode there the same mean and Inferior Judge may lawfully punish his Offence Example will make this matter more cleer For Example sake then grant that a Bishop abideth a while within an Archdeacons Jurisdiction and there offendeth in some Crime that deserveth Punishment the question may be whether the Archdacon may punish this delinquent For the Negative it may be said that Par in parem non habet protestatem much lesse an Inferior against his Superior and that an Archdeacon is Oculus Episcopi and Major post Episcopum and therefore can have no Authority over a Bishop yet it is resolved that if the Bishop be a stranger and not a Bishop of the Diocesse the Archdeacon hath sufficient Authority and the power to Chastise and Correct his offence but he cannot meddle with him if he be his own Bishop and the reason of the diversity is because his own Bâ—shop is as it were the Archdeacons spirituall Father and it is not Convenient that the Son should have any manner of Authority over the Father Now since it is certaine that where there is the like reason there the like Law shall be I may boldly infer by this Law that the Scottish Queâ—n offending within her Majesties Dominion may be punished by her Grace although she were her farr better I might here before I come unto her voluntary and forcible Resignation of the Crown tell you that she committed many things both before and after her Imprisonment that made a plaine forfeture of her Kingdome But although when I tâ—uched the duties of Vassals in some part I promised to touch the same in this plâ—ce more largely yet for brevitie sake I must omit this large discourse and only tell you that as the French King called our King Iohn in question for the murther commited by him at his Instigation on the person of his Nephew Arthur and forfeited his States in France for his not Apperance or insufficient Answer unto that Crime so if the Scottish Subjects had not deprived their Queen for the Parâ—icide laâ—d to her charge our Queens most excellent Majestie might not only have taken notice thereof but also have punished the same For albeit the Fact was committed without her Highness Realm and Dominion yet the person who was murthered being her Subject and Kinsman her grace might ex eo capite in my simple opinion lawfully have proceeded against the Malefactor And I remember that I saw a man executed at Venice because he killed his own Wife in Turky and the reason why they proceeded against him was the hainousness of the Fact and for that his Wife although she were not so was their naturall Subject And yet I confesse that our Common Laws regard not offences commited without our Realm wherein me thinketh they have small reason For sithence that for a Bargain made beyond the Seas I may have my reâ—edy here why shall not have the benefit of Law for my Child and Kinsman or any other that is near and dear unto me murthered beyond the Seas since the life of a Subject ought to be of far greater value and worth then his goods And if in a Civill action of which the Cause and originall is given beyond the Seas they can 〈◊〉 the Bond and Obligation to be made at Lyons within some Shire in England when indeed the same Lyons which they meane and where the Bond was made is in France why may they not lawfully use the like Fiction in a Criminal Cause But now the third point that Argueth the late Scottish Queens Inferiority unto our Queen She was deposed and therefore no longer a Queen This point hath in it two very strange points It is strange to hear that a Man or a woman being borne a Prince should be deprived and that he which receiveth a Kingdom by his birth should lose the same before his death But because this point hath great affinitie which the third objection that is made against the unfortunate Queens Execution I will forbear to speak thereof untill
for considering we finde many Texts in the Holy Scripture whereby we are commanded to obey Princes to be subject unto them to honour them to pray for them since they are called Fathers and we Children they Shepherds and we their Flocks they Heads and we their Feet it is an hard Resolution and in my opinion an heavy sentence that Children should disobey their Parents a Flock to Rebel against their Shepherd or the Feet to presume to command and direct the Head This question notwithstanding that it is dangerous and difficult is largly discussed by George Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotes and also by him who was ashamed to put his name unto the Book that was lately written against the French king In these two authors you shall finde every point of this third Objection sufficiently debated You shall finde the Text alledged out of St. Paul in the behalf of Princes and other places of the Scripture learnedly answered You shall finde many examples of profane and Ecclesiastical Histories of Princes that have been done to death Briefly you shall finde more to move others perhaps then there is to move me to subscribe to their opinion For Buchanan argueth in such manner as I may rather commend his subtilty then his conscience And he that writeth against the French king sheweth himself too partial too malicious too injurious to Princes And Buchanan giveth too great Authority unto Subjects and the other too much power unto the Pope It cannot be denied that Princes received their first Authority from the consent of the people It is likewise certain that this Authority was given them to be used to the benefit of the people And no man will deny that Countries can subsist and stand without kings But shall every man that receiveth a benefit of another be alwayes subject unto him that once pleasured him Shall either a rude multitude or a few contentious Rebels judge when a King useth his Authority to the benefit of the people And because Countries have flourished and may still flourish without a king shall therefore every Country reject their king when they dislike their king It â—eemeth that Buchanan is of this opinion because he approveth the death of king Iames the third and alloweth the approbation that was made thereof by some of the people and Nobility of Scotland who were the principal Actors in the Rebellion against the same king and the chief Authors of his death The causes which moved those Rebels to bear Arms against their King were but two The one that he had made certain base money and called it not in again at their pleasure The other that he had advanced certain base Personages unto high places of great credit and dignity if these two faults might be amended the Rebels offered to submit themselves to their King The King yeelded not unto these motions Why The History giveth a good reason for the King They made these demands being in Arms. It seemeth that they would not entreat but inforce their King and the King thought it convenient to chastise their insolency and boldness who presumed to War against him at home when he and his Kingdom stood in manifest danger of foreign Enemies There was amongst them namely the Duke of Albania who affected the kingdom who to further his Traiterous purposes had joyned with the King of England against his native Country and animated his lewd confederates to continue in their obstinate and unlawful demands They considered not that extream necessity and want compelled their King to use that money and when they had taken these base persons from the King for which they seemed to rebel and had hanged them contrary to all Law and Equity they laid not down their Weapons but followed the poor King and so followed him that at length they flew him And why My Author giveth this reason Because they knew that they had so highly offended him that they feared that if they should have spared him as some better minded then the rest purposed to have done he would have been revenged of them This murther the States of Scotland saith Buchanan allowed and ordained that no man should be called in question or troubled for the same But what States are these Those saith my Author that had born Arms against him and for whose sake he was murthered And they had good cause to decree that no man should be accused of his death But what will some man of Buchanans opinion say unto me Shall Princes do what they list and no man censure them Are they not subject unto the Laws May they not be called to an accompt Shall the people from whence they derive their Authority have no manner of authority over them And hath it not been always held very dangerous in a State to have any man so mighty that no man may or dare controle him Truly I allow not that liberty unto Princes that their pleasure shall stand always for a Law I limit their Wills unto Reason I tie their commandments unto the Word of God I fasten their Decrees unto the Laws of Nature unto Equity and unto the Weal of the people And if these things be not regarded I take their Laws to be unlawful their Commandmenâ—s unjust their Decrees â—â—ique I know that good Princes are so far from nor subjecting themselves unto their Laws that they suffer themselves and their causes to be tried daily by their Laws And if any of them by negligence or wilfulness by folly or ignorance by malice or forgetfulness begin to contemn their Laws I think it convenient that they should be modestly rebuked but not utterly rejected be in a mannerly sort checked but not violently condemned be gently admonished but not straight ways furiously and turbulently punished Is there no way but down with them depose them kill them Must we cry against the Lords annointed with the Jews as they did against Christ Crucifige Crucifige and not rather learn by the Jews that the common people is no competent Judge to determine matters of great weight and consequence I am not such a stranger in the course of Histories but that I know that some Princes have been deposed for their insufficiency as in France Theodorick and Chilperick others for their negligence as again in France Lewis sirnamed Do nothing some for poysoning the next Heir of the Crown as Martina Empress of Constantinople others for perjury and not keeping promise with their Enemies as Iustinian the Son of Constantine the Fourth some for not tendring the Weal and publick Welfare of their Subjects as Richard King of England others for murthering them which reprehended their vices as Boleslaus King of Polonia some for usurping things not belonging unto their Crown as Sumberlanus King of Bohemia others for their extream rigor and cruelty as Sigismond King of Hungary some for their childrens Adultery as Tarquine King of Rome others for Tyranny as Archilaus Son to Herod some for unreasonable
exactions as Slaomire King of Abredites and others for corruption as Adolph the Emperor But if all these Depositions were examined and tried by the Touchstone of Law I think the most part of them will be found scant lawful For all these crimes in private men are not capital and therefore why should they be so severely punished in Princes How many judges take Bribes and are not deposed How many Magistrates are negligent and are not punished How many Officers execute not their Offices and are not removed How many rich men offend in Adultery and are not censured briefly How many Noble men commit Adultery and Murther and are not condemned In Poland the Gentleman that killeth a Yeoman payeth but a certain Fine in money in France he that killeth another manfully and in the field is seldom executed In Italy many are vilely murthered and the Murtherers are not always punished And in all Countries grievous Crimes are either tolerated or pardoned sometimes because the Malefactors are descended of notable parents whom Princes are loth to offend and discontent You have heard how Dunorix was spared although he were a Traytor for Diviaticus his Brothers sake and our Chronicles report that Henry the Third having taken in the Barons Wars many Schollars of Oxford in Northampton who did him more harm then all the rest of his Enemies would have hanged them all had not his Council perswaded him to save them because in executing them he might displease their friends who were Gentlemen and Noblemen of great Houses Shall mean personages vile murtherers private men escape unpunished and must the Law be executed with all severity upon Princes They are in higher places their actions are beheld of all men and most men are lead by their example True but David was not punished as soon as he had killed Uriah Solomon was not deposed although he kept many Concubines Herod was not streightways deprived for murthering of Iohn Baptist and it was long before Saul was removed by David But how then May Princes offend as often as they will and never be punished No Must their Subjects endure all their Cruelties and Tyrannies No May they be troublesom unto their Neighbours untrue unto their Confederates Enemies unto the common peace and never to be reprehended No What course is then to be taken to bridle their Appetites and restrain their Insolency Truly I finde two notable Laws for the punishment of such Princes the one made by Conrad the Emperor and the other by Otho the Third Conrad his Law commanded all Princes to embrace Peace to maintain Law and Equity and not to disturb the quiet and peaceable Estate of the Empire and that whosoever transgressed in any of these three points should suffer death Othon his Law was much to the same effect but he added That the Prince offending in any of these three points should besides the loss of life lose all his States and Dominions and be held for a common enemy and that all the Princes of Christendom should rise in arms against him as a perturber of Christian peace and tranquillity But in these days Princes neither are nor will be nor can be ready to help every one that complaineth and why should Subjects seek for releif abroad that may be releived and succoured at home The course is ordinary the remedy easie if men will not deceive themselves in taking their course Every Country hath its Parliament every Kingdom the Assembly of their Estates there may their Griefs be heard their Wrongs red ressed and their Princes repressed And in this course the common people loseth not a jot of their Authority for they which attribute most unto the people take not every confused rude and tumultuous multitude for the people but a choice company of the wisest Nobility and of the most grave honest discreet and wise men amongst the Commonalty It must not be such base and busie companions as was Iack Straw in England Nicholas Rency in Rome Iaques Artevilla in Flanders George Zechius in Bohemia Anthony Bavadella in Spain and William Siler in Switzerland that must presume to controll mighty Kings or to alter well governed States For such petty Companions are better able to mislead a number of simple people with their venemous tongues then to consider with discretion that many things are done in every Kingdom which Princes know not of and that divers abuses are committed which the Officers that commit them keep as long as they can possible from their Princes knowledge which abuses should be quickly redressed if the king might be made acquainted with them These Companions consider not that there is an High Court of Parliament unto which Princes either can be contented or be constrained to submit themselves and wherein Subjects may speak unto their King freely so they speak reverently any thing that may benefit their Country I said reverently because methinks it is not tolerable that any Subject be he never so great and mighty should use unreverent speeches unto his King secretly much less in an open Parliament as did Richard Earl Marshal of England unto King Henry the third who when the King called him in choler and perhaps not without occasion Traytor gave him the lye in the Parliament House and told him to his face he cared not for him because he was well assured that as long as he lived in obedience unto the Laws of the the Realm he could not hurt him And when the king answered he could intercept his victuals and suffer no man to bring him any manner of Provision he replyed that if he sent any to intercept his victuals he would send them home shorter by the heads then they came Such an audacious and unreverent speech coming to the ears of such busie Companions as Iack Straw and Iack Cade were in England would make them take the Speaker for a Demy God for a Patron of his Country for a Protector of their Liberty and being carried from them unto others may draw them like a company of mad-men to adventure life and limbs for such a desperate Cataline and without ever considering whereabout they go to undertake for his sake the utter subversion of Town and Country But it may be said that I am like the Physitian that prescribeth a remedy unto his Patient but telleth him not how he shall come by it so I talk much of a Parliament but I conceal how difficult it will be to have a Parliament especially when a Prince without whose consent and commandment the same cannot be called knoweth or mistrusteth that any thing shall be debated and determined therein to his prejudice I cannot but acknowledge this difficulty and therefore if the wrongs that are offered be not too great it is better to suffer them with patience thâ—n to seek to reform them by violence But if the outrages grow once to be so extream that they are no longer to be endured I hold the same for a most unfortunate unhappy and
the Laws of Humanity or Hospitality are or can justly be said to be broken if such a Prince be severely punished for since he first violateth these Laws himself he giveth thereby just occasion unto him whose death he seeketh by unlawfull means to use the benefit of Law for the shortning of so unthankfull a Guests life especially if before his attempt and conspiracy his detainor always used him gently and curteously But it was never seen say the Scotish Queens friends that a Prince flying from the violence of her Subjects or passing by another Princes Realm as the Scotish Queen did to go into another Country was detained prisoner It is a thing never heard of never practised in any Age or by any Prince were he never so barbarous never so void of Humanity This is a vehement Objection but not so vehement as ridiculous For as a private man cannot come upon his neighbours ground without his leave so Princes may not set their feet on their neighbours Territories without asking them leave and license and the Prince that shall presume to come into another Princes Country without his leave is thought too indiscreet and unwise although the occasion of his coming be never so just and lawfull It is written of Baldwine the Emperor of Constantinople that when he being driven from his Imperial Seat came into England to demand aid of our King the cause of his coming was very just and equitable but when landed at Dover word was sent him by our King that he had done unadvisedly and otherwise then it became a king of his Magnificence and Majesty to adventure to come into our Realm without making them privy before hand to his coming and because he vouchsafed not to ask leave it was held for a manifest sign of great pride and contempt Was there ever Prince that took a more just and necessary and commendable voyage then Richard the first king of England did unto the Holy land Was there ever any journey of which followed better success then of that his voyage Had ever Prince more just occasion to hope to pass by another Princes Country without danger or detriment then he had And yet as he returned although he was disguised in apparel to the end he might not be known and pass safely he was intercepted by Leopald Duke of Austria and held a long time in prison by him and afterwards dilivered unto the Emperor And albeit that the Pope and other Princes considering that he was unlawfully detained became Mediators and Intercessors for his liberty yet he could not be delivered before he had endured twenty two moneths imprisonment and had paid better then one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for his Ransom Both our Chronicles and the Scotish Histories report that Iames son unto Robert King of Scotland when his Uncle being Governor of the Kingdom had murthered his Elder brother and purposed to have made him away also was sent by his father into France or into England with letters of recomenmdation unto both Kings wherein the poor and distressed Father besought both Kings to have compassion of his wofull and unhappy estate and to receive and entertain his Son with all kindeness The young Prince after that he had been but a small while upon the Seas not brooking them very well commanded the Master of the ship to land him in England He is presently brought unto the presence of King Henry the first to whom he shewed his Fathers letters The King having perused them called his Councel together they deliberate what were best to do with the Prince some think it good to send him into France others whose opinion was followed perswade the king to detain him as prisoner I might alledge a number of Examples like unto these two but they may suffice to refute this frivolous Objection And the late Queen of Scots might have learned of either these Princes how to have carried her self in the time of her Captivity King Richard was a valiant a mighty and a notable wise Prince His case was lamented of all the Princes of Christendom His Subjects were both willing and able to have constrained his Detainers to deliver him His journey was undertaken for the benefit of all Christendom and therefore it behoved all Princes to be offended with his imprisonment Briefly neither the Duke nor the Emperor had just occasion to detain him and yet during the long and tedious time of his durance he neither sought any unlawfull means to escape out of prison nor practised any treacherous wayes to be revenged of his Detainers The Scotish Prince doubtless was to be pittied The cause of his flight was just and honest and the detaining of him prisoner waâ— rather hatefull then honourable and yet this poor Prince carried himself not onely honestly and faithfully as long as he was prisoner in England but also when our king caused him to attend upon him into France where he might have easily escaped from his keepers or quickly haâ—e procured some violent means to purchase his liberty he continued stâ—ll a faithfull prisoner And was so far at all times from seeking revenge for his hard and long imprisonment that he alwayes thought that he was well and courteously used and in requital of that courtesie when as Henry the sixth Son unto the same Henry who kept him Prisoner was driven out his kingdom he not onely haâ—boured him but also helped to restore him to his kingdom The good carriages of these two Princes condemneth the Scottish Queen and the general custom of Princes as not onely to crave leave when they come into other Princes Dominions but also to provide for their safety and security as long as they shall be there confuteth this foolish this fond this ridiculous and childish Objection It is written of a King of Navarre that when he had occasion to come into England in the four and fortieth year of Edward the Third his reign not to conspire against us but to intreat a League with us and to fight for us he not onely demanded leave but also durst not adventure to come before that the King had sent unto his Realm certain Bishops Earls and Barons to remain as Hostages and Sureties that he should be well used so long as he continued in England And surely Princes have great reason to require such Assurance since many Kings and Princes have been in great danger to be killed yea and some have been killed when they met of purpose to talk of Common Affairs So was Iulius Caesar in danger to have been in conference with Ariovisâ—us so was William Duke of Normandy killed in conference with Arnold Earl of Flanders so was the Duke of Burgundy muâ—thered at a meeting with the Dolphin of France And these examples have made Princes more provident and wise then they were wont to be for that they will hardly be perswaded or intreated to any such Enterviews or if they must needs meet they cause places to be made of
purpose before the meeting in such manner that they may see and hear one another but not come so near together that the one may hurt the other But Ambassadors are safe in their enemies Countries why then should Princes be in danger in their Neighbors Dominions The Answer is very easie â—ecause Ambassadors are not spared either for their own sakâ—s or for their Masters but because that without them there would never be an end of Hostility nor any â—eace after Wars Neither is the name or person of an Ambassador so inviolable either in peace or in the time of War but that there may be both a convenient time and a good occasion to punâ—sh an Ambassador For to omit that Olaus and Euetus killed the Ambassador of Illalcolnius King of Scots as Hector Boetius recordeth that Teaca Queen of Selavonia slew a Roman Ambassador as Polybius reporteth that the Athenians caused King Darius his Ambassador to be thrown and drowned in a deep Well as Herodotus testifieth and that William King of Sicily plucked out the eyes of Henry Dandelo Ambassador unto him from the Venetians as Illescas writeth because these and the like examples are manifest Presidents of barbarous cruelty rather then of Justice and Equity I will shew you by a few examples that an Ambassador hath been and may as often as the like occasion happeneth be lawfully punished or sent out of the Realm wherein he remaineth as an Ambassador Titus Livius writeth that when Brennus had found Quintus Fabius Ambustus fighting in the Camp of the Clusians against him he sent presently as Herald of Arms unto Rome to demand him to be delivered into his hands as a Breaker of the Laws of Arms because that being sent from the Romans as Ambassador unto him he returned not home as soon as he had done his Ambassage but remained still in the Clusians Camp and because the Romans did not deliver unto his Messenger the said Ambustus he left the siege of Clusius and conveyed his invincible Army unto Rome and therewith spoiled and sackt the City Adrian the fourth Pope of Rome sent his Chancellor Rowland and Cardinal Bernard unto Fredrick the Fourth who used such unreverend speeches unto the Emperor that the County Palatine of Vitilispatch not brooking the indignity that was offered unto his Master drew his sword and had not the Emperor staid his hand he had slain the Ambassador in his presence and the Emperor was so moved with indignation to see his insolent carriage and behaviour that he presently commanded him to avoid out of his Court and not to stay so long as to dispatch his necessary business The Romans when Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Caâ—us Flaminius were Consuls delivered Lucius Martinus and Lucius Manlius into the hands of the Carthaginians to be used at their pleasure and discretion because they had beaten their Ambassadors Edward the Second King of England amongst others sent a French Gentleman Ambassador into France whom the French King had not the Queen purchased his pardon had excommunicated as a Traytor because he presumed to serve his enemy for an Ambassador unto him Francis the First King of France sent Caesar Fregosus and Antony Rincone Ambassadors unto the Great Turk Charls the Fifth his Soldiers took them upon the River of Poe in Italy and presently slew them both The French King complaineth that they were wrongfully murthered the Emperor justifieth their death because the one being a Genouis and the other a Milanois and both in some manner his Subjects they feared not to serve the French King his enemy Henry the Eighth King of England commanded a French Ambassador to depart presently out of his Realm for no other occasion but for that hâ— was the professed enemy of the Sea of Rome The Seigniory of Venice understanding that certain Traitors who had revealed their secrets to the Turk were fled to hide themselves to the French Ambassadors house at Venice sent certain Offices to search the Ambassadors house for them and when the Ambassador forbad and refused to suffer those Officers to enter into his house the Senate made no more ado but sent for certain peeces of great Ordnance out of their Arsenal whereby they would have beaten down the house had not the said Ambassador as soon as he saw the same Ordnance yeelded the Traytors to their mercy and discretion I might alledge many more Histories to this purpose but I should be over long and tedious And yet I may not omit these two following because they are worthy observation and make more for my purpose then all the rest In the year 1544 the French King sent certain Ambassadors unto Charls the Fifth to Spires sending an Herald of Arms before with Letters unto the Emperor and unto the Princes Electors in which he required a safe Conduct for his Ambassadors The Herald is staid by the Cardinal Gavilla and made to deliver him his Letters and to shew the cause of his coming further he is commanded to keep his lodging and that no man should be suffered to speak with him and within four days he is willed to depart and take heed that he presume not to come within the Emperors Dominions another time without his leave he was now pardoned rather of lenity then of desert because he had broken the Laws of Arms And as concerning his Letters it was told him that the King his Master had so deserved of the Emperor and all the whole state of Christendom that the Emperor neither could nor would receive them This answer was given unto him written in French and certain Soldiers appointed to bring him to the Borders of France The second example is of a Bishop who in the year 1302 being sent Ambassador unto the French King from the Pope practised certain Treasons in France against the King whereof he is accused arraigned in the Court of Parliament at Paris and being found guilty is committed unto prison But he is delivered out of prison at the Popes request and both he and the Popes Nuntio are commanded to avoid the Realm The Pope excommunicateth the King for proceeding thus against his Ambassador and the King to requite him with the like courtesie commanded that no more money should be carried out of his Realm to Rome By these examples I may boldly infer two necessary Consequents the one that if Ambassadors fail in their duty or fall into these follies which I have mentioned they are either punishable or may be sent away in disgrace The other that the Spanish King hath no just cause to be offended with our Queens Majesty for the sending away of Dâ—n Bernardine Mendoza his last Ambassador in England For although he fought not in any Camp against her Majesty as did Ambustus against Brennus yet he perswaded divers of her Subjects to bear Arms against her although he used no uncivil and unreverent speeches against her Majesty as the Cardinal Bernard did unto the Emperor Fredrick yet he did both backbite and
slander her unto her Subjects and unto other Princes although he did not beat her Ambassadors as Martinus and Manlius did the Carthaginian Ambassadors yet he did both vilifie and discredit her Ambassadors abroad spared not to speak evil of her best and wisest Councellors at home although he was not an Ambassador of a professed enemy to the Sea of Rome as was the French Ambassador residing in England in Henryâ—he â—he Eighth his time yet he was an Ambassador of a professed enemy unto her Highness because he was his Ambassador who was in league with the Sea of Rome Briefly although he denied not to deliver Traitors unto hâ—r Majesty as the French Ambassador did at Venice yet he not onely received but procured her many Traitors and both counselled and encouraged them to commit sundry Treasons against her Majesty The premises being therefore duly considered why might not her Majesty imitate Charls the Fifth who hardly admitted the French King Lerold to his presence because his Master was his professed Enemy Why might not her Grace command the Spanish Ambassador to depart out of her Realm since he had lived many years in England not as a Mediator but as a Perturber of a peace not as a friend to her Estate but as a debaucher and corrupter of her loyal Subjects not as one that desired her welfare but endeavoured to procure her overthrow Why might not her Highness send him away in peace who as long as he lived in her Realms would continually have interrupted her peace Might the King of France arreign and condemn a Bishop for practising Treason against his person might he commit him to prison and after his deliverance profess open enmity against the Pope his Master against the Pope that had or at lestwise challengeth some authority over him and might not her Majesty do the like unto a Spanish Gentleman a meer Lay-man not so priviledged as a Prelate not so favoured in Law as a Bishop briefly not so worthy of favour or compassion as was a Popes Legate a Legate either equal or as the days were then and are in some places yet not inferior to a Prince It was Mendoza that misled the Scottish Queen it was he that drew Francis Throgmorton into dangerous Treasons it was he that had secret Intelligence with Babington and his Complices it was he that encouraged Morgan and Paget abroad it was he that studied night and day to procure us Enemies at home Briefly it was he that spared no labour no money no expences whereby he might either openly or secretly endanger our State He lived not many months but years in England without bringing so much as a Letter from his Majesty unto her Majesty without performing any Function belonging to an Ambassador And how lived he Not in Court but in the City not in open view of the World but in secret corners not as an Ambassador but as a Spy And when was he dismissed Not so soon as he was found to have committed one action of hostility but after that he was admonished not once but many times to leave off his Treachery not when he was suspected but after that many Traytors had confessed that he was not only privy but principal unto their Treasons Breifly how was he dismissed Not with a crimination and threatning as was the French Herald but with faâ—r words and a kindly farewel not with a Troop of Soldiers to conduct him to Sea side but with a company of Gentlemen to associate him to the place where he took shipping not to pass with danger through the Country that hated him for his Treasons but to be conveyed without danger unto the Country that loved him for his Treachery intended against her Majesty To be short not slightly sent away in disgrace but then commanded to depart when as his Master would not vouchsafe audience unto a wise and discreet Gentleman sent by her Majesty unto him to signifie his demeanor and his carriage Well he is gone out of England and whether Into France And to what place in France To Paris And what to do there To persevere in his malice against England to confer with the English Traytors personally with whom he talked before by Letters to confirm the Guisards in their Treasons to dispose the French Leaguers to favour and further his Majesty against us and our friends Briefly so to behave himself that without him neither whole France nor rebellious and obstinate Paris had held out so long as it did against the late and present French king for the people of Paris are as a Spanish writer reporteth of them proud rich and rebellious which humor this Ambassador nourisheth in them and when they were most hardly besieged there were five things as the same Author writeth that made them hold out First The valour and courage of the Duke of Nemours Governour of the Town Secondly the presence of the Popes Legate Thirdly the Alms and Liberality of this Embassador Fourthly the perswasions of the Preachers Fifthly the news that were daily sent to the Town by the Duke of Mayne and published by Mendoza and other Princes Thus it appeareth that he was a notable Instrument of Rebellion and a fit man to be imployed in factious services For as God hath deprived him of his sight and made him blinde so he intended to deprive others of their senses and to blinde their fight and judgement to the end they might not be abe to see and discern the hidden projects of his conspiracies But of him enough Now again unto the Queen of Scots It appeareth that being culpable she might be arraigned and being found guilty she might be condemned But the manner of her arraignment and of her condemnation seemeth very strange unto as many as hear of it and â—is repugnant unto the Laws and Customs of England observed in the Trial of meaner Subjects It seemeth strange that her Majesty should be a judge in her own cause in a matter of Treason and especially against a Princess And of this strangeness many of the Scotish Queens Favourites take such hold as they hold it for a matter without Example without any former Presidents But if it might please these her Favorers to consider that although it be a certain rule in Law that no man shall be a Judge in his own cause yet the Preheminence Excellency and Prerogative of Kings and Princes is and hath alwayes been such that they may Judge and determine in any causes that concern themselves For Tiberiâ—s Caesar sate Judge in his own cause in dividing certain Inheritances with him was substituted one Parthenius Caesars servant Marcus Antonius the Emperor judged that the goods of Valerius Nepos were lawfully devolved and as it were confiscated unto the Exchequer And Quiltilian testifieth that he pleaded a cause for Queen Berenne whereon she her self sat as principal Judge What Scholar hath not read the Orations of M. Tullius Cicero made in defence of Quintus Ligarius of Deiotarius of Marcus
Marcellus before Iulius Caesar he being the onely Judge and Arbitrator of his own cause And it was the custom of the first kings of Rome to hear all causes themselves as well concerning their subjects as themselves until that Servius Tullius the sixth king reserved all publick causes for his own audience and referred his own private matters unto the Senate There was nothing so great or so small saith Suetonius Tranquillus but Tiberius when he began to be weary of managing of publick affairs referred the same unto his Senators And so did Marcus Antonius as Capitolinus testifieth But after that Princes began to grow absolute after that their States became hereditary and they had established a certain order in Judgement then began they to have their Judges who sat as their substitutues as well in other mens as in their own causes as Choppianus reporteth And although they appoint such Judges yet they wrong not their Subjects therein because both they themselves vouchsafe to swear to see their Laws maintained and their Judges are sworn to Judge according unto their Laws But our Queens Majesty was not Judge in the Scotish Queens cause It pleased her to make the high Court of Parliament judge thereof What wrong then was there offered unto her since she had the same Trial which many Kings of England have had As namely Richard the second and third and Henry the fourth and sixth She had not the favour which was shewed unto Subjects or Strangers She should have had a Jury of Twelve Peers to pass on her whereof the one half should have been Englishmen and the other Scots or other strangers This in truth is the usuall and ordinary manner of Tryal for strangers offending within the Queen Dominions But where should such strangers have been had but that they would have been partial on the one side or on the other what course might have been taken for their coming into England And when they were come if she had made as she might have done any manner of exception against them had it not been dangerous to stay the coming of others Had it not been costly to have defrayed their Charges And who should have born their charges The strangers themselves would not have been at the cost The Scotish Queen was not able to maintain them And there was no reason to put her Majesty to such charges It may be that the Spanish King would have been content to have paid their charges Let it be granted yea and those whom he would have sent would have saved her life because they durst not displease him and he must needs have gratified her because she had as she confessed sold unto him her pretensive Right unto the Crown of England Is it likely that six Peers of our Realm would have spared her when six and thirty of the chiefest of our Nobility and of the most discreet Judges and Lawyers of our Realm found her guilty and the whole Parliament condemned her In which Parliament by reason of the Priviledges and Liberties thereof any man might have spoken more freely in her defence then in any other place And was it not seen that before she had endeavoured by so many wayes and means as she did to take away our most gratious Soveraigns life and Scepter that very mean men presumed to speak for her in the Parliament House and were heard with all favour and indifferency And if she had been saved by the Spaniards benefit would he not have used her to our destruction And should not we have lived in continual servitude then which nothing is more grievous unto a good minde nothing more contrary and repugnant unto the nature and quality of a Prince May it be thought that that King who objected unto our Queen in a most disdainfull and dispightfull manner that he had saved her life and that her Majesty was bound unto him for the same when as indeed there was no cause why she should have ever have been in danger to lose her life May it be thought I say that he wouâ—d not have done the like unto the Scotish Queen if she had not been alwayes at his disposition But it was strange that a Prince should be put to death It was not strange in Scotland where more Kings have been slain and murthered then have died a natural death where Alphinus not onely King of Scots but also Heir unto the Kingdom of the Picts was openly beheaded It was not strange in Hungary where Queen Ioan was executed for the murther committed on the person of her Husband It was not strange in France where Bernard King of Italy and lawful King of France was adjudged and done to death It was not strange in Asia where Hercules slew Laomedon for his tyranny and cruelty It was not strange in Spain where Henry the Bastard executed Peter the lawful King It was not strange in the kingdom of Naples where Conrad rightful King thereof was beheaded Briefly it was not strange in the holy Scripâ—ures where we read that Ioshuah discomfited five Kings and hung them all upon trees that Saul was reprehended by Samuel for not kiling Agag King of the Amalakites whom Samuel took and hewed in peeces that Gideon slew the Kings of Midian and that Iehu slew Iehoram King of Israel and Ahaziah King of Iudah There is nothing then strange or without example in the execution of the Scotish Queen unless it be strange that our Queens Majesty was careless of her life when her Subject were careful of the same that she would not hear of her death when they desired nothing more then her death That when the Parliament had condemned her she could not be in treated to subscribe to their Judgment Briefly That when with great labour and many perswasions she was won by her privy Councel and others who were of opinion that Vita Mariae would be Mors Elizabethae as Vita Conradini was thought by the Pope to be Mors Caroli to deliver her Warrant to one of her Secretaries for her death she imprisoned and grievously fined that Secretaryfor sending that Warrant with such speed as he did whereby it seemed that had not the Warrant been obtained when it was she would hardly have yeeled to her execution and by punishing him that was so willing and ready to have her executed it appeareth that her Majesty not onely loved her whilst she lived but also after she was dead and her Highness grave and wise speeches delivered unto her loving Subjects in the Parliament House do testifie how sorrowful and unwilling her Majesty was to consent unto her death although it was there made most apparent unto her Grace that as long as that Queen lived she could not be without continual danger of losing her life This opinion being therefore confirmed to be most true since her death because there have no such Treasons been either intended or practised against her Majesty since as before that time It followeth that her execution gave
the King of Spain not just occasion to invade her Highness Realms The causes then of this invasion are unjust now followeth the course a course not beseeming a Prince of his might of his years of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom For first his years are fitter for peace then for war for rest and quietness then for troubles and unquietness and many wise and mighty Princes either before or as soon as they came to his years have given over the World resigned their kingdom and spent the residue of their time in Monastical idleness I read that Sigisbert Etheldred Elured Constantine and Inas King of England that Charls the Fifth and Uladislaus kings of Bohemia Constantine king of Scotland and Amadeus Duke of Savoy before they came to the Spanish kings age renounced the world to live unto God in houses of Religion I record oftentimes the notable exploits the marvellous victories and the rare and admirable vertues of Pompey of Alexander of Antiochus of Theodosius and of Charls king of France who were all as you have heard sirnamed the Great and I find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of Wars of new Conquests that either all or the most part of them commended their souls unto God and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years I remember all this and in remembring it I think that it pleased the Almighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the World thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon Conquests upon Arms upon Wars as occasion shall be presented unto them but that in their elder age they ought to have their thoughts their cogitations and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms the wealth of their Subjects and the health of their own souls For when private men much more Princes attain unto threescore and odd years it is high time for them to amend their lives and to reconcile themselves unto God because their strength faileth them their vital spirits decay and the hour of death approacheth Here you see one great over-sight in his course now followeth another Wise and discreet Princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long Wars appoint and compose the Quarrels and contentions which they have with their Neighbors or with any other Princes that are able to cross their Enterprises It is written of Iulius Caesar of whose commendations all Histories are plentiful that when he was fully resolved to war with the Veyans he sent a Gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natural disposition of those people to contain the Inhabitants of the River of Rhine in their duty and obedienâ—e and to take order that the Gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies The Romans being entreated by the Spaniardw with whom they were in league to succor them against the Carthaginians denied them such aid as they demanded because that the Frenchmen at the sametime warred in Italy Richard the first king of England being determined to make a voyage into the Holy Land for relief thereof and fearing that either the King of Scots or his Brother Iohn might at the instigation of the French king trouble and disquiet his Realm in his absence would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of Scots and his Brother by many gifts and rewards and also bound the French king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom before that fifty days should be expired after his return out of Syria And that victorious king of Franceâ—who â—who passed triumphantly from the beginning of Italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak would not adventure to enter into Italy before he had made a very fast ane strong League of Amity and Friendship with Fardinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain and before he had purchased through Bribes and Corruption the assured friendship of the king of England and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt France and the Emperor Maximilian It seemeth the Spanish king either regarded not or remembred not these examples because that intending and fully resolving to invade England he made the French king his enemy rather than his friend from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his intended purpose and enterprise then from any other Prince in Christendom But the Catholick kings Councellors perswade him that he and his Confederates are well enough able of themselves not onely to withstand but also to subdue and subjugate all those Princes which are not in league with him and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the Low Countries was to distress and destroy England first which being once happily effected he should finde it very easie and nothing at all difficult to master his Subjects and inforce them by open violence to receive both him and his Religion he must therefore bend his whole â—orces against Englaâ—d against England that hath highly offended him and that may easily be subdued because he shall finde many there who being weary and discontented with the present Government will be ready to entertain his Armies and immediately will joyn their strength with his Forces But not to stand long upon the confutation hereof let these grave Councellors or these discontented Fugitives unto whose perswasions both the Spanish King and his wisest Councellors give too much credit tell me whether ever any Prince had or may desire to have a better opportunity or an easier means to invade and conquâ—r England then Lewis Son unto the King of France had who was not onely called into the Realm by the Barons with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against King Iohn but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy Father of Rome could bestow upon him and wanted not the many Forces and continual Supplies which the mighty Kingdom of France was able to afford him And yet how speeded this valiant Lewis What success had his ambitious Enterprise Forsooth he prevailed for a time won to day and lost to morrow and in the end was glad to return from whence he câ—me with far greater shame then honour But what need I speak of matters beyond mans memory worn out of remembrance and reported by antient Historiographers when as the success of the late Spanish Fleet may serve to admoâ—ish a wise Prince how to trust the vain reports of lying Fugitives and how to make great preparations against a mighty Kingdom in hope of assistance within the Realm Was there any man that gave them succour either of Men or Victuals Was there ever an Haven that was either able or willing
to harbour their Ships their Ships that needed both harbour and reparations Was there any friend either within the Country or nigh unto the Country would bestow a little fresh water upon them for lack whereof many of their people died Was there ever a Priâ—ce or Potentate that would suffer them to repair either broken wind-shaken or Sea beaten Ships within his Dominion Brieflâ— was there any man that would furnâ—sh them with Masts Saâ—ls Cables and other things nâ—cessary for want whereof most of their Navy perished I will tell you a thing which may be strange to others but no news to you and yet worthy to be told because it is meet that it should be known unto all men When the report was certain in England that the Spanish Fleet and Forces were at hand instead of lamentatâ—ons weepings out-cries which things in time of sudden accidents are common and even used amongst valiant people the Queens Majesties ears were filled with Prayers Petitions and Motions sometimes of one Shire sometimes of another most humbly beseeching her Highness to give the Spaniards liberty to land with their Forces and them leave to encounter with them alone I my self do marvel and I think as many as shall hear it will marvel thereat that in men of one and the same Religion there should be divers opinions and different Judgements in matters concerning the advancement of their Religion Yet I know and you shall understand that the English Catholicks which are out of England and those that live within the same Realm were not all of one opinion of one minde when the Spaniards were coming for England for the one sort wished them all manner of happiness and prosperity and the other prayed to God not to prosper their journey much less their Attempt and besought the Queens Majesty to place them in the foremost Range and Ranck against the Spaniards and where they might endanger themselves most and do her Highness most service not because they were weary of their lives but for that they thought it most honorable to die in the defence of their Country and that God would never forsake them in so just a cause This may serve to shew that the Spaniards had and may have very small hope to finde any manner of aid within England And yet to clear this point the better may it please you to remember that when the report of the Spaniards coming began to be certain all those which we call Papists and our Adversaries term Catholicks at least the better sort of them were conveyed to several houses far distant the one from the other and there kept not like Prisoners but like Gentlemen of their calling and all the Nobility was commanded to repair to the Court of which commandment their followed two commodities The one That the Catholicks being under safe custody there was no man of account to sollicite the Subjects to Rebellion the other that if any small or great number had been disposed to rebell there was not any man of worth to be their Head And it hath seldom been seen that Rebels ever durst adventure to shew their evil inclination or adventuring had at any time good success without having some man of special accompt and authority for their head But Ireland and Scotland may be thought to favour the Spanish King and undoubtedly he hath been made beleeve that in either of those Realms he shall finde faithful friends and such as will adventure their lives to do him service Truly Ireland hath been a long time subject to the Crown of England but always divided into two Factions the one of civil and discreet people the other of wilde and savage men the first sort true and faithful Subjects unto their Soveraign and the other prone and ready to spurn against their Superiors but not able to do any great hurt no more then the Banditti of Italy which may rob a house spoil a little Village and set fire on a Castle and run away by the light when they have done and yet to be sure that no great annoyance should come from Ireland to England the best part of the Nobility of the Country was likewise called to the Court the strongest Holds were committed to the custody of faithful keepers and to hold them in better obedience there was sent over such a Lord Deputy as was well acquainted with their Customs practised in the Country and very well beloved of the people As for Scotland although the Kings thereof have always been for these many hundred years in firm league and amity with the Kings of France and of late years have had some occasion of extraordinary great love and friendship with the house of Guise the House that hath been as you have heard the onely upholder and maintaâ—ner of the Spanish Fact on in France yet because the present King of Scotland hath been nourished up from his infancy in the same Religion which the Queen of England professeth and for that he is bound unto her Highness for divers favors and courtesies shewed unto him in the time of his distress and necessity he is very well affected unto the State of England and desireth nothing more then the welfare of that Country the health and safety of the Queens Majesty and the reign and overthrow of all her Enemies which desire he signified unto her Majesty at such time as she thought she stood in need of his help offering to come in person to aid her Grace against the Spainards wiâ—h the greatest power he was able to make The Venetians brag of the strength of their City because it is distant five miles from any land and defended by a little natural Bank from the violence of the Sea How may England therefore boast of her strength since she is severed above thirty miles at the least from any other Nation not by a little Bank but by a great Sea especially if â—reland and Scotland be under her subjection and in League with her and also if the Maritine forces of the United Provinces be always ready to joyn with her against all her enemies It is not the happy success of one Battel nor the mighty or innumâ—rable forces of one Aâ—my that must or 〈◊〉 subdue England but he that will undertake to conquer our Realm must first overthrow our invincible Navy and then encounter with our strengths by Land and not obtain one onely but many Victories against them a matter in my simple conceit almost impossible especially for the King of Spain For besides that Fortune is seldom or never so constant or prodigal of her favours that she vouchsafeth unto any man any long continuance of desired happiness this impossibility will easily appear unto him that shall call to remembrance what hath been already said touching the Forces of England and Spain But the Romans first then the Danes next VVilliam the Conqueror Lastly Divers English Princes pretending right unto the Crown of England have with very small difficulty and with
no great Armies subdued the same and why may not the like fortune happen to the Spainard Truely if it might be inferred as a necessary consequent that the Country that hath been conquered many times and by many Nations should always be very easily conquered This inference might be far better made and used against Spain then against England For Spain was first governed by Tuball the Son of Iapheth the Son of Noe and by his posterity who were deprived of the Possession and Government thereof by the Sidonians and they by the Thracians and they by the Rhodians and they by the Phrygians and they by the Phenicians and they by the Cypriots and they by the Aegyptians and they by the Miletians and they by the Phocentians and they by the Chaldeans and they by the Carthaginians and they by the Romans and they by the Gothes and they by the Vice-Gothes and they lastly by the Spainards whom the Saâ—azens had driven out of their Country had not the Frenchmen holpen them to repel and expel the Sarâ—zens England was undoubtedly subdued by the Romans but not before they had conquered all the rest of the World because they reserved as it may be well supposed the conquest thereof as Conquerors most commonly do in great Enterprises for the last and greatest Exploit which they had to do or for the best reward that they could attain or expect of their long and tedious Wars And it is written that they boasted more of the Conquest thereof then of all the Victories which they had obtained in their dayes because they supposed that England which was divided from the rest of the World by the Sea was no part of the World and therefore they made two Triumphs thereof the one of the main Land and the other of the huge and merciless Sea The Danes and Saxons likewise subdued England but they enjoyed their Conquest but a very few years And how subdued they England Not by main force as Spain was always conquered but by cunning and deceit for Vortiger King of England being continually molested by Pirates and by the Scots was constrained to require Aid of the Saxons who sent him a great Army under the Conduct of two Brethren Engistus and Orsus of which Engistus having cunningly obtained of the King a convenient place for his people to dwell in fortified the same secretly got more thereunto covertly politickly perswaded the King to send for more forces out of Saxony and lastly Married his Daughter unto the King by whose means he brought his Countrymen in great credit with his Majesty made him banish the chief Nobility from the Court caused the King by this means to incur the hatred of his Subjects and when he perceived that our Country-men began to suspect and fear his over-growing Greatness he suddenly entred into league with the Picts the Antient Enemies of England and with their helps made an easie conquest thereof William the Conqueror became Master of England in this manner Edward King of England dying in the year 1065. made by his last Will and Testament William Duke of Normandy his sole and lawful Heir with the consent and counsel of the cheif Peers and Barons of his Realm But afterwards being wone thereunto by the flattery and sweet words of his Wife he changed his maid and adopted Harrold his Brother for his Heir whereupon there grew a great variance and contention betwixt the said VVilliam and Harrold who having some occasion to go into Flanders was by contrary winds driven into Normandy where he was presently intercepted and carried unto the Duke as a Prisoner before whom when he came fearing that he should not be set at liberty in a long time nor without a great Ransom unlesse he used some cunning device for his present delivery He said unto the Duke Other Princes Noble Duke when they have occasion to require Helps or any thing else of their Neighbours or Confederates use to demand the same by their Ambassadors But I contrary to this Custom knowing that there is no better way to end this contention and competency which is betwixt you and me then for me to marry your Daughter am come in person to pray your good Will that I may have her for my Wife The Duke yeeldeth to his desire Harrold with his new Spouse returneth speedily into England commandeth all Normans upon pain of death to depart out off his Realm within three dayes prostituteth his wife unto his meanest servants cutteth of her nose and her ears and sendeth her back unto her Father in a Fisher-mens Boat This Injury and Indignity may seem grievous unto you that hear it No marvel then if it so grieved her poor Father that to be revenged thereof he presently implored the help of his Friends who what for pitty of the distrested Princess what in hope of high rewards what in regard of the love and duty that some bare unto the Duke were so many that the greatest part of the Nobility of France with all the power that they could possibly make accompanied him in his journey But from him unto those kings of England who being driven from their Kingdoms recovered the same with small difficulty And not to be over tedious it shall suffice to mention unto you but two Princes of that kinde namely Edward the fourth and Henry the seventh And first to Edward who being deprived by his own Subjects of his Royal Diadem fled unto the Duke of Bugundy of whom obtaining an Army but of two thousand men onely he returned into England and finding that very few favoured him so long as he demanded the Crown he caused it to be proclaimed and published that he required nothing but the Dukedom of York whereunto every man knowing that he had Right many began to favour him and no man at his first landing in Yorkshire would resist him and yet he was not received into the City of York before that he had sworn faith and obedience unto the King This Oath being solemnly taken he goeth forward towards London Some few of his Friends came unto him upon the way The Earl of Warwick his Brother who was incamped neer about York to intercept him on the way either for fear or through ignorance suffereth him to proceed on his journey and so without so much as one stroke he came to London where he was received by the Citizens with great joy and gladness because divers of the richest sort doubting that they should never have again such sums of money as they had lent him whiles he was their king unless he recovered the Kingdom had purchased him the favour and friendship of the greatest part of the City of which being once Master he increased daily in power and strength and his Brother the Duke of Clarence and others leaving the Earl of Warwick and his Faction made him so strong that he daily subdued the rest of his Enemies Thus prevailed he Now from him unto Henry the seventh who
living a long time as a banished man in Brittany with the Duke thereof could never be sent into his Country unto Edward the fourth or Richard the third although both of them knowing that that they could not Reign in security so long as he lived had requested him very earnestly of the Duke And the last of them ruled still in great fear but in Peace and Quietness untill that Isabella wife of Edward the fourth and Margaret the said Henries Mother by the help of a Physitian came to conferre together and in the end they concluded of this agreement that they would cause her Son the said Henry to return into England and to possess the Crown thereof with the help of his aid and their friends if he would take to wife the daughter of Edward the fourth Henry being certified hereof and also given to undeastand that Richard Thomas a man trained up in arms all the dayes of his life and Sir Iohn Savage would adventure their lives for him and that the Lord Bray had provided great sums of money to pay his Souldiers withal easily obtained of the king of France a small Army of 2000 men with which arriving in Wales and joyning with the Forces of the said Thomas he went towards London and upon his way daily received greater strength even of the Souldiers of king Richard his Enemy who by reason of the great cruelty and â—yranny which he used was forsaken of his own Friends and his Souldiers detesting his proud and cruel Government fought so in his behalf that they seemed more desirous he should lose then win the Field which fell out according to their desire By these Examples and others like unto these you may perceive that never any man had any good success against England who had not both a just cause to invade the same and a strong faction within the Realm And by that which hath been spoken you may understand that the Spaniard wanteth both the one and the other Here might I conveniently if I had not sufficiently declared the strength of England to make the difficulty and impossibility of the Spaniards purpose more apparent enter into a large discourse of the Forces thereof but let that suffice that hath been spoken And yet I may not forget to let you and as many as doubt of our strength understand that we have been and I know not why we should not still be so strong and fortunate that when the French were so many in the Field against us that they thought the very Boyes and Lacques in their Camp were able to subdue our Army and when the Scots thinking that because our king was in France with fourscore thousand English we had none but Priests and women left at home to encounter with them entred with main force into our Country and with assured hope and confidence to conquer the same we neither fearing the multitudes of the French nor being danted or terrified with the Scots suddain and advantagious Invasion subdued both Nations and took both their kings prisoners in the Field But our Englishmen cannot live with a little Bread and a Cup of Wine as the Spaniards can do they are not accustomed to endure cold to lie abroad in the Field to stand up to the knees in dirt and water to watch nights and dayes and briefly to take other such pains and travels as are incident unto wars To pleasure our Adversaries let us grant this to be so although the the contrary indeed is most true who amongst the bravest Spaniards or the greatest Souldiers in the World would willingly go to the wars if he should alwayes be subject unto these or the like incommodities And yet who would not rather endure and suffer them patiently then live in servitude or thâ—aldom or yeeld unto his mortal Enemies All Histories are full of examples of base and faint-hearted people the which having been compelled to fight for their lives because there was no other way to save or redeem the same have behaved themselves most manfully and have enforced their Enemies to yeeld unto reasonable Conditions of Peace which sometimes would not hearken unto any agreement and have constrained them to become humble Sutors who would not once vouchfaâ—e to hear their humble Petitions and truly extream perils and irresistible necessities have such force and vertue that oftentimes they put both heart and Courage into them which by nature are neither hearty nor couragious Considering therefore that our men shall fight at home and the Spaniard abroad that we will be as valiant to defend our selves as they can be couragious to offend us that when they have soiled us by Sea they must fight afresh with us by Land they being weary and we fresh they weak and we strong they lame and diseased and we whole and in perfect health Briefly they far from home and we at home for our wives for our houses for our children and for our goods Is it not likely that we should fight with greater courage with better success then they Considering again the England is fertile and replenished with all things necessary for mans sustentation That her Majesties Councellors are wise and provident her people rich and full of money her Subjects loving and well affected to her Highness and their Country Can there be any thing wanting that shall be needfull for the maintenance of a convenient Army Considering thirdly that if any want shall fall out their cause being general as the maintenance of the Spaniards Religion is universal and common to all his Confederates is it not to be thought that the Princes Protestants will supply those wants and fight for England as well and as willingly as the Papists will for Spain Considering fourthly that when Charles the fifth a Prince as I have said of greater power and of better experience then the Spanish king warred with the Protestants of Germany not onely the Princes of the Reformed Religion but also the French which hated their Religion aided and assisted them Can it be supposed that England should not finde the like aid and assistance Briefly Considering that the Spaniard cannot land his Army in any place in England where he shall not finde at the least ten thousand men to finde him work until a greater power come what hope can he then have to Land without Resistance to proceed without a Battel to fight without loss and to lose without extream confusion Our Armies therefore being equal to his and our hope more assured then his no wise or Politick man will doubt but that our success is likely to be far better then his and therefore his hope and expectation vain his purpose and intention ridiculous as well in regard of his course taken therein as of his possibility to attain thereunto But it behooveth a king to bridle and correct his Rebellious subjects and it is the part of a Protector of the Catholicks not to permit his own subjects or any other aiding or assisting them in
we hardly change our opinons and yet when we have changed we stand stiff and obstinate in our new and late received conceits and are very hardly removed from them Insomuch that whatsoever the Childe receiveth from his Father or whatsoever the Grandfather teacheth the Grandchildren that seemeth to be irremoveable and subject to no kinde of alteration A man may therefore boldly say yea swear that the Spaniard let him try all the means he can possible shall never inforce a general change in Religion For since his Father whose power although he should surpass yet he shall never match him in good fortune could not constrain the Protestants in the very infancy of Religion to return unto his profession is it credible that the Son should ever be able to compel far and remote Nations mighty and great Princes manly and warlike people which of late years have forsaken Popery to reassume their old opinions But if any man think him great sufficient and mighty enough to effect his disire let that man consider how many how noble and how learned men the cruel War of Charls the Fifth against the Protestants in Germany the most barbarous cruelty of Francis the First against them in France the bloody five years persecution of Queen Mary in England the Spanish Kings terrible and horrible Inquisition in Spain Italy and Flanders lastly the most execrable and hateful Massacre of Paris hath sent headlong and before their times unto another World And when he hath considered all these let him likewise remember that the more these Tyrants murthered the more the Protestants as though others sprang out of their blood encreased daily If all these shall not content and satisfie him let him call to mind how many years the Wars continued in France and Flanders for Religion with far greater obstinacy then with good success and happiness Lastly Let that man weigh with himself how unlikely a thing it is for the Spaniard to prevail against so many Nations who in almost Thirty years continuance hath not been able to replant his own Religion in a few Provinces of one Nation Besides the rare success and the wondrous events that have alwayes followed the Proâ—estants make me beleeve that their Cause is a good Cause and whosoever so beleeveth must likewise beleeve that were their number smaller their Forces weakerâ— their exprience far more slender then it is yet God that can win with a few as well as with many with the weak as well as with the strong will not onely protect them but also confound their Adversaries How many examples find we in prophane Histories which record that small sroops have oftentimes subdued great Armies and that mighty Kings have been put to flight by weak Princes How can we then but think that the Protestants who are Gods Souldiers who fight in his Cause and are defended by his Forces are able to beard the proud Spainard yea to brave and foil all his Confederates It is no small comfort to have God on our â—ide It is a geat Consolation to sight in a good cause And who can desire better advantage then to contend with and Adversary that beginneth to decline that is ready of himself to fall And is not the Pope and his Kingdom in this case Have not many Nations as I said said long since shaken off the intolerable burthen of his grievous yoke and bondage And do not all States when they begin once to decline sooner fall from the half way towards the end and to their utter destruction then from the beginning of their first declination unto the middest of their downfull Shall not those then that seek to defend Popery do even as a Physitian doth when he laboureth to preserve a very weak and old man from the danger of death Hath not St. Paul said that Antichrist shall perish as soon as he beginneth to be known And if God by the mouth of St. Paul hath pronounced this Judgement this Sentence against him who either can or will be able to prevent or hinder the execution thereof He is now no more able to encounter with Henries Othons and Fredericks great and mighty Emperors He hath no more Kings of France to fight in his quarrels No more Kings of England to be Defenders of his Faith No more Switzers to be Protectors of his Church all these have forsaken him and by Example of these many other Princes have learned not to set a Fig by him Thus the First point is cleared now it remaineth to clear the second and to make it appear that the Spanâ—ard although he could yet he should not constrain his Subjects by force of Armes to change their Religion This point although it hath been already touched in some manner yet it was not so sufficiently handled but that it needeth a more ample Declaration For the better understanding therefore of this Question you shall understand that the Common people which are Princes Subjects never did and particular men although they change their lives yet they leave most commonly behinde them their posterity and their Children which succeed them not onely in their Lands and Inheritances but also in their quarrels and affections Insomuch that there dieth scant any man so bad so wicked so unbeloved but that he leaveth behinde him either children kinsmen or friends who will not onely be sorry for his death but also revenge the same if he chance to be violently or wrongfully put to death This appeareth by the Wars of France and Flanders This appeared most evidently by the Bloody and long Civil contentions that were betwixt Lewis the last Earl of Flanders for after his death the Earldom fell to the House of Burgondy as it did after the death of the County Charles unto the house of Austria and the Citizens of Gaunt who after that they had unadvisedly born arms against their said Earl and began to repent themselves of their folly most humbly intreated the Dutchesse of Brabant the Bishop of Leige and other Noble men to be Mediators of a friendly peace betwixt them and their Earl The Dutchesse and the rest became humble Suitors for the poor Gantois the Earl was obstinate and would not yeeld to their Request unless the Inhabitants of Gaunt would be content to meet him at a place appointed bare-headed and bare-footed with halters about their necks and there ask him pardon and forgiveness which being done he would then pardon them if he thought good The rich Citizens hearing these hard conditions and considering that when they had made this humble submission it was doubtfull and uncertain whether they should be pardoned or no of humble Suitors became most desperate Rebels and as Men careless of their lives resolved rather to die then to yeeld to so unreasonable conditions and with this resolution before they were constrained to leave their Town not above Five Thousand of them issued out of the City and as roaving Wolves seeking for their prey went in a great
rage and fury to Bruges where the Earl lay with his Forces who with an Army of Forty Thousand at the least set presently upon them with a full resolution to kill every Mothers Son of them But God who saved the Children of Israel from the persecution of Pharaoh unto whom they had humbled themselves and drowned the Persecutors in the Red-Sea vouchsafed to be their Protector and gave them such Courage such Fortune and good success that they overthrew the Earl and made him hide himself in a poor Cottage under an old womans bed ransacked his Houses took Brugeâ— and most of the Cities and Towns of Flanders and sent their unfortunate and unmercifull Earl to beg aâ—d into France from whence he returneth with great help and findeth them more insolent rebellious and obstâ—nate then ever they were To be short the Earl is driven to offer conditions of peace A mean and base Citizen named Leo fearing that if a Peace were concluded he should be severly punished changed their mindes that were inclined to Peace This Leâ— died not of a natural death but of poâ—â—on given hâ—m as it was thought by the Earls means Then was there great hope to mitigate the rage of the common people and yet the war ceased not The cause of the continuance was that the Nobility favoured the Earl and began to malice and menace the Common People and the Magistrates of Bruges in a Tumult that was betwixt the Gentlemen and the Weavers of the Town shewed themselves more favourable unto the Gentlemen then unto the Weavers of this small Cause followed so great a War as continued above seven years and consumed above two hundred thousand Flemings In those Wars sometimes Iames Artevild other times Philip Artevild sometimes Basconius other times Francis Agricola all base men and of no accompt before they began to be Rebels so ruled the people that they led them whither they would and how they would Artevild imposed upon them what Tributes soever it pleased him Basconius hung up so many of them as but once spake of Peace Artevild was served in Plate of Silver and Gold like an Earl Feasted the Dames and Ladies as an Eâ—rl Swore his Subjects and was sworn unto them as an Earl Contracted Amity and Alliance with the King of England and used his help as an Earl Briefly lived with far greater Magnificence then an Earl Agricola wanted not his commendation He was adored like a god preferred before the Duke of Burgondy who for his valâ—ur was called Philip the audacious both for Valour and Wisdom promised to be made Duke and in all respects more honoured then the Duke Artevild had one named Carpenty to extol his Vertues to recommend him to the people And Agricola used Besconius for his Instrument who so delighted the peoples ears that they would willingly hear no sâ—und no voyce but his It was he that when Artevild was slain brought Agricola into favour and credit It was he that when the people was dismaid and out of courage because of Artevilds death put them in heart and made them more couragious then ever they were It was he that perswaded the relenting Commons that Artevild lost the field and his Army by indiscretion and rashness and that Agricola would easily overcome their enemies by valour and wisdom The like instruments unto these had the Duke of Mayn at Paris where he had never obtained so much as he did of the people nor contained them so much in their devotion had he not used the maliciâ—us help and furtherance of Marteau Campan Nally Rowland and Bassy the Clerk the Ministers of his fury and mislâ—aders of the ignorant rude and seditious Commonalty By this you may see how one mutinous Subject begets another By this you may observe and note that if Princes could be content to yeeld somewhat unto such mutinous Subjects and now and then wink at their follies pardon their boldness and pacifie their rage and anger they might live in quiet and save the lives of many of their loving Subjects And by this you may perceive that Princes by Civil Wars incur the hatred and malice of their loving Subjects which sometimes taketh such deep roo in their hearts that it is hard yea almost impossible to root it out And lastly By that which followeth you may understand that when a multitude of Subjects are discontented it is far better to pacifie and reconcile them with courtesie and gentleness then to provoke and punish them with rigor and cruelty For the Prince that either openly or secretly practiseth the death of his Subjects and delighteth to see them massacred and murthered very seldome or never escapeth himselfe unmassacred The Emperor Caligula caused many of his Subjects to be done to death some for his pleasure and others without any just occasion especially those that reprehended his actions or disliked his Government He thought by these murthers to dispatch all those that hated him and supposed that when they were dead he might reign and rule at his pleasure but he was greatly deceived for the more he caused to be killed the more he displeased and if he slew one Enemy that one begat him ten far worse Adversaries insomuch that seeing himself hated of all the people he wished as you have heard that all the Subjects of Rome had but one head that he might have cut it off at a blow and in the end when it was too late he perceived that the people multiplied daily and had infinite heads and he himself but one of which he was deprived sooner then he thought he should have been Maximinus the Emperor who was so strong of body that with the blow of his fist he could strike out the tooth of an Horse and with his hands break in sunder an horse-shoo presuming on his strength and the multitude of his Souldiers cared not whom he put to death wrongfully but after that he had murthered above Four thousand Gentlemen without any due observance of Justice and Equity he himself was murthered by his own Soldiers who hated his barbarous cruelty more then they honoured his Imperial Majesty I might trouble you with many examples like unto these as with the Emperors Nero Vitellius and Gallienus But I must proceed Briefly to my purpose As the people therefore live still and live to revenge the wrongs and injuries done into them so contrariwise Princes die and their Quarrels their Designs and their Purposes many times die with them for their Successors are not alwayes of their minds nor of their Humors but oftentimes govern themselves otherwise then they did and taking a quite contrary course unto theirs most commonly break the Laws they have made distress the persons whom they advance and exalt them whom they depress In regard whereof it is usual amongst wise Courtiers not onely to pleasure him that ruleth but also him that shall succeed the Ruler and as Pompey said unto Sylla More do adore the Sun rising then the Sun
States and to crosse his Counsels and Intentions in the use of those means For doth he continue in credit by the General reputation and conceit that is had of his wealth Let it be shewed that he is poor and needy Holdeth he his Subjects and Towns of Conquest in awe by keeping Garisons in them Seeke either to corrupt those Garrisons or to perswade those Towns to expel them Borrows he money in his need and necessity of the Genowaies and other Merchants of Italie Counsel them to call for their old Debts and to lend him no more money before they be paid Doth our Nation and others inrich his Country by resorting thither Let them repair no more then they needs must to those Countries Fetcheth he yearly great wealth from the Indies Let that be intercepted more then it hath been Placeth he wise Governors and Magistrates in his Dominions to Containe his Subjects in obedience and his Neighbours in fear Send Fire-brands and Authors of Sedition amongst his Subjects as he doth amongst ours and think it as lawfull and easie to estrange the affection of his wisest and most trusty Deputies and Lieutenants as it was and is for him to allienate the hearts of some of the Nobility of France from their King Hath he married the now Duke of Parma so meanly that he can not be able to recover his right to Portugal Or hath he so weakned Don Antonio that he shall never be able to returne into his Country Provoke the one to be his Enemy in putting him in mind of his Fathers untimely death and by remembring the great wrongs that he suffereth and let many Princes joyn in heart and in helpe to set up the other against him and to strengthen and succor both rather then the one or the other should not annoy him Is France unable to hurt him because France is divided Reconcile them that are dissevered and revive the quarrels and pretentions that France hath against him Presumeth he that the Germans will rather help then hurt him because he is ally'd to some in Conjunction of blood and to others in league of amity dissolve his alliances and debase the mightiest of his kindred To be short are the Pope the Venetians and the other Princes of Italy either for feare or affection his friends encourage the Timerous and fearfull and alter and remove the love and affection of them that beare him best good will But some man will say This is sooner said then done and therefore I have said nothing unless I shew you how all this may bee well and conveniently done There is a generall meanes and there are diverse special waies to effect all this I will acquaint you with both because you shall bee ignorant of neither and I will be as brief as I may because I take it high time not to trouble you any longer It is grown unto a general use of late yeares and undoubtedly it was usual in times past when Princes undertake any great actions or enterprises that may perhaps seem strange and somwhat unreasonable unto other Princes whose favor and friendship they desire to publish the causes and reasons which induce them to enter into those actions and in those Declarations to omit nothing that either may grace and credit them or discredit and disgrace their Adversaries The States of the Low Countries when necessity inforced them to renew Wars against the Spaniards published certain Books containing the causes which moved them thereunto and caused those Books to be imprinted in seven several Languages in Latine in French in their own Tongue in High Dutch in Italian in Spanish and in English to the end that all the Nations of the World hearing the Justice and Equity of their quarrel mâ—ght either as Friends help and assist them or as Neutrals neither aid nor hinder them as their Adversaries The late Duke of Alenson because it might seem strange unto some that he being a Catholick Prâ—nce would aid men of a contrary Religion and reprehensible unto others that being in some manner allied and a supposed friend unto the Spanish King he would accept the Title of the Duke of Brabant and undertake the defence of the Low Countries against the Spaniards made it appaâ—ent unto the world by the like means that it was not any ambitious mind or greedy desire of advancement but a Princely clemency and commiseration of the distressed state of that Country too much oppressed by the Spanish Tyranny that moved him to receive them into his Protection and Patronage The like did the County Palatine Cassimer when as he came into Flanders with his Forces And the like have many other Princes done not in just causes only but in matters that had far greater affinity with injustice and dishonesty then with justice and integrity That Duke of Burgondy which more wickedly then justly murthered the Duke of Orleance fearing that his murther might justly purchase him the Kings heavy displeasure and the general harted of all France suborned a learned and famous Divine named Iohn Petie not onely to excuse but also to commend and allow the execution thereof in many publick Sermons and writ divers Letters unto the best Towns of France to declare and justifie the cause that moved him thereunto Henry the Fourth of England whom many Hâ—storiographers hold rather for a wrongful Usurper then a lawful King to make it known by what Title he took upon him to be King of England sent divers Ambassadors into Spain Germany and Italy with such instructions and so forceable reasons that he made a bad cause seem just and equitable That Pope of Rome which as you have heardâ— betrayed Frederick the Emperor most leudly unto the Great Turk and was the onely cause of his long and chargeable imptisonment finding that his unchristian treachery being happily disclosed did greatly blemish his name and reputation to give some shew and colour of Justice to a bad cause caused to be published that two notable Murderers had been taken at Rome who voluntarily confessed that the Emperor Frederick had hired and sent them thither of purpose to kill the Pope How the Duke of Bnckingham and the more learned the conscionable Dean Richard Shaw justified in the Guild-hall of London and at Pauls Cross the unlawful and tyrannical Usurpation of Richard the Third our Histories make it so manifest that I need not to trouble you with the recital thereof Since therefore not mean and Lay-men onely but Noblemen and great Divines havâ— both defended and furthered wrongful causes and with their deâ—ence and furtherance have brought to pass their lend and wicked purpose why should not men sufficiently seen in matters of State and throughly furnished with all good qualities requisite in a good and worthy Writer of which sort this Realm had rather some want then any great store depinct the Spainard and his tyranny so lively and so truly that their reasons their perswasions and their admonitions may may shake the affections
is the force of ambition and unsatiabâ—e are the desires of covetous Princes who having subdued one Country seek presently after anoâ—her and when they have conquered that labour to attain unto new Conquests and never leave to inlarge their over large Territories until a small peice of ground incloseth their dead and rotten bodies But it may be said the King of Spain is old but covetousness dieth not but increaseth in old age He is already Master and Lord of many Kingdoms and so many Countries But as I have said the more a man hath the more a man wanteth he being nigh unto deaths door thinks nothing of his death But every Prince before his death would be glad to make his name immortal his Dominions infinite He is a Catholick Prince therfore will hold his words and promises with Catholicks as he hath done hitherto But deceitful men keep touch in small matters to deceive the better in causes of great weight and consequence They may therefore justly fear that he who coveteth Kingdoms that are far from him is not without a great desire of States that joyn and border upon his Dominions and they may well think since he is descended as you shall hear anon of such Predecessors as were ready to take any occasion whatsoever just or unjust honest or dishonest commendable or reprehensible to enlarge their Dominions that he hath learned of them to have the like desires and use the like practises But grant they have no just occasion to distrust him what shall they gain by his friendship what profit shall they reap by aiding and assisting him He called them to help him But when forsooth when his ships were suâ—k bruised and broken some lost and never heard of and those which returned into Spain were so shaken and beaten with weather and Gun-shot that either they will be altogether unprofitable or hardly repaired without great and infinite charges and when his people were either drowned or so terrified that they will have a small desire and less courage to return in England But why implored he not their helps when he went for England with an assured hope and confidence of an happy Conquest of an honourable Victory He was loath to use their help because he thought himself able to aâ—tain his purpose without making them partakers of his glory and now that he hath failed of his purpose he calleth them unto a second voyage intended for a revenge of the dishonour received in his first journey and they must go to recover his credit and to revenge his quarrel who have not as yet righted many wrongs done unto themselves nor wiped away divers foul spots and stains which blemish their own credit And how must they revenge his quarrel Forsooth by sending their best Soldiers into a strange Country by dis-furnishing themselves of Ships and Artillery and by lending him Munition and Mariners who might do well to spare his own people and to reserve theirs to encounter with the common enemy of Christendom Their Ancestors bought peace with unreasonable conditions and at a great price and they shall go to Wars where they have no cause of War Their Predecessors when any Nation dwelling beyond the Alps intended to pass the Alps endeavoured by all means possible to hinder their passage and to keep them at home and they having not felt the forces of such Nations these many years shall for his sake now go about to provoke them Their Forefathers lived quietly at home with their own and they shall disquiet themselves and other men and endanger their own for his cause and his advantage Their Parents never suffered their ships or their Souldiers to depart out of Italy for fear left the great Turk in their absence should invade their Country and they must send their provision and their people to fight against the Heavens against the Windes against the Weather and the Sea for so they sight that fight against England Their hearts may tremble to think of it and that whâ—ch hath happened once may happen again If whilest their Forces shall be imployed in the Spanish kings service the Turk shall assail them at home shall they stay for their strengths until they come out of England Or shall they yeeld themselves unto his mercy and discretion For there is no other way to relieve them or to repel them But it may be said that the Spaniards credit and reputation will be their Buckler his greatness will restrain and repress their Adveâ—iaries Tell me you that think so Is he stronger then hâ—s Father was Hath he ever had better success in the Wars then he And yet in the prime and flower of his years and even when he thought himself free from all danger from all trouble and vexation of the Turks the Turks came to besiege Vienna which is the Emperors chief Seat and a City of as great strength as any other City of Europe They may consider that Armies that go far from home have as I have said seldom good success that enterprises which are unadvisedly and hastily taken in hand seldom fall out well that men being once deceived of their expeâ—ation in any thing that they undertake proceed faintly and fearfully in all that belongeth to that action that to hang good Souldiers and to imploy them in a bad cause and evil quarrel is but to tempt God and lastly that is more grievous that which a man hath already in possession then not to attain unto that which he would fain obtain All these being duly considered they may justly be afraid when they call to minde that their Navy which they shall send into England to help the king of Spain shall pass through many Seas Rocks with many contrary Winds in great Tempests and through manifest and dangerous parils and that their Souldiers shall be sometimes subject to hunger and thirst sometimes be Sea sick and in great danger of other diseases for where many be shut up close together there few can be in health long All this being duly considered they may well be dismayed when they shall remember that the Spanish Fleet which went out of Spain with an assured hope of victory returned with great loss and ignommy And they may be discomforted when they enter into cogitation that the Spanish Navy returning to that place where they were once well beaten and remembring what small relief they had when they were in distress will not onely lose theâ—r courage themselves but also discourage their Italian Souldiers not being accustomed to sight so far from home or on so dangerous and troublesome Seas and with so valiant a Nation as the English Sea and Subjects are They may again be dismayed when they consider that although they should conquer England yet they cannot keep it long because they have no just cause to fight against England And lastly they may be dismayed when it shall come to their mindes and remembrance that the small hope and confidence which they have
to prevail in England cannot countervail the great distrust and fear which they have to lose their own possessions and Country whilst they busie themselves in seeking after strange and difficult conquests And if to leave nothing unsaid that may be said to encourage them some men will use unto them all the same perswasions which our Fugitives used to induce the Spanish King to undertake the Conquest of our Land that man whatsoever he be may well and sufficiently be answered with the same Arguments which I used long since to confute their Reasons With these and the like Reasons uttered by grave men unto the Common people who hearken willingly unto any thing for their own quiet and security and used in convenient time and place of which wise men in their wisdom and gravity can take their best advantage the most discreet and wisest Subjects of Italy may quickly be perswaded not to further the Spaniard in his unlawfull and ambitious attempts and purposes and the Princes themselves who willingly enter into no action whereof some great commodity is not likely to follow will easily hearken unto any man of credit and experience that shall review their memories and reduce unto their minde the means that their Predecessors have used to free themselves from Forreign Servitude and bondage a commodity far exceeding all the commodities that heart can imagine or tongue express It may therefore be shewed unto them in general that Maximilian the Emperor and the Spanish Kings great Grandfather for it were tedious to talk of his former Predecessors and of the wrongs that they did unto Italy entered oftentimes into League and Amity with barbarous Nations against the Princes of Italy brought them into their Country besieged their Cities cast down their Walls ransacked their Houses changed their mirth into sorrow and never lest to trouble and molest them until that his strength and not his good will to annoy them failed him Charles the fifth his Father for his Grand-father Philip died in the prime of his years and therefore could not greatly trouble them because he wanted the means doth the like and many of the Italian Princes most loving Subjects die some by the sword others by famine some through grief and others by infinite labour and travel neither permitting them that resisted him to live one hour in rest and quietness nor suffering those that yeelded unto him to enjoy any long peace and tranquillity but reduced both the one and the other sort unto extream beggery by grievous impositions and long and tedious wars He himself wheresoever he ruleth in Italy and he ruleth there too much imposeâ—h new Tributes unaccustomed Subsidies and extraordinary impositions and where he hath no Authority to rule there he borroweth money and payeth his Debts with fair words and sweet promises and when he useth them best with Bonds and Obligations which shall be paid when every brother payeth another When this is said and they moved with the grievous remembrance and lamentable rehearsal hereof it may be they would be glad to remedy and revenge these wrongs but they dare not adventure to contend with him they will fear him because he is wealthy stand in aw of him because he is mighty and strive amongst themselves who shall first begin to trouble him because they distrust one another His might and his wealth have already been shown sufficiently and proved to be far inferiour unto the general conceit and opinion that is had of them and their distrust may be removed by a general League and perfect imitation of their Predecessors It must therefore first be remembred that Nicholas the third Pope of Rome fearing the great wealth of France under Philip the son of Lewis sirnamed The Godly used all means possible to abate and diminish the French Kings power and reputation And the state of this present time must be conferred with the condition of that Age to the end that if the like causes of fear be now apparent the like remedies may be applied Then was France to be feared because there was no Civil War in France Now Spain must be suspected because Spain is quiet and at peace within it self all the Lords and Peers of France were then obedient unto their king and are they not so in Spain The French king was then in League with England and Germany and is not the Spaniard allied unto many For eign Princes The king of Navar a Vassal of France ruled all things then in Spain because he was Tutor unto the young king and doth not Spain now sway and rule a great part of France by reason of the League betwixt him and the unnatural Rebâ—s thereof Siciy was then subject unto Charles the French kings Uncle and now both Sicily and Naples are under the Spaniard The same Charles was of great authority in Rome he was Lieutenant General unto the Empire and under that Title either commanded by force or prevailed by authority through all Italy And hath not the Spaniard as great authority there at this present as he had then The face and countenance of both times are alike the Remedies therefore should be such now as they were then Then the Pope weakened the credit and authority that Charles had in Rome the Pope must do like to the Spaniard now Then was the Title of Lieutenant General taken from Charles Now should all helping Titles be likewise taken from Spain Then was the Pope determined to make two kings in Italy the one in Lombardy and the other in Tuskany and both of the House of Ursim of which he was the chief and principal branch And if the like device were now practised undoubtedly the Great Duke of Florence and some other Potentates of Italy upon whom the most should agree would accept the Title of kings and be able both for their wealth and their might to maintain the same with credit and reputation Then was Phaleologo Emperor of Constantinople incensed and encouraged to war upon the Sicilian king now there would want no sufficient reasons to move the French king to do the like against the Spaniard Then upon suddain were all the Frenchmen either slain in Sicily or driven thence and now might all the Spaniards be either murthered which were somewhat too bloody and cruel an action or removed by main force from Naples and Sicily which would be a general benefit and comfort unto all Italy But Italy of it self is not able to do all this what then shall it avail to intend and purpose this Italy must then be strengthened and holpen lest it faâ—l in doing this But how shall Italy be assisted Forsooth by an imitation of the Princes which lived in Charles the fifth his time and envied his greatness Forsooth when they saw that he had by subtilty and corruption obtained the Empire and that what with the vigour of his youth what with the reputation of his might and strength he was so puffed up with pride that he intended to make
what occasion they began to encanton themselves how base men they were that were the first Authors thereof how Stansfather Gualter first and Arnold Melthdiall detesting the unsupportable Tyranny of the Governor Greisleir drew first divers Gentlemen and then the inhabitants of a few Towns to conspire the death of their Governour and the banishment of all the Officers set over them by the house of Austria how they beat down to the ground all their Castles how they perswaded the Towns of Sinty Ury and Underwald to free and emancipate themselves from the Thraldom and Bondage wherein they lived under the house of Austria How after this association others entred into League with them and briefly how after their general confederacy they lived many years contented with their own and scant knew what wealth meant Was it not wonderous that after the notable victory which they had at Grason against Charles Duke of Burgondy they knew not the worth or value of the goods that came to their hands Will any man beleeve that they should tear into a Thousand pieces the fairest pavilion that ever was seen in the world May it be credited that they sold great dishes and platters of clean Silver thinking that they had been of Tin for six pence a piece Will it not seem incredible that the fairest Diamond that was in those dayes in the world and had a very great and rich pearl hanging thereat was sold unto a Priest for a Florin and that he sent it unto their chief Governor who gave him but three Franks which is a French Crown for the same And to what reputation are these people now grown Are they not held the best Pikemen of the world Do not the greatest Princes of Europe seek their Amity and alliance Strive they not who shall first entertain them and continue longest in league with them Have they not more liberty in Italy then any nation whatsoever Are not the Grisons their Confederates free from the Inquisition a freedom not granted unto any Nation but unto them Was there not a time when a King of France for calling them base people was forsaken by them and made a prey unto his Enemies Did they not in revenge of that disdainfull word make a Road into his Country and had they not come unto the walls of Paris if they had not been intreated and hired for great Rewards to return into their Country Who can desire a more notable and worthy example of valour and fortitude then they shewed in Navar in Italy where they being in a strong Citty and not needing to make any sally out they came forth upon the French that lay before the Town went proudly and without fear upon the fearfull and terrible mouthes of their greatest Artillery took the same and bended it upon their Enemies whom with the onely help thereof they put to a most shamefull flight and to the edges of their unmercifull swords When we remember these men and enter into cogitation of the premisses we must justly fear that the Hollanders and their Adherents may one day have the like mindes and the like fortune And if they should chance to grow to the like greatness be it of minde or of fortune let us consider what advantage they shall have of Princes Even the same advantage which Titus Livius mentioneth in the comparison which he maketh betwixt Alexander the Great and the Romans For they have many Alexanders whereas a Kingdom should have but one and with this ones death his whole State should be endangered whereas the losse of some of their Alexanders shall not endanger their State and Kingdoms Enterprises shall perish with their King and their Attempts shall be performed by their surviving Alexanders Briefly the Kings posterity shall not resemble him and their Successors shâ—ll rather excel then not imitate them Thus to have all the Low-Countries governed by a few States or by one Prince wholly depending upon the King of Spain were in one and the same measure dangerous and therefore it were convenient for us in wisdom and policy to erect and establish such a Prince as should neither aâ—together depend upon France nor be wholy devoted unto Spain or else to divide the seventeen Provinces into divers several Cantons and to nourish continually a diversity of opinions and Religions amongst them whereby some of them being led to affect us and others to favour Princes of their Religion they shall be neither holpen nor hurt by them more then we nor we more then they Besides Experience yeeldeth us this comfort that as long as we shall entertain a free and loving 〈◊〉 entercourse of Trade and Traffique with them whereby their people may be inriched their Cities frequented and their several Artificers maintained and nourished so long may we be assured of their fast Friendship and Amity For if when as that notable contention and competency for the Crown of France was between Edward the third and Philip de Valâ—ys although Lewis the Earl of Flanders favoured the French King because he was his Vassal yet the Common people affected and furthered our Kings claim and quarrel and would not be drawn from us by any manner of whatsoever perswasion why may we not hope to fined the like affection in them even against their Soveraign if we should have the like occasion to use their furtherance For as then many of their Towns standing wholy upon the Trade of wooll with which their Diers Fullers and other such Artificers were maintained they would not leave us to lean to their Prince because if our King should not have sent thither our woolls they knew not how to live and for that France was not able to hurt them so much as England could do both by Sea and by Land so now if they should want such Commodities any long time as we send over unto them although they be now far stronger by Sea then they were then yet either the regard of profit or the fear of discommodity and hurt that might arise unto them by the discord betwixt us and them would cause them to stand fast and assâ—â—ed unto us rather then unto our Enemies especially if we shall entertain some such faithfull friends unto us amongst the common people as were the before mentioned Artevild Boscanus Agricola and others Thus Spain being weakned and the Low-Countries either all or the most part thereof well-affected unto us we shall stand in less danger and fear of France whose troubles and divisions although they begin now somewhat to cease yet I fear me that when they are once utterly extinguished they will be quickly revived again For as fire being but covered over with ashes and not throughly put out is soon kindled again so reconciled friends the causes of their former contentions not being wholly removed upon very light occasions fall again to strife and variance The experience thereof was seen in the Reign of Henry the third of England and in the time of Lewis Menervensis
Realm to poison a private man and yet of late is waxen so rich and plentiful a Kingdom of murtherers as procurers as Maâ—uel Aridrada Xpofero de Moco Rodorigo Marquess Stephano Ibacco and the Count Fuentes as many executioners as Dr Lopas Ferrara Truoca Williams and York and more perswaders as Stanley Holt Frogmorton Ower Gefford Northington Paget Tipping Garret and Naddel all of one mind but of sundry Nations of one desire but of divers conditions of one conspiracy but of contrary vocations to poison a stranger a woman a Virgin a Princess one person having in one body four sundry qualities worthy of justice of pity favour and honour for who doth not justice to a stranger as God's word commandeth pitieth not a woman as man's Law willeth favoureth not a virgin as humanity requireth honoureth not a Princess as God's word man's law and humanity prescribe This only action of barbarous inhumanity requireth a whole and large volumn but I must strive to be short and if you call to mind what hath been said already you shall find matter enough to enlarge and aggravate this inhumanity and therefore briefly to the rest of the objections An oath promissory not being grounded upon a just and good cause bindeth not a man to any performance but can there be a better consideration then the gift of a Kingdom Or a greater forfeiture then the loss of a Crown and Royal Diadem The gift is contained in these words We make you our King and the forfeiture is expressed in these words You shall not be our King unless you keep our Laws The condition is usual and ordinary for the Emperour as soon as he is chosen taketh the like oath when he sweareth to conserve and maintain the liberties jurisdictions rights honours dignities and priviledges of the Electors of the sacred Empire as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal and it seemeth that as the seven Electors in recompence of their good will and curtesie shewed to the Emperour of the world received this bounty of him so the Nobility of Aragon in regard of the favour which they shewed unto their King in making choice of him for their King received the like benefit at his hands and therefore have good occasion to be no less grieved if he chance to break this oath then the Nobility of England should have cause to be sorry if after a number of good and gracious Princes who have alwaies duly kept and observed the ancient Laws and Liberties of our Realm and especially in the trial and arraignment of Noblemen the Almighty should plague them with such a Prince as would not suffer them to be tryed and arraigned according to the old and laudable custome of this noble Kingdom by an honourable Jury of twelve Peers but by a beggarly crew of so many base companions The promise then is good and better for the oath but the oath may be broken and a dispensation will salve the sore of the breach He that offendeth in hope of a pardon is not thought worthy to be pardoned and although it be a greater commendation in a Prince to be prone to shew mercy ready to forgive and willing to pardon offences committed against himself or his Laws yet it is scant tolerable to forgive notorious sins and trespasses against God I find that Princes may dispence with Bastardy restore infamous persons to their good name and fame make their own children legitimate not as their Fathers but as their Princes not as their children but as their subjects free and emancipate bondmen briefly pardon and forgive all crimes committed against their Temporal Laws But the Cannons of which the Spanish King will seem to have more regard then any other Prince of that Religion permit not his Catholique Majesty to dispense with an oath that is a priviledge and prerogative which the Pope hath reserved to the fulness and plenitude of his own part and would not take it in good part that his white son should challenge or assume unto himself any such authority and he as a dutiful and loving childe will be loth to offend so good and loving a father But the father in regard of his long and loyal obedience will absolve him of his oath If his Fatherly love should make him forget himself so much as to dispense at one time not with one but many crimes the son and the father should without all doubt highly offend their heavenly father and voluntarily break the sacred constitutions of their reverend predecessors For the Pope cannot dispence with wilful murther such as was the violent death of Escovedo nor with any thing done against the Laws of Nature such as the breach of this contract should be nor with an oath such as this oath is without calling and citing all the parties that should be interssed and damnified by the violation and breach of this oath But grant that the Pope will dispense with this Oath what would or could all avail when the contract should still remain in full strength and vertue and the Aragonian Nobility might notwithstanding this dispensation urge their King to the performance thereof Truly this absolution should benefit him no more then it should avail a creditor to sue his debtor for one hundred pounds unto whom he owed so much upon account for such a creditor when he hath with long suit and great charge recovered his debt is presently to restore the same back again upon his accompt So the Spanish King when he hath with great difficulty and perhaps with some expences made himself beholding to the Pope for his dispensation must notwithstanding the benefit thereof perform the conditions that was of sufficient strength without the oath and was confirm'd with an oath for no other purpose but that it should be the great burthen unto his Conscience if he should violate his contract But how may the Aragonian Noblemen enforce him to perform and keep his contract By forfeiting his Kingdom by taking away his rents and by putting the Laws whereunto he was sworn into execution But he is too mighty and they too weak to compel him thereunto by main force What remedy shall you then find against him The course is ordinary For every Bishop hath power to compel any man that is sworn to keep and observe his oath which hath alwaies paratum executionem and is so true that the trial of a contract confirmed with an oath depending before a Temporal Magistrate a Bishop or Ecclesiastical Judge may be reason of that oath avocate the same cause unto his hearing and determination And this is the reason why many Doctors are of opinion and especially Baldus that an oath hath the vertue and operation to draw a matter from one Court to another But what Prelate in Spain dareth be so bold as to call his King into his Ecclesiastical Court If the Prelate will not presume to stand in defence of the Laws there is another ordinary way A subject of the Emperour may without
Their contracts bind them as much as Laws 19 20 R REmedies of Subjects against unjust Princes 26 S DOn Sebastian of Portugal intendeth to aid Muly Mahomet King of Morocco against his brother 28 Sforza Ursino and the Count de Terras Vedras and Emanuel Serradas unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 The Spanish liable to be depos'd for breaking the Laws of Aragon p. 17 He entreth into a League with Muly Malucco against his own Nephew Don Sebastian of Portugal 27 The Swedish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOME AFter that I had lived many years in voluntary exile and banishment and saw that the most happy and fortunate success which it pleased the Almighty to send unto my gracious Soveraign against the malicious and hostile Attempts which the Spanish Monarch both openly and covertly practised against her sacred Person and invincible State and Kingdom I began to despair of my long desired return into my native Countrey and to consider with my self with what price I might best redeem my sweet and inestimable liberty Sometimes I wished that her Majesty had as the Italian Princes have many confined and banished men abroad upon whose heads there are great Fines set to invite others to kill them in hope to receive those Fines in recompense of their murther But my wishes vanished as smoak in the wind and as long as I dwelt in those cogitations me-thought I did nothing else but build Castles in the Ayr then I applied my wits to think upon some other means of better hope and more probability and supposed that to murther some notable Traytor or professed enemy to my Prince and Countrey might be a ready way to purchase my desire But the great difficulty to escape unpunished the continual terror that such an offence might breed unto my conscience and the perpetual infamy that followeth the bloody Executioners of trayterous Murderers for I held it trayterous to kill my friend and acquaintance made both my heart and my hand to abhor any such action Martius Coriolanus seemed unto me a most happy man who when in revenge of a few mistaken injuries he had wrought his Countrey great despight and annoyance suffered himself with much difficulty to be intreated by his Wiâ—e his Mother and the Senate of Rome to return home and to become so great a Friend as he had been a Foe unto his country That day should have been more joyful unto me then the day of my birth and nativity wherein I might have seen a Letter from any of my friends with assurance of my pardon to call me home But I find my self so much inferiour to Coriolanus in good fortune as I come behind him in manly valour and other laudible qualities Whilest I lived in this perplexity I hapned by chance to meet with an honest and kind English Gentleman who was lately come out of Italy and meant to sojourn a few moneths in France and then to return into England He knew both me and my friends very well And although his License forbad him to converse with any Fugitives yet hearing by common and credible report that I was not so malicious as the rest of my Countrey-men but lived only for my conscience abroad he adventured now and then to use my company and with me and in my hearing to use greater liberty of speech then with any other of our Nation Whereupon I presumed that as I was trusted so I might trust him again and as he did conceal nothing from me so I might adventure to reveal to him the secret projects of my inward cogitations I therefore acquainted him with my eaâ—nest desire to return and with the great difficulty which I found to procure my return and he perceiving that my words agreed with my wishes and that my tongue uttered nothing but what my heart thought promised me faithfully to effect my desire if I would be content to grant his request I presuming that he would demand nothing but that which should be both honest and lawful gave him my faithful promise to satisfie his demand He accepted my offer and uttered his mind in this manner In my travel I have heard many things which I knew not when I came out of England and no more then I would and yet much more then I can be well able to answer when I come home if you will be as willing as I know you are able to frame me a good and sufficient answer to all that I have heard all the friends which I have in England shall fail me but that I will purchase your return home with credit and countenance And because your promise bindeth you to vouchsafe me this favour I will as briefly as I can possible shew you to what points I shall need and most desire your answer I heard Princes generally reprehend the Flomings perhaps more boldly then justly accused of rebellion the French men I know not how truly burthened with the same crime and our Sovereign in my poor opinion wrongfully blamed for aiding both the French and Flemish Nations I heard some men to maintain this strange opinion that the Turk had long before this day been utterly subverted or sorely weakned had not her Majesty holpen those two Nations which hindred both the French and Spanish Kings from imploying their united forces to the utter subversion of the Turk I heard some men charge us with vain-glory as men that had learned of the vain-glorious Souldier in Terence to brag of our valour and exploits in France where they could hardly believe that we ever obtained the tenth part of that which we boast to have atcheived And others who were better acquainted with our Histories and more affected with our conquests do wonder and marvell greatly howwe could lose in a very few years all that our Predecessors got with much effusion of blood and with great difficulty I heard the Spaniard our mortal and professed Enemy highly commended for that his Predecessors could of a mean Earl make themselves mighty Monarchs and because that he with his wisdom doth maintain and keep all that they got I heard his might magnified his Policy admired his Government extolled his Wisdom commended his Wealth feared and all his Actions justified I heard contrarywise our Portugal Voyage condemned the Cause thereof disliked the Success dispraised the Entertainment given unto Don Antonio disallowed and her Majesty accused to have given the Spaniard many and divers occasions of discontentment The death of the late Queen of Scots The intercepting of certain monies sent into the Low Countries The proceeding against Catholicks the expulsion of the Popes authority out of England the sending away of the Spanish Embassadour in some disgrace and our League and Amity with the United Provinces are the principal causes that displeased the Spaniard I heard it imputed unto her Majesty as a fault that her Grace continued in league with the late French King who was charged to