instant Vortigern a Native of this Isle first established here a free Kingdom four hundred and fifty years after Christ and so left it to the Saxons from whom her Majesty is in discent Lineal and it is plain that as we were later then Spain reduced under the Roman yoak so we were sooner infreed Subsequence of Spain Spain since the dissolution of the Roman Empire entituled no King till of late for Attalaricus from whom they would upon slender warrant ground their dissent was never stiled Rex Hispaniae but Gothorum and the Kingdom of Castile wherein the main and fairest antiquity of Spain rested begun not before the year of Christ 1017. whereas they were but Earls of Castile before so that the Kingdome of the English began which was alwayes as Beda observeth a Monarch in a Heptarchie 460. years at the least before the Kingdom of Castile or Spain Precedency of England in respect of Antiquity of Christian Religion JOSEPH of Aramathea planted Christian Religion immediately after the passion of Christ in this Realm And Aristobulus one of them mentioned by Saint Paul Romans 6. was Episc Brittanorum and likewise Simon Zelotes The first Christian King in Europe was Lucius Surius The first that ever advanced the papacy of Rome was the Emperour Constantinus born at Yorke Of whom in the Roman Laws near his time is written Qui veneranda Christianorum fide Romanum munivit imperium And to him peculiarly more than to other Emperours are these Epithitons attributed Divus Divae memoriae divinae memoriae orbis Liberator quietis fundator Reipublic instaurator publicae libertatis auctor Magnus Maximus Invictus Restitutor urbis Romae atque orbis And there have been more Kings and Princes of the bloud Royall Confessors and Martyrs in England than in any one Province in Europe And from Ethelbert King of Kent Converted Anno 596 untill this day Christianity hath been without interruption continued Subsequence of Spain In the time of Claudius Saint James preached in Spain but gained only nine Souls So did he in Ireland as Vincentius saith and they cannot count Christian religion to be then planted in Spain which shortly after was first tainted with the heresie of Priscilian then with Gothish Arianism and after defaced with Moorish Mahumetism from 707 years after Christ in continuance 770 years untill Ferdinando King of Arragon and Castilia utterly expelled the Moors Precedency of England in respect of the more absolute Authority Politicall THe Queen of Englands power absolute in acknowledging no superior nor in vassallage to Pope or Emperour For that subjection which by King John was made to Innoâ—entius the third after in Parliament Per praeceptum Domini Papae septimo Julii Cum fidelitate homagio relaxatur omnino Sir Thomas Moore in his debellation saith the Church of Rome can shew no such deed of subjection neither that the King could grant it of himself And Engubinus in his defence of Constantines dodation nameth not England where he recited all the foedary Kingdomes of the Papacy the Peter-pence were not duties but Eleemosina Regis neither the Rome-Scot but Regis larga benignitas Parem non habet Rex Angliae in Regno suo multo fortius nec superiorem habere debet saith Bracton Ipse non debet ess e sub homie sed sub Deo habet tantum superiorem Judicem Deum Likewise in appointing Magistrates pardoning Life Appeal granting privileges taking homage and his Jura Majestatis not limited in censu nummorum Bello judicando Pace ineunda Eleutherius the Pope 1400 years ago in his Epistle to Lucius King of Brittain stiled him Vicarius Dei in Regno suo so is the King of England in Edgars Lawes and Baldus the Lawyer saith Rex Angliae est Monarcha in regno suo and Malmesbury Post conversionem ad fidem tot tantas obtinuit Libertates quot imperator imperia Subsequence of Spain The King of Spain hath no Kingdom but is foedory either to France or Castila enthralled by oath of subjection and vassallage from King Henry to Charles the fifth of France 1369. Ex foedere contracto And for the Netherlands there is homage due to the French King or the Papacy as Arragon to Innocentius the third by King Peter 1204. confirmed by Ferdinand and Alphonsus 1445. and from James by the like oath 1453. And to Sardinia and Corsica the King of Arragon from the Bishops of Rome were under oath of subjection invested Ex formula fiduciae The Kingdom of Portugall in vassallage to the Pope under an Annuall Tribute And the Canaries Hesperides and Gorgon Islands subjected to the See of Rome under the chief Rent of four hundred Florins by Lewis King of Spain 1043. Of both the Indies Alexander did reserve the regalities of Sicilia the Church is chief Lord. And Granado and Navarre were made foedary to the Pope under Julius the second Naples at every change sendeth a Palfrey as a Heriot due to the Church of Rome and of the Empire he holdeth the Dukedom of Millaine So that it is questionable among Civilians whether he be Princeps which holdeth in feodo all of others His absolute authority restrained in Arragon by Justitia Arragonica In Biscay and other places by particular reservations And his Jura Majestatis in Censu Nummorum Bello judicando Pace ineunda c. Limited by the priviledges of the State as at Brabant and elsewhere in his Spanish Territories Ex propriis constitutionibus privilegiis Precedency of England in respect of more absolute authority Ecclesiastical HEr Majesties power more absolute in this confirmed by ancient Custome and privilege than any other Christian Prince For no Legat de Latere in England de jure allowed but the Archbishop of Canterbury If any admitted by courtesie he hath no Authority to hold plea in the Realm contrary to the the Laws thereof Placita 2 Hen. 4. and before he was admitted and entered the Realm he was to take oath to do nothing derogatory to the King and his Crown Placita Anno primâ— Henri 7. No man might denounce the Popes excommunication nor obey his authority on pain to forfeit all his goods without assent of the King or his Counsel Placita 23 and 34 Edw. Rot. Dunelm Henry the First called a Provincial Councel so did Canutus and others No appeal to Rome without the Kings licence Anno 32 34 Edw. 1. Inventure of Bishops and Churchmen in the Kings hand Ex Matt. Paris Hen. Huntington De gestis Pontific Donelm Placita 32 Edw. 1. and in the 32 Edw. 3. Where the reason of the Kings Ecclesiastical authority to suspend or bestow Church livings is yielded Quia reges Angliae unguntur in Capite Subsequence of Spain The King of Spain can prescribe no custome to prohibit the Popes Legat nor useth any Authority Penall over the Clergy Spain can
produce no Example of any Provincial Councel by call of the King For. Bodin lib. 1. cap. 6. towards the end writeth that the Kings of Spain Non sine magna mercede impetraverunt Sixti Pontificis Romani rescripto ne perigrinis sacerdotia tribuerentur Appeals from the King to Rome allowed So the Kings of Spain have meerly no power Ecclesiastical having dispoyled himself of all by inthralling their Kingdom to the Church of Rome Precedency of England in respect of Eminency of Royall Dignity THe Kings of England are anointed as the Kings of France who only have their preheminence before other Kingdoms declared by miracle in the cure of the Regius morbus which they can effect only and that of antiquity For Edward the Confessor healed many 2. They are superiour Lords of the Kingdome of Scotland and Man and Vicarii Imperii as Edward the third and Oswald intituled Rex Christianissimus ve Peda lib. 2. 3. They are named Filii adoptivi Ecclesiae as the Emperour Filius Primogenitus and the King of France Filius natu minor vide Platina 4. They are accompted among Reges super illustres in this order Imperator Rex Franciae Rex Angliae Franciae vide Corsettus 5. England in the General Councels at Constance and Pisa was made a Nation when as all Christianity was divided into four Nations Itallicam Gallicam Germanicam Anglicam Ex lib. sacrarum Ceremoniarum Ecclesiae Romanae 6. Whereupon seat accordingly was allowed at the three General Councels viz. Constance Pisa Sienna to the English Ambassadors next to the Emperour on the left hand and to the King of France on the right hand which were their Ancient seats before the Spaniards at Basill 1431. begun to contend for Precedency Where it was in the first Session ordered that all Legats should hold such their places as they had enjoyed heretofore according to their worth and antiquity Yet in the Councel of Trent the precedency of France with Spain was made questionable Augustus de Cavalles as the strongest reason to bar the French Interest inferred the Queen of England from her Ancestors both in respect of Inheritance Conquest and Gift de jure Queen of France By which reason when he doth shake or overthrow as he thinketh the Precedency of France he doth consequently strengthen the Precedency of England And in Treaty between Henry the seventh and Philip of Castile 1506 the Commissioners of England did subsign betore the other And in the Treaty of Marriage with Queen Mary Anno 1553 those of England are first rehearsed And at Burbrough Anno 1588. they gave it to her Majesties Ambassadors And yet in respect of the Eminency of this Royal throne to the See of Canterbury was granted by Vrbane at the Councel of Claremount Anno 1096. for ever the seat in General Councel at the Popes right foot who at that time uttered these words Includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis Pontificem Maximum Subsequence of Spain 1. The Kings of Castile are never anointed neither hath the Spanish Throne that vertue to endow the King therein invested with the power to heal the Kings evil For into France do yearly come multitudes of Spaniards to be healed thereof 2. No Kingdom held in fee of him 3. Spain then not remembred one of the Sons of the Church 4. The King of Spain placed last after the King of England inter super illustres by the said Corsettus 5. The Kingdome was then comprised under Itallica natio and no Nation of it self as in old it was called Iberia minor as a member of Italy Iberia major England being Britannia major At which time the Spaniard contented himself with the place next to the King of France Precedency of England before Spain in respect of the Nobility of Blood HEr Majesty in Lineal discent is deduced from Christian Princes for 800 years by Ethelbert a Christian 596. and the Matches of her progenitors most Royal with France Germany Spain Subsequence of Spain For their Antiquity of discent as Kings of Spain is chiefly from the Earls of Castilia about 500 years since For they cannot warrant their discent from Atalaricus the Goth and as Dukes of Austria from the Earls of Hapsburgh only about 390 years since Their matches anciently for the most part with their subjects and of late in their own blood Precedency of England in respect of antiquity of Government HEr Majesty having raigned now most happily 42 years This we would not have alledged but that the Spanish Ambassador at Basil objected in this respect the minority of Henry the sixth Her sex herein nothing prejudicial when as both divine and humane Laws do allow it and accordingly Spain England and Hungary insomuch that Mary Queen of the last was always stiled Rex Mario Hungariae Vide Tilius Subsequence of Spain The King of Spain yet in the Infancy of his Kingdome For the Precedency may be alledged viz. The Antiquity of the Kingdom when as Castile Arragon Navar and Portuguall had their first Kings about 1025. The ancient receiving of the Christian Faith by Joseph of Aramathea Simon Zelotes Aristobulus yea by St. Peter and St. Paul as Theodoretus and Sophrinius do testifie The Kingdome is held of God alone acknowledging no superiour and in no vassalage to the Emperour or Pope as Naples Sicilia Arragont Sardinia and Corsica c. Sir Thomas Moore denyeth that King John either did or could make England subject to the Pope and that the Tribute was not paid pag. 296. but the Preter-pence were paid to the Pope by K. John by way of Alms. The absolute power of the King of England which in other Kingdomes is much restrained England is accompted the fourth part of Christendome For in the Councel of Constance all Christianity was divided in nationem viz. Italicam Germanicam Gallicanam Anglicanam and accordingly gave voices England in the opinions of the Popes is preferred because in it is conteined in the Ecclesiastical division two large Provinces which had their several Legatinati when as France had scantly one The Emperour is accompted major filius Papae the King of France filius minor the King of England filius adoptivus The Archbishops of Canterbury are accompted by the people tanquam alterius orbis Papae and anointed to have place in General Councels at the Popes right foot The title of Defensor fidei as honourably and as justly bestowed upon the Kings of England as Christianissimus upon the French or Catholicus upon the Spaniard Edward the third King of England was created by the Emperour Vicarius Perpetuus Imperii cum jure vitae necisque in omnes Imperii snbditos and the Kings of England Papae Vicarii by Pope Nicholas the second vide COPGRAVE Innocentius the fourth the Pope said vere hortus deliciarum est Anglia vere pateus inexhaustus ubi
close and foul play entertaineth an overture made by the Duke de Longavil then prisoner in England for a Marriage of Mary his Sister with the French King which effected the two subtile Princes failed of their ends Lewis dead and Francis succeeding he made his first entrance a league with England the recovery of Millane which he did the protection of his neighbours and reduction of the Swisses from the Imperial side for which he imployed to them the bastard of Savoy Maximilian and Ferdinand seeing by this all their new purchases in danger and that they had now no disguised marriage again to entertain the credulity of Henry the eighth they work upon his youth and honour The Emperor will needs to him resign his Emperial Crown as wearied with the weight of Government and distraction of Europe which needed a more active man then his old age to defend the Liberty of Subjects and Majesty of Princes from the Tyranny of France That he had made the way already for him with the Electors that he would send the Cardinall Sedunensis with ample commission into England to conclude the resignation which was done That at Aquisgrave he will meet Henry the eighth and there give up his first Crown from thence accompany him to Rome where he should receive the last right of the Imperiall dignity putting Verona into his protection then assailed by the Venetians and giving him the investiture of Millane in feodo more Imperiali then in possession of the French to tye his aid the faster against these States Hereupon Henry the eighth concluded a defensive league with the Bishop of Mesa and Count Daciana authorised Commissioners from the Emperor Arragon Castile and sendeth his Secretary Master Pace with money for Maximilian had already borrowed and broken to entertain the Swissers into pay and confederacy against France Charles the Grandchild must feign a difficulty to sway his League untill the Emperor at Henry the eighths cost was fetched from Germany to the Netherlands to work his Nephew to it who in the interim had closely contracted a peace by the Grandfathers consent with France No sooner had Maximilian received ten thousand Florins of the English King to bear his charge but the Treaty of Noyon was closely between him Arragon and Castile concluded whereby the ten thousand Crowns for recognition of Naples was passd from France to the Emperor and Charles himself affianced to Loysia the French Kings daughter and also darkly carried that when Master Pace at Agno came down from the Emperor with his Signature of the confederacy the French Kings Ambassador went up the back Stairs with six thousand Florins and the transaction of the Pension of Naples to Maximilian and there received his confirmation of the Treaty at Novon notwithstanding the same day the Emperor looking upon his George and Garter wished to Wingfield Henry the eighths Ambassador that the thoughts of his heart were transparent to his Master So displeasing was this foul play to the Cardinall Sedunensis the Emperors chief Counsellor that he writ contra perfidiam Principum against the falshood of his own Lord a bitter Letter to the English King who finding again how his youth and facility was overwrought by these two old and subtill Princes his vast expences lost his hopes of France lesned and that of the Emperor vanished for Maximilian is now conferring the Title of Rex Romanorum to one of his Nephues concludeth by mediation of the Admiral of France a peace with that King a marriage for the Dolphin Francis with the Lady Mary and the re-delivery of Tournay for a large Summe of Money Not long after Maximilian dieth leaving the Imperial Crown in Competition of France and Castile Charles whose desire was as his Ancestors to weave that vvreath for ever into the Austrian Family began to fear the power of his corrivall vvith vvhom the Pope then sided and the English King stood assured by the late marriage of their two Children To draw off the Pope he knew it vvas impossible he vvas all French To vvork in Henry the eighth he found the inconstancy of his predecessors and the new match to lie in the vvay To clear the one he is fain in his Letters into England to load his two Grandfathers vvith all the former aspertions his years and duty then tying him more to obedience then truth but that he vvas a man and himself now that mutuall danger vvould give assurance vvhere otherwise single faith might be mistrusted France vvas in it self by addition of Britany more potent than ever this man had rejoyned to it some important pieces in Italy and should his greatness grow larger up by accession of the Imperiall Crown how easie vvere it to effect indeed what he had fashioned in Fancy the Monarchy of Europe As for the young Lady who was like to lose her husband if Henry the eighth incline to this Counsell and assist Castile in pursute of the Emperor he was contented for Loisia of France espoused to him by the Treaty at Noyon was now dead to make up the loss of the Lady Mary by his own Marriage with her a match fitter in years for the Dolphin was an infant as great in dignity for he was a King and might by the assistance of her father be greater in being Emperor Thus was Henry the eighth by fears and hopes turned about again and Pacy forthwith sent to the Electors with instructions money who so wrought that Charles was in July chosen Emperor and that it was by the sole work of Henry the eighth himself by Letters under his hand acknowledged From Aquisgrave he commeth Crowned the next year for England weddeth at Winsor the Lady Mary concludeth by league the invasion of France and to divide it with Henry the eighth by the River of Rodon making oath at the high Altar at Pauls for performance of both those Treaties Hereupon France is entred by the Engâ—ish army and Burbon wrought from his Allegiance by a disguised promise of this Emperor of Elianor his Sister for wife to raise forces against his Master which he did but was paid by the English King The French King to carry the wars from his own doors maketh towards Milan whereby Burbon and his forces were drawn out of Province to guard the Imperialls in Italy At Pavie they met and the French King was taken prisoner and forthwith transported into Spain where at Madrid the Emperor forced his consent to that Treaty whereby he gained Burgundy and many portions in the Netherlands leaving Henry the eighth who had born the greatest charge of all that Warre not only there unsaved but calling a Parliament at Toledo taketh by assignment of his States Isabella of Portugall to wife procuring from Pope Clement a Bull to absolve him of his former oaths and Marriage working not long after by Ferdinandus his Chaplain the Earl of Desmond to Rebell in Ireland and James the fifth of
Cottoni Posthuma DIVERS CHOICE PIECES OF THAT Renowned Antiquary Sir ROBERT COTTON Knight and Baronet Preserved from the injury of Time and Exposed to publick light for the benefit of Posterity By J. H. Esq LONDON Printed for Richard Lowndes at the White Lion in Duck Lane near Smith-field and Matthew Gilliflower at the Sun in Westminster-Hall 1652. To his worthily Honoured Friend Sir Robert Pye Knight at his House in Westminster SIR THe long interest of Friendship and nearness of Neighbourhood which gave you the opportunity of conversing often with that worthy Baronet who was Author of these ensuing Discourses induced me to this Dedicatory Address Among the Greeks and Romans who were the two Luminaries that first diffused the rayes of Knowledge and Civility through these North-west Clymes He was put in the rank of the best sorts of Patriots who preserv'd from putrefaction and the rust of Time the Memory and Works of Vertuous Men by exposing them to open light for the generall Good Therefore I hope not to deserve ill of my Country that I have published to the World these choice notions of that learned Knight Sir Robert Cotton who for his exact recerchez into Antiquity hath made himself famous to Posterity Plutarch in writing the lives of Others made his own everlasting So an Antiquary while he feels the pulse of former Ages and makes them known to the present renders Himself long-liv'd to the future There was another inducement that mov'd me to this choice of Dedication and it was the high respects I owe you upon sundry obligations and consequently the desire I had that both the present and after times might bear witness how much I am and was Sir 3. Nonas April 1651. Your humble and truly devoted Servant James Howell To the Knowing Reader touching these following Discourses and their AUTHOR THe memory of some men is like the Rose and other odoriferous flowers which cast a sweeter and stronger smell after they are pluck'd The memory of Others may be said to be like the Poppie and such Vegetalls that make a gay and specious shew while they stand upon the stalk but being cut and gather'd they have but an ill-favour'd scent This worthy Knight may be compared to the first sort as well for the sweet odor of a good name he had while he stood as also after he was cut down by the common stroke of Mortality Now to augment the fragrancy of his Vertues and Memory these following Discourses which I may term not altogether improperly a Posie of sundry differing Howers are expos'd to the World All who ever knew this well-weighed Knight will confess what a great Zâ—lâ—t he was to his Countrey how in all Parliaments where he fervid so often his main endeavours were to assert the publick Liberty and that Prerogative and Priviledge might run in their due Channels He would often say That he Himself had the least share in Himself but his Countrey and his Friends had the greatest interest in him He might be said to be in a perpetual pursuit after Vertue and Knowledge He was indefatigable in the search and re-search of Antiquity and that in a generous costly manner as appears in his Archives and copious Library Therefore he may well deserve to be ranked among those Worthies Quorum Imagines lambunt Hederae sequaces For an Antiquary is not unfitly compar'd to the Ivie who useth to cling unto ancient fabriques and Vegetals In these Discourses you have 1. A Relation of proceedings against Ambassadors who have miscarried themselves and exceeded their Commission 2. That the Kings of England have been pleased to consult with their Peers in Parliament for marriage of their Children and touching Peace and War c. 3. That the Soveraigns Person is required in Parliament in all Consultations and Conclusions 4. A Discourse of the legality of Combats Duells or Camp-fight 5. Touching the question of Precedency between England and Spain 6. Touching the Alliances and Amity which have interven'd betwixt the Houses of Austria and England 7. A Discourse touching Popish Recusants Jesuits and Seminaries 8. The Manner and Means how the Kings of England have supported and improv'd their States 9. An Answer to certain Arguments urg'd by a Member of the House of Commons and raised from supposed Antiquity to prove that Ecclesiastical Laws ought to be Enacted by Temporal men 10. The Arguments produc'd by the House of Commons concerning the Priviledge of every Free-born Subject 11. A Speech delivered in the House of Commons Assembled at Oxford in the sirst year year of the last King 12. A Speech delivered before the Councell Table touching the alteration of Coyn. 13. Valour Anatomized in a Fancy by Sir Philip Sidney 14. A brief Discourse concerning the Power of the Peers and Commons of Parliament in point of Judicature 15. Honesty Ambition and Fortitude Anatomized by Sir Francis Walsingham 16. The Life and Raign of Henry the Third complied in a Criticall way These Discourses being judiciously read will much tend to the enriching of the understanding and improvement of the Common stock of Knowledge A RELATION OF THE PROCEEDINGS AGAINST AMBASSADORS Who have miscarried themselves c. IN humble obedience to your Grace's Command I am emboldened to present my poor advice to this the greatest and most important cause that ever happened in this State the Quiet of the Kingdom the Honour of the Prince the safety of the Spanish Ambassadors Person exposed hereby to the fury of the People all herein involved A consideration not the least for the reputation of the State and Government though he little deserved it The information made to his sacred Majesty by him That your Grace should have plotted this Parliament Wherein if his Majesty did not accord to your designs then by the Authority of this Parliament to confine his sacred Person to some place of pleasure and transfer the Regal Power upon the Prince This Information if it were made by a Subject by the Laws of the Realm were high Treason to breed a rupture between the Soveraignty and the Nobility either by Reports or Writings and by the Common Law is adjudged no less The Author yet knowing that by the representing the Person of a soverain Prince he is by the Law of Nations exempt from Regal tryal all actions of one so qualified being made the Act of his Master until he disavow And injuries of one absolute Prince to another is Factum hostilitatis and not Treason The immunity of whom Civilians collect as they do the rest of their grounds from the practice of the Roman State deducing their Arguments from these Examples The Fabii Ambassadors from Rome were turned safe from the Chades with demand of justice against them onely although they had been taken bearing Arms with the Ethrurian their Enemies The Ambassadors of the Tarquines Morte affligendos Romani non judicârunt quanqnam visi sunt ut hostium loco essent justamen Gentium voluit
fear of some disorder likely to ensue of this information if it be not aforehand taken up by a fair legal tryal in that High Court Neither want there fearful examples in this kind in the Ambassadors Genoa upon a far less ground in the time of Parliament and is house demolished by such a seditious tumult The Parliament therefore as well to secure his Lordships person followers and friends from such outrages to preserve the honour of the State which needs must suffer blemish in such misfortunes they were sent thither to require a fair discovery of the ground that led his Lordship so to inform the King that they might so thereupon provide in Justice and Honor and that the reverence they bear unto the dignity of his Master may appear the more by the mannerly carriage of his Message The two that are never imployed but to the King alone were at this time sent and that if by negligence of this fair acceptance there should happen out any such disaster and danger the World and they must justly judge as his own fault If upon the delivery of this Message the Ambassador shall tell his charge and discover his intelligence then there will be a plaine ground for the Parliament to proceed in Examination and Judgment But if as I believe he will refuse it then is he Author Scandali both by the Common and Civil Laws of this Realm and the Parliament may adjudge it false and untrue and declare by a public Act the Prince and your Grace innocent as was that of the Duke of Gloucester 2 Rich. 2. and of York in Henry the sixth his time then may the Parliament joyntly become Petitioners to his Majesty first to confine his Ambasiador to his house restraining his departure until his Majesty be acquainted with his offence and aswell for security as for further practice to put a Guard upon the place and to make a Proclamation that none of the Kings Subjects shall repair to his house without express leave And to send withal a Letter with all speed of complaint against him to the King of Spaine together with a Declaration under the Seals of all the Nobility and Speaker of the Commons in their names as was 44 Hen. 3. to the Pope against his Legat and 28 Edw. 1. Requiring such Justice to be done in this case as by the Leagues of Amity and Law of Nations is usual which if the King of Spain refuse or delay then it it Transactio Criminis upon himself and an absolution of all Amity and friendly intelligence and amounts to no less then a War denounced Thus have I by your leave and command delivered my poor opinion and ever will be ready to do your Grace the best service when you please to command it THAT THE KINGS OF ENGLAND Have been pleased usually to consult with their Peers in the Great Councel and Commons in Parliament of Marriage Peace and War Written by Sir Robert Cotton Knight and Baronet Anno 1621. LONDON Printed in the Year 1672. That the Kings of England have been pleased usually to consult with their Peers in the Great COUNCIL c. TO search so high as the Norman Conquest it is necessary to lay down the form and Government of those times wherein the state of affairs then lead in another form of publick Councels for the people brought under by the Sword of William and his followers to subjected vassallage could not possess in such assemblies the right of their former liberties division and power having mastered them and none of their old Nobility being left either of credit or fortune what he retained not in providence as the Demesnes of the Crown or reserved not in piety for the maintenance of the Church he parted to those Strangers that sailed along with him in the Bark of his adventure leaving the Natives for the most part as appeareth by his survey in no better condition then Villenage He moulded their Customs to the manner of his own Country and forbore to grant the Laws of the Holy Edward so often called for To supply his occasions of men mony or provisions he Ordered that all those that enjoyed any fruit of his Conquest should hold their lands proportionably by so many Knights fees of the Crown and admitted them to infeoff their followers with such part as they pleased of their own portions which to ease their charge they did in his and his Sons time by two infeoffments the one de novo the other de veteri This course provided him the body of his War the money and provision was by Hydage assessed on the common people at the consent of their Lords who held in all their Signiories such right of regality that to their Vassals as Paris saith quot Domini tot Tyranni and proved to the King so great a curb and restraint of power that nothing fell into the care of Majesty after more then to retrench the force of this Aristocracy that was like in time to strangle the Monarchy Though others foresaw the mischief betimes yet none attempted the remedy until King John whose over hasty undertakings brought in those broyls of the Barons Wars There needed not before this care to advise with the Commons in any publick assemblies when every man in England by tenure held himself to his great Lords will whose presence was ever required in those Great Councels and in whose assent his dependent Tenants consent was ever included Before this Kings time then we seek in vain for any Councel called he first as may be gathered though darkly by the Record used their Counsels and assents in the sixth year of his Raign Here is the first summons in Records to the Peers or Barons Tractaturi de magnis arduis negotiis it was about a War of defence against the French And that the Commons were admitted at this time may be fitly gathered by this Ordinance viz. Provisum est assensu Archiepiscoporum Comitum Baronum omnium fidelium nostrorum Angliae quod novem militis per Angliam inveniend decimarum c. and this was directed to all the Sheriffs in England the ancient use in publishing Laws From this there is a breach until the 18 Hen. 3. where the next summons extant is in a Plea Roll of that year but the Ordinances are lost From hence the Records afford us no light until the 49 of the same King where then the forme of summons to Bishops Lords Knights and Burgesses are much in manner though not in matter to those of our times This Parliament was called to advise with the King pro pace assecuranda firmanda they are the words of the Writ and where advice is required consutation must needs be admitted To this King succeeded Edward his Son a wise a just and fortunate Prince his Raign and so long to the fourth of his Grandchild we have no light of publick
to the States assembled Anno 33. to advise for well ordering of his House payment of the Soldiers at Callis guard of the Sea raising of the siege of Barwicke made by the Scots against the Truce dispoiling of the number of 13000 Soldiers arrayed the last Parliament according of differences amongst the Lords restraining transportation of Gold and Silver and acquitting the disorders in Wales of all which Committees are appointed to frame Bills Edward the fourth by the Chancellor declareth in his seventh year to the Lords and Commons that having made peace with Scotland entred League with Spaine and Denmark contracted with Burgundy and Britany for their ayd in the recovery of his right in France he had now called them to give their Counsels in proceeding which Charge in a second Sessions was again proposed unto them The like was to another Parliament in his twelfth year After this time their Journalls of Parliament have not been well preserved or not carefully entred for I can find of this nature no Record untill the first of Hen. 7. wherein the Commons by Thomas Lovell their Speaker Petition the King to take to Wife Elizabeth Daughter to Edw. 4. to which the King at their request agreeth The next is the third of Hen. the 8. in which from the King the Chancellor declareth to the three Estates the cause of that Assembly The first to devise a course to resist the Invasion of the Scots next how to acquit the quarrel between the King of Castile and the Duke of Geldres his Allie lastly for assisting the Pope against Lewis King of France whose Bull expressing the injuries done the Sea Apostolick was read by the Master of the Rolls in open Parliament The Chancellor the Treasurer and other Lords sent down to the Commons to confer with them The last in the 32d of the same year where the Chancellor remembring the many troubles the State had undergone in doubtful titles of Succession declareth that although the Convocation had judged void the marriage of Anne of Cleve yet the King would not proceed without the Counsel of the three Estates The two Archbishops are sent to the Commons with the Sentence sealed which read and there discussed they pass a Bill against the Marriage In all these passages of publick Counsells wherein I have been much assisted by the painful labour of Mr. Elsings Clerk of the Parliament and still observe that the Soveraign Lord either in best advice or in most necessities would entertain the Commons with the weightiest causes either forrain or domestique to apt and bind them so to readiness of charge and they as warily avoyding it to eschew expence their modest answers may be a rule for ignorant liberty to form their duties and humbly to entertain such weighty Counsells at their Soveraigns pleasure and not to the wild fancy of any Factious spirit I will add one forrain example to shew what use have been formerly made by pretending Marriages and of Parliaments to dissolve them their first end served Maximilian the Emperour and Ferdinand of Spain the one to secure his possessions in Italy the other to gain the Kingdom of Navarre to both which the French King stood in the way projected a Marriage of Charls their Grand-child with Mary the King of Englands sister it was embraced and a Book published of the benefits likely to ensue the Christian world by this match upon this Ground Ferdinando beginneth to incite Henry the 8th to war with France presents him with succours and designs him Guien to be the mark and Dorset sent with men and munition to joyn with the Spanish forces then on the Borders of Navarre the noise is they came to assist Ferdinand in the conquest of that Kingdom which though false gained such reputation that Albred was disheartned and Ferdinand possesed himself of that his Successors since retained his end served the English Army weak and weather-beaten are returned fruitless Maximilian then allureth the young and active King to begin with France on the other side Turwin and Turney is now the object whither Henry goeth with victory but better advised with that pittance makes an end by peace with France whose aim and heart was set on Millain A new bait the old Emperour findeth out to catch the Ambitious young man he would needs resign unto him the Empire too heavy for his age to bear The Cardinal Sedunensis is sent over to sign the Agreement which he did and France must now again be made an Enemy To prevent this danger Francis released his Title to Naples and offereth Laogitia his Daughter to Maximilians Granchild Charls at Noyon this is acted in the dark and at Arno the French Commissioners came up the back stairs with 60000 Florins and they engrossed Covenants when the abused King of Englands Ambassador Pace went down the other the good Cardinal returneth home meeteth by the way this foul play of his Master and writ to the King of England not in excuse but in complaint Contra perfidiam Principum an honest Letter Ferdinand and Maximilian dead Francis and Charls are Competitors for the Empire Henry the 8th is courted for his help by both the one with the tye of Alliance for the Infant Dolphin had affyed Henry the 8ths Daughter the other with the like and Daughter he will make his Daughter a Queen in praesente which the Dolphin cannot do and by his favour an Empress To further France was but to win Ambition to prey upon all his Neighbours the English King is won and winneth for Spain the Imperial wreath which Charls in two Letters I have of his own hand then thankfully confessed From Aquisgrave he cometh Crowned in haste to England wedded at Windsor the Kings Daughter contracteth to joyn in an invasion of France to divide it with his Father in Law by the River of Rodon and sweareth at the Altar in Pauls to keep faith in all Bourbon is wrought from France and entreth the Province with an Army paid with King Henries money Suffolke passeth with the English Forces by Picardy But Charles the Emperour who should have entred Guyen-faileth drawing away Burbon from a streight siege Marseilles to interrupt Francis then entred Italy and so the enterprize of France is defeated the French King as it Pavie taken Prisoner by Pescaro led to Grone hurried into Spain by the Emperours Galleys and forced at Madrid to a hard bargain without privity of Henry the 8th or provision of him who had been at the greater charge of that War Now the Emperour affecteth that Monarchy that hath ever since as some say infected the Austrian Family Rome the fatal old Seat of Government must be the Seat of his Empire Burbon and after Moncado are directed to surprize it Angelo the observant Fryer is sent before the Pope consigned by the Emperours Election who meant as his own
besides the first and last of Parliament and there was entred some Speeches by him uttered but that of all the rest is most of remark the reporter then present thus tells it This of the Duke of Clarence and the King Tristis disceptatio inter duos tantae humanitatis Germanos nemo arguit contra ducem nisi Rex nemo respondit Regi nisi dux some other testimonies are brought in with which the Lords are satisfied and so Formârunt in eum sententiam damnations by the mouth of the Duke of Buckingham the Steward of England all which was much distasted by the House of Commons The Raigne of Henry the seventh affords us upon the Rolls no one example The journall Bookes are lost except so much as preserves the passages of eight dayes in the twelfth year of his Raigne in which the King was some dayes present at all debates and with his own hand the one and thirtieth day of the Parliament delivered in a bill of Trade then read but had the memorials remained it is no doubt but he would have been as frequent in his Great Councell of Parliament as he was in the Starre-Chamber where by the Register of that Court it appeareth as well in debate of private causes that toucheth neither life nor Member as those of publique care he every year of all his raign was often present Of Henry the eighth memory hath not been curious but if he were not often present peradventure that may be the cause which the learned Recorder Fleetwood in his preface to the Annalls of Edward the fifth Richard the third Henry the seventh and Henry the eighth hath observed in the Statutes made in that Kings dayes for which cause he hath severed their Index from the former And much lay in the will of Wolsey who ever was unwilling to let that King see with his own eyes Edward the sixth in respect of his young years may be vvell excused but that such was his purpose it appears by a memorial of his own hand vvho proportioning the affairs of Councell to several persons reserved those of greatest vveight to his own presence in these vvords These to attend the matters of State that I will sit with them once a week to hear the debating of things of most importance Unfitness by sex in his two succeeding sisters to be so frequent present as their former Ancestors led in the ill occasion of such opinion and practise Most excellent Majesty your most humble servant in discharge of obedience and zeal hath hastned up this abstract vvhich in all humility he offers up unto your gracious pardon Presumption to enter the Closet of your Counsell is far from his modesty and duty vvhat hath been your powerfull Command he hath made his Work vvhat is fit to be done vvith it is only your divine judgment He dares not say Presidents are vvarrants to direct The success is as vvorthy observation as the knowledge of them sometimes have made ill example by extension of Regal power through ill Counsels vvith ill success Some as bad or vvorse vvhen the people have had too much of that and the King too little the danger no less To cut out of either of these patterns to follovv vvere but to be in Love vvith the mischief for the example The clearer I present this to your Highness the nearer I approach the uprightness of your heart the blessed fortune of your happy Subjects Pardon most Sacred Majesty that I offer up unto your admired vvisdome my vveak but dutifull observations out of all the former gathering In Consultations of State and decisions of private plaints it is clear from all times the King not only present to advise and hear but to determine also in Cases Criminal and not of Bloud to bar the King a part vvere to exclude him the Star-chamber as far from reason as example The doubt is then alone in Crimes meer Capital I dare not commend too much the times that lost these patterns either for the Causes or Effects but vvish the one and other never more To proceed by publick Act of Commons Peers and King vvas most usuall Appeals are given by Lavv of Hen. 4. of this in novv debate the vvay I fear as yet obscure as great advice to State is needfull for the manner as for the Justice The example in the cause of the Duke of Suffolke 28 Hen. 6. vvhere the King gave judgement vvas protested against by the Lords That of the Duke of Clarence of Edw. 4. vvhere the Lords and the high Stevvard the Duke of Buckingham gave judgement vvas protested against by Commons in both of these the King vvas sometimes present but vvhich of those may suit these times I dare not guess That of Primo Rich. 2. of Gomeneys and Weston accused by the Commons plaint for Treason vvas tried by the Lords in absence of the King but sentenced by the Lord Scroop Stevvard for the King The Accused vvere of the rank of the Accusers Commons and not Lords Hovv this vvill make a President to judg in causes Capital a Peer of Parliament I cannot tell But if I should conceive a vvay ansvverable as well to Parliament as other Courts if the King and the Lords vvere Tryers and the Commons assenters to the judgment to hear together the Charge and evidence The Lords as doth the Jury in other Courts to vvithdravv to find the Verdict and then the Stevvard for the King to pronounce the Sentence It passeth so by vvay of Act and Course that carrieth vvith it no exception and likely to avoid all curious questions of your Highness presence there If your humble servant hath in this expression of his desire to do you service presumed too far his Comfort is that vvhere zeal of duty hath made the fault benignity of goodness vvill grant the Pardon A DISCOURSE OF THE LAWFULLNES OF COMBATS To be performed in the presence of the KING or the Constable and Marshall of ENGLAND Written by Sir Robert Cotton Knight and Baronet 1609. LONDON Printed in the Year 1672. A DISCOURSE OF THE LAWFULLNES OF COMBATS To be performed in the presence of the KING c. COMBAT WHere difference could not be determined by legal proof or testimony there was allowed the party his purgation Which was either Canonicall or Legall The first by Oath and called Canonicall because it is Lawfull The other which was either Per aquam candentem ferrum ignitum or Duellum called vulgare because it was brought in by the barbarous people without the pretext of any Law untill the Gothish and Lombard Kings seeing their Subjects more addicted to Martiall Discipline than to Civill Government reduced those trialls to Form and Rule Which Constitutions are now incorporated in the Civill Law From the Northern Nations of which the Saxons and Normans or Northmanni are part it was brought into this Land And although it grew long ago both by the Decrees of
Desiderius Luitprandus and the Mother Church discontinued amongst the Lombards as soon as they grew Civilized in Italy yet it continued till of late with us as a mark of our longer barbarisme Neither would we in this obey the See of Rome to which we were in many respects observant children which for that in the Duell Condemnandus saepe abslovitur quia Deus tentatur decreed so often and streightly against it In England this single Combat was either granted the party by license extra-judiciall or legall process The first was ever from the King as a chief flower of his Imperiall Crown and it was for exercise of Arms especially Thus did Richard 1. give leave for Tournaments in five places in England inter Sarum Winton inter Stamford Wallingford c. ita quod pax terrae nostrae non infringetur nec potestas justiciara minorabitur For performance whereof as likewise to pay unto the King according to their qualities or degrees a sum of money proportionable and that of a good value and advantage to the Crown they take a solemn Oath The like I find in 20 E. 1. and 18 E. 3. granted Viris militaribus Comitatus Lincoln to hold a Just there every year Richard Redman and his three Companions in Arms had the licence of Rich. 2. Hastiludere cum Willielmo Halberton cum tribus sociis suis apud Civitat Carliol The like did H. 4. to John de Gray and of this sort I find in records examples plentifull Yet did Pope Alexand. the fourth following also the steps of his Predecessors Innocentius Eugenius prohibit throughout all Christendome Detestabiles nundinas vel ferias quas vulgo Torniamenta vocant in quibus Milites convenire solent ad oftentationem virium suaram audaciae unde mortes hominum pericula animarum saepe conveniunt And therefore did Gregory the tenth send to Edward the first his Bull pro subtrahenda Regis praesentia à Torniamentis à partibus Franciae as from a spectacle altogether in a Christian Prince unlawfull For Gladiatorum sceleribus non minus cruore profunditur qui spectat quà m ille qui facit saith Lactantius And Quid inhumanius quid acerbius dici potest saith Saint Cyprian then when homo occiditurs in voluptatem hominis ut quis possit occidere peritia est usus est ars est Scelus non tantùm geritur sed docetur Disciplina est ut primere quis possit Gloria quòd periunt And therefore great Canstantine as a fruit of his conversion which Honorius his Christian successor did confirme established this edict Cruenta spectacula in otio civili domesticâ quiete non placent quapropter omninò Gladiatores esse prohibemus And the permission here amongst us no doubt is not the least encouragement from foolish confidence of Skill of so many private quarrells undertaken Combats permitted by Law are either in causes Criminal or Civil as in appeals of Treason and then out of the Court of the Consâ—able and Marshal as that between Essex and Montford in the raign of Henry the first for forsaking the Kings Standard That between Audley and Chatterton for betraying the fort of Saint Salviours in Constant the eighth year of Richard the second And that of Bartram de Vsano and John Bulmer coram Constabulario Mariscallo Angliae de verbis proditoris Anno 9. H. 4. The form hereof appeareth in the Plea Rolls Anno 22. E. 1. in the case of Vessey And in the Book of the Marshals Office in the Chapter Modus faciendi Duellum coram Rege In Appeals of Murther or Robbery the Combat is granted out of the Court of the Kings Bench. The Presidents are often in the books of Law and the form may be gathered out of Bracton and the printed Reports of E. 3. and H. 4. All being an inhibition of the Norman Customes as appeareth in the 68th chapter of their Customary from whence we seem to have brought it And thus far of Combats in Cases Criminall In Cases Civill it is granted either for Title of Arms out of the Marshals Court as between Richard Scroop and Sir Robert Grosvenor Citsilt and others Or for Title of Lands by a Writ of Right in the Common-Pleas the experience whereof hath been of late as in the Case of Paramour and is often before found in our printed Reports where the manner of darraigning Battail is likewise as 1 H. 6. and 13 Eliz. in the L. Dyer expressed To this may be added though beyond the Cognisance of the Common Law that which hath in it the best pretext of Combat which is the saving of Christian â—loud by deciding in single fight that which would be otherwise the effect of publick War Such were the Offers of R. 1. E. 3. and R. 2. to try their right with the French King body to body and so was that between Charles of Arragon and Peter of Terracone for the Isle of Sitilie which by allowance of Pope Martin the 4th and the Colledge of Cardinalls was agreed to be fought at Burdeux in Aquitain Wherein under favour he digressed far from the steps of his Predecessors Eugenius Innocentius and Alexander and was no pattern to the next of his name who was so far from approving the Combat between the Dukes of Burgundy and Glocester as that he did inhibit it by his Bull declaring therein that it was Detestabile genus pugnoe omni divino humano jure damnatum fidelibus interdictum And he did wonder and grieve quod ira ambitio vel cupiditas honoris humani ipsos Duces immemores faceret Legis Domini salutis aeternae qua privatus esset quicunque in tali pugna decederat Nam saepe compertum est superatum fovere justitiam Et quomodo existimare quisquam potest rectum judicium ex Duello in quo immicus Veritatis Diabolus dominatur And thus far Combates which by the Law of the Land or leave of the Soveraign have any Warrant It rests to instance out of a few Records what the Kings of England out of Regal Prerogative have done either in restraint of Martial exercises or private quarrels or in determining them when they were undertaken And to shew out of the Registers of former times which what eye the Law and Justice of the State did look upon that Subject that durst assume otherwise the Sword or Sceptre into his own hand The restraint of Tournaments by Proclamation is so usuall that I need to repeat for form sake but one of many The first Edward renowned both for his Wisedome and Fortune Publice fecit proclamari firmiter inhiberi ne quis sub forisfactura terrarum omnium tenementorum torneare bordeare justas facere aventuras quaerere seu alias ad arma ire praesumat sine Licentia Regis speciali By Proclamation R. 2. forbad any
but his Officers and some few excepted to carry any Sword or long Bastard under pain of forfeiture and Imprisonment The same King in the 19th of his raign and upon the Marriage with the French Kings daughter commanded by Proclamation Ne quis Miles Armiger seu alius Ligeus aut Subditus suus cujuscunque status aliquem Francigenam seu quemcunque alium qui de potestate obedientia regis existerit Vpon what pretence soever ad aliqua facta Guerâ—â—rum seu actus armorum exigat sub forisfactura ominum quae Regi forisfacere poterit And as in the Kings power it hath ever rested no forbid Combates so it hath been to determine and take them up Thus did R. 2. in that so memorable quarrel between Mowbray and Hereford by exiling them both And when Sir John de Anestie and Tho. de Chatterton were ready to fight candem quaerelam Rex in manum suam recepit saith the Record And De mandato Regis direptum est praelium inter Johannem Bolmer Bartramum de Vesana in the time of Henry the fourth Sir John Fitz-Thomas being produced before the Earl of Glocester Deputy of Ireland and there Challenged by Sir William deVessy to have done him wrong in reporting to the King that Sir William aforesaid should have spoken against the King defamatory words of which Sir John there presented a Schedule Willielmus audito tenore Schedulae praedictae dementitus est praedictum Johannem dicendo mentitus est tanquam falsus proditor denegavit omnia sibi imposita tradidit vadium in manum Justiciarij qui illud ad misit Et Praedictus Johannes advocavit omnia dementitus est simil dictum Willielm Whereupon the Combat was granted and the time and place inrolled but the Process was adjourned into England before the King who with his Counsell examining the whole proceeding and that Quia Willielmus attachiatus fuit ad respondend Johanni praedicto super diffamatione principaliter non sit citatus in Regno isto placitare in Curia Regis placita de diffamationibus aut inter partes aliquas Duellum concedere in placitis de quibus cognitio ad curiam Regis non pertinet And for that the Judge vadia praedictorum Johannis Willielmi cepit priusquam Duellum inter eos consideratum adjudicatum fuit quod omnino contra legem est consuetudinem Regni Therefore per ipsum Regem Concilium concordatum est quod processus totaliter adnulletur And that the said John and Willlam eant inde sine die salva utrique eorum actione sua si alias de aliquo in proedicto processu contento loqui voluerint In a Combat granted in a Writ of right Philip de Pugill one of the Champions oppressus multitudine hominum se defendere non potuit Whereupon the People against him in perpetuam defamationem suam in eodem Duello Creantiam proclamabant which the King understanding Assensu Concilii statuit quod praedict Philippus propter Creantiam praedict liberam legem non omittat sed omnibus liberis actibus gauderet sicut ante Duellum gaudere consuevit What penalty they have incurred that without law or license have attempted the practise of Arms or their own Revenge may somewhat appear by these few Records following William Earl of Albemarle was Excommunicated Pro Torniamento tento contra praeceptum Regis To which agreeth at this day for the Duell the Councel of Trent and that held at Biturio in Anno 1584. John Warren Earl of Surrey was fined at a thousand marks pro quadam transgressione in insultu facto in Alanum de la Zouch Talbois was committed to the Tower for attempting to have slain the Lord Cromwell And because Robertus Garvois insultum fecit percussit Edwardum filium Williel mi inquisitio facta est de omnibus tenementis catallis praedicti Roberti Edw. Dallingrige accused by Sir John St. Leger before the Kings Justices Prâ— venatione aliis transgressionibus answered that these accusations were false and threw down his Glove and challenged disrationare materias praedictas versuâ— praedictum Johannem per Duellum Sed quis contra legem terrae vadiavit inde Duellum he was committed to Prison quousque satisfaceret Domino Regi pro contemptu Sir Nicholas de Segrave a Baron Challenged Sir John de Cromwell and contrary to the Kings prohibition because he could not fight with him in England dared him to come and defend himself in France therein as the Record saith subjecting as much as in him lay the Realm of England to the Realm of France being stayed in his passage at Dover was committed to the Castle brought after to the Kings Bench and there arraigned before the Lords confesled his fault submitted himself to the King de alto basso Wherefore judgement is given in these words Et super hoc Dominus Rex volens habere avisamentum Comitum Baronum Magnatum aliorum de consilio suo injunxit eisdem in homagio fidelitate ligeantia quibus ei tenentur quod ipsi considerent quails poena pro tali facto fuerit infligenda Qui omnes habito super hoc consilio dicunt quod hujusmodi factum moeretur poenam amisionis vitae Whereupon he was committed to the Tower Ro. Archerd that attended him into France was committed to prison arraigned fined at 200 marks In the end aftermuch intercession the L. Segrave was pardoned by the King but could not obtain his liberty until he had put in security for his good behaviour But this course holdeth proportion with an ancient law made by Lotharius the Emperor in these words De hiis qui discordiis contentionibus studere solent in pace vivere noluerint inde convicti fuerint similiter volumus ut per fidejussores ad nostrum Palatium veniant ibi cum nostris fidelibus considerâ—bimus quid de talibus hominibus faciendum sit A BREIF ABSTRACT Of the Question of PRECEDENCIE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SPAINE Occasioned by Sir Henry Nevill The Queen of Englands Ambassador and the Ambassador of Spain at Calais Commissioners appointed by the French King who had moved a Treaty of Peace in the 42. year of the same QUEEN Collected by Robert Cotton Esquire at the commandment of her Majesty Anno Domini 1651. LONDON Printed in the Year 1672. A BRIEF ABSTRACT ACT Of the Question of Precedency between England and Spain c. Precedency of the King in respect of place Antiquity as a Kingdom or a Christian Kingdom or Eminency of the Throne Royal or person Nobility of bloud or Antiquity of Government Precedencie of England in respect of the Antiquity of the Kingdome TO seek before the decay of the Roman Empire the antiquity of any Kingdome is meer vanity when as the Kingdomes of Christendome now in being had their rising from the fall thereof at which
multa abundant c. King Hen. 2. elected King of Jerusalem by the Christians Richard the first conquered the Kingdome of Cyprus and gave it unto Guy Lusigrian whose posterity raigned there until of late years Kings of England are superiour Lords of the Kingdom of Scotland and are absolute Kings of all the Kingdom of Ireland England is not subject to Imperial and Roman Laws as other Kingdoms are but retaineth her ancient Laws and Pura municipialia King Henry the sixth was Crowned King of France at Paris The Kings of England did use the stile of a Soveraign viz. Alti conantis Dei Largiflua Clementiae qui est Rex Regum Dominus Dominorum Ego Edgarus anglorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Omniumque Regum Insularumque Oceani Britanici Circumjacentium cunctarumque Nationum quae infra cam includuntur Imperator ac Dominus A REMONSTRANCE OF THE TREATIES OF AMITY AND MARRIAGE Before time and of late of the House of AVSTRIA and SPAIN with the Kings of England to advance themselves to the Monarchy of Europe Written by Sir Robert Cotton Knight and Baronet LONDON Printed in the Year 1672. A REMONSTRANCE OF THE TREATIES OF AMITY AND MARRIAGE Before time and of late of the House of AVSTRIA and SPAIN c. Most Excellent Majesty WE your Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons of your Realm Assembled in this your Parliament having received out of your meer grace your Royal command to declare unto your Highness our advice and Counsel for the further continuing or final breaking of the two Treaties between your Majesty the Emperor and the Spanish King touching the rendition of the Palatinate to the due and former obedience of your Illustrious Son the Prince Palatine and that of Marriage between the Lady Mary Infant of Spain and the most excellent Prince your Son now Prince of Wales We conceive it not unfit to offer up to your admired wisdom and consideration these important Motives that induced our subsequent advice and resolution By contemplation whereof we assume to our selves that your Majesty apparently seeing the infinite Calamity fallen of late unto the Christian world by means of these disguised Treaties of Amity and Marriage before time frequently used with your progenitors and now lately with your self by the House of Austria and Spain to advance themselves to the Monarchy of Europe will graciously be pleased to accept our humble advice Maximilian the Emperor and Ferdinand of Spain uniting by marriage the possessions of the House of Austria the Netherlands Arragon Castile Sciciliae and their new discoveries to one succeeding heir began though a far off to see a way whereby their Grandchild Charls might become the Master of the Western world and therefore each endeavoured by addition of Territories to facilitate that their desired end France was the only obstacle whose ambition and power then was no less than theirs he lay in their way for Gelders by siding with Duke Charls for Navarre by protecting Albert their King for their peeces in Italy by confederation with the State of Venice and for Naples and Millain by pretence of his own They were too weak to work out their way by force and therefore used that other of craft Lewis is offered for his daughter Claude the Marriage of Charls their Grandchild it is at Bloys accepted and to them confirmed by oath the claim of France to Naples by this released one hundred thousand Crowns yearly by way of recognition only to France reserved who is besides to have the investure of Millain for a sum of money which the Cardinal D'amboyes according to his Masters Covenant saw discharged Ferdinand thus possessed of what he then desired and Maximilian not meaning to strengthen France by addition of that Dutchy or repayment of the money broke off that Treaty to which they were mutually sworn affiancing Charls their Heir to Mary the Daughter of Henry the 7th to whose son Arthur Ferdinand had married Katharine his youngest daughter This double knot with England made them more bold as you see they did to double with France but he Prince of Wales his untimely death and his fathers that shortly followed enforced them to seek out as they did another tye the Spirit and power of Lewis and their provocations justly moving it they make up a second Marriage for Katharine with Henry the eighth Son of Henry the seventh and are enforced to make a Bull dated a day after the Popes death to dispence with it and consummate per verba de praesenti by Commissioners at Callis the former Nuptuals of Charles and Mary publishing a Book in print of the benefit that should accrew to the Christian world by that Alliance Henry the eighth left by his father young and rich is put on by Ferdinand to begin his right to France by the way of Guyen and to send his forces into Spain as he did under the Marquess Dorset to joyn with his Father in Law for that design by reputation whereof Albert of Navarre was enforced to quit that State to Spain who intended as it proved no further use of the English Army than to keep off the French King from assisting Albert until he had possessed himself of that part of Navarre which his successors ever since retain For that work ended the English Forces were returned home in Winter nothing having advanced their Masters service The next year to assure Henry the eighth grown diffident by the last carriage of Maximilian and Ferdinand whose only meaning was to lie busying of the French King at home to make an easie way abroad to their former ends project to the English King an enterprise for France to which they assured their assistance by mutuall confederacy at Mecklin for which Bernard de Mesa and Lewis de Carror for Castile and Arragon and the Emperor in person gave oath who undertook as he did to accompany Henry the eighth to Turwyn Ferdinand in the mean time dispatching the Vice-roy of Naples into Italy to busie the French King and Venetian that the English King with facility might pursue the conquest of France Henry the eighth had no sooner distressed the French King but Ferdinand respecting more his profit than his faith closed with Lewis who renounced the protection of Navarre and Gelders so bee and Maximilian would forsake the tye they had made with Henry the eighth The Vice-Roy of Naples is instantly recalled from Bressa a true with Spain and France concluded Quintean sent to the Emperor to joyn in it Don John de Manuel and Diego de Castro imployed to work the Emperor and Charles the Grandchild to exchange the marriage of Mary Henry the eighths Sister with Reve the second daughter of the French King and Lewis himself to take Elanor their Neece to wife and to clear all dispute about the conditions a blanck is sent from Spain to the French King to over-write what he please Henry the eighth perceiving this
to condemn good Counsels if the event prove not Fortunate lest many be animated to advise rashly and others disheartned to Counsell gravely Illi mors gravis incubat qui notus nimis omnibus ignotus moritur sibi August 11. Anno Domini 1613. THE MANNER AND MEANES HOW THE KINGS ENGLAND Have from time to time SUPPORTED And repaired their ESTATES Written by Sir ROB. COTTON Knight and Barronet Anno nono Jacobi Regis Annoque Domini 1609. LONDON Printed in the Year 1672. The Manner and Means how the KINGS OF ENGLAND Have from time to time SVPPORTED AND REPAIRED THEIR ESTATES THe Kings of England have supported and repaired their Estates First by an Annual proportioning their Issues and Expences with their certain and Casual Revenues And that either by Advice of their PRIVIE COVNCEL or by PARLIAMENT Secondly by abating and reforming the Excess of houshold c. Thirdly by raising of Money and improving the Revenues of the Crown First for proportioning of the Issues c. Henry 4. Anno 12. When the Revenue and profits of the Kingdome together with the Subsidy of Wool and Tenth of the C lLergie amounted to no more then 48000l of which 24000 marks were alotted for expence of House most of the rest to the Guard of the Sea and defence of this Kingdome the Realme of Ireland and Dominions in France In this estimate the profits by Wards and Marriage was but 1000 l. And then an Ordinance was made by the King Prince and all His Counsel there named in the Roll. The like was Anno 11. when for the charge of house was appointed 16000 l. and 7000l to the City of London in discharge of the Kings debt to them Henry 5 Anno 2. did the like as his Father entring upon the Roll as an Ordinance in future that the Treasurer of England or the Exchequer shall Annually make declaration of the state of their Office and the Revenue of the Realme together with the charge of the Kings House Chamber Wardrobe Garrisons Navy and Debts Anno 3. Henry 5. the like Assignments were made proportionable to the Revenue which in the great Custome of Woolls the petty Custome Tunnage and Poundage revenue of Wales and the Dutchie of Cornwall the Hamper the accounts of Sheriffs Escheators the Exchange of Bullion and the benefit of Wards and Marriage then rated at but one thousand marks apiece rose not to above 56966. l. And being at such time as he undertook the Conquest of France Anno 9. Henry 5. the revenue of the Kingdome amounting to 55743. l. 10. s. 10. d. was so by the King with advise of his Counsel ordered as before And by this Record it appeareth that that Clerks of the Navy and not the Treasurer was the Officer only for that place Henry 6. anno 12. in Parliament Cromwell then Treasurer delivering up an Account of the Exitus and introitus of the Exchequer setled the Estate of his expence of which there was allowed for his house 16978. l. and to his Chamber and Wardrobe 2000 l. The rest to defray the debts and necessary occasions of the State Queen Elizabeth anno 12. At which time besides the Wards and Dutchy of Lancaster the profit of the Kingdome was 188197. l. 4. s. the payments and assignments 110612. l. 13. s. of which the Houshold was 40000. l. privy Purse 2000.l Admiralty 30000. l. which by an estimate 1. May anno 1604. was 40000. l. And is now swolne to near 50000l yearly by the errour and abuse of Officers SEcondly by abating and reforming the Excess 1. Of Houshold 2. Of Retinue and Favorites 3. Of Gifts and Rewards First for abating and reforming the Excess of Houshold either by Parliament or Councel Table 1. By Parliament Anno 3. Edward 2. An Ordinance was made prohospitio Regis in ease of the people oppressed with Purveyance by reason of the greatness thereof and the motive of that ordination was A l'honneur de Dieu et a honneur et profit de sainct Eglise et a l'honnâ—ur de Roy et a son profit et au profit de son peuple selon droit et resonel serment que le dist nostre Signeur le Roy fist a son Coronement And about this time was the King's house new formed and every Officer limited his charge and salary Anno 36. Edward 3. the houshold was reformed at the petition of the People Anno primo Richard 2. the houshold was brought to such moderation of expence as may be answerable to the revenues of the Crown And a Commission granted at the Petition of the Commons to survey and abate the houshold which not taking desired effect Anno 5. the Commons petition that the excessive number of menial servants may be remedied or otherwise the Realm will be utterly undone and that his houshold might not exceed the ordinary revenues of the Realm Anno 4. Henry 4. The People crave a reformation of the Kings house And Anno 7. that he would dismiss some number of the retinue since it was now more chargeable but less honourable then his progenitors and that the Antient Ordinances of the houshold in ease of the people might be kept and the Officers of the houshold sworn to put the ordinances and statutes in due execution and so consider the just greifs of his subjects by unjust Purveyance contrary to the statute That hereafter vous poiez vivre le voz biens propres en ease de vostre peuple which the King willingly doth as appeareth by an ordination in Councel whereby the charge of the houshold is limited to 16000 Markes Annis 12. 18. Henry 6. The charge of the Kings house is reduced to a certainty and lessened by petition and order in Parliament Anno 12. Edward 4. The King promiseth to abate his houshold and hereafter to live upon his own So setling a new forms his Court which is extant in many hands intuled Ordinations for the Kings house And to ease the charge of the Kings house the Queens have allowed a portion of their joynture suting to their own expence to the Treasurer of the houshold Thus did Philip the wife of Edward 3. and likewise Henry 4. wife anno 7. And Henry 6. wife allowed 2000. l. a year out of her Estate 2. Excess of the houshold abated and reformed by the Councel-Table Edward 2. caused his houshold to be certain in allowances making thereof a book by way of ordinance which is called Aul. Regis Henry 4. causeth his Son the Prince and the rest of his Councel to ordain such moderate governance of his house that may continue au plaisir de Dieu et du peuple Henry 6. anno 27. reduced his charge of house to 12000. l. whereof 2000. l. was out of the Queens joynture Edw. 4. anno duodecimo reformeth it again and publisheth a book of orders for their better direction
and old Customes at London for 1000. Markes monethly to be paid unto the Wardrobe The like he did anno 17. Richard 2. anno 20. letteth out for term of life the Subsidie of Cloth in divers Countries And Edward 4. anno 1. the subsidie and usuage of Cloth Thus did Henry 8. with his Customes and since his time the late Queen and our now Soveraign Master and it was so then in use in the best governed State Rome which let out portions and decim's to the Publicans KIngs raise money and improve the Revenues of the Crown By Regalities 1. Temporal as for Liberties Penalties of Lawes Letters of Favour 2. Mixt. Liberties In granting restraining or renewing them It is a course usual that Kings have raised in money by calling in question the Charters and Liberties of Corporations Leets Free-Warrens and other Royalties Thus did Richard 1. proclaiming Quod omnes chartae et confirmationes quae prioris sigilli impressione roberaverint irritae forent nisi posteriori sigillo roborentur And Henry 3. anno 10. enjoyned all qui suis volebant Libertatibus gaudere ut innovarent chartas suas de novo Regis sigillo getting money thereby Edward 1. by divers Commissions with articles called Articuli de Ragman annexed to them called in question about anno 70. all the liberties and freedomes of England Gilbert de Thorneton his Attorney putting information by Quo warranto against all persons as well bodies Politick as others whereby they were inforced anew to renew their Charters and Fines for their Liberties The like was in anno 13. Edward 3. in whose time anno 9. all clauses of allowances by Charter of Amerciaments Fines c. imposed by the Kings Ministers upon any of the Tenants of other men were adjudged void and the penalties made payable to the Kings Officers unless they made a new purchase of their Liberties And this was one of the usualest and easiest meanes to raise money from the People because it lighteth onely upon the best abilities And if there were now but 20. l. taken of every Corporation of every person that holdeth by Charter his Liberties 5.l for renewing them and of every one that claimeth by prescription 10. l. for purchase of a Charter all which would be easie and acceptable it would amount to above 100000. l. For penal Lawes that have been sometimes but with ill success wrought upon When Richard 2. anno 22. began this course appointing in all his Commissions and instructions Bushey onely to be of the Quorum for compounding with the Delinquents it wrought in the affection of his People such distaste that it grew the death of the one and deposition of the other No less fatal was the like to Empson and there is no string will sooner jâ—rre in the Common-Wealth then this if it be generally touched For Letters of Favâ—â—â— Either for mitigation of dispatch of Justice Of the first sort there be many found in Henry 6. and Edward 4. time sometimes of protection although by course of the Common Law none are warrantable but to such as are going in obsequium Regis or ibidem moraturi sometimes freeing men from Arrests by calling them up to appear before the Kings Councel Sometimes in causes highly criminal releiving the Prisoner in commanding the Judges to make stay of all proceeding upon supposal of indirect practises until the King was better informed Of the second sort there are many in Henry 7. time where the King hath taken money for writing to the Judges of Assize his Letters of Favour For Offices Thus did King John with the Chancellor-ship selling it for term of life to Gray for 5000. Markes divers offices now in the gift of the Master of the Rolls were engaged to the Chancellour and Treasurer of England as are to be found in Record of Henry 4. Henry 5. and Henry 6. to be passed by warrant of the Kings hand and upon some consideration And Henry 7. renewed this course using Dudley as his instrument to compound with Suitors of those and any other places And by that Record we find the Chancellor the Chief Justice the Keepers of most of the Records the Clerks of the Assizes and Peace the Masters of his Game and Parks and what else carrying either profit or reputation paid to the King some proportion of money for their places Neither is this different from the course of other States For in France Lewis 12. called the Father of his Country did so with all Offices not being of Judicature which his Successors did not forbear In Spain it is usual and Vasqui the Spanish Advocate defendeth the lawfulness of it And Charles the fifth prescribeth it to his Son as a rule in his last instruction drawing his ground of reason and conveniency from the example and practise of the See at Rome The like might be of all inferiour promotions that are or may be in the Kings gift whether Ecclesiastical or Temporal if they were after the true value in profit and reputation listed into rankes according to the several natures of their imployments respectively For Honours And that either by Power legal or Election Of the first it is only in respect of Land whereby every man is to fine when the King shall require that hath ability to be made a Knight and is not of this sort there be plenty of Examples The other out of choise and Grace as Hugo de Putiaco Bishop of Durham was by King Richard 1. created Earl of Northumberland for a great sum of money And I doubt not but many of these times would set their ambition at as high a price And for his Majesty now to make a degree of honour hereditary as Barronets next under Barons and grant them in tail taking of every one 1000. l. in fine it would raise with ease 100000. l. and by a judicious election be a meanes to content those worthy persons in the Common-Wealth that by the confused admission of many Knights of the Bath held themselves all this time disgraced For the Coine and Bullion By which although some Kings out of a last shift have seemed to relieve themselves yet was it in truth full of danger and distrust to the Common-wealth being an assured token of a bankrupt state and to the Prince in conclusion of most disadvantage For the Revenues of the Crown being commonly incertain Rents they must in true value howsoever in verbal sound be abated to the proportion that the Money shall be abased And every man will rate his Commodity in Sale not according to the accompt of pence or pounds but to the weight of pure Silver contained in the currant money As for example That which was before the decâ—ying of the Coine worth five shillings the pouud weight will if the allay be to the half be held at ten shillings and so in every proportion respectively For money is not meerly to be esteemed in respect of the Sculpture or Figure
Parliament a solemne protestation for himself and the whole Clergie of his Province entered by word the effect whereof was That albeit they might lawfully be present in all Parliaments yet for that in those Parliament matters of treason were to be intreated of whereas by the Canon law they ought not to be present they therefore absented themselves saving their liberties therein otherwise And in the 21. of Richard the 2. for that divers judgements were heretofore undon for that the Clergie were not present the commons prayed the King that the Clergie would appoint some to be their common Proctor with sufficient authority thereunto The Bishops and Clergie therefore being severally examined appointed Sir Thomas Piercy their Proctor to assent as by their Instruments appeareth And the same year upon the devise of Sir Thomas Bussey most of the Bishops and Lords were sworne before the King again upon the Cross of Canterbury to repeal nothing in this year enacted So did sundry the Proctors of the Clergy and most of the Commons by holding up one of their hands affirmed that they the same would do In the judgement of the Duke of Norfolk and Earl of Warwick the same year the name and assent of the Procurator of the Clergy alleadged And in the first of Henry 4. the Bishop of Assaph for Arch-bishop and Bishops the Abbot of Glassenbury for all Religious Persons the Earl of Gloucester for Dukes and Earls the Lord of Barkley for Barons and Barronets Sir Thomas Irpingham Chamberlain for Batchelors and Commons of the South Sir Thomas Gray for Batchelors and Commons of the North Sir William Thirming and John Mekham Justices for the whole Estates came to the Tower to King Richard to whom Sir William Thirming for and in the name of them all pronounced the sentence of deposition and the words or resignation of homage and loyalty And when it was enacted anno 6. Henry 6. by the King Lords Temporal and Commons that no man should contract or marry himself to any Queen of England without the special licence and assent of the King on pain to lose all his Goods and Lands The Bishops and all the Clergie to this Bill assented so far as it was not against the Law of God And thus far for answer to the second part The third Reason Ecclesiastical Lawes enacted in Parliament The last which they granted from Presidents Parliaments since the Conquest they infer out of the Phrase and out of the practise The first by these words Rex Wintoniae celebravit magnum Concilium coram Episcopis Comitibus Baronibus mistaking the word as intending a Provincial Synod whereas it was in those dayes equal and usual for their Parliament that French Phrase never having admission in that sence here untill the time of Henry 2. and then but rarely That great assembly being formerly instiled Magnum Consilium and until of late often enjoyed the same name And this is evident out of the words of Benedictus Abbas in the life he wrote of the 2. 2. Henry Circa festum sancti Pauli venit Dominus Rex usque Northampton magnum ibi celebravit Consilium de Statutis Regni sui coram Episcopis Comitibus Baronibus terrae suae per Consilium Militum hominum suorum Here the intent manifesteth the nature of that assembly and the fuller in that the same Author in the same year saith that Richardus Cantuar. Archiepiscopus and Rogerus Eboracensis cum Sufraganeis suis congregatis apud Westmonasterium in Capella Monachorum infirmiorum tenuerunt Consilium or their convocation which had been needless if in their first they might have done their Church-affaires Here might I enter into a large and just discourse as well of the authority as antiquity of their Convocation or Synod Provincial no less antient as Beda mentioneth then in the year 686. when Austin adjutorio Regis c. assembled in Councel the Brittain Bishops from which unto this day there is successive Record of Councels or Convocations less interrupted then of Parliament Practice Now touching our practise to ordain in Parliaments Lawes Ecclesiastical either meer or mixt although it be by Record evident yet must it admit this difference First that it sprung not from our dispute or desire but solely from the Petitions of the Church as usual is in all the Rolls of Parliament receiving their distinct Title from those of the Commons And this they did to adde Seculare Brachium to their former Cannons too weak to reach to corporal punishments as in the fifth of Richard 2. when to suppress the Schismes the Clergy became in Parliament the Petitioners to the Kings Laity where these words of their assistance are excluding the Commons from any Power of advice Habita prius bona matura deliberatione de communi Consilio ipsius Archiepiscopi Suffraganeorum suorum aliorumque Clericorum super quo idem Archiepiscopus supplicavit ut pro debita castigatione illorum qui conclusiones Schismaticas praedicare voluerint animo obstinato dignaremur apponere brachium Regiae potestatis â—idem And this aide was in order in the Conquerors time who by edict commanded that every Marshal Episcope Deo faceret rectum secundum Canones Episcopales leges Which if he doth not after excommunication Fortitudo et Justitia Regis adhibeatur And this even in the Primitive Church was thought convenient because as Saint Ambrose saith for the like intent to the Emperor Valentinian Non tantas vires sermo mecus habiturus est pro Trinitate bellum gerens quantum edictum tuum Hence it is that at this day the King's authority is annexed ever to the Convocation as in the antient Church were the like decrees of Kings as those of Eruigius ratifying the twelfth Councel of Toledo Nemo illiciator vel contemptor vigorem his Institutionibus subtrahat sed generaliter per cunctas Regni nostri provincias hoec Canonum instituta nostrae gloriae temporibus acta et autoritatis debitae fastigia praepollebunt irrevocabili judiciorum exercitie prout constituta sunt in omnibus Regni nostri Provinciis celebres habebuntur Si quis autem haec instituta contemnat contemptor se noverit damnari sententia Id est ut juxta voluntatem nostrae gloriae et excommunicatas à nostro caetâ—resiliat in super decimam partem facultatis suaefisci partibus sociandam amittat But that the Church-laws ever moved from the Lay-members I take it as far from President as it is besides nhe nature of their Commission The Bishops and Clergy being onely called in the Writ to that service the word being to come in fide delectione ad declarandum Consilium avisamentum ad consentiendum iis quae tunc de avisamento assensu Cleri nostri and not the Commons cotigerit affirmari But if any shall object unto me that many Laws as that of the Supremacy
dissimilis are his words and that of King John he setteth down verbatim fol. 342. And there the words are directly Nec â—um in carcerem mittemus and such a corruption as in now in the point might easily happen betwixt 9. Henry 3. and 28. Edward 1. when this charter was first exemplified but certainly there is sufficient left in that which is extant to decide this question for the words are that no Freeman shall be taken or imprisoned but by the lawful judgement of his Peers which is by Jury Peers for Peers ordinary Juryes for other who are their Peers or by the Law of the Land Which Law of the Land must of necessity be understood to be of this notion to be by due process of the Law and not the Law of the land generally otherwise it would comprehend Bondmen whom we call Villaines who are excluded by rhe word liber For the general Law of the Land doth allow their Lords to imprison them at their pleasure without cause wherein they only differ from the Freeman in respect of their persons who cannot be improsoned without a cause And that this is the true understanding of these words per legem terrae will more plainly appear by divers other Statutes that I shall use which do expound the same accordingly And though the words of this grand Charter be spoken in the third person yet they are not to be understood of suits betwixt party and party at least not of them alone but even of the Kings suits against his Subjects as will appear by the occasion of the getting of that Charter which was by reason of the differences between those Kings and their People and therefore properly to be applied unto their power over them and not to ordinary questions betwixt Subject and Subject Secondly the words per legale judicium parium suorum immediately preceeding the other of per legem terrae are meant of trials at the Kings suit and not at the prosecution of a Subject And therefore if a Peer of the Realm be arraigned at the Suite of the King upon an Indictment of murder he shall be tryed by his Peers that is by Nobles but if he be appealed of murder by a Subject his tryal shall be by an ordinary Jury of 12. Freeholders as appeareth in 10. Edward 4 6. 33. Henry 8. Brooke title trials 142 Stamf. pleas of the Crown lib. 3. cap. 1. fol. 152. And in 10 Edward 4. it is said such is the meaning of Magna Charta By the same reason therefore as per judicium parium suorum extends to the Kings suit so shall these words per legem terrae And in 8. Edward 3. rot Parl. m. 7. there is a petition that a Writ under the privy Seal went to the Guardian of the Great Seal to cause Lands to be seized into the Kings hands by force of which there went a Writ out of the Chancery to the Escheator to seize against the form of the Grand Charter that the King or his Ministers shall out no man of Free-hold without reasonable Judgement and the Party was restored to his Land which sheweth the Statute did extend to the King There was no invasion upon this personal Liberty until the time of King Edward 3. which was eftsoon resented by the Subject For in 5. Edward 3. cap. 9. it is ordained in these words It is enacted that no man from henceforth shall be attached by any accusation nor fore-judged of Life or Limb nor hâ—s Lands Tenements Goods nor Chattels seized into the Kings hands against the form of the great Charter and the Law of the Land 25. Edward 3 cap. 4. is more full and doth expound the words of the grand Charter and is thus Whereas it is contained in the great Charter of the Franchises of England that none shall be imprisoned nor put out of his Freehold nor of his Franchise nor free Custome unless it be by the Law of the Land It is accorded assented and established that from henceforth none shall be taken by Petition or Suggestion made to our Lord the King or to his Counsel unless it be by Indictment or Presentment of his good and lawful People of the same Neighbourhood where such deeds be done in due manner or by process made by Writs Original at the common Law nor that none be put out of his Franchises nor of his freeholds unless he be due brought in answer and forejudged of the same by the course of the Law and if any thing be done against the same it shall be redressed and holden for none Out of this Statute I observe that what in Magna Charta and the Preamble of this Statute is termed by the Law of the Land is by the body of this act expounded to be by process made by Writ Original at the Common Law which is a a plain interpretation of the words Law of the Land in the Grant Charter And I note that this Law was made upon the Commitment of divers to the Tower no man yet knoweth for what 28 Edward 3. cap. 3. is yet more direct this liberty being followed with fresh Suit by the Subject where the words are not many but very full and significant That no man of what Estate or condition soever he be shall be put out of his Lands or Tenements nor taken nor imprisoned nor disinherited nor put to death without he be brought in answer by due process of the Law Here your Lordships see the usual words of the Law of the Land are rendered by due process of the Law 36. Edward 3. Rot. Parl. n. 9. amongst the Petitions of the Commons one of them being translated into English out of French is thus First that the great Charter and the Charter of the Forrest and the other Statutes made in his time and in the time of his Progenitors for the profit of him and his Communalty be well and firmly kept and put in due execution without putting disturbance or making arrest contrary to them by special command or in other manner The Answer to the Petition which makes it an Act of Parliament is Our Lord the King by the assent of the Prelates Dukes Earles Barons and the Communalty hath ordained and established that the said Charters and Statutes be held and put in execution according to the said Petition It is observeable that the Statutes were to be put in execution according to the said Petition which is that no Arrest should be made contrary to the Statutes by special command This concludes the question and is of as great force as if it were printed For the Parliament-Roll is the true warrant of an Act and many are omitted out of the Books that are extant 35. Edward 3. Rot. Parl. nu 20. explaineth it further For there the Petition is Item as it is contained in the grand Charter and other Statutes That no man be taken or imprisoned by special command without Indictment or other process to be made by the Law upon
of our sterling monies and passeth in London at that rate and not otherwise though holding more fine Silver by 12. grains and a half in every Royall of Eight which is the charge of coynage and a small overplus for the Gold-Smiths gain And whereas they say that the said Royall of Eight runs in account of Trade at 5 s. of his Majestie 's now English money the Merchants do all affirm the contrary and that it passeth only at 4 s. 4. ob of the sterling monies and no higher ordinarily And it must be strange my honourable Lords to believe that our Neighbours the Netherlanders would give for a pound tale of our sterling Silver by what name soever it passeth a greater quantity of their monies in the like intrinsick value by Exchange Or that our Merchants would knowing give a greater for a less to them except by way of usance But the deceipt is herein only that they continually varying their coyn and crying it up at pleasure may deceive us for a time in too high a Reputation of pure Silver in it upon trust then there is untill a trial and this by no Alteration of our coyn unless we should daily as they make his Majestie 's Standard uncertain can be prevented which being the measure of Lands Rents and Commerce amongst our selves at home would render all uncertain and so of necessity destroy the use of money and turn all to permutation of such things as were not subject to will or change And as they have mistaken the ground of their Proposition so have they upon a specious shew of some momentary and small benefit to his Majesty reared up a vast and constant loss unto his Highness by this design if once effected For as his Majesty hath the 1argest portion of any both in the entrances and issues so should he by so enfeebling of his coyn become the greatest loser There needs no other instance then those degrees of diminution from the 18. of Edwards 3. to this day at which time the Revenue of the Crown was paid after five Groats the ounce which is now five shillings which hath lost his Majesty two thirds of all his Revenue and no less hath all the Nobility Gentry and other his Majestie 's landed Subjects in proportion suffered But since to our great comfort we heard your Honours the last day to lay a worthy blame upon the Mint-Masters for that intended diminution of the Gold-coyn done by them without full warrant by which we rest discharged of that fear We will according to our duties and your Honours command deliver humbly our opinion concerning the reduction of the Silver money now currant to be proportionably equivalent to the Gold The English sterling Standard which was no little honour to Edward the first that setled it from an inconstant motion and laid it a ground that all the States of Europe after complyed to bring in their account which was of Silver an 11 to one of Gold the Kings of England for the most part since have constantly continued the same proportion and Spain since Ferdinand who took from hence his Pattern have held and hold unchangeably the same unto this day but since with us a late improvement of Gold hath broke that Rule and cast a difference in our Silver of six shillings in the pound weight we cannot but in all humility present our fear that the framing at this time of an equality except it were by reducing the Gold to the Silver is not so safe and profitable as is proposed by those of the Mint For whereas they pretend this Our richness of our Silver will carry out what now remaineth We conceive under favour it will have no such effect but clean contrary For all the currant Silver now abroad hath been so culled by some Gold-Smiths the same either turned into Bullion and so transported that that which now remaineth will hardly produce 65. s. in the pound weight one with another and so not likely for so little profit as now it goeth to be transported But if the pound sterling should be as they desire cut into 70. s. 6 d. it must of necessity follow that the new money will convert the old money now currant into Bullion and so afford a Trade afresh for some ill Patriot Gold-Smiths and others who formerly have more endamaged the State by culling then any others by clipping the one but trading in pounds the other in thousands and therefore worthy of a greater punishment And we cannnot but have just cause my Lords to fear that these bad members have been no idle instruments for their private benefit to the publick detriment of this new project so much tending to enfeebling the sterling Standard We further under your Lord ships favours conceive that the raising of the Silver to the Gold will upon some suddain occasion beyond Sea transport our Gold and leave the State in scarcity of that as now of Silver And to that Objection of the Proposers That there is no Silver brought of late into the mint The causes we conceive to be besides the unusual quantities of late brought into the mint in Gold one the overballasing of late of Trade the other the charge of coynage For the first it cannot be but the late infection of this City was a let of exportation of our best commodity Cloth made by that suspected in every place To this may be added the vast sums of money which the necessary occasion of war called from his Majesty to the parts beyond the Seas when we had least of Commodities to make even the ballance there And lastly dearth and scarcity of corn which in time of plenty we ever found the best exchange to bring in silver And therefore since by Gods great Favour the Plague is ended and general Trade thereby restored and more of Plenty this year then hath been formerly these many years of corn we doubt not but if the Ports of Spain were now as free as they were of late there would not prove hereafter any cause to complain of the want of Bullion in the State The second cause that the mint remains unfurnished will be the charge of coynage raised in price so far above all other places constraining each man to carry his Bullion where he may receive by coynage the less of loss And therefore if it may please his Majesty to reduce the prices here to the Rates of other of our Neighbour Countreys there will be no doubt but the Mint will beat as heretofore Questions to be proposed to the Merchants Mint-Masters and Gold-Smiths Concerning the Alteration of the Silver Monies 1. VVHether the Englist monies now currant are not as dear as the Forreign of the Dollar and Reall of 8. in the intrinsick value in the usual exchanges now made by the merchants beyond-Seas 2. Whether this advancing will not cause all the Silver-Bullion that might be transported in mass or Forreign coyn to be minted with the King's stamp beyond-sea
by surprizing Rome But from this he was thrust by the force and respect of Religion Henry the 8. being made Caput foederis against him He then attempted it in High-Germany Practising by faction and Force to reduce those petty States to his absolute power In this Henry the 8. again prevented him by tying the Lutber an Princes under his confederacy and assistance His Son the second Philip pursued the same Ambition in the Nether Germany by reduction whereof he intended to make his way further into the other This the late Queen of England interrupted by siding with the afflicted people on the one part and making her self Head of the Protestant League with the Princes on the other side drawing in as a secret of State the Countenance of France to give the more reputation and assistance to them and security to it self Spain seeing his hopes thus fruitless by these Unions and sleights began first to break if he might the Amity of France and England But finding the common danger to be as fast a Tye he raiseth up a party in that Kingdome of his own by the which the French King was so distressed that had not the English Councel and Assistance relieved him Spain had there removed that next and greatest obstacle of his ambition His Councel now tells him from these examples that the way to his great work is impassible so long as England lies a let into his way and adviseth him that the remove of that obstacle be the first of his intents This drew on those often secret practices against the person of the late Queen and his open fury in 88. against the Body of the State For which she following the advice of a free Councell will never after admit of Peace winning thereby the hearts of a loving people who ever found hands and money for all occasions at home and keeping sacredly her Alliances abroad secured her confederates all her time in freedome from fear of Spanish slavery And so ended her old and happy dayes in great Glory Spain then by the Wisdome and power of that great Lady dispoiled so of his means to hurt though not of his desire makes up with her peaceful Successor of happy memory the Golden League that disarming us at home by opinion of Security and giving them a power in our Councel by believing their friendship and pretended marriage gave them way to cherish amongst us a party of their own and bereaft of power abroad to lead in jealousie and sow a division between us and our confederates by which we see they have swallowed up the fortune of our Master's brother with the rest of the Imperial States distressed the King of Denmark by that quarrell diverted Sweden's Assistance by the wars with the Pole and moving of him now with the offer of the Danish Crown And now whether from the Plot or our Fatality it hath cast such a bone between France and us as hath gotten themselves by our quarrel of Religion a fast confederate and us a dangerous enemy So that now we are left no other Assurance against their Malice and ambition but the Nether-lands where the Tye of mutual safety is weak'ned by dayly discontents bred and fed between us from some ill-affected to both our Securities that from the doubtfulness of friendship as now we stand we may rather expect from our own domestick faction if they grow too furious they will rather follow the example of Rome in her growing that held it equally safe honourable and more easie dare Regeâ—â— thâ— subâ—ugare Provincian considering the poâ—er they have their hands then to giâ—e any friendly Assistance to serve the present condition of our State You may see therefore in what terms we stand abroad and I fear me at home for resistance in no better State There must be to withstand a Forreign invasion a proportion both of Sea and Land-forces for to give an enemy an easie passage and a port to relieve him in is no less then to hazard all at one stake And it is to be considered that no march by land can be of that speed to make head against the landing of an enemy nor no such prevention as to be Mr. of the Sea To this point of necessary defence there can be no less then 240000. l. For the land-forces If it were for an jOffensive war the men of less livelihood were the best spared and were used formerly to make such war purgamento Reipublicae if we made no further purchase by it But for safety of a Common-wealth the Wisdom of all times did never interest the publick cause to any other then such as had a portion in the publick adventure And that we saw in 88. when the ear of the Queen and Councel did make the body of that large Army no other then of trained bands which with the Auxiliaries of the whole Realm amounted to no less then 24000 men Neither were any of those drawn out from forth their Countries and proper habitations before the end of May that there might be no long aggrievance to the publick such discontentments being ever to us a more fatal Enemy then any Forreign force The careful distribution and direction of the Sea and Land-forces being more fitting for a Councel of War then a private Man to advise of I pass over yet shall ever be willing and ready when I shall be called humbly to offer up such observations as I have formerly gathered by the former like occasions of this Realm To make up this preparation there are requisite two things Money affections for they cannot be properly severed It was well wisely said by that great and grave Councellor the Lord Burleigh in the like case to the late Queen Win hearts you may have their hands purses And I find of late that diffidence having been a defect in the one it hath unhappily produced the other In gathering then of money for this present need there are required three things Speed Assurance and Satisfaction And the way to gather as others in the like cases have done must be by that path which hath been formerly called Via Regia being more secure speedy For by unknown and untroden ways it is both rough tedious seldom succeedeth well This. last way although it took place as it were by a supply at first and received no general denyal yet since it hath drawn many to consider with themselves and others of the Consequence and is now conceived a pressure on their liberties and against Law I much fear if now again it be offered either in the same face or by Privy Seal it will be refused wholly Neither find I that the restraint of those Recusants hath produced any other effect then a stiff resolution in them and others to forbear Besides though it went at the first with some assurance yet when we consider the Commissions and other forms incident to such like services as that how long it hangs in hand and
and so transported and his Mint thereby set less on work then now 3. Whether the advancing the Silver-coyn in England will not cause a transportation of most of that that is now currant to be minted in the Netherlands and from them brought back again whereby his Majestie 's Mint will fail by the exported benefit 4. Whether the advancing the Silver coyn if it produce the former effects will not cause the Markets to be unfurnished of present coyn to drive the exchange when most of the old will be used in Bullion 5. Whether the higher we raise the Coyn at home we make not thereby our Commodities beyond-sea the cheaper 6. Whether the greatest profit by this enhauncing will not grow to the ill members of the State that have formerly culled the weightiest peeces and sold them to the stranger-Merchants to be transported Certain General Rules collected concerning Money and Bullion out of the late Consultation at Court GOld and Silver have a twofold estimation in the Extrinsick as they are monies they are the Princes measures given to his people and this is a Prerogative of Kings In the Intrinsick they are Commodities valuing each other according to the Plenty or scarcity and so all other Commodities by them And that is the sole power of Trade The measures in a Kingdom ought to be constant It is the Justice and Honour of the King for if they be altered all men at that instant are deceived in their precedent contracts either for Lands or money and the King most of all for no man knoweth then either what he hath or what he oweth This made the Lord Treasurer Burleigh in 73. when some Projectors had set on foot a matter of this nature to tell them that they were worthy to suffer death for attempting to put so great a dishonour on the Queen and detriment and discontent upon the People For to alter this publick measure is to leave all the Markets of the Kingdome unfurnished and what will be the mischief the Proclamations of 5. Edwardi 6. 3. Mariae and 4. Elizabethae will manifest when but a Rumor of the like produced that effect so far that besides the faith of the Princes to the contrary delivered in their Edicts they were inforced to cause the Magistrates in every Shire respectively to constrain the people to furnish the Markets to prevent a mutiny To make this measure then at this time short is to raise all prizes or to turn the money or measure now currant into disise or Bullion for who will depart with any when it is richer by seven in the hundred in the Mass then the new monies and yet of no more value in the Market Hence of necessity it must follow that there will not in a long time be sufficient minted of the new to drive the exchange of the Kingdome and so all Trade at one instant at a stand and in the mean time the Markers unfurnished Which how it may concern the quiet of the State is worthy care And thus far as money is a measure Now as it is a Commodity it is respected and valued by the intrinsick quality And first the one metall to the other All commodities are prized by Plenty or scarsity by dearness or cheapness the one by the other If then we desire our Silver to buy Gold as it late hath done we must let it be the cheaper and less in proportion valued and so contrary for one equivalent proportion in both will bring in neither We see the proof thereof by the unusual quantity of Gold brought lately to the Mint by reason of the price for we rate it above all other Countries and Gold may be bought too dear To furnish then this way the mint with both is altogether impossible And at this time it was apparently proved both by the best Artists and Merchants most acquainted with the Exchange in both the examples of the Mint-masters in the Rex Dollar and Reall of Eight That Silver here is of equal value and Gold above with the forreign parts in the intrinsick and that the fallacy presented to the Lords by the Mint-Masters is only in the nomination or extrinsick quality But if we desire both it is not raising of the value that doth it but the ballasing of Trade for buy we in more then we sell of other Commodities be the money never so high prized we must part with it to make the disproportion even If we sell more then we buy the contrary will follow And this is plain in Spain's necessities For should that King advance to a double rate his Reall of 8. yet needing by reason of the barrenness of his Countrey more of Forreign Wares then he can countervail by Exchange with his own he must part with his money and gaineth no more by enhauncing his Coyn but that he payeth a higher price for the Commodities he buyeth if his work of raising be his own But if we shall make improvement of Gold and Silver being the staple Commodity of his State we then advancing the price of his abase to him our own Commodities To shape this Kingdom to the fashion of the Netherlanders were to frame a Royal Monarch by a Society of Merchants Their Countrey is a continual Fair and so the price of Money must rise and fall to fit their occasions We see this by raising the Exchange at Franckford and other places at the usual times of their Marts The frequent and daily change in the low Countries of their monies is no such injustice to any there as it would be here For being all either Mechanicks or Merchants they can rate accordingly their labours or their wares whether it be coyn or other Merchandise to the present condition of their own money in Exchange And our English Merchants to whose profession it properly belongs do so according to the just intrinsick value of their Forreign coyn in all barter of Commodities or exchange except at Usance Which we that are ruled and tyed by the extrinsick measure of monies in all our constant Reckonings add Annual bargains at home cannot do And for us then to raise our coyn at this time to equal their proportions were but to render our selves to a perpetual incertainty for they will raise upon us daily then again which if we of course should follow else receive no profit by this present change we then destroy the Policy Justice Honour and Tranquility of our State at home for ever THE DANGER WHEREIN THIS KINGDOME NOW STANDETH AND THE REMEDY Written by Sir ROB. COTTON Knight and Baronet LONDON Printed in the year 1651. THE DANGER Wherein this Kingdome now standeth and the REMEDIE AS soon as the house of Austria had incorporated it self into the house of Spain and by their new Discoveries gotten to themselves the Wealth of the Indies they began to affect and have ever since pursued a fifth Monarchy The Emperour Charles would first have laid the foundation thereof in Italy