an Estate are not fit as well for the iust feare they may conceiue of them that vnder colour of treating they should suffer themselues to bee practised by the other side as for that they haue sometimes interests and reasons which concerne them in their particular to the which they doe willingly accoÌ„modate the affaires of their Master and to his disaduantage Besides there is seldome found so much patience and sufficiency in Men of this condition as is needfull in such Negotiations Neither may they choose men of a base condition as Lewis the Eleuenth did who imployed his Barber least that he with whom we treate or his Deputies doe not finde themselues contemned by this choyce Yet in secret treaties they stand not much vpon the choyce and these last are commonly most proper as those of whom they haue least distrust Vnlesse they hold it more fit to make vse of Embassadors which reside with the Prince with whoÌ„ they meane to treate of some Prisoner takeâ— in the War as the treaty of the League made betwixt Kiâ—g Lewis the twelfth and the Venetians by Andrew Grâ—tty then Prisoner to the King These secret Treaties are vsually made when there is question to make a League one with another They are made for diuers intentions But most commonly to entertaine and deceiue him with whom they treate or to surprize his enemy or to assure himselfe of two enemies which make Warre treating with one secretly and the other openly Pope Alexander the sixt promised King Ferdinand by a breife to assist him for the defence of Naples in case that Ferdinand should promise to doe the like for the Estate of the Church The League which was treated betwixt Lewis the twelfth and the Venetians was so secret as neither Lewis Sforse nor the Pope did euer know what had beene treated vntill the Army was ready to march The treaty of the same French King which Ferdinand King of Spaine was no lesse secret to breake the League betwixt Spaine and England the King of England hauing sent a Herrald to the King of Spaine to summon him to performe their League who arriued at the same time when as the peace betwixt France and Spaine was proclaymed Pope Lee the tenth Hauing made a League with the Emperour and the King of Spaine treated with Lewis the twelfth not by a Publique instrument but by a scedule vnder his owne hand to the end the businesse might bee carried more secretly and that hee might assure himselfe of all sides The same Pope treated afterwards secretly with the King of Spaine for the defence of Italy Yet meaning to entertaine King Francis the first to slacken the preparations continued to treate with him sometimes demanding one thing and sometimes another to the end that the one being denied him hee might haue a Subiect to breake when hee should see his time and to make the French King beleeue that necessity more then his owne free will had induced him to treate with the Spaniard with whom hee had long before made a secret treaty And distrusting that the King would not yeild to that which hee should demand hee made dluers ambiguous and irresolute answers The same Pope made another secret League with the Emperour Charles the fift against King Francis the first and when he was forced to declare himselfe made shew to treate a new with the Embassadour of Spaine It is one of the ordinary policies among Princes and wherewith the best aduised doe sometimes suffer themselues to bee abused to propound a treaty to betray his commpanion Pope Iulio the second to winne time to make his preparations against the Duke of Ferrara he entertained King Lewis the twelfth making shewe that hee would agree The proposition of peace made by Lewis the twelfth vpon the difference for the Du'chie of â—illâ—â— was a meanes to chase the Fâ—â—â—ch out of that Dutchy the generall of Nâ—â—maâ—dy hauing 〈◊〉 vpon that Subiect to make a â—â—uy of Grysons and thinking to spare the Kiâ—gs money lost that Estate The same Pope Iulio the second to the end nee might busie the same King sent his Nuncios to treate a peace with power to conclude it but with certaine limitations which might breed a doubt of his intention And hauing recouered his health hee continued the same treaty and at the same time made another offensiue League with the Venetians and the King of Aragon against the sayd King After these practises the King of Aragon and the King of England kept the French King in doubt of the League made by them to the end they might hinder his preparations The Emperour Maximillian the first to haue meanes to reuenge himselfe of the French King by a fraudulent reconcilliation interrupted the treaty which was made betwixt the sayd King and the Venetians and hindred the preparations of Warre which the sayd King might make making shewe that he would treate a peace with him The Spaniards to interrupt the League which was ready to bee made betwixt the Princes of Italy and Pope Clements the seauenth after the battaile of Pauia propounded vnto the sayd Pope to treate an accord The which not onely hindred the League and stayed the preparations of Warre which he might make but also caused him to discharge the troupes which he had drawne vnto him for his safety Hugo de Moncada made other prepositions of an accord to the same Pope to make him the more negligent to thinke of his defence Bourbâ—n leader of the Emperours troupes entertained the Pope with an accord whilst the Army marched towards Rome The Goufalonier of Florence to keepe Pope Clement from attempting any thing openly against the Citty entertained him with hope of some secrâ—t praâ—â—ises The Spaniard who in matter of State make no great difficulty to breake their faith doe more vsually practise this pollicie then any other Nation Alexander the sixt as Guichardin saith to busie his enemies excused those things that he could not deny and deuised those were doubtfull pacifiyng some with promises and good lookes and assuring others by diuers meanes treating with them a part to the end hee might breed a iealousiy among them and disvnite them Gonsalue in the treaty which hee made with the Duke of Calabria sware vpon the holy Host that hee would send him into France to his Father Fredericke But the interest of State preuailed more with him then the opinion of Men or the feare of God so as he sent them into Spaine Hee makes the like reckoning of the faith which hee had giuen to Duke Valentine by his safe conduct Notwithstanding the which hee sent him Prisoner into Spaine But Ferdinand of Aragon his Master sent him backe For hauing sent Phillip Arch-Duke of Austria into France to treate an agreement vpon the difference for the diuision made of the Realme of Naples betwixt him and King Lewis the twelfth in regard of the limits and bounds Notwithstanding that the sayd treaty had beene sworne by the
necessity of his Neighbour the which being wisely examiâ—â—d may serue to iudge of the time when a League is to be made Foâ— the time of its continuance the League betwixt the Florentins and Luquois against the Pisans was limited by the treaty at three yeares And the first Leagues which were treated among the Suizes were also limited to a certayne time Others haue no other limitation but the â—nd of the Enterprize for the which it was made But the question is if the Enemy taking the Countrey for the defence whereof the League was made whether the Confederates be bound by the League to assist him who hath lost it in the recouery Some haue held that the defensiue did not extend so farre Notwithstanding if there were no treaty which had coâ—cerned this conquest yet it would seeme more reasonable to comprehend the recouery in the defensiue if it be generall For as it hath for its end to preserue the Allie in his Estate and that to attaine vnto it the forces must not onely remaine in the Countrey of the Allie to attend the Enemy but after denuntiation of the Waâ— and other acts of hostility done by the Enemy they must enter into his Country to the end to preuent him or to diuert him from attempting any thing against the Ally the offensiue being iudged by the agression and not by that which followes By a stronger reason they ought to enter into the Country conquered from the Ally for the recouery thereof So most commonly these excuses are not pretended but by such as eyther fayle in their faith courage or meanes to make the recouery Contribution is one of the points of a League most diffiâ—ult to regulate It is made eyther in men or money The men are entertayned by all or by him onely that hath need The defensiue League betwixt the Kings of France and England against the Emperour contayned a reciprocall Succours of ten thousand men if the Warre were made by Land and of sixe thousand if it were made by Sea And in all other occasions the French King was bound to assist the Kiâ—g of England with twelue thousand Launces and the King of England him of France with ten thousand Foot at his charge that had the need In the League which was made betwixt the Emperour Charles the fist Pope Clement the seauenth with the other Princes of Italy except the Venetians for the defence of Italy against the French King the Emperour was to contribute monethly thirty thousand Duckets the Pope with the Florentins twenty thousand the Duke of â—illan fifty thousand Ferrara ten thousand Genoua sixe thousand Sienna two thousand and Luques a thousand And it was concluded that besides this there should be a stocke of the like summe which might not be imployed vntill they saw the preparatiues made to inuade Italy In the League of the Citties of Greece against the Persians the coÌ„tribution whereof Aristides made the taxe mounted to eight hundred thousand Tallents In the league which some Citties of Greece made with the Lacedemonians against Athenians the contribution came yearely to a thousand Tallents And the order for the lâ—uy of souldiers was that two lightly Armed should passe for a Man Armed at all peeces and foure Men Armed at all peâ—ces for a Horse-man The contribution concluded in money there are difficulties sometimes found for the place of keeping it The Citties of Greece thought that the custody of their contributions was safe in the Temple of Dele But the consideration of Religion could not preuent it but that vnder the pretext that Dele was not strong enough the Athenian found meanes to carry it away and to imploy it to the particular vse of the Citty That which may be spoken herevppon is not to deliuer the money into the hands of the strongest for feare they shall not be able to call him to accompt nor to lay it in so weake a place as it may bee exposed to the force and violence of the strongest or to him that shall first take Armes The contribution being setled by the confederates they must name a head of the League if they will not assaile the enemy but of one side If of diuers they must name many And herein they doe many times find themselues troubled for that the most powerfull of the confederates desires commonly to haue it referred to him or to some one of his who gouerns the conduct of the Warre according to his Maisters affaires and not those of the other Allies The other head of the League of the Princes of Italy with King Francis the first would not assaile Millan after the taking of Pauia for feare that Millan being taken with the Duke and the Venetians assured from the Imperialists they should retire from the League or contribute more negâ—igently And therefore he tooke a pretext to goe and free the Pope who was a Prisoner Antonio De Leua in the League which was made by all the Princes of Italy except the Venetians with Charles the fift against the French was made generall with charge to stay in the Dutchy of Millan which depended of the Emperour A League concluded by the Deputies of the confederates there sometimes falls out a difficulty who shall ratifie and declare himselfe first In the League which was made betwixt King Francis the first the Pope and the Princes of Italy the King refused to ratifie vntill the Pope and the Venetians had ratified before him and wrought so that he droue the Colleagues to declare themselues and to begin the Warre whilest that hee treated secretly for himselfe to the end he might make his conditions with more aduantage And for feare lest his Colleagues on their side should shew him the like prancke he preuented them That kind of League which is made for an enterprize succeeds seldome according to the hope of the Allies if the enterprize be long For besides that the preparations be long the opinions diuers in the pursuit the resolutions inconstant the interests of Princes or Estates in League may change with time or by the practises of him against whoÌ„ they are in League in withdrawing some one of theÌ„ or making him to suffer more losse then the rest For seeing himselfe ill defended by his confederates as hee did hope and that he was in more danger to loose then his companions he studies to retire himselfe and to make his accord apart As the Venetians did with the Turke after the losse of Cypres The most ordinary causes of the rupture of Leagues are distrust and iealousie as if one of â—he confederates had had conference with the enemy without the consent of the rest If that which serueth for the safety of one diminisheth the safety of another If they find inconstancy variety or cowardize in any one of the confederates If one of the confederates increaseth and makes some vsurpation without the consent of the rest if he treates with the â—nemy not
THE COVNSELLOR OF ESTATE CONTAYNING THE Greatest and most Remarkeable Considerations seruing for the Managing of Publicke Affaires Diuided into three Parts THE FIRST CONTAYNES THE MEANES to settle an ESTATE The second the meanes to preserue it And the third the meanes to encrease it WRITTEN IN FRENCH BY ONE of the Ancient Counsellors to the most Christian Kings HENRY the Fourth and LEVVIS the thirteenth Translated by E. G. LONDON Printed by Nicholas Oâ—es 1634. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE RICHARD Lord WESTON Lord High Treasurer of England Earle of Portland and one of his Maiesties most Honorable Priuy Councell Right Honorable THey were the words of the wisest King best knowing man Pro. 11 14. That where no Counsest is the people fall and where many Counsellors are there is health Which words he almost reiterates to strengthen that position Chap. 15.22 Without Counsell thoughts come to nought but in the multitude of Counsellors there is stedfastnesse And it was the saying of Cicero the excellent Orator and Statesman of Rome Non viribus aut velocitate aut celeritate corporum res magnae geruntur sed confilio authoritate prudentia Cermenatus lib reg rer c. cap. 18. telleth vs that it was obserued by the most skilfull Architectors of the ancient times The broader and higher they proposed their buildings the more solide and deepe they layd their basses so saith he since none are more eminent amongst men then Princes or beare more waight vpon their shoulders then Kings meete it is they should haue the best Counsellors on whom to leane as vpon a firme and stedfast foundation to dispose as well of matters which belong vnto State as Religion And such Osorius tells vs lib. 7. de Reg. instit Ought to be maximo ingenio praediti bonis Artibus exculti longo rerum vsu periti In Historijs diligentissime versati neque praesentia tantum sagaciter odorantes sea longe in posterum quod vtile futurum reipub sit coniectura prouidentes With a gracious King are we blest with such a Councell is he furnisht who as Rabanus in one of his Epistles informes vs in plaine things search what may be mystical and obscure In small seeming matters what may be of moment by what is neare to coniecture of things remote and out of parts to gather a whole by which mature consideration they know as well readily to vndertake them as speedily to dispatch them Now knowing your Lordship to be such an one namely a Counsellor and Statesman euery way accomplished After transferring these Remarkeable considerations for the management of publique Affaires from the naturall French into our moderne English And further being most assured that your Greatnesse hath euer bin accompanied with Goodnesse and your Wisedome with Clemency it hath bin a great imboldning vnto me to make a dutifull presentment thereof to your Gracious perusall and Patronage not to the purpose that these can be either your Direction or Instruction as being frequently conuersant in all the passages of this Nature but rather to expresse such things to your view in our Natiue Dialect which I know you to bee most expert in in the Originall Needlesse it were to teach Typhis how to steare a Ship or instruct Antomedon to guide a Chariot should I apprehend any such ambition I must necessarily incurre the aspersion of impudence or expresse such palpable Ignorance as might draw me into a iust imputation of folly But Right Honourable such is my Modesty that by studying to bee free from either I may euade the aspersion of both onely desiring your Lordships best construction of these my weake and vnpolished labours which present themselues so rudely into your presence whose more weighty imployments can scarcely allow any retyred Houre to cast a second Eye vpon that howsoeuer Naturaliz'd which no doubt you haue formerly perused in the Natiue Notwithstanding Honourable Sir presuming vpon your knowne Gentlenesse and Generous Disposition I humbly prostrate my selfe with these my imperfect labours to your most Iudicious Censure whose least distaste is able to stifle the hope of the suruiuing thereof euen in the Infancy and whose fauorable approbation hath power to giue it life vnto all posterity Your Honours most humbly deuoted Edward Grimeston A Table of the Chapters and the Contents therein contayned Chapter 1. OF the establishment and forme of an Estate and the diuersity of the Gouernments thereof Diuers sorts of Principallities a Royall Seignouriall and Tyrannicall of the Commaund of a few and of a popular Estate Chapter 2. Of the aduantages and disaduantages of a Popular Estate Chapter 3. Of the aduantages and disaduantages of a Seignoury or Commaund of a few Of the Seignoury of Venice and by what meanes it preserues and maintaynes it self Chapter 4. Of the aduantages and disaduantages of a Principallity or Royall Estate That the Subiect hath no cause to desire liberty in a Principallity Chapter 5. A consideration of the setling of the forme of an estate Chapter 6. Of the dependancy of Estates one of another Wherein the dependancy of Estates one of another doe consist The Markes of Soueraignty Chapter 7. Of the forme of Estates according to the right of those which command Chapter 8. Of aduantages and disaduantages of Election in a Royalty Inconueniences of an Election in a Royalty Aduantages of the said Election A consideration of the Election Chapter 9. Of Succession diuersly practised in Successions Succession of Women Reason why they exclude Women from Gouernment in some Estates Diuersity in the Succession of Mâ—les Chapter 10. Of Vsurpation or an vnlawfull Command Of the miseries which it doth produce and the difficulties which are found in it Chapter 11. Of the diuersity which is found among the Subiects of an Estate The diuers conditions of Subiects varies the forme of an Estate Of Slaues Of priuiledged and simple Subiects Of Strangers Chapter 12. Of the diuersity and distinction of Subiects according to their Vocations and professions The Cause of the establishment of Comminalties and Companies in an Estate That the Prince oughâ— not to crosse them nor suffer them to attempt any thing aboue their power Chapter 13. Of Religion Of the efficacy and necessity of Religion iâ— an Estate Of the abuses in Religion Chapter 14. Of the meanes held in the setling of Religion Extraordinary meanes for the establishing of the true Religion Chapter 15. Humane meanes for the establishing of Religion The disposition of people to be considered for the establishing of Religion Barbarous people Ciuillized Who are properly called Barbarians Barbarous in Religion Of the Authors of most part of Religions at this present Barbarians in their forme of liuing In their habits In their habitations and in their gouernment That the manner of proceeding for the establishing of Religion ought to be diuers Prophesie dispoâ—eâ—lâ— a people to the establishment of a new Religion Charges and ouer-charges dispose the people to change Religion Diuersity of Religions Indifferency of Religion
be such If they make choyse of a Forraigne Prince his manners being different will not be pleasing he will aduance those of his Country in whom he hath greatest confidence If there fall vnto him another Kingdome by Succession where he may commaund more absolutely he will leaue the Electife to some Leiutenant Or if the two Estates be neighbours with the one he will make the other subiect They will alwayes be in distrust that he will aduance his Country-men and depriue them of the right of Election and he on the other side will grow ieaâ—ous of his Subiects if he hath that dessigne and to purchase their good wills and reduce them to what he desires he will giue and ingage vnto them the demeanes and Reuenewes of the Estate as some Emperours and Popes haue done Behold the inconueniences of an Election The aduantages consist more in imagination then in Effect for to say that they choose the better it is a thing which indeed ought to be but cannot be effected by reason of practises Factions and Iealousies and withall I will adde that the peoples ayme which hath followed this mâ—anes of Election hath not bin alwayes to choose the most vertuous and wise But some haue had respected to Nobility only others to age as the Arabians others to the greatnesse of the body as in Aethiopia and the Scythians if we may beleeue Aristotle made choyse of him that dranke best Notwithstanding what defects soeuer may be in an Election yet if it be receiued into an Estate it must be maintayned and they to whom the charge is giuen to make the Election must among other considerations adnise to make choyse of a Successour that is vnlike in nature and disposition to his Predecessour to the end that of two diuers dispositions there may be a well tempered order in the Estate there being no humor how wel compoâ—ed soeuer it be which bends not towards some vicious Extreamity from the which by this meanes they retyre the gouernment of the Estate and withall they grow wearâ— to see continually one manner of proceeding the which is neuer so Exact as all the Subiects can rest satisfied So as by the society of one humor some grow distasted and others are discontented wherby a disorder may grow It is therefore Expedient by this variety to retayne the Estate Yet it is a thing wherof they think least and we vsually see that although the Election be free yet they make choyse of him who naturally should succeed if he be of age capable to Command And this they do to preuent the Enuies and partiallities which the choyse of oâ—e of another house may breed CHAP. 9. Of Succession diuersly practised in Successions THe other meanes to come vnto the Gouernment of an Estate receiued by the Lawes is Succession the which is diuersly practized For the Commaund is referred to men and women indifferently or to men to the exclusion of women The Commaund which is referred inclusiuely to men and Women hath for its Foundation the Law of Successions and the Equallity which is betwixt man and Woman yet this is also diuersly practized For eyther the Commaund is deferr'd to Women according to the order and degrees of Proximity obserued in ordinary Successions Or only in defect of Males aswell in the direct as the Colaterall Line vnto the fourth degree inclusiuely As it was resolued by the Cardinals for the Realme of Naples as it appeares in the Inuestiture of Alphonso of Aragon in the Yeare 1345. and of Ferdinand in the Yeare 1458 And although that this Succession of women to the gouernment of Estates be receiued in a manner by all the Estates of Christendome Yet some haue reiected it there being no question of the possession of an inheritance but to commaund a Nation the which seemes to be against the stayednes and modesty which ought to be in that Sex agaynst the Lawes of nature which hath giuen force and prudence to men and against the Law of GOD which hath made the Woman subiect to man They adde hereunto Inconstancy Fragillity and loosnesse vices much to be feared in this Sex and of great consequence in an Estate their weaknes exposed to the force of Strangers and to the contempt of Subiects who will not sayle to calumniate the Princâ—ssâ—â—f â—he 〈◊〉 marry And if she marries the which is neceâ—â—ary to haue an assured Successoâ— it must be eyther to one of the Country or to a Stranger She will vnwillingly â—arry to one of her Subiects as well for that she will thinke she â—aâ—h dishonoured her selfe as for fâ—aâ—e least her other Subiects eyther Equall or greater then he with whom she hath married would grow into some iealousie the which would breed contempt and afterwards disorder If she marries a Stranger he shal be enuied of his neighbours and suspected by his Subiects nâ—ither can he hold his life assured to commaund in a strange Country vnlesse he hath Forces Forts whereof he is the master He will likewise commaund the Estate and the better to assure himselfe he will aduance his owne and keep backet those of the Couâ—try An insupportable thing to all Nations of the World These are partly the Reasons for the which they Exclude Women from the Gouernment in some Estates There are also some diuersities in Estates where as the succession of men to the gouernment is only receiued aswell for the diuision as for the order of succeeding For the diuision some haue allowed it and in the first aâ—d second Race of the Kings of France it was practized But the diuision which grew thereby taught the French that the Commaund ought to be in one alone and that it could not be diuided without ruine of the Estate The same is at this day obserued in England Scotland Spaine and Hungary For the order of Succession some haue receiued none but those that were legitimate others for want of lawfull iâ—sue haue admitted Bastards in the direct line to the exclusion of Colaterals And for the order of Succession amongst the Legitimate they haue also found diâ—â—â—â—s opinions aswell in the direct â—ine to know if the sâ—nne of thâ— Eâ—dest should succeed his Grand-father to the Exclusion of his Vncle as in a Colaterall Line that is to say whether in the Succession of a Colaterall very remote he which is descended from the Eldest branch ought to be preferred to others which are much neerer in degree The which Baldus decided long since for the Succession of this Realme in fauour of the Bourboâ—s who represented the Eldest branch thaâ— of Vallois failing God hath confirmd it in blessing the Armes of K. Henry the 4. with a miraculous prosperity to attaine to this estate CHAP. 10. Of vsurpation or an vnlawfull Command AN vnlawfull Commaund is called Vsurpation the which is eyther made by onealone or by few men or by the Faction of a multitude That which is done by one alone is eyther practized
last remedy he was forced to transferre a great number of them into Flanders and Brabâ—nt and to draw from thence Christians to mingle amongst the Idolators which remained in the Country and continued there long after The Turke â—ath done the like hauing drawne many of his Religion which were in Asia to plant them in Europe and transported a great number of Christians which were in Europe into Asia And yet we see that hitherto the Turke hath wholy expeld the Christian Religion out of his Estate although he hath imployed many other meanes Hence we may conclude that if with Force which receiued no opposition he could not preuaile it is a meere madnesse for certaine men ignorant of the Affaires of the World to propound to make vse of Force against those who fortified with intelligence among themselues and good Conduct may not only defend their opinion by Force but also indanger the sume of the Estate But reseruing to treate more particularly of this Question hereafter I will come to another kind of Force or constraint which depends vpon the Authority of the Magistrate and concerneâ— the punishments and burthens and the exclusion of Hereticks and Infidels from honors As for punishments it workes no greater effect then armed Force which is vsually ioyned vnto it and sometimes these punishments borne with Constancy produce a contrary effect to that which was expected as we will relate more particularly hereafter the Reasons As for heauy burthens although they seeme more mild yet we may well feare the inconuenience From the example of Martyrdome which is in punishments if they conuert not speedily heauy burthens ruines them by little and little St. Gregory writing to Bishop Ianvyer for the Conuersion of the Pessants of Sardinia aduiseth him to charge them with Taxes and Labour In Spaine they haue done the like with the Moores who not withstanding haue multiplied The Turke besides the exclusion from honours which is a meanes ioyned to that of heauy burthens practizeth the like with the Christians taking Tribute of their owne children Charlamaine vsed it against the Hungarians after that he vanquished them leauing the Idolators nothing but their Liues and giuing their goods to such as would become Christians Sometimes the exclusion from honours without any heany burthen hath preuailed much for the conuersion of great men and of a meane condition among a people ambitious of honour Ingo Prince of the Vmides receiued none to his Table but such as made profession of the Christian Religion preferring the meanest before the greatest of another Religion Sufficiency consists in the Knowledge and ability to instruct and dispute Instruction is made eyther by word or writing And that which is done by word is eyther publicke or priuate in such places where they feare that the beliefe which they seekâ— to establish be not allowed in the beginning or when as they desire to winne some great man whose example may serue for the conuersion of others They vse priuate Instructions as a preparatiue to publicke the which is done by Preaching or by publicke Lectures of Bookes concerning the Diuine Seruice As the Law of God was anciently taught by the Reading thereof before the people And as among the Christians they Read the Epistle and the Gospell with the Simball of the Creed simple meanes and without affectation and of no lesse edification if in this simplicity they cause them to be vnderstood by the people then the Preaching of some who deliuer many times their owne Fancies more then the Gospell In times past they found it not strange to Translate the Holy Scripture into the vulgar Tongue Netgher a Religious man of Saint Gal vnder the Abbot Bernard Translated the Psalter in the French tongue which was then but rude Alfred King of England did the like into his Language Hestad also King of England caused the Holy and Sacred Scriptures to be conuerted and turned into English And Beda called the Venerable Translated the Gospell of Saint Iohn into English In Preaching two things are necessary the one to vnderstand the vulgar tongue in the place where they Preach perfectly the other is to bring some exteriour ornament to perswade The first Iesuits that went into Iappon for that they rashly vnder tooke this Enterprize before they did well vnderstand the Language in steed of instructing they were laughed at by reason of the many incongruities and errours they committed in this Language Disputation requires an actiue Spirit to satisfie all difficulties that may be encountred in such matters But order is very necessary oâ— wherein two 〈◊〉 are especially to be considered The one is that it is more ease to oppose a Religion whatsoeuer it be then to maintayne and defend it for all Religions hauing in them something which is aboue the capacity of mans vnderstanding it is no difficult thing â—o contradâ—â—t such a beliefe by humane reason VVherefore they must first shake the opinion receiued before they come to plant a new The other poynt is in such disputations to begin with things knowne and confesse of â—ytâ—eâ— side to come vnto those which are contradicted and not yet receiued This meanes of Instruction is the mildest and most proper to attaine to the setling of Religion how much soeuer it differs from the opinion recâ—iued and amongst what people soeuer Especially if they beginne to teach young children before they haue bin instructed in the old beliefe The Iesuits seeing they could not preuayle in the conuersion of the Brastlians a nation altogether brutish and in humane they could find no other remedy then to draw their children vnto them by gifts and kind vsage and this people suffred them to go the more willingly for that they alwayes brought backe some thing besides instruction which they receiued In Peru in the beginning they made vse of poore blind men who being receiued by them and well vsed went afterwards vp and downe repeating that which they had learned and seeing nothing they deliuered it to all sorts of people indifferently with more assurance then if they had bin cleare sighted The opinion of Aly in the Law of Mahomet which hath beene imbraced by the Persians was divulged as the Histories of that Country relate by thirty thousand slaues which Tamberlaine had giuen to Tegel predecessour to Ismael Sophy to cause them to be instructed in that beliefe Charlemaine erected many Colledges and Seminaries of piety among the Idollaters whom he had Conquered and retaâ—â—ed twelue children of the Saxon Princes as Hostages to cause them to be instructed in the Christian Religion The Turke takes the fifth of all the Christian children and causeth them to be bred vp in the Law of Mahomet The Xerif seized vpon Morocco and Fez hauing by Pilgrimage and the shew of a holy life gotten some credit among the Moores He bought a thousand slaues which he bred vp in his opinion grounded as he pretended vpon a more pure interpretation of the Alcoran
effect Religion giuing a free accesse to those of this condition and liberty to speake and propound what they will The Ouerture to enter into treaty being made the Princes resolue to parley themselues to the end the treaty may be more secret or they depute Embassadours to that effect Many haue not allowed of this Enter-view of Princes although they were Friends And paâ—ticularly Philip de Comiues obserues many examples of the meeting of Princes who being foâ—merly good Friends haue become â—nemies after this Enter-view Yet I hold that in such affaires we cannot prescribe a certaine and gâ—nerall Rule Histories teaching vs that other Princes haue parled and yet no hatred hath ensued So this depends rather of the Estate of affaires and of the conformity and diuersity of humours and manner of liâ—iâ—g of the Princes and their people then of the Eâ—tâ—r-view That of Lewis the twelfth of France and of Ferdinand of Aragon at Sauonne past fairely As also that of the Emperour Charles the fift with Pope Clement the seuenth at Bolonia and that of the same Pope with Francis the first But it shall be discretion in a Prince before he comes to that to consider if at this parley there may not somethâ—ng fall out that may breed iealousie or enuie against him or that may draw him into contempt of him with whom hee tâ—eatâ—s The Emperour Maximilian the first hauing appointed a place and Day to parley with King Lewis the twelfth came to the assignation But fearing that he should not appeare so well accompanied as Lewis the twelfth whose trayne was in better order then the Germans he anoyded this Enter-view which might haue bred some contempt of him and his with the French and sought a pretext before he parted or the King arriued excusing himselfe vpon the Warre which the Venetians made in Friuly whether it was necessary for him to transport himselfe speedily The place of parley is likewise vâ—ry considerable as well for the safety as for the honour which he receiues whom they goe to finde in his owne Pallace The consideration of the safety is commonly the principall And the distrust which King Francis the first had that vnder pretext of a parley with the Emperour Charles and the Pope whereunto hee was inuited during the hostage of his two Sonnes in Spaine they would retaine him made him refuse to come The same consideration hath sometimes beene the cause that two Princes being Enemies haue parlyed vpon a Bridge made to that end vpon a common Riuer with barres and shuttings betwixt them least that the Princes which parley or those which follow them falling into contestation for something should not attempt one against the other As it happened at the parley betwixt Charles the seuenth then Dolphin and the Duke of Burgundy who was slayne by Tannâ—quin Du Chaâ—tel which was the cause that this manner of parling was obserued betweene King Edward of England and Lewis the Eleuenth But Lewis Sforse hauing demanded to haue the same forme obserued and kept being to parley with Charles the Eighth in his returne from Naples they refused him as to one who ought not to treate with the King as an Equall to whose fidelity hee did wrong to demand such assurances Yet this hath no certaine Rules But they goueâ—ne themselues in such things according to the confidence which they may take one of another The ordinary course is to choose for these Enter-viewes eyther a neuterall place belonging to some common Friend or a place vpon the frontire or an Iland to regulate the number of those which shall accompany the Princes And if the iealousie bee great they may specifie the Armes which euery one may carry in these Enter-viewes But if of two Princes the one goes home vnto the other he is bound to doe him the houour of his House And if the Prince be inferiour vnto him hee must send forth the Chiefe of his Court to receiue him But if he be his equall in quality as being both Kings although there be some debate betwixt them for precedence if he come first to the place where the treaty is to bee â—ade hee must goe himselfe In the Enter view which was betwixt King Lewis the twelfth and Ferdinand of Aragon at Sauona which then belonged vnto the Frenâ—h King Lewis the twelfth at the approach of Ferdinands Galley before he could land entred into it accompanied onely with his Guard to â—estifie his confidence and thereby to assure King â—erdinand of that which hee should finde in hâ—m And at their going to land King Lewis left the right hand to Ferdinand who lodged in the Castle as the most honourable place and himselfe went to the Biâ—â—â—ppricke When two Priâ—ces vnequall in quality parley some hold that it is for the inferiour to come first vnto the pâ—ace of meeting there to attend the greater Yet the contrary hath beene most commonly obserued vpon this reaâ—on that the lesse ought to goe vnto the greater So as â—e is to goe first vnto the place where the parley â—s to â—ee made And this was particularly practised at the enter-view of Pope Clement the seuenth and King Francis the first although that Marseilles were in the Kings subâ—ection It is presumed that two Princes doe not meete for small matters the which doth many times put their Neighbours in Iealousie of these Enter-viewes they must finde out some apparant and important pretext the which may bee pubâ—ished to free their Neighbours from all Iealousie vnder which they may treate what else they please When Pope Clâ—mâ—â—t the seuenth came to Marseilles to treate the Marriage of his Neece with him that was afterward King Henry the second this treaty might haue beene crost if they had knowne the Designe hee borrowed the pretezt of a generall peace and an Enterprize against Infidels the which could not put the Neighbours in Allarme carrying a faire shew and hauing in it many particularities which deserued to be treated by mouth be it for the taking away of all difficulties the more easily or for the holding the businesse the more secret If they hold it fit to treate by Deputies and Embassadors as it is the ordinary the more safe will bee to choose a man of a meane condition experience in Negotiations and who vnderstands no lesse the Estate affaires and dependancies of him with whom hee treates then the Estate and affaires of his owne Master Neyther must he be interessed in the businesse whereof he treates This was an Errour to commit the soliciting of the difference of the Duke of Ferraria to Alberto Pio Embassador for France with Pope Iulio the second who in steed of pacifying the sayd Pope against the Duke he incensed and vrged him the more fearing that if the sayd Duke were reconciled to the Pope hee would get the other Moiety of Carpy which the sayd Alberto Pio enioyed I haue sayd of a meane condition for that the great Men of
French King on the one side and the sayd Arch-Duke on the other as procurator for the Kings of Spaine And that they themselues had likewise sworne vpon the holy Euangelist and the Crucifix to confirme whatsoeuer he should doe yet vnder diuers precepts forbare to ratifie it to the end that the longer the French King should remaine in this su pence the longer hee would stay to make his preparations to succour his Men who for want of releife hauing bin forced to abandon the countrey the said Kings of Spaine Notwithstanding their solemne Oath would heare no more speech of ratifying the treaty made by his Sonne in law From all these examples we may gather that during a treaty wee must watch more carefully and make our selues the stronger not onely to frustrate our Enemies of all hope to surprize vs but to the end that the consideration of our forces may make vs obtaine conditions of more aduantage And wee must not hold a treaty firme and concluded vnlesse it be ratified by the Prince with whom we treate especially if the treaty be made with a Prince whom they detayne Prisoner For the force by the which he hath beene constrayned to promise will alwayes dispence him to re-aduise himselfe Pope Clement the Seuenth refused to ratifie the Conditions which the Duke of Ferrara when the sayd Pope was a Prisoner saying that it was an vnworthy thing that a man in life should approue of that which had beene done in his Name whilest he was dead And King Francis the first excused himselfe to accomplish the treaty of Madrid vppon the inhumanity which Charles the fift vsed towards him to extort from him the Cessions which he made All which tooke not place although the King had giuen his Children in hostage As in the parlies of Princes the place where the enter-view is to be made is very considerable So is it in treaties of peace which are made by Deputies If it be to choose a League there must be a conuenient place not too farre from the confederates to the end they may haue a more speedier answere of the difficulties that may happen When as the Kings of France and England were to treate a League with the Princes of Italy they resolued to treate in France to be the nearer to England Pope Iulio the second meaning to treate with the Emperour and the French King desired that the Embassadours should come to Rome to the end hee might gaine the Emperours Minister by kinde vsage promises and benefits to perswade his Maister to dis-vnite himselfe from the French King The which he of Francâ— refused to doe being neyther reasonable nor honorable to treate a peace in the house of his Enemy how great soeuer he were So as the vsuall course is to choose a neuter place But the question is if an Embassadour hauing agreed to goe vnto the Prince with whom he is to treate whether the Prince be bound to treate with the Embassadour himselfe Or depute some of his Councell for that effect This last manner of proceeding is the most vsuall as wel to preserue the dignity of the Prince which cannot bee maintayned amidst the contestations which happen in conferences as for that Princes are vsually little practised in such negotiations And the example of the Bishop of Gurgia is not therein to be followed who going to Pope Iulio the second vpon his request to treate with him and the sayd Pope hauing deputed three Cardinals to that effect he deputed three Gentlemen to conferre with them excusing himselfe vpon other affaires For therein the sayd Bishop carryed himselfe not as a simple Embassadour but as Lieutenant to the Emperour to the which quality he had beene receiued at Rome by the Pope The Deputies being assembled their seats are considerable they hauing no power to quit any thing of the ranke which their Maisters ought to hold The first place is at the head or end of the Table if there be one The second is the first on the righthand and the third is the first on the left hand of him that is at the end And if there be many Deputies to one Prince they vsually sit all on one side to haue the more facility to conferre together if it be needfull The seates being resolued the Deputies are to see the Commissions of eyther side and to consider of them For that from thence doth grow the assurance which they may haue of the proceeding of the treaty there being Commissions so generall and so ambiguous as thereby they may easily iudge that he which hath giuen such to his Deputies hath no will to conclude any thing for that vnder these ambiguous and generall termes he hath a desire afterwards to ground a new breach Some desiring to deferre the conclusion of a treaty whereof the motion seemed reasonable on eyther side they haue concluded in requiring the Prince of the contrary paâ—ty to consent vnto them before they ratifie it The which Pope Iuliâ— the second did seeing himselfe prest by the Cardinals to make a peace with Lewis the twelfth who propounded certaine Articles of an Accord vnto him whereupon the gaue Commission to the Cardinall of Final and to the Bishop of Tiuolly to transport themselues to the French Court and there to treate promising to ratifie the sayd Articles which had beene propounded vnto him if the King consented But he neyther gaue them Commission nor power to conclude them hauing no will but to gaine time and to frustrate the instance which the Consistory made vnto him for this pacification As for the clauses of treaties there can be nothing certaine prescribed this depending of the differences for the which the treaties are made the which are infinite be it for peace or truce for the restitution of that which they pretend to haue beene vniustly taken from them or for the Cession of rights or else for limits and bounds the which if they cannot regulate they put them in sequestration or suspence or they make some Act which may interrupt the prescription of him that holds them or else for a passage with consignation of hostages or of Forts for the assurance Or else for an offensiue or defensiuâ— league or for neutrality whereof I will treate hereafter But the principall considerations we must haue are not to vse nor to speake for a person which is odious to them with whom we treate not to yeeld to the first demaunds though iust but to resist them stoutly And yet if the danger be emment wee must not study so much to Negotiate with aduantage as to prouide for safety And especially to haue a care that the clauses may not be Equiuocall and of a double vnderstanding or so generall and indefinit as they may breed a doubt in the interpretation of the treaty The Spaniards are Masters in such practises Isabelle of Castille and Ferdinand of Aragon circumuented Charles the eight when hee restored vnto them
him by Charles the fift who let him goe not through courtesie but for feare of the League of Italy yeilded to giue his children in hostage hoping hee might recouer them either by accord or by some other meanes the delay of the recouery being the lesse troublesome vnto him for that they were in their courage And so being at his choyce either to giue his children or twelue of of his principall Men of his Realme he desired rather to giue his children whom he might spare then the others which were more necessary for his seruice and enterprizes Sometimes they demand hostages of eyther part when as eyther of them that treates promiseth to put something in execution which they doubt they would not doe without hostages And this ought to be done according to the distrust they may haue one of another But if the question be that the one executes before the other it is for him that is to execute last to giue hostages There was a memorable dispute betwixt the Embassadours of the Emperour Charles the fift and those of King Francis the first after his discharge from Prison whether that the French King should retire his Army our of Italy before that the Emperour had deliuered him his children They promised on the Kings behalfe to put hostages into the hands of the King of England for the penalty which should be imposed for want of retiring his Army after he had receiued his children And the Emperour made the like offers to restore his children when the Army should be retired and to giue Hostages for the sure payment of the penalty which should be degreed for want of satisfying Saying that there was no colour hee should trust the King who had once deciued him Whereunto the French Embassadours replyed that the more he pretended to haue beene deceiued the lesse the King ought to trust him for that this opinion might induce him to faile the King And besides the offers were not alike for that it imported the King more to haue his Children then for the Emperour to see the retreate of the Kings Army out of Italy and therefore the assurance were not alike It hath happened that without any precedent treaty then the demand of a passage they haue willingly giuen hostages to a Prince which desired to passe through the Estate of another Prince which was an enemy or suspâ—cted vnto him The Arch-Duke Phillip to passe from Spaine into Flaunders the King sent him many of the greatest Men of his Kingdome for hostages and assurance of his passage through France the which the Arch-Duke caused to be sent backe againe as soone as he entred into the Realme Many haue demanded strong places to assure the victors And others for the safety of a passage for a conquest which they meant to make As Charles the Eight did going to Naples to many Princes and Potentates of Italy Others haue ratified the treaties by marriage But the greatest security that the condition incerted in the treaty may be pleasing to both parties and fitting for the Subiects of the affaires which presents it selfe ballancing the interest of the one with the interest of the other And to preuent that the alliance or protection change not into Subiection we must be very carefull not to receiue a Garrisson from the allie or protector stronger then our owne and much lesse to make him Maister of our Forts or to make him Guardion and depositary of the Treasure of all the alliance as the Grecians did the Athenians who consented the money which should be euery yeare leuied of the Generall should be put in Appollos Temple and afterwards carried to Athens there to be kept So as the Athenians being seazed of their Allies purse they made themselues protectors and of protectors Maiâ—ers And so they not onely became Maisters of the Treasure but they caused the appellations of all the other Citties to come before them at whose charge they trayned vp their Cittizens and made them Souldiers As for the dicision of differences the ordinary course is to constitute by the treate a certaine number of Iudges with power of eyther side in case they should be diuided in opinions to name an Vmpire to decide differences and to cause the contrauentions which they should pretend to be made of eyther side to cease Or else to agree vpon some great person to whom they might referre themselues A thing which I confesse is very difficult but yet if'it might be done would bee more conuenient For his authority would mediate an accord more easily betwixt them who being equalls cannot directly refuse Warre nor demand peace They haue likewise vsually had recourse vnto compromise when as Iudges are not appointed by the treaties or when as they are suspect to one of the parties For although the compromise doth seldome succeed and comes to be effected yet it workes this effect to cause all force to cease and holds the difference in suspence for a time and most commonly the intention of the party is no other who sometimes before the compâ—omise drawes a secret promise from the Arbitrator not to pronounce sentence without their consent as in the compromise which was made betwixt the Emperour Maximillian and the Venetians in the Popes person who was not limited neither for time nor power by the publque Act which was drawne the like secret promise hauing beene formerly made by the Pope to eyther party Yet in the end the Pope seeing they could not agree and that this delay was imputed to him he gaue sentence notwithstanding his promise Yet with this prouiso that if the parties did not ratifie that which hee had decreed by his sentence should be of no effect In this compromise made in the person of the Emperour Charles the fift for the difference which was betwixt the Pope and the Duke of Ferrara as well for the right as for the fact the Emperour promised the Pope not to pronounce vnlesse he were prest by him and to the Duke of Ferrara that finding that he had right to Modena and Reggium he would giue sentence and that finding otherwise hee would suffer the time of the compromise to expiâ—e And for assurance it was agreed that the Duke should deliuer Modena into the Emperours hands as sequestred Afterwards Iudgment to the benefit of the Duke whereof the Pope complayned much for that the Emperour had not proceeded according to his secret promise But the Emperour excused himselfe vpon the pursuit which his Nuntio had made vnto him to pronounce They seldome compromit vpon the possessory For hee that is spoyled ought before all things to be restored This was the answere which the Florentins made to the Emperour Maximillian whom he inuited to compromit to his person the difference they had with the Pysans neyther relying vpon his will nor vppon his authority Yet they may compromit vppon the possessory with charge to pronounce without adding vnto it the petitory