ghost The second notable poynt which the Bishop vttered in this sermon was concerning king Henrie the eight his lord and mayster which moued the auditorie no lesse then the other And this was that the sayd king a litle before his death had dealt with him verie secretly and seriously to haue sent him to a certayne dyat in Germanie vnder pretence to treat other matters but in deed the cheef poynt should be to seeke out some honorable way and meanes as from himself and not from the king either by the Emperor legat popes Nuntio or other fit instrument to reconcyle him agayne to the church of Rome And this the Bishop affirmed to be most true vpon his oath and fidelitie to God and the world and to the memorie of the sayd king his master dead whome he shewed to loue so tenderly and dearly as he wepte most bitterly also in that place for that this holie motion had not taken the effect he desired attributing the let therof to Gods seuere iudgmentes and to the great difficulties which the sayd king found of making that recoÌ„ciliatioÌ„ with his honour and reputation which temporal honour he lamented much that it was more regarded by the king and some that counselled him then in so weightie a woork of eternall saluation ought to haue bin Thus then was the substance and these were the circumstances of that sermon Let vs now coÌ„sider whether the theam he tooke iam hora est nos de somno surgere were fit and to his purpose or no or whether it were prophanely blasphemously peruerted as this wise gentleman affirmeth who taketh vpon him to censure the matter First let it be considered that if euer any man of our realm might take vpon him to talk of a sleep or dream in matters of our coÌ„mon-wealth as a Counsellor and of his own knowledge Bishop Gardener might do it which had seen such alterations both of religion and temporalityes within our land such chopping and chaunging such pulling down and setting vp as he might fitly call the tyme a time of sleep or dream For as in a sleep things are represented to a man confusedly and out of hand they passe away and contrarie representations come in their place so had Bishop Gardener seen in the publique affaires of the realme no lesse alterations of comicall and tragical acts after he came to be a councellor For first he had seen his own king and maister king Henry the eight so earnest in the defence of the catholique faith of the sea of Rome in perticuler as he wrote a booke in defence therof though he were disswaded by some of his counsell to do it for reason of state And after that again being to send this very man Gardener then his secretarie to Rome for his Embassador about soliciting of the diuorce between himself and Queen Catherine he commanded him to tel the Pope and Colledge of Cardinales that whatsoeuer they determined in that matter he would accept it with all indifferencie and euer be a most obedient childe of the Romane churche And this commission he gaue him in the presence of Cardinal VVolsey and yet soone after he saw the same king so chaunged for the affection he bare to an other partie as he brake with the Pope and churche of Rome and pulled down the sayd Cardinal and put to death two of the men that he esteemed most for vertue and learning of all his realme or of any other forrain kingdome of Christendom and whom he had loued before exceedingly to wit Doctor Fisher Bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas More Chancelor Again Gardener had seen the same king wax weary soone after of the party for whose loue he had first begun to make all those stirres and to put her to death openly and yet to continew his former breaches and to run from one difficulty to an other and from one inconuenience to an other neuer to stop the fountain from whence all this vnquietnes came He had seen him also passe from on wife to another to the number of six dismissing some and putting others to death according to the affection or disaffection which he bare to each of them for the time He had seen him make diuers and different actes of parlament in preiudice or preferment of his own children now for their legitimation and inheritance now for the contrarie as by the statutes themselues yet extant in print is euident to the world And from the liking or disliking of his said wiues he passed also to the liking or suspition of his own kinred subiects and familier frâ—nds of which he pulled downe so many as by the stories may be seen And Bishop Gardener was wont to say of him that knew him ful well that after he once left to loue that person which by Gods law and mannes he was bound to loue aboue all others to wit his first wife and Queen he neuer loued any person harâ—ely and constantly afterwards Moreouer he had seen the poore king so combered and troobled about matters of religion as was pitiful to behold For that on the one side the point of his spiritual Supremacy taken vp in his choleâ— against the Pope seemed to touch his honor so neare as he might not shew to yeeld any one iote therin and consequently he was fain to put to death all such Catholiques as denyed the same though otherwise he both loued and highly esteemed themâ— and on the other side his iudgement and conscience in matters of the Catholique truthe against the protestants and all new sectaries conuinced his conscience and vnderstanding as he cleerly vttered in the statute of six articles which iudgement also enforced him to burne as many of that fide â— were conuicted And finally being wearied towards his later end with these combats of conscience and honor iudgement and passion he conferreâ— with Bishop Gardener as you haue heard about the mayn remedy and only sure redresse of all which was his returning to the vnion of the Romane churche and the rest of Christendome And besides all this Bishop Gardener had seen the same afflicted king brought to such streights and doubts in his later howers of life about the weightiest affaires that he had in this world as he could not tell what to determine ordayne or establish for the securitie of his owne children espeâ—ially of his only sonne prince Edward thaâ— had but nyne yeares yet of age and for that cause was the fatherâ— hart more peâ—siue about him For first he was afeard to leaue any protector vnto him remembring the eueÌ„t of king Edward the fourâ—â— his children vnder their vncle protector the Duke of Glocester And secondly he was as greatly afeard and afflicted also to think least after his death the perilous waues and fluddes of heresies should enter vpon him by the very same gate that hymself had opened VVhetfore both these poyntes he forbad expresly and appoynted for execution therof sixteen
parasite pratleth but vpon â—ome other cause giuen rather from England as himself after page 57. of his libel confesseth in these woords The king of Spain and Popes malice saith he to the Queen is not for that she is daughter to king Henry the eight and sister to Queen Marie but because she hath banished the Pope that Antechriste of Rome c. ergo the Q. began with the Pope and the Pope not with her But secondly let it be considered in what maner this banishment of the Pope was contriued that in this time of peace between Rome and England after the Queens entrance what was donn at home by vs against the Pope to stir him to this act of hostilitie First not only the whole body of religion was changed that had indured aboue a thowsand years and this contrarie to expectation and promes but diuers peculier statutes were made also against the Bishop of Rome by â—ame with the most spiteful and opprobrius woords termes that any malice of man could deuise all the whole Catholique body of England enforced to sweare against him and his authoritie by name or els to incur most greeuous and capital damages the like detestable othe was offered and repeated again and again to all such and as often as they were to take any degree of preferment within the land All the clergie was deposed and depriued of liuings libertie only for adhering to the Popes religioÌ„ the Bishops other principal prelates of our land committed to prisons holds and restraints for the same cause and there continued vnto their dying day for that they refused to subscribe to so violent a statute Then such as would leaue the realme or fle were inhibited those that staied at home were inforced to participate not only of these other but also eating new deuised Sacrament bâ—ead against their consciences condemned also and anathemazed by the lutheraÌ„s first founders of this new religioÌ„ The Pope euery where was cried out of reuiled made a matter of scorne infamy not only in all sermons pulpits and conuenticles but also in comedies plâ—ies and interludes by euery base and contemptible companion In the schooles of vniuersities most ridiculous propositions were set vp as paradoxes to be defended that the Pope forsooth was Antechriste the man of sinne talked of by S. Paule and other like toyes And that which moued perhaps more then all the rest was that these things were not only practised alowed of in England and Ireland subiect to her Maiestie but were begun to be introduced also by ouâ— meanes that is by the turbulent attempts and practises of protestants her Maiestie perhaps knowing litle therof in all the realmes and regions round about vs and namely in France Flanders and Scotland where the warres tumults rebellions deuisions sects heresies and other outrages came to be so many and excessiue great as the lawfulâ— and naturà ll princes of those contries seeing themselues so far indomaged and highly endaungered therby were inforced first of all to complain vnto the Pope as chief pastor and common father of all to vse such spirituall redresse as he might for his party in respect oâ— his ecclesiasticall souereigntie whilest they prepared also to defendâ— themselues and their troobled countries by force of armes Not malignitie then of the Pope and his adherents agaynst heâ— Maiesties crown and diadem wherunto willingly they had concurâ—â— and assisted moued this first breach and bickering as this malignanâ— barking-whelp would beat into mens eares but necessities of greatâ—â— violence inforced the same And if perhaps we in England after the change made in religion had taken that course which Protestants did in Germany to follow our new opinions without gawling of others none of these open hostilities had euer insued And let this stand foâ— the second notandum wherby is ouerthrown all this slanderous caâ—lumniation of the kinght The third note may be to consider with indifferency what this acâ— of the Popes excomunication is in it self or how far it may in reason and iustice without malice and calumniation be streched against thâ— Catholique subiects of England In it self it was an act of iurisdiction between two superiours thâ— one Ecclesiastical the other temporal wherin the subiects sentencâ— or consent was neuer asked nor admitted Secondly it was no new thing for that we see and read that thâ— like hath happened often and vpon many occasions between thâ— Bishops of Rome and diuers other great princes common-wealthes Emperours Kings and monarchs and sometymes also with kings of England and of late with the king of France as all the world knoweth And yet the subiect is neither afflicted nor accused for it nor â—nforced to change their old receaued beleef about the Popes authoâ—itie in such matters though in that particuler fact for reuerence of â—heir naturall Prince and dew respect in lyke manner to the other â—hey will not medle nor yet discuss the question whether the Pope â—ad iust reason or sufficient information whervpon to proceed but with dutifull loue and honour to the one and to the other they chuse â—ather to commend the matter to almightie God which is the only â—hing that resteth for a pious and dutiful subiect to perform in such â—ases when two superiours shall disagree vntill God by his goodnes â—hall determine the controuersy and bring all to some happie end as â—e hath donn of late in France where after the foresaied excomuniâ—ation by the see Apostolique the same king hath receyued exceeding great fauours and benefytes from the same sea and Bishop which almightie God graunt we may once see also in our countrie to the conâ—entment of all parties and therby all such hastie hoate-spurres as this â—s who still would kindle more fier and bring all to desperation may â—e reiected and put to silence And with this I might end the matter of her Maiesties perils were 〈◊〉 not that this playntiffe proceedeth on with a long rehersal of other â—ostile actions committed as he sayth by English Catholiques also â—gaynst her Maiestie As the rising of the two earles in the north â—orthumberland and VVestmerland the rebellion of diuers of the â—obilitie in Irland Doctor Sanders going thither Mayster Francis â—hrogmortons practises in England M. Charles Pagets going â—orth of the land the other two earles of Arundell Northumberâ—ands commitment and the like All which are ouer long to examine more in particuler and all put together do weigh so litle in the matter we haue in hand as by that which followeth shal appeare None of all these actions brake out to any hostilitie sauing only â—he two earles rysing and gathering their tenantes together in the â—orth where yet there followed neither battayle nor bloodshed and â—hey were no sooner almost together nor heard of at the courte â—ut they were seuered agayn and retyred into Scotland Flanders And this is all the actual rysing that hath byn among Catholiques within
gouernours as I haue sayd with equal authoritie all in his opinion or the far greater parte very catholique But he was no sooner dead but all these orders of his were ouerthrowen and a protector made the third day after the kinges death and sone after religion changed and the law of six articles abrogated and as litle regard had to king Henries will and ordinances as if he had neuer byn king of this realme or mayster to the breakers And among other these changes was displaced Gardener himself one of the cheef of those sixteen appoynted for gouernours by king Henry and not only thrust from all authoritie but sent also to the tower of London prisoner as before I haue shewed and other Catholique Lordes remoued in lyke manner from the Councel for lyke endes and purposes Then began a new world of making new Lordes new Earles new Marqueses new Dukes in deuiding great states offices dignites in good felowship amonge themselues all in the name of the childe king though he were not yet crowned nor three weekes past synce his fathers death New men also were called out of Germany to wit Peter Martir and Martin Bucer two apostated friars with their wenches that had been Nunnes who must come to teache a new religion in England but with expresse condition to be indiffereÌ„t to reache that sect opinion either of Luther Swinglius or Caluin or other that should be determined and agreed vpon by the Parlament then in gathering together and so they were contented and with that condition they were sent the one to Oxford and the other to Cambrige Then was the new English forme of seruice drawen out in hast by certayne of the Protectors chaplayns in Somerset place in London not fully agreeing to any of the Captaynes doctrine aforesaid but somewhat mingled of them all and much also of the Catholique ryte and forme all which was approued soone after for apostolical and established by the lay part of the Parlament for the cleargie reclaymed and all men inforced to sweate vnto it and so for the old religion receaued by the vniuersal church and continued in England for aboue a thousand years and confirmed by so many miracles at the beginning as S. Bede and other ancient authors do affirme and allowed by the consent of all our learned English for so many ages now was there a new religion deuised in corners set vp by certayne obscure and hungrie fellowes in hast within the space of two monethes and authorized by a parlament of vnlearned lay men to be the rule of our saluation But in the meane space the Duke of Somerset now head of this church for that the childe king was at play could think nothing of it attended principally to his temporall aduancement to purchase good old land and caused his seruantes to set forward the new religion without troobling him therin saying that all should be examined and approued afterward by the authoritie of the yong king as trew head of the Church and so it was Then followed great tumultes and rebellious in the realme as also iarring and falling out of the great protestant Councellors among themselues The protector first cut of the head of his brother the Admiral and then the Earle of VVarwicke cut of the head of the Protector and diuers of his frendes and made himself duke of Northumberland and then plotted with the duke of Suffolke to cut of all king Henries children and to bring in Suffolkes daughter and Northumberlandes sonne as they did For which soone after both their heades were cut of also by Queen Marie and Catholique religion was restored agayne to the state wherin first it was when king Henry her father began this tragedie and first put all out of ioynt Thus passed the matter briefly and all this Bishop Gardener had seen and passed through and had plaied his parte in diuers actes and pageantes to wit as an actor in the beginnyng and as a patient after as hath byn shewed And being now restored to his old estate agayne and more ouer made Chancelour of the realme and looking back vpoÌ„ the dream past had he not trow you iust cause to preache hora iam est nos de somno surgere it is tyme to aryse from sleep wherin we haue slumbered these tweÌ„ty yeares and more in suche varietie of tossinges and to walk with more light and stead fastenes for the tyme to come let it be left I say to the iudgment of euerie discreet reader whether this theame parable were fitly chosen and wel applied by B. Gardener or no or rather blasphemously peruerted as our Hunting deuyne Sir Francis wil needs haue it and so much for this tyme of Bishop Gardener About C. Allen for that I haue byn ouer large in B. Gardeners affaires I meane to be verie breef so much the breefer for that the matters obiected agaynst him by this accuser are very cauils if we consider the substaÌ„ce of the thing it self for he sayth that this English traytor though he were a Cardinal at Rome and sworn to the Popes paÌ„table hath sent froÌ„ thence many slanderous and seditious pamphlets and in one which was the treatise against the English execution of iustice he seemeth to wish that doctor Sanders and doctor Bristow had spared to speak so much in defence of Pius Quintus Bul agaynst her Maiestie and yet he doubteth not to affirme that these two learned men of â—reat zele and excellencie had their special reasons to do so which he will neither desend nor reproue c. And further he proceedeth sayth this maÌ„ to excuse all the preestes and studentes beyond the seas and all such as haue come ouer and saith that all of them â—ince that censure of his holinesse to vse sayth he his owne wordes did vse all â—euerence and respect to her Maiestie vttering in no preaching speach or booke â—o not at the houre of their death and martyrdome nor euer before in any their confessions to the magistrate any disloyal word agaynst her Maiestie These woordes recyteth Hastinges out of the discourse against their English iustice as wordes of moderation or rather blushing as he â—ermeth them for that which was done before and yet he sayth that â—n an other treatise of defence of Sir VVilliam Stanlies act in geuing â—uer Deuentrie to the king of Spayne the Cardinal cometh to â—tter himself as far as either Sanders or Bristow or any other in approbation of the sayd excomunication which thing albeit this kinght â—o greatly condemne yet cannot I any thing marueyle thereat considering that the Cardinals opinion being as he was could be no other in substance touching matters of controuersie then was that of doctor Sanders doctor Bristow and the rest And though for peace â—â—oderation and edification he liked wel in others and specially â—n the yonger sorte of preestes that they should auoyd all occasion of â—ateful speach in this odious
the kinges hart we shall discouer both trecherous cogging and shameles forgerie in the hart and hand of this counterfayt knight Thus then I begin the declaration The conditions of that most famous and royal mariage between the two greatest Monarches of Christēdome king Philip and Queen Marie and the conuentions agreed vpon between both nations and between the princes themselues Queē Marie the Emperour Charles then resyding in Flanders and king Philip and eche of their Councels and Parlaments are yet extant and for the most part in print wherby it may be seen that all those poyntes that this sely fellow cometh in withall now after the market ended about the succession of our realme the priuie Councel of what nation they should be the condition of our nobilitie the Parlament the lawes of the realme the portes castles and garrisons the officers of the courte and household and other lyke circumstances were particulerly treated agreed vpon and prouyded for before hand by all partes Neither was there euer any complaynt that the king or his nation brake any one of them whyle they were among vs but added rather diuers benefytes and courtesies of their owne accord aboue that which they had promised and were bound vnto As for the expences and for the furniture of the mariage so much I meane as came from abrode as also for the two Spanish and English nauies that accompanied the king when he came into England were at his cost and charges vntill they arryued at Portesmouth and the whole trayne from thence to winchester where he met with the Queen and the mariage was celebrated at the charges of the same King of Spayne All the Spanish nobles and gentlemen that came with the king came so furnished with all necessaries and brought such store of money with them as within two or three monethes after their arryual all England was full of Spanish coyne The priuie councel of England was wholie and intirely as it was before neither was any Spaniard euer put into it the officers of the Queens household were altogether English the king for his owne affayres and his other kingdomes had a particuler Councel which interrupted not ours the nobilitie of our land was exceedingly honoured by him and many of them had particuler great pensions also yearly from him the captaynes and soldiers that he vsed of our nation as namely at the warre of Saynt Quintins he honoured highly and made them equall in all poyntes of seruice and honor with Spaniardes and payd them himself without further charges to England saue only geuing them their vpper cassockes with the crosse according to the custome The marchantes commonly he made free to enioy and vse all priuileges and preferments throughout all his kingdomes countries and prouinces and in England he had such care to yeeld our nation contentment as he gaue expresse order that if any English man and a Spaniard fell out the English should be fauored and the Spaniard punished which he caused to be executed with such rigor as it cost diuers Spaniardes their lyues when the English were much more in fault and I haue heard it spoken by some of the Councel at that tyme that Queen Marie was so afflicted diuers tymes with this partialitie of the kinges towardes the English agaynst his owne nation as it cost her many a bitter teare for verie compassion shame And so much the more was she moued therewith for that she saw many English partly vpon this indulgence of the kinges and partly for that being secretly heretiques they had auersion and hatred to the Spanish nation to abuse themselues intollerably in offering most inhumane and barbarous iniuries vnto them No Spaniard could walke by night nor scars by day alone but he should be eyther wounded or thrust between two or three swashbucklers that attended particulerly to those exercyses and so put in danger of his lyf Villanous wordes were ordinarie salutations to them in the streetes as also often tymes in churches but no remedy was to be had nor would any man beare Witnes lightly in behalf of the Spaniard agaynst the English though the iniurie were neuer so manifest If any thing were to be bought in the market the Spaniard must paie dooble for it and for that most Spaniardes drunk water they must buy it also dearly in many places if they would drink it and often could not haue it for mony and diuers wells were sayd to be poysoned of malice therby to destroy the Spaniardes Many deuises were vsed to draw Spaniardes into priuate houses and familiaritie was offered them to that end and if any entred to talke with the wyf daughter or seruant as they were thought propēse in that kynde then rushed forth the husbād father brother or master that lay in wayte with other catchpoles of thesame conspiracie to apprehend them and to threaten death or imprisonment except they redeemed themselues with good store of money And I haue heard from the mouth of a greate noble man a Spaniard that was in England at that tyme and now is a Vyceroy vnder the king that some English would send their wyues daughters of purpose into the fieldes where Spaniards walked to allure them to talke with them and therby to intrap them and get money from them I omit to name more violent meanes of taking purses and playne roberies and other lyke artes to get the Spaniards money from them by force which yet were many and some most barbarous and shamefull to our nation and the mention and memorie therof maketh vs blush when in other countries we are told of them as namely this that followeth which my self haue heard recounted from a nobleman himself that is yet alyue to wit the old Count de Fuensalida cheef steward at this day of the kinges houshold who being in England with the king made a great supper one night to diuers noble men of his nation and to some others and being at the table mery and fearing nothing as in a peaceable and ciuil commonwealth it seemed he had no cause there came rushing in some twentie or thirtie maskared good fellowes with their swordes drawen and commanded that no man should stirre vnder payne of death and so kept them all at the table and their seruantes shut vp into diuers houses of offices where they were found vntill the theeues had ransaked the whole house and packed vp the siluer plate that was in store and so departed And these are the heroical actes and honorable histories which these noblemen and other strangers do recount of the ciuilitie and courtesie of our countriemen towardes Spaniards in those dayes which being obiected vnto vs in all forayne nations where we trauayle the french also recounting as bad or worse donne to them to whome at that tyme we were open enemies it cannot but make modest Englishmen ashamed and their eares to burne in respect of the dishonour of our countrie as also to consider what
fyne frutes our new ghospel then freshly planted and yet in the bud began to bring forth for that all this hatred and barbarous vsage towardes Spaniards and other Catholique forayners rose principally vpon the difference of religion lately begonne within our realme and these lads as the first professed proselites therof vpon heate and zeale committed these holy actions as the first frutes of so heauenly a seed But since that tyme we haue had much larger experience therof and I presume that most mennes myndes in England are sufficiently cleared in this case and if not let them behold the behaueour of Sir Francis in this libel who is an ancient branche of that plantation And so hauing seen the state of matters how they stood at that tyme and in particuler what king Philip had promised to do and what he was bound to do and then what in deed he performed really whyle he was among vs which was more in deed then either he promised or had obligation to performe as hath byn shewed let vs heare now what Sir Francis sayth he would haue donne if he could or if his abode had byn longer in England The tale shall go in his owne wordes for better declaring his spirit Thus then he writeth This mariage was sought for and intended also in shew only to strengthen the hand of the Queen of England to bring in the Romish religion and gouernment into this land and to establish it with continuance with purpose and meaning to ad strength to all the corners of Christendome to continue Poperie where it was and to bring it in where it was not that so the Arche-prelate of Rome might hold the scepters and power of all princes and potentates of Christendome in his hand to dispose a◠his pleasure but the plottes and practises layd and pursued by the Spanish king had made a wofull proof to England of a further mark shot at which was discouered in a letter to some of our nobles from a true harted English-man in Spayne had not God almightie in his rich mercy preuented their purposes and defeated them in their determinations as it shall appeare hereafter c. This is the preface and entrance which Sir Francis maketh to the discouerie he promiseth of great hydden mysteries about plottes and practises not only layd but also pursued by king Philip whyle he was in England which neuer came to light vntill this day though at that tyme they were discouered as he sayth in a letter to some of our nobles from a true harted English-man in Spayne But for the credyt of so new and weightie and incredible a secret it had byn good he had named the parties and particularities therof as wel who wrote as also who receyued that letter For first the English-man in Spayne though he were true harted to the faction of S. Francis syde to wit to the Protestantes yet might he perhaps not be so true handed or true tongued at that tyme or so truly informed of thinges or of that authoritie that this his letter or report may beare credyt in so great a busines agaynst so great men it being taken vp perhaps at tauerns or porte townes and market places by some merchantes seruant or factor or other lyke wandring compaignon as well tipled with Spanish seck as with English heresie who might wryt these news from Spayne of K. Philip as Iohn Nicols the minister brought and printed from Rome and Italy in our dayes of the Pope and Cardinals And that this discouery if any such were and that the tale be not wholly forged by Sir Frācis himself could haue no better ground then that I haue sayd to wit the reporte of some vulgar people or the coniecture of some particuler discoursiue head as is euident in it self for that this being a most secret designement and drift of the king himself and of his priuie Councel who were all at that day remayning in England and had this proiect within their owne brestes only how could it be discouered by an English-man from Spaynerthink you Agayne the nobles in England to whome he sayth the letter was written might be such as probably it may be iudged to haue byn written of purpose to feed their humors or to comfort them in those dayes or that themselues did procure it to be written and sent for their credit or that themselues deuysed it in England to make therby the Spaniards more odious and their doinges more suspected and to draw by this meanes more English after themselues to impugne the present state and gouernment as when the lord Courtenay Earle of Deuonshyre for missing the mariage of Queen Marie beganne to practise and to think of leauing the land vpon discontentment and when the Carewes and other of that crew fled the realme for conspiracies to the same effect such a letter was much to their purpose But I shall not need to call in reasons and circumstances for shewing the vanitie of this letter for that the manifest and shameles falshoodes which it relateth will easely discouer the forgerie as also the forge it self from which it proceedeth I will follow then the continuation of Sir Francis narration in his own wordes Now to proceed sayth he to lay open the right mark that in deed this king shot at though when he made way to ioyne in mariage with Queen Marie he made semblance of great conscience to Catholique religion and great care to bring the whole land into the obedience therof and seemed to glorie much when it was brought to passe as his letter to his holy father at Rome written out of England doth make shew wherin he expresseth what a worthie woorke he had donne when he had drawen the nobles commons of the land to submit themselues to his holinesse as their cheef those are his wordes yet litle did the nobles and commons know what was intended towardes them by this catholique childe of Rome for vnder this colorable name of catholique religion was hidden the ambitious humor of a most proud vsurping tyrant whose resolution was vpon mature deliberation and consultation with his machiuilian counsellors to seek by al the possible kinde means he could to win the principal of our Nobles to affect him and in their affection to possesse him of the crown and so to establish him in an absolute power ouer poor England and to bring this to passe he decreed to spare neither cost nor kindenes c. Hetherto is the asseueration of Sir Francis concerning king Philips intention to gain our crowne but neuer a syllable more of proofe then you haue heard before to wit his owne woord and bare assertion which he taking to be sufficient passeth ouer presently to explicate exaggerate the dangerous effectes that would haue ensued vpon vs when the king should haue gotten his pretence But I must pul him by the sleeue request him to stay prooue a litle better that the king
common-wealth many perils diuerted both for the present and the time to come many benefits and benedictions insew euery way if I be not deceiued which yet I leaue to the high and most holy inscrutable prouidence of almightie God to determine at his pleasure and to your Lordships wisdomes to consider with due maturitie And so most humbly I take my leaue This first of September 1598. Antigo. of flatterie Esa. 3. The present state of English blessings â—â—cles 22. Scotland Irelandâ— Flaundersâ— Fraunce England Spiritual effectes by change of religion Ioan. 17. Act. 4. Eph. 4. Gal. 3. 2. Thes. 5. 1. Cor. 4. About certayntie in religion A playne demonitiation agaynst Sir Francis VVhat effectes of vertue nevv religion hath vvrought Esa. 11. Sledan Math. 3. 8. 4. Luc. 3. Act. 2. 2. Corinth 7. 2. Rom. 8. Coll. 3. Math. 19. 17 1. Cor. 7. Luc. 11. 14. Temporal effectes by change of religion Strength felicitic by vnion Securitie Issue of her Maiestie Establishment of suecession Vnion vvith Rome see Apostolique Ancient leagues VVarres abroad Damages receaued at home Recusantes The soÌ„me of all that hath byn saide Senecâ— Deuised daâ—â—â—enes Learning in Q. Maries reigne Manifeste vntruthes Vntruth Vntruth Hovv reading of Scriptures vvas forbidden vvhie Comparason â— Cor. 3. Ad Marcellinum Vnderstanding of Scriptures a peculier gift Apoc. â— Luc. 24. Act. â— Ibidem Experience of hurtes come by permitting the reading of scriptures to the ignoraÌ„t Ioanâ— Burcher burned The first forged position Distinction of laytie cleargie Origen hom 7. in Herem Epiph. Episc. ad loan Episcopum Hierosol Hieron CoÌ„ in cap. 12. Hierem. Maxime Minime D. Thom. 2. 2. quaest 82. â—r 20. VVhat deuotion is vvhence it proceedeth Psal. 38. VVhy the best learned are not alvvayes most deuoutâ— 1. Cor. â— The Catholiques more authors of knowledge then Protestants The second faigned position Act. 20. About S. Thomas of Canterbury Theodor. lib. 4. c 6. lib. 5. c. 17. deinceps Zozom lib. 8 fere per totum Socrat. lib. 6. c. 16. Zozom lib. 8. c. 17. Niceph. l. 14 c. 43. Math. Paris Vide apud Lippoman Surium Mense Decemb Edoard in vita D. Thomâ— cap. 26. K. H. his voluntarie penance The third feigned position Impudent calumniation Heb. 13. Ephes. 6. Rom. 13. The fourth faigned position Shameles lyinge Many cauiles and falshoodes Rom. 13. Vide quest 26 27. addit 6. Tho. ad 3. p. caet tract 9. opustul de indulgentijs Ioan. 20. A fonde coÌ„clusion The malignitie of Sir Francis The estate of Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. Causes of securitie to Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. VVicked calumniatioÌ„s Leu. 4. â— Num. 35. 1. Reg. 19. 15. 16. 17. About Doctor Storie Doctor Stories zâ—le and complaynt A Counselour may speake freely About the Bul. of Pius Quintus A ridiculous proposition Three things considerable in this knights accusation Anno Domini 1570. regni 13. Incitation of Popes by the English Protestantes Contemptuous proceeding The excomunication agaynst the Queene Other hostile actions obiected Of the patience of Catholiques The patieÌ„ce of ProtestaÌ„tes Goodmans booke The reuels of forayne heretiques Northumb. VVestmerl Fr. Throg Char. Pag. Northumb. Arundel The Comparison betvveen Bishop Gardener Cardinall Allen. 2. Cor. 6. Of Bishop Gardener Rom. 13. Bishop Gardener his gentle nature The Dukes speaches to Bishop Gardener The Duke of North. religion Stovv â—n 1. Reg. Manâ—e A mysterious bracelet Of Bishop Gardeners fall Sto anno 1. â—d 6. About bringing in the Spaniard in Q. Maries dayes Rom. 13. The SermoÌ„ of Bishop Gardener at Pauls Crosse. Bishop Gardener his repeutance at his death K. Henrie the 8. inclination to reconcile himselfe The sleepe and dreame noted by B. Gardener in England Seem HeÌ„r 25. cap. 22. anÌ„ 28. cap. 7. 17. K. Henries perplexitie about religion The stirres in king Edvvardes dayes Of Cardinal Allen. VVhy Doct. Allen. D SaÌ„deâ—s and other lyke might vtten their myndes more playnly Hovv the Q is ouâ— mother and he Pope our father Sir Francis ridiculous Ioan. vâ—t About Iesuites in general and their coÌ„tradictors Act. 28. Iustin. apol 2. ad Anton. Pium. Tert. apol aduersus geÌ„tes Sap. 10. Psalm 79. 7. Luc. â— Isai. 8. Heb. 12. Causes of tribulations to Gods seruantes Ioan. 18. Act. 9. 2. Cor. 1. Dyuers sortes of contradictors of Iesuits 1. Cor. 1. 1. Timoth. 1â— 2. Cor. 11. 1. Ioan. 2. Philip. 1. 1. Timoth. 1. 2. Timoth. 4. Profession of Iesuites 1. Ioan. â— Chrysost. Tom. 5. hom 2. de vit monach Basil. serm de institut monachi Nazianz. â—rat 1. in Iulian. Apostat Iesuits doctrine Eccles. 1. Dan. 12. The name lisfe and coÌ„uersation of Iesuits Iustin. apol 2. ad Imp. Anton. Tert. apol Top liffe the preestqueller Ihon Chattel in France an 1594. offred to kil the king Ioanes Ghineardus martyred Cic. lib. 2. off D. Tho. 2. sent dist 44. art 2. de Regim principum cap. 6 Caet in D. Thom. 2. secundae q. 64. art 3. Sot de iust lib. 5. q. 1. art 4. Diuers enemies of Iesuites Tertul. Apolog cap. 8. Cap. 2. Apostatical Iesuites Ioan. 3. Deut. 32. Iustinus Apolog prima Part. 6. Constant cap. 1. Exam. admitt cap. 4. Iesuites labors and indeuours for the publique Tertul. Apol. â—â—p 42. Obiections against lesuites ansvvered Ambition 1. Cor. 1â— VVhether Iesuites be seditions trooblers of common vvalthes Act. 24. Luc. 23. A holy kynde of seditioÌ„ Luc. 12. S. Bonauent stim diuini â—â—noris Eccles. 41. VVhether Iesuites do seeke the deathes of princes Ioan. 12. The fact of Iohn Chattel in france the 27. of DeceÌ„b. 1594. An other deuyse against Iesuites in Holland Refutal of the fable VVhether Iesuites seeke her maiest blood 1. Cor. 2. Defence of F. persons in particuler An euident demonstration 1. Reg. 2â— 2. Timot. 2. About good lyf Math. 7. Iacob 2. The first charge agaynst Catholiques An erroneconscience also byndeth Rom. 2. Idolothita Roman 14. Aug. lib. 4. contra Iuda cap. 3. An erroneous conscience doth euer excuse Roman 1â— Protestantes discredit Matti 13. Marc. 14. Luc. 8. About the hurtes that recusantes vvould do Argumentum ad hominem 1. Cor. 14. No subiectes to be vrged vpon invvard desyres The third charge against recusantes Sir Francis Hastinges conscience Notorious rayling and calumniatioÌ„ agaynst recusaut Catholiques A bare English hart vvhat it is An absurd position of Sir Francis Gen. 12. 19. 3. Reg. 12. 4. Reg. 3. Hier. 38. 39. 40. c. Ruff. lib. 1. cap. 18. Zozom lib. 3. cap. 12. Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 4. Psal. 44. Math. 17. Luc. 12. 1. Cor. 2. Domestical examples 1. Pet. 2. About obedience to teÌ„poral Princes Acts. â— False taanslation 1. Pet. 2. Hebrae 13. Spiritual go uernours Acts. 20. Most absurd doctrine Mat. 15. 1. Pet. 2. Hovv recusantes do obey and hovv they may not A speech to catholique recusantes 1. Pet. 2. Math. 22. Marc. 12. Rom. 13. Temporal Magistrate 1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13. Note this point Ioan. 8. Rom. 13. 1. Pet. 2. Spiritual magistrate Ioan. 6. Luc. 12. Ioan. 13. Math. 23. Luc. 10. Heb. 13. Temporal and spiritual iurisdiction Occham to the Emperour Opprobtiousspeaches VVhether the Popes of Rome be Antichrisâ—â—â— Antich one man Antichrist declared by the levves Antichrist vvhen Antichrist a Ievv Antichrist in Hierusalem Antichrists doctrine Antichrists miracles Antichrists tyme of raigne Henoch Helias Day of iugdment Hovv there are many Antichristes 1. Loan 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 venit 2. Thessal 2. Hovv Rome is Babylon About the Popes external honor The peril of Sir Francis rayling Exod. 22. Leuit. 20. Act. 23. Rom. 13. Hovv povver is to be respected Luc. 10. Math. 23. Harebrayne and hed longe dealings of Sir Francis 1. Cor. 5. 6. A demonstration agaynst Sir Francis madnes Luther Caluin Diuers reasons for the Bishop of of Râ—ome his preheminence Plato in polit Arist. lib. 3. polit cap. 5. Agust lib. 11. ciuit Dei cap. 15. 1. Cor. 10. Cant. 4. Saynt Peter cheefe of the church vnder Christ Ioan. 3. August in hunc locum Luc. 24. Marc. 16. Act. 1. Act. 2. Act. 3. Act. 5. Act. 10. Ibidem Act. 9. Chrysost. Ibidem Gal. 1. Chrysost. homil 87. in Ioan. CommissioÌ„ of Saynt Peter Math. 16. Ioan. 21. Ambrose in cap. vltimâ—Ì„ Luc. August in Ioan. 21. Chrisost in Ioan 21. Epiphanâ— in ancor Hovv Saint Peters charge is imparted also to others Saint Peters successors Popes of Rome 1 Pet. 5. The Particuler obligation of English tovvardes the Bishop of Rome Raging agaynst the Spanish nation VVhy Spaniards are maligned Speeches of English vvhen they vvere poteÌ„t Of the spanish nation 1. Mach. 8. Rare Spaniards Particular obligations of Spaniards The defence of the King of Spayne in particuler The condition of the mariage vvith the Spanish King King Philips vsage to made the English The vsage of English tovvards Span. in Q. Mariestyme The Count of freÌ„tsalida robbed pretily in England First frutes of nevv ghospellers A discourse of Sir Francis of King Philip secret meaning The letter out of Spayn discredited L. Courtenay The Carevves A malitious forgerie agaynst King Phil. Faigned effects of an imagined vsurpation About taxes paied to the King of Spayne The tribuâ— of Alcaualla A shamles tale The improbabilitie of the calumniation Duchesse of Feria King Phil. sought not Queen 〈◊〉 destruction About lopus the PhysitiaÌ„ In the 6. Encounter The conclusioâ— Effectes of yuel tongues A supplication to the Councel for moderatioÌ„ Reasons for moderation Qualities of the princes to be dealt vvithall Pope Clement viij K. Phillip The Catholiques of England their cheef desyre The furie of puritaâ—ical spirits Cyprian â—p 93. The effects of dying for religion in England Math. 21. Eccles. â— Iustin. lib. 3. Cicero off lib. 2. Luc. 11. The dangers after her Maisties death The example of Aug. and other kings Kings of England In the 6. incounter The example of King Henrie the eight and the King of France In the 3. incounter An important coÌ„sideration A ioyful state The first proposition of Protestantes in the vvorld
religion in England had not byn changed we had had no breach with Rome nor consequently had the excommunication followed whereof so great noise hath byn made in the world abroad and so great trouble at home And what the vnion and frendshipp of the Bishop of Rome may importe euen as a temporall Prince the effects shewed of late in Fraunce where espetiallie by his indeuour and authoritie matters haue byn compounded that seemed verie hard and desperate before not only between that King and his owne subiectes but also between that crown and Spayn and the states of Flaunders which without such an arbiter and vmpyre would verie hardly haue euer byn accommodated Sixthly England had continued in her old ancient amitie and leagues moste honorable with Spayn and Burgâ—ndie and with their dependents and consequently had auoyded all these long and costly warres which by that breach we haue byn inforced to manteyne with losse of so many worthie men and expence of so great treasure as easelie maie be imagined and the quarell not yet ended Seuenthly so great and bloody warres and tumultes in Christian kingdomes round about vs had neuer happened as before in part hath byn declared and all the world doth impute the principal causes and motions therof vnto the diuersitie of religion in England And lastly most dolefull alterations in our own countrie had byn auoyded as the depriuation in one day of all the sacred order of Bishops in England with their perpetual imprisonment for that they would not subscribe to this infortunate change of religion wroong out in ParlameÌ„t as all men know by the oddes only of one or two voices of lay men The disgrace and abasing of so many noble houses with ouerthrow of others wherof let Norfolk Arundel Northumberland Oxford VVestmerland and Dacres giue testimonie For of the rest I will not make mention seing perhaps themselues would be loth I should all which had passed otherwise by probabilitie if religion had not byn altered The continual and intollerable affliction also of so many honorable and worshipfull Gentlemen had neuer happened for perseuering in their fathers fayth wherto our country was first conuerted from infidelitie without any other offence obiected or to be proued agaynste them but only refusing to accommodate themselues to this change The torturing hanging and quartering of aboue a hundreth Preestes for the same cause the moste of them good Gentlemen and youthes of rare witt learning and other partes which other Common wealthes would highly haue esteemed and so would ours too in tymes past and will agayne in tyme to come when these blastes shall once be ouerblown All these inconueniences and calamities had bin auoyded or the moste of them if change of Religion in England had not byn made so that the innumerable benedictions which this poore man would needs threap vpon vs by the change do come to be in effect these that follow First in Spiritual affayrs to haue no certaynty of Religion at all as hath bin proued no stay no foundation no rule but only euery mans own priuate iudgment and fansie wrangling and iangling without end and without iudge or meanes to make an end Nouelties without number and liberty of lyf without feare or force of Ecclesiasticall disciplyne to restrayn it And theÌ„ in temporall matters the blessings are such as haue bin discouered our Realme deuided and shiuered in a thowsand peeces our Princess olde without children or hope of any our Crown without Succession our olde frends and allyes made our enemies our new frends vncertayn our own flesh and countrymen most pitifully deuided within their own bowels and most miserably tossed and turmoyled both abroad and at home abroad and in other countries with Prisons Yrons Chaynes Gallyes and other Afflictions euen to Death it self for being Protestants Pirats Spies Practisers or other such imputations incident to enemyes At home afflicted with no less persecutions of our own Magistrates for being Catholiques or deemed to be such So as I would fayn know who are they in our litle Iland that feel these innumerable benifits and blessings by change of Religion which this gentleman talketh of seeing there are very few either of one Religion or other that taste not of the miseries wherof I haue spoken either in themselues their frends children seruants kinsefolks goodes honours or otherwise and most of all the Realm and Commonwealth it self It may be Sir Francis sitteth easier then other men hauing gotten som fat morsel to feed on by this change yet ought he to haue some sens and feeling also of other mens greefs or at least-wise so much wit as not to put himself to sing in publique when so many thowsands of other men do weep and complayn And so much of his blessings THE SECOND INCOVNTER ABOVT CERTAIN ABSVRD GROWNDS and principles forged by this Knight to be in Catholique Religion WE haue taken a scantling in the former incounter of this our knightes folly and flatterie now followeth a fuller view of his cogging and lying for these two vertues coÌ„monly go together qui adulator idem mendax sayth one the flatterer is a lyar in lyke manner For neither truth can stretch herself to flatter nor flattery can be manteyned without lying This man then after he hath flattered the state of England so grosly and fondly as you haue heard by telling them of the innumerable benedictions powred out vpon the whol Iland by the change of religion now he will needes take vpon him to set before our eyes the spiritual miseries and maledictions that Catholiques were in before this change to witt in Queen Maries dayes and in former raignes of ancient Catholique Princes by reason of certayne absurd and false principles which as he sayth were then receyued for truthes in matters of Religion But before he come to set down those principles he maketh for his preface acertain poetical description of the dark clowdy and mistie state of thinges in Queen Maries tyme in these woords It is not vnknown sayth he to many yet liuing nether can it be altogether â—idden from the yonger sorte that liued with them what a dark mistie clowd of ignorance which brought in popish idolatrie and all manner of superstition did ouershadow the whole Land c. and againe after In these dark and clowdy daies least the sun-shine of knowledge should dispearce the mists of ignorance and giue light to the dimm of sight c. Doth it not seeme that this graue gentleman describeth the lake of Auernus in Italy or some foggy marsh in England or some smoaky kitchin or wood-howse of his own without a window when he speaketh of our famous Country in former tymes Aboue a thowsand years the state of England and the Princes People Nobility and Learned men thereof had continued in that Egiptian or rather Cimmerian darknes which he describeth vnder clowds mists and shadows vntil his new Sun-shyne doctors came in to
Spiritus autem viuificat the letter or literall â—ound doth ofteÌ„ tymes murder the reader the only spirit that is the internall true and spirituall meaning of the Scriptures doth giue lyf And albeit S. Augustin in his learned booke de Spiritu litera doth extend these woords of the Apostle to a farther meaning also yet he teacheth this too and so do the rest of the ancient fathers namely S. Hierom â—d Nepotianum handeling the story of king Dauid 3. Reg. 1. where the â—ong virgin Abisag was sought out to heat him in his olde adge S. Hierom sayth that if we should follow literam occidentem the murâ—hering letter it seemeth a iest and fable but if we fly to the hidden spirituall sence and meaning it is most holy But now let vs aske of you Sir Knight how wil your vnlearned â—eaders those whoÌ„e you cal dim glimering people discerne these things without a guyd such as the Catholique Church doth appoynt for â—xpounding the Scriptures to simple people by Catechisms SermoÌ„s Homelies teaching of pastors and the lyke without deliuering the whole Bible into their handes to be vsed or abused to their destruction Furthermore you cannot deny but that the vnderstanding of Scriptures is a particuler gift of God reserued especially vnto Christe who had the key to open the booke sealed with seuen seales as S. Iohn testifieth and to the same effect is it recorded in S. Lukes Gospel for a singuler grace bestowed by our Saueour vpon the Church tunâ—â—peruit illis sensum vt inteligerint Scripturas Then after his resurrection did he open to them the sence wherby they might vnderstand Scriptures of theÌ„selues For euer before he had interpreted the same lightly vnto them as in the Gospel apeareth He sent also S. Phillip the Apoâ—tle by commaundement of his Angell to goe and interpret a certain place of the Prophet Esay vnto the great Eunuch Tresurer of the Q of AEthiopia when he would conuert him And it is to be obserued that albeit Christe might haue opened the sence of the Scripture to himself immediatly yet would he send him a guide Yea though the sayd Eunuch were learned as may appeer by that being an AEthiopianred the Prophet in Hebrue and though he were also instructed in the Iews religion as it is proued by that the storie recordeth that â—he came to adoie in Hierusalem yetall this notwithstanding was he so far from the pryde of our peeuish prowd protestant people now a dayes which make no bones at any difficultie of Scriptures as when he was asked by S. Phillip Putasneintelligâ—s quae legis thinkest thou that thou vuderstandest the Scripture which thou readest he answered how can I vnderstand it except some body do expound the same vnto me which answere I beleeue many a good wife in London that goeth vp and downe with her Bible vnder her arme would be ashamed to giue if she were asked whether she vnderstand the whole Bible or no. These then Sir Knight are the reasons why some of those your glimmering and inlightened people were restrayned by Catholique discipline to read vpon Gods booke as you call it vulgar translations noâ— to bar them from light as you malitiously calumniate but rather leasâ— they being but half blynde should become whole blynde that is tâ—â— say madd and obstinate blynde of ignorance and vnlearned blynde for such effects doe insew some times of the rash reading of this booke of God when therof is ingendred falshood and HeresyeÌ„ that is the doctrine of the diuel for proofe wherof let vs consider whether in aâ— thowsand years together in England France Germany and other places of Christendome while this prudent restraint of Catholiquâ— church lasted of not permitting all ignorant people to read Scriptures at their pleasures in vulgar languages without an interpreter there arose so many Sects Heresyes and alterations about Religion as there haue risen in fifty or threescore years since this reading was left open to all there is no comparison And if we consider only England theâ— matter is euideÌ„t that more sects haue sprong vp of late by many degrees Yea though we leaue all other sects that are permitted or wiâ—ked at in England respect such only as haue bin punished openly by the magistrate namely such persoÌ„s as haue bin whipped or burned in London Norfolk and other places for Heretiques in the tyme oâ— her Maiestyes raign that now is for denying Christe himself or otherâ— poyntes of the blessed Trinity being altogether vnlearned people as our Chronicles testifie of whome I ask had they euer fallen into such errors and obstinacie but only by reading Sciptures in the vulgar language had euer william Hacket dreamed himself to be Christe or william Geffrey before him but by this way we see then the inconuenience In King Henries tyme when Tindal had translated and printed the new Testament in English at Colen and began to seck meanes to haue them dispersed in England the laws and kings commandment being then against it there was a certayn foul fusteluggs dishonest of her body with base fellows as was openly reported whose name was Ioan knell alias Burcher if I forget not who beginning to be a great reader of Scriptures her self became a principall instrument also in that tyme to deuulge such Bibles as were sent especially in the courte where she became known to certayn women in authority and to conuey the bookes more safty she vsed to bynde them in strings vnder her aparrell and so to pass them into the courte but her neerest freÌ„dship was with An Askew whoÌ„e king heÌ„ry afterwards caused to be burned for denying the reall preseÌ„ce in the SacrameÌ„t of the Aulter But this other scripturian profited so wel as in the fifth yeare of king Edwards reygn she was burned also by the protestants of that time for denying Christe to haue taken flesh of the Virgin Marie Who when she was codemned to dye spake very scornfully to the Iudges and saied It is a goodly mattâ—er to consider your ignorance it is not long agoe since you burned Ann Askew for a peece of bread and yet came your selues soone after to beleeue and professe the same doctryne for which you burned her now for sooth you wil needs burne me for a peece of fleshe in the end you will come to beleeue this also when you haue red the scriptures and vnderstand them and when she came to dye in Smithfield and D. Story endeuored to conuert her she skoffed at him saying he lyed like c. and bad him god read Scriptures And thus much may serue for the repelling those clowds mists and darknesse which this wach-woord-giuer wil needs imagin to be amoÌ„g vs for that all coblers do not clowt Scriptures in our commonwealth But let vs see now what positions and principles he sayth we haue for our direction amiddest this darknesse In these darke and clowdy dayes sayth he least
great Saint for his Christian libertie and constancie S. Chrysostome in lyke manner shalbe condemned for a great traytor who had greater contentions with his temporal Lordes Arcadius and Honorius Christian Emperours and with their wyues Theodosia and Eudoxia then euer S. Thomas had with king Henry the second For he prâ—ached agaynst them publiquely with great vehemencie and thundred out excomunication agaynst them and was twyce banished and driuen out of his Bishoprike by their disfauor and died in exile And yet was he neuer called or accompted a traytor but a singuler holy man and Theodosius the yonger son of Arcadius brought his body with great solemnitie honour and reuerence into Constantinople and wept most bitterly for the sinnes of his pareÌ„tes in persecuting so blessed a man And as the story sayth made prayer to him now dead for pardon of his fathers sinnes As did also often our king Henry the sonne for the offence of his father in being some cause of the death of this iust man his pastor and spiritual father Wel then to conclude this matter treason there was none nor could be in this contention of S. Thomas agaynst king Henry for it was donn with all due respect of the Archbil hopes parte and according to the lawes ecclesiastical both of churche realm And as for the mannes behaueour and actions in the rest of his lyf if we beleeue three or foure historiographers together of greate credit and sanctitie that liued at the same tyme and conuersed with him they were admirable in all kynd of vertue His death was by wilfull murder without iustice or commaundment of king or any magistrate as all the world knoweth His canonization was presently vpon his death by diligent inquiry of all factes and circumstances and by vniuersal applause of all christendom King Henry the second excused himself of the murder admitted his canonization builded his shryne and sepulcher adorned the same with greate giftes came thither in person and not only denyed as I haue sayed that his intention euer extended to his murder but also tooke seuere punishement and pennaÌ„ce of himself for the vniust wrath that by incitation of others he had conceyued agaynst so holy a man of which penance of the kings one that liued at the same tyme and saw it wryteth that he opened his naked shoulders at the sepulcher and receyued first fyue ierkes at fyue Bishops handes and fourescore and three at so many monks â—andes and after lay on the bare ground and other such circuÌ„stances as in the author you may read All those that had byn enemies to the blessed man or had had parte in his death came after to greate miserie by Gods iust iudgmentes And fynally all the Christian world for these foure hundred yeares haue holden him for a glorious martir and builded many a churche to God in his memorie in other countries many great moâ—arches haue come to England of purpose to visit his sepulcher and others haue sent great presentes and donaries Many miracles haue â—yn recorded by graue authors and publique testimony of the whole â— land to haue byn wrought by God at his sepulcher in witnes of his â—anctitie All these testimonies then being extant in the world for so many hundred yeares together let any man iudge whether they ought â—ot to be of more weight with a wyse and pious Christian then this â—raynles calumniation of a mad hasty hoat spurr that knoweth â—ot what he sayth and much lesse careth or indeuoureth how to â—roue it But let vs see now his third position that he feigneth to be among â—s as a grouÌ„d of religioÌ„ These two irreligious prophane grouÌ„des saith he â—eing layd though you haue seen that the knight hath layd them as fiâ—ions of his own grownds of ours they proceed to a third set it down â—r a Popish ground also that it was a dangerous and deadly sinne for any man 〈◊〉 disobey the Pope and his cleargie in any of their orders inioyned and commanded in such reuerence and regard must he and his cleargie be had that the meanestâ— masse Priest comming with authority from him must be obeyed vnder payn of damnation though he commaund that which is blasphemous before God in Christians and disloyal to men in subiects This is his narration from which if ye separate a manifest lye oâ— two with some fond exagerations for without this kynde of leuiâ— the poore knight can make no batch as for example that the Pope anâ— his Cleargie must be obeyed though they commaund blasphemies against God and disloyalty against princes which is a shameles slander and that the disobedience if he speake of omission in any one order inioyned by Pope and Cleargie is a deadly sinn and the lyke if you separatâ— I say these ouer lauishings of the hastie knight all the rest he obiecteth is rather commendation of Catholique religion then any reproche at all for in that he saith wee obey the meanest preest as the highest if he come with authoritie of the highest he sheweth therby that we haue among vs true obedience and subordination and thaâ— for conscience sake Not respecting so much the person that commandeth as him for whome and in whose name and authoritie hâ— commandeth and therin we fulfill the precept of S. Paule Obedite praâ—positis vestris subiacete eis ipsi enim peruigilant quasi rationem pro animabuâ— restris reddituri Obey your Prelates and humble your selues vnto them he distinguisheth not betwene high and lowe for they keep diligent watche ouer your soules as men that must render account theroâ— to God And in other places he sayth that this obedience must bâ— with such reuerence humilitie and inward affection as vnto Chryâ—â— himself whose substitutes our spiritual superiours be though neuer so mean or contemptible in mannes sight And again S. Paul sayth this obedience must be non solum propteâ— iram sed etiam propter conscientiam not only for feare of punishment but also for conscience that is vnder pain of deadly sinne or of damnation though this wise knight do iest at the phrase which yet is the proper phrase of S. Paul himself in the same place saying qui autem resistuâ— damnationem sibi acquirunt those that resist to obey procure damnation to themselues And this is answere sufficient for so ydle an obiectionâ— that we obey the meanest masse Priest coÌ„ming with authority of the highest in which matter I could teach Sir Francis a spirituall poinâ— of doctrine if he were capable of it and most true to witt that the meaner the substitute is that is obeyed in the name and place of any potent prince or superior the greater honor is donn to the sayd prince or superior and the greater vertue is argued therby to be in him that obeyeth for that he is not induced by any talent or commendation of the sayd substitute to obey him but only for loue
grace to themselues but to mingle also biting stuff now and then wherby to pinch and draw blood of their neighbours so this gentle knight hauing heaped many things together by â—atterie and forging in the beginning of his booke to claw thereby â—he present state prince as in the former two conferences you haue â—een he entereth now vpon a more odious argument to exasperate â—oth the one the other against Catholiques whome he would gladly â—aue destroied if the strength of his hornes were according to the measure of his hatred But he being but a barking beagle among the â—owndes of Huntington though neuer so cruel and bloody mouthed I hope so to rebate his choller before I make an end or at least-wise his force as albeit he barke still yet shall he not much byte nor doe any other effect of moment then discouer the worme of heresie that lyeth vnder his poisoned tongue inciting him to furie and woodnes against Catholiques First then touching perils past by her Maiestie during the reign of Qu. Marie this gentleman writeth thus in recital of the same I hasten to put you in minde of our most blessed and happie delliuerance out of this spirituall pit and thraldom of popery and superstition by ladie Queen Elizabeth as the instrument whose perill and danger before she came to that abilitie to performe this holy woorke among vs I may not pass ouer for by Gods goodnesse only and wholy she was preserued her life being malitiously and with great cunning shot at by the Romish clergie then in place of credit For Gardener that most prowd and bloody monster left no corner of his wit vnsought being wise enough to woorke mischief but set all his skil and cunning awoorke to shorten her dayes and to preuent her by bloody slaughter of her sacred person from euer being our Queen and no reach of man can yeeld me a reason of her doliuerance but the mighty God of power c. In which woords you may see how our poet to make the succes of his feigned comedy more wonderfull and plausible frameth strange misterâ—es and miracles of mil-wheeles deuising mtghtie dangers and mayn perils auoyded without any means humane at all neither is there any reason able to be rendred to him of his riddle as himself affirmeth but I shall indeuoure to solue both the one and the other and that without any miracle by humane reason only if Sir Francis can vnderstand it and now I begin That the state of lady Elizabeth now our Souereign Queen was subiect to diuers suspitions and dangers during the reign of her sister Queen Marie no man of discretion in matter of state will deny or can greatly merueil at for she being the next heir to the crown and her sister hauing no issue nor any great probability euer to haue and furthermore being presumed by many to be inclined to a different religioÌ„ though she shewed it not that all the disconteÌ„ted of that state depended of her and made their recours vnto her as to their rising sun future hope no marueil though she was bad in ielousie especially seeing the often and perilous attemptes of VVyate Courtney the Carews Cobham Throgmorton and the like did seem to leane also that way for I will enter no further to discus those affaires and so did hold both the Queen and state in suspence and care VVhich circumstances what daungers they are wont to bring to future pretenders diuers examples vnder our former kings and lastly that of the Queen of Scots in our days may easily teach vs. But that the life and blood of her grace at that day should be so earnestly malitiously sought after by so many so poteÌ„t men and means as this knight heer and in other places of his booke doth affirm and would haue beleeued to witt by Bishop Gardener then Chancelor by B. Bonner D. Story and al the Catholique clergy by name and furthermore by the King of Spayne himself by all Spanyards by the Queen also then in gouernment consequently by her counsel and nobility with her and by all catholiques together who had power at that day to doe as they thought best and no impediment either at home or from abroad that I know to let them in their â—â—esignments and yet all this notwithstanding that nothing in this affaire so much desired should be effectuated this passeth indeed if it were true all rule of reason and might set Cicero to schoole again who teacheth in his thetoriques for an euident for me of argument that qui potuit facere voluit fecit he that both would and could doe a thing must needs be presumed to haue donn it VVhich yet in this our case holdeth not as it seemeth for that our knight affirming that the parties aforenamed would haue made away the Lady Elizabeth and I assuring that they could yet is it euident that she was not and â—herefore either I am deceiued in their power or he in their willes or some other secret cause must be sought out which he will needs haue to be miracle but I think it not necessary and so shall indeuour to reâ—ell the mistery by way of reason if it may be First then I doe not deny but that the preseruation of Lady Elizabeths life in Queen Maries time may be referred to the prouidence of â—lmightie God as the first and principal cause who aboue our reach â—or reasons to himself best knowne doth dispose of all matters but â—specialy of princes liues and states yet deny I that no secondary or â—mmediate humane causes can be found to haue concurred also with â—his prouidence of God as this our miracle-maker affirmeth for I can â—ecount him diuers causes and those pregnant also and potent which â—id concur in those days to the preseruation of her grace which being most euident and true doe deliuer the case from all such necessity of miracle as this poore knight would perswade vnto vs. And first of all was the age and yong years bewty felicity meekâ—es and other good graces and talents of the princesse her self which â—rought much with all sortes of men but especially with the Spanâ—ardes and other strangers and aboue all with the yong king himself as often his neerest about him at that day haue reported since And namely the Duke of Feria while he was aliue who being then but Count and sent Embassador from the king then lying in Flanders to visit Queen Marie had such earnest and spetiall charge to visit and comfort the L. Princesse Elizabeth immediatly after his Embassage to the Queen that all of the court of England merueiled at it and some perhaps did not greatly like of it and in very deed the yong lady was so extraordinarily fauored and affected by his Catholique Maiestie and all his nobility present with him in England as it is most base barberous ingratitude in this sicophant to deny it now and monstrous inciuility
to accuse them of cruelty in this behalf their affections being so notoriously known to the coÌ„trary in those times and this was one cause and perhaps not the least of her graces safety Secondly was the generall hope that moste men had of her graces being a Catholique as then she bore herself both in woorde deed hearing two Masses among other things euery day one for the quick and the other for the dead and receiuing no seruant lightly into her hows or seruice nor retaining any towards her but with this expresâ— condition and many other signes and arguments that way Thirdly was there a great reason of state that stood mightely also for her graces safety at that tyme in that if she had fayled the next poteÌ„t preteÌ„der seemed the Queen of Scots theÌ„ maried to the Dolphin and heir of France who by this means might haue come to be king of France England and Scotland together which thing many English-men but more Spanish could not abyde to hear of Now then let our miracle-maker tel me whether these be no reasons and whether no reach of man can yeeld him any reason of her graces deliuerance If his reach and insight in matters of state be no greater then this it is no merueil though he be not of her Maiesties counsell though he flatter neuer so deeply for it and thus much may be said of her graces dangers in Queen Maries tyme. Let vs see now what hath happened since This notable calumniator beginneth thus But when this our Soueraigne Lady Q. Elizabeth was fully possessed of this her princelie place and had the roiall diadem and crown with the applause and liking of all true harted English-men both nobles clergie and comons as a due by right belonging vnto her then began Satan to rage and his ministers to fret and chafe I would aske of this Sir knight by whome was Queen Elizabeth put in possessioÌ„ of this her princely place by whose hands helps receiued she this royal diadeÌ„ was it by haÌ„ds of protestaÌ„ts onely or principally or of Catholiques he cannot say of protestants for he nameth also heer the clergie whereof none of the principall that is of the Bishops that had hand in this worke was then a protestant and very few of the nobility far the less parte of the coÌ„monalty now then could these men that were Catholiques fret and chafe so soone to see her Maiesty placed in the crown wherin themselues had willingly and freely placed her aduaunced her crowned her and aâ—ointed her taken her othe of preseruing the lawes and priuileges of â—he realm and sworne fidelity to her agayn These calumniations of this carping knight are but tales of a tub to intertain fools igoraÌ„t â—eople that know not how matters passed at that day But let vs exâ—mine notwithstanding some particulers of the hostilities which he â—lleageth aduising first the reader by the way that if it be honorable â—o her Maiesty now as it is to be named sacred and anoynted as the â—anderer himself seemeth also to take it for that often he vseth the â—ermes this also she hath only and wholy from the Catholiques for â—hat protestants do not vse but rather do iest at the ceremony calling â—t greazing espetially in Priests to whome yet first of al and principalâ—y this sacring and anointing by Gods ordenance was vsed and afterwards to kings and princes by imitation only of Priestly dignity in â—his behalf and these are the benifits her Maiestie hath receiued of Caâ—holiques now to the hurts and perils obiected by this calumniator In the first place he bringeth in D. Story whome he titleth by the â—ame of a blood-sucker as he called before Bâ— Gardener bloody monster for â—ou must note as he is light witted so is he foule mouthed also he â—lleageth against D. Story that he should say in the first parlament when he saw how matters were like to go in religion that if his counsell â—ad bin followed in Queen Maries tyme they had stricken at the roote meaning â—ereby sayth this man the bereauing of our deer Souereign of her life a bloody â—each of a bloody traitor who afterward was brought by a good chance from beâ—nd the seas indited araigned found guiltie and condemned of treason receaâ—ed his iudgment at the seat of iustice and was executed accordingly as he was â—ell worthy at Tiburn and so may all speed that wish to Queen Elâ—zabeth as he â—d Thus far the accuser In which narration three things may be considered first Doctor â—ories woords then the interpretation therof by this accuser and â—irdly the punishment which he suffered for them And in all three â—u shall see more passion then truthe and more rigor then reason â— I be not deceaued wherof let the reader be iudge with inâ—fferency For the woords theÌ„selues they had neuer yet any other proof thâ— they were spoken to my knowledge but only that his enimies affirmed them to make him therby more odious when they had him in their power and desired his destruction For I neuer heard that himâ—self confessed them either in liberty captiuitie at the bar or at his death and that he should not speak them though he had thoughâ— them when Queen Elizabeth was now setled in her crown as this Kâ— affirmeth he being knowen to be wise and no fool all reason may induce vs to think and beleeue seeing they could not serue to any purpose but to his own ruine But let vs suppose secondly that he should speak them say thâ— he was sory they had not strickeÌ„ at the roote of heresie it self in Queen Maries dayes why is it necessarie we should admit the bloody commentarie and heauy exposition only of his enemies and namely oâ— this his malignant accuser who will needs haue him mean by those woords the bereauing of our dear Souereigns life was lady Elizabeth I pray you taken to be this roote of heresie in Queen Maries time being holdeÌ„ by most Catholiques to be no protestant at all as beforâ— I haue shewed why might not D. Storie meane rather if he had spoken those woords of some Bacon some Cecill some Cook somâ— Knoles some ThrogmortoÌ„ some Russel many other like that were knowen protestants in Q. Maries time supporters of others and pâ—â—ctitioners against the present state and yet suffered yea borne out by knowen Catholiques whyle other poor coblers clothiers cariers â— such like were punished at which maÌ„ner of dealing I do coÌ„fesse thaâ— D. Storie being a man of zeal in his religion misliked exceedingly aâ—â— stormed also publiquely one day before the Bishops priuie Councell in a publique consistory for that Councellors also for honours sake and to protect their frends and kinred would needs be inquisitors in that gouernmeÌ„t complaining grieuously of this abuse in somuch as he would needs haue giuen ouer publiquely his office 〈◊〉 Commission in presence of all the rest of the inquisitors and Councellors
together for that some of the sayd Councell had opposed themselues against him about the apprehension of a certain gentleman heretique which he took very vnkindly and then indeed heâ— foretold them freely what would insew of this their partial manneâ— of proceeding Wherby also it is much more probable that his complaint of the root of heresie remaining and not touched was meant rather of the infected nobility and gentry within the land in which number perhaps your brother the Earle and your self also â—id enter then of lady Elizabeth at that day for that in deed she was not the root then nor did the change of religion spring of her principally afterwards but of those other inferior roots which I haue menâ—ioned But yet let vs graunt further for arguments sake that he did speak those woords as a Counseller in those dayes and that they might be wrested by probability also against the lady Elizabeth in Queen Maries time yet do I aske why should they be made treason or punished for such in this Queens raign was not her Maiestie as subiect then and the D. as a Counseller and therby bound to speak freely that which â—he thought surest for his prince and realme at that day it might argue perhaps some lack of tender affection to the lady and yet perhaps not that neither seing the father in such a case doth speak often times against his only sonne or daughter but treason in no rigor right or reason can it make no more then for a Counsellor in this Gouerment of her Maiestie that now is to speak what he thinketh freely about any person that may pretent to the crowne heerafter Wherefore though all this were true which this man aleadgeth as many arguments proue them to be fals yet D. Storie leauing afterward his counâ—rie going ouer the seas either with licence or without when there was no statute to the contrary and being brought home again by force â—nd trechery of a shipman that alured him into his ship and so caried him away all this I say maketh neither treason nor any other trespas of moment in the sight of indiferent men and consequently neither his hasty araignment condemnation and execution vpon his return â—wherof this cruel harted knight triumpheth doth so much proue that he was guilty of great crymes as that he had potent passionate enemies as Christe had before Pilate that by shoots clamors sought his blood by any means whatsoeuer for that he had bin a more zelous catholique then some other of his coat and degree in Queen Maries â—aign foâ— which catholique men think that he is to receiue a great â—rown of glory and fame also eternall vpon earth And so the trial of this matter lyeth stil in the darke to be examined by that great iudge when he cometh to look ouer the iudgments of mortall men and reâ—eal that which is amiss And so much for this matter Next after D. stories affair commeth in the roaring Bull of Pius Quintus with the excomunication of her Maiesty which serueth for a â—ommon bugg against all catholiques euery where as well at barres benches and places of iustice where other particuler and personal accusations do want as also in pulpits schooles sermons books and declamations for making vp the complet furniture of those places still it is so vrged as though all english catholiques must needs be guilty of this fact of the Pope and so be participant also of the offence giuen therby against her Maiestie if any way they beleeue or admit his Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction and authoritie which consequence notwithstaÌ„ding is so apparently fals and cauillous in it self for that all catholiques were not priuie to Pius Quintus his reasons and informations in that behalf and it hath bin so euidently refuted heretofore by diuers most cleer and manifest reasons and treatises that I mean not to stand at this present vpon that point especially with so silly a concurrent as this gentleman is in matter of dispute whose ridiculous proposition in this place that no mortall child of man hath power to dispose of kingdoms or to depose princes or to dispence with subiects for not obeying c. semeth to proceed not only of deep ignorance both in reason and storie but of so base a brest also and seruile a cogitation as if temporal kingdoms were matters of Godhead and immortality And no doubt but if such a knight had liued in Nero or Caligula his time that would needs be Gods he had bin a fit fellow to fal down and adore them and tell the people most religiously with both handâ— held vp to heauen as he doth heer that no mortal childe of man had power to iudge of their doings being great and high princes or to deny them obedience in any matter hauing once sworne obedience in temporal affairs for this is our case heer whether a prince once admitted and established may be towched afterwards or disobeied in any matter or for any cause either of religion or otherwise and that by any mortall childe of man and our tender conscienced knight resolueth the case that he cannot and consequently that the romanes did euill in disobeying such Emperors as would be Gods and other mortal children of men for displacing of their princes once receiued for what cause soeuer for all this enseweth of his fond and heathenish position But let this Prince-idolater that professth to be a great Bible-clark read ouer the four books of kinges and he shal see how many kingdoms were disposed of and princes deposed by mortal children of men and the same alowed also by God himself And in our kingdom of England since it was a monarchie both before and since the conquest he 〈◊〉 haâ— finde very many examples of mutations in like manner made by mortal children of men seing they are now dead that made them which yet he must approue for good and lawful except he will impugne the succession of her Maiestie that now is which is not likely seeing the poore man flattreth so seriously with all the arte and power he can And therfore leauing this matter as ouer long an argument for me to â—andle in this place I shall only consider briefly of three points vpon this his speach that may yeeld sufficient light to the matter in haÌ„d The first is that wheras this accuser affirmeth the Catholiques of England to haue begun to fret and chafe against her Maiestie as soon as she was in full possession of her crown and consequently to practis treasons by the Pope of Rome let it be noted out of our own chronicles what year this Bull of Pius Qinutus came foorth and therby they shall see how many years which were a dozen at the least passed after her Maâ—esties coronation befoâ—e any such thing was attempted by any of the Popes of Rome so as this was not like to proceed of their maligning her Maiesties state and diadem as this
England during the raigne of fourtie yeares notwithstanding â—ll the pressures vexations dishonours rapines slaughters impriâ—onments and deaths which they haue suffered in this space at the hands of Protestantes Puritans and Atheists for their religion VVhich afflictions layd together haue byn more then euer subiecteâ— since England was a monarchie suffered at home in this kynde Now then mark that which followeth If we looke one our own chronicles we shall scars finde any one Princes raigne though oâ— far fewer yeares then this euen when the people were all of one reliâ—gion and none of these afflictions and pressures layd vpon them buâ— that many more commotions troobles and rebellions happened then in this long tyme and among so infinite exasperations haue insued And if we looke vpon the short raignes of king Edward Queen Mary and the parte of king Henryes tyme after alteration in religion there is no comparison And whence cometh all this trowâ— you but of the singuler vertue and vnspeakeable patience of the Catholique subiectes of our tyme vnder her Maiestie that haue liued and suffered all this with gronning only and secret teares without further breach to defend themselues or reuenge ther iniuries And truly when forayn nations do both see and read the bloody list of lawes made against Catholiques and Catholique religion in England within these forrtie yeares and do heare of the rigorous execution of thesame together with the incredible molestations that therby are layed vpon so great and potent numbers of people that lack noâ—â—corage also to aduenture euen to death it self in fauor of their said religion they rest astonished and do wonder how either the countriâ—â— can remayn voyd of continual tumults or the prince free from infinitâ— dayly perils seing that desperation in such matters is the next dore to all extremities especially the persecution beinge so rigorous and violent so vniuersal and exorbitant as infinite people are interessed and touched therby either inmediatly by themselues or in their children seruantes kinsfolkes or frendes whereupon fynallie they do greatly admire as I haue said the modestie patience and longanimitie of the English Catholiques And so much the more for that the Protestant when he is vnder and disâ—auored hath no patience at all but breaketh out continually to most violent tumultes and rebellions If we do consider the deportement of the protestantes in Queen Maries tyme and how euery moneth almost they had either rebellious or new turbuleÌ„t practises against the state and Queen not being ashamed at length also by publique bookes to make all weomen incapable of royal gouernement a man would think this fellow very shameles not to blush to make this discourse agaynst Catholiques so soon after those broiles of his owne people And yet these differeÌ„ces are to be noted in the cause first that Q. Maryes gouernement dured but â—tle more then foure yeares and this of her Maiestie hath donne fourty â—en were the principal protestantes not touched nor pressed but now â—o Catholiques at all is spared they were restreyned only from brining in of nouelties these are forced to renounce their old religioÌ„ that â—om the first coÌ„uersion of the land they and their fathers haue profesâ—ed and vowed to keep they had few or no forrayn princes of their â—eligion round about to geue them courage or assistâ—nce these haue â—e most and strongest in Christendome and yet are quiet and this for England But if we passe our eye beyonde this litle Iland also and consider â—hat reuel these frends of Sir Francis though not of Saynt Francis â—aue made in other countries since the beginning of their innouaâ—ions to witt in Germanie France Flandres Poland Swethland Demnarke and Scotland agaynst their true and lawful princes what â—rmies campes battayles and insurrections what desolation of counâ—ries cities townes and linages they haue caused and what slaughter â—nd hauok of Christian blood they haue procured more impudent and â—idiculous will this clamor and exaggeratioÌ„ of our crowching knight â—eem to be about two earles only that vpon feare of force gathered â—heir seruants neighbours and tenants together and presently fled â—nd of two or three other gentlemen wherof the one was put to death â—or hauing a description of certaynes portes and hauens only found in â—is chamber and for that he had some intelligence with the Queene of Scottes and with Don Bernardin de Mendoza Embassador for the King of Spayne resident in England though nothings els could be â—roued against him the other went beyond the feas for that he could â—ot lyue with his conscience at home and neuer hurted them since And of two earles more committed the one vpon suspition and nothing proued against him that was known before his piteous death which God only knoweth how he came vnto the other for flying first for his conscience out of the realme he beeing taken on the sea and brought back again and after diuers yeares of imprisonment without any further matter layd to his charge was after condemned principally if not onely for a Masse heard or caused to be said in the tower of LoÌ„don which was such a treason as all his noble ancestors would haue byn glad to haue ben coÌ„deÌ„ned for his posteritie may glori that he was for that neuer Earle in England synce it was Christian was euer brought to the bar for such and so glorious and so holy a treason And to conclude all these accusations in deed layd together against English Catholiques are but very tryfles and triuial things that dayly happen in moste quiet peaceable commonwealthes where no man is afflicted by the state at all But that infinite greater and more haynous stirres and breaches haue not bin raysed within the space of fourtie yeares where so deadly differences in religion and so continual persecution against so great a body haue bin in vre this I say as I sayd before that to men of iudgement and indifferencie and of experience in gouernment is a maruelous wonder and a moste famous canonization of the patience magnanimitie and fidelity of English Catholiques and her Maiestie and the realme are happy that they haue such subiects And if they will not beleue me let them but turn the leaf a litle against protestants puritans and other new sectaries and restrain them from their desires and pinch them with persecution but a quarter of that they haue donn to Catholiques and they shall se and feele by experience which kynde of people is more apte to obey or to woork turmoiles and perils to their weal-publique and gouernours And therby also will appear the vanitie and malice of this impertinent and spitefull slanderer who endeth his inuectiue with these woords There is no end saith he with this people their practises are pestilent their perswasions perilous their platforms traiterous and to serue their turn they want not cunning to execute all so violent they are in their vilanies and treasons and so shameles
together for their gaines more then for deuotion which Bishop Gardener seeing and not able to resist he spake his minde plainly touching religion in a sermon before the yong king and councell vpon Saint Peters day which was but fiue moneths after king Edwards raign for which sermon he was sent to the tower the morning after and lay there prisoner all king Edwards time and came not out vntill Queen Marie at her first entrance into the tower of london wheÌ„ she was Queen deliuered him and other catholique prisoners together and how then doth our steel-brow-knight write that Bishop Gardener Hattered both father and sonne and neuer shewed himself in religion vntil both of them were called to their last home and Queen Marie entred the crown let some frend blush for him if he haue not shame to do it himself Againe it is as great an vntruth and as grosse ignorance besydes to say as this man doth that Bishop Gardener and his complices brought in the Spaniard and mached him in mariage with Queen Marie For that euery childe acquaynted with that state knoweth or may learne that Bishop Gardener was of the contrarie part or faction that fauored yong Edward Courtney the Earle of deuonshire and would haue had him to Marie the Queen whome Bishop Gardener had held for his spiritual childe in the tower all king Edwardes tyme. And now the matter was so far forward as the mariage was held for certayne but that the contrarie syde and especially the Lord Paget partly by the acquaintance and credit he had gotten with Charles the Emperor in Flanders during king Edwards tyme and partely for the ielosie he had perhappes of B. Gardeners great affection to the Duke of Northumberland his greatest enemie who in king Edwards reigne had indeuored vtterly to disgrace him they procured I say the said Emperors most earnest and effectual letters to the Queen about her mariage with the Prince of Spayne which they did so vrge to the sayd Queen and with so many argumentes against Courtney espetially that he was neither sound in body nor religion as they got her consent and subscription to the sayd letters of the Emperor And then there was no further dealing to the contrary for that Queen Mary bore such exceeding loue and reuerence to the Emperor Charles her Cosin as she would not fayl in her word geuen to him for all the world VVherby we may imagin what a mortification Bishop Gardener and all the rest of his side that fauored Courtney did receaue by this change of the Queens will and purpose and therby also perceyue the folly and temerite of this rashe accuser who layeth to there charge the bringing in the Spaniard which yet if they had donne or had byn cause of that greatest and most honorable mariage that for many ages hath byn in Christendom and of greatest consequence if issue had followed therof if this I saie bad byn so as it was not why did they betray therin both God the Queen and there countrie as this wise Censurer affirmeth what grownds what reason may there be aleaged of this triple treason God receiued by this mariage the strengthening of his true religon the Queen got the greatest noblest and richest husband that was extant in Europe our countrie got many a thowsaud of Spanish treasure without losse of any as heerafter shal be shewed And wherin then stood this great offence But let vs passe ouer these follies of our knight in matters of state for that perhaps his prayse and skyll is only in armes yet one point more must I examine wherin he condemneth B. Gardener and this is for his sermon made at S. Paules crosse vpoÌ„ the wordes of the Apostle to the Romanes hâ—ra est iam nos de somno surgere It is now high tyme for vs to ryse out of sleep the night hath gone before the day is come c. and the rest that followeth there All which sacred scripture this learned religious knight sayth very peremptorily that it was most prophanely and blasphemously peruerted by the said Bishop and that to bloody purposes which we shal now à litle discusse This famous sermon was preached as I sayd before at Paules crosse after the mariage was celebrated between the King and the Queen who both were present at this speech of the Bishop nowe also hygh Chancelor and there prsent in like maner both Cardinal Poole legate of the sea Apostolique as also the Embassadors of the Emperor french King and other Princes and a marueylous great learned and noble auditorie besydes as euer perhaps was at any sermon in England before or after The Chancelors discourse was how long they had runne astray and byn in darknes of diuision and stryfe among themselues since first king Henry lefte the old troden path of his ancestors kinges and Queenes of England in matters of religion and brake from the vnion of the church of Rome and of other catholique kingdomes round about him and that now it was time to arise out of this sleep and to looke about them And in this discours and sermon the Chancellor vttered two principal thinges among other that greatly moued the whole auditory The first was the hartie and humble accusation of himself for his â—all and consenting to King Henryes will in that booke de vera obedienâ—tia which he did vtter with so great vehemencie of spirit and abundance of teà res as he could not goe forward and was forced diuers tymes to make some pawses which in such an audience especially of strangers also he being the cheefest person of the realme after the prince we may imagin what a temporal shame and confusion it was vnto him and how greatly it would moue the hearers and lookers on to see him make such an accusation of himself willingly of his owne accord without compulsion and with such earnestnes as he did And that there was no fiction or dissimulation in this act of his the end declared for when he fell sick afterward and drew neer vnto his death he desired that the passion of our Sauiour might be redde vnto him and when they came to the denial of Saynt Peter and how after Christe had looked back vpon him he went out and wepte bitterly the Bishop cried out and bid them stay there and see whether his sweet Sauiour wold vouchsafe also to looke back vpon him and geue him some part of Saynt Peters teares for sayth he negaui cum Petro extui cum Petro sed nondum fleui amare cum Petro I haue denied Christe with Peter meaning that subscription to the supremacie of king Henrie I haue gone out with Peter meaning the participatioÌ„ of that schisme but yet I haue not wepte bitterly with Peter so bitterly as I should do and by often repetition of those woordes and asking God sorgeuenes with cryes and syghes he intertayned himself vntill great floodes of teares came downe vpon him and so gaue vp the
controuersie yet might he speake his mynd playnly being in the place and dignitie he was when occasion should be offered which I shall indeuour to expresse more cleerly â—y the example following In a great and noble house where there are many children of the â—elf same parentes if those parentes do come to breach and to fall out â—etween them selues what can the children do but besorowfull and â—ent and sigh at such contentions without taking willingly any â—arte for that they loue feare and reuerence both the parties that â—â—e fallen at debate for which respect also they dare not so much as to â—terpose ther iugdmentes and censures in the controuersie except they â—â—e forced and especially they onger sorte of children who be fitter to â—eepe and morne such contentions then to determine them with â—heir verdict yet it is not so altogether with the elder brethren that â—eing come to mannes estate learned and wise seing the breach to grow greater daylie between their sayd parentes and superious haue authoritie and right to speake more freely then the rest And not only to intreat for peace but to interpose also their iudgmentes though euer with due reuerence to both partes as wel in the question de iure as de facto that is to saie not only to iudge and discerne where the greater authoritie or higher preeminence of commanding lyeth by right either in the one parent or other in the father or in the mother but also in the particular fact about which they fell out to wit who had more reason then the other or who was most in fault which second point is much more hard hatefull subiect to offence then the first yet may discreet louing childreÌ„ say their opinion also in that behalf wheÌ„ need requireth without breach of dew respect dutie Euen so then standeth the case in this our controuersie Her Maiestie being our Queene is therby also a mother and norisheth vs her subiectes as a carefull parent the Bishop of Rome to al catholique men of the world is their spiritual father that hath principal care of their soules by Gods commission and for such hath he euer byn taken and is at this day in all the catholique states and kingdomes of Spayneâ— Franceâ— Italyâ— Germanie Pooland and other prouinces that hold the ancient beleef of Christendome And so hath he byn held also by all our ancesters kinges and Queenes cleargie and temporaltie of England for aboue a thousand yeares together But now our sayd two parenteâ— are fallen at debate for which all their Catholique subiectes who are children to them both are hartelie sorie and do lament the case all sortes of people commonly both lay men preestes within England do hold their peace and sobbe at the matter as yonger children and do only attend to praie to God for their good attonement and so do the rest also that are abroad in other nations But yet if doctor Sanders doctor Bristow doctor Stapleton doctor Allen and such lyke that are men of greater learning antiquitie and iudgment and elder brethreâ— among the rest if these men I say do put in their iudgmentes concerning this controuersie of their parentes as wel de iure as de factoâ— that is do tell first what authoritie and iurisdicton either temporal oâ— spiritual each one of these two parentes and superiors haue wherin they are or ought to be subordinate the one to the other and secondly de facto ipso if the falling out it selfe do insinuate where and by whome the cause of this breach and discord was first or principally offered and which parte hath most fault in this contention and disagreement if they do this I saie as any subiect may do in any other Catholique kingdome of the world without offence in lyke controuersies between his prince and the Pope why should this acte be made so haynous a cryme by this our skolding knight as to call so worthy a man as our late Cardinal was an archtraytor a tugling compagnion a shameles dissembling lyer that villanously stuffeth his booke with blasphemous slanders diuelish persuati ns and impudent lyes agaynst her Maiestie Let all men iudge of this mannes immodestie THE FIFTH INCOVNTER ABOVT IESVITES AND FATHER Persons in particuler vvhether they seeke the Queens blood as Sir Francis affirmeth FOR the grownd and foundation of all that is to be examined and discussed in this conference and incounter I shal first set down the accusation of Sir Francis in his own woords which are these that insew I do not heare sayth he that the Popes holinesse is so purged from ambition or so reconciled to religion as he meaneth not to continew his clayme for the Supremacie or will cease to setle the dreâ—ges of his poyson and superstitious doctrine among vs. I cannot perceiue that the thirst of Parsons and his pew fellowes is yet quenched for seeking the blood of our deare Souereigne and in her the destruction of vs all the cause remayning still for which heertofore they haue sought it c. This is the knightes narration or rather calumniation fraught as you see with his ordinarie tearmes of dregges poyson and bloodshed with which his accustomed knightly speach is wont to be â—awfed Wherin so much as concerneth the Popes holinsse sbalbe considered of more amply afterward in a perticuler conference that we are to haue about his holinesse actions authority and iurisdiction Now only is to be noted the fond and ridiculous manner of Sir Francis fantastical writing telling vs very grauely that he doth not yet hear for belyke the poore man doth much hearken after it that the Popes holinesse is so purged yet of ambition or so reconciled to protestants religion as he meaneth to leaue of his old clayme of spiritual Supremacie ouer England or his indeuoring to setle Romish doctrine among vs for I omit willingly the tearmes of dregges and poyson as more fit and proper to Sir Francis dish who feedeth vpon so many old heresies condemned for poysoned dregges by Gods Catholique churche for so many ages past and this tale of Sir Francis is no lesse ridiculâ—â—â— and childish then if he should say to any temporal prince or to the Queen of England her self that he seeth not her Maiestie so purged yet from ambition as to leaue of her claym of commaundry ouer all her tealm or of setling iustice in her name throughout her dominions for that no lesse proper and essential to the Popes office and state is Ecclesiastical Supremacie ouer all christian nations in Ecclesiastical matters as after more particulerly shalbe proued then to her Maiestie the commaundrie ouer England in temporal affaires And as to her Maiestie by vertue of her royal authoritie it apperteineth and incumbeth to setle and mainteyn iustice throughout her realmes so to the Popes pastoral and Apostolical authoritie is annexed the obligation of preaching and setling his doctrine by himself or others throughout all Christian states and
Elizabeth then those which you presume catholiques to haue for that the thinges which you imagin catholiques do wish as restoring of masse and catholique gouernment and the like may stand with her Maiesties life raigne securitie and prosperitie if it would please almightie God to inspire her to admit them euen as they haue stood with the honor and prosperitie of all her noble ancestors Kings and Queenes of our realme before her but your wishes cannot preuaile but with her ruine if they be such as may be presumed But as I sayd I wil not vrge you in this behalf what you would wish nor is there any well gouerned common wealth in the world in my opinion that vrgeth men vpoÌ„ suche vayne poyntes of inward wishes and secret cogitations or desyres The Turke doth it not vpon the Christians that are vnder him nor Christian Princes vpon Iewes that dwell in their states nor the king of Spayne vpon the Moriscos that liue in his kingdomes nor the Emperour king of France king of Polonia or other Catholique monarches vpon the Lutherans Swinglians Caluinistes or other sectes that are tolerated in their states Only this barbarous knight of ours contrarie to all reason and humanitie would haue it vrged vpon catholiques in England what they wish and what they desire where notwitstanding if the same should be inforced against all persons that any way be discontented in court or countrie in their hartes would wish perhaps some alteration who seeth not but that as in other common-wealthes so especially and aboue others in ours where so many diuisions and dissentions do raigne as wel by reason of religion as otherwise many thowsand â—nward sores and vlcers would be discouered that now lye hidden and is expedient that so they should remayn notwithstanding the ridiculous folly or rather furie of this frantik man in persuading contrarie Let vs see now his third chardge against recusantes touching their dissimulation as he calleth it his woords are these in most odious manner set down These ciuil honest men sayth he that vnder pretence of conscience rebel agaynst God in religion and refuse to yeeld a loyal obedience to their liege Lady and Soueraigne seem to carry a most lamentable resolution lurking in their bosomes against Queen countrie and vs all when they wil seek the life of their and our Queen the thraldom of their and our countrie and the ruine of vs all that professe the ghospell to haue their popish Priesthood and Massing sacrifice vp again And if this be conscience I know not what conscience meaneth and yet this conscience they fetch from Rome c. To answere first to that which is heer last if we should graunt this great absurditie that Sir Francis Hastinges knoweth not what conscience meaneth either in nature and definiton or in practise and feeling what great inconuenience would follow therof trow you for as for the definition of conscience it were easie I suppose to pose Sir Francis seeing that his bringing vp hath bin rather in court and hawking then in schooles and studying And for practise or feeling of conscience how little sence he hath there needeth no other argument but onely this slanderous libel stuffed with such monstrous lyes and calumniations as no man of any conscience would euer haue set downe were he neuer so different in matters of religion Nay truly it may be doubted whether easily there might haue bin found any so careles or conscienceles an atheist about London that so resolutely for any bribe would haue accused so many worshipfull honest ciuil men as himself confesseth the recusant catholiques of England to be which is so much as any ciuill common-wealth can requier of their citizens as this man doth and that of most hainous crimes of trecherous falshood disloyal dealing and wicked treasons to their prince of lameÌ„table lurking resolutioÌ„s in their bosomes agaynst Queen and countrie and of seeking the life of the one and thraldom of the other and all this vpon so vayn and light suppositions as you haue hearde before which yet he would haue so constantly to be beleeued of all men as that the said recusantes notwithstanding his owne former testimonie of their ciuil good life must be condemned for the catalines of the land and out castes of the comon-wealth for to Cataline and his compagnions he compareth them in the end of his inuectiue in these wordes VVe maie well say of them as Tullie sayd of Cataline the conspiratour in one of his orations that in all or most of these happie yeares of her Maiesties most prosperous and peacable gouernment there hath byn no trayterous practise agaynst her person or our countrie but it came alwaies from them and by them whome neither shame of their villanies nor feare of punishement nor any sound reason out of Gods booke nor yet the rule of true Christian policie could withold from pursuing their trayterous purposes and practâ—ses And to see or heare that the royal person of our Souerayne lady was in danger was pleasing to them As contrarywise the newes of her happie escape was irk some So that where there is only the bare sense of a true English haâ—t these popish recusantes cannot bewitche or deceyue with their hypocritical holinesse or ciuil honestie and so I leaue them Though you wil leaue them Sir hoatespur in this your choler yet mean I not to leaue either them or you vntil this matter be better examined And first in this inuectiue if we take away railing speach without proof there is nothing added to that you haue scolded before against the recusantes And if in the rest we consider how you stammer stil at the good opinion of Catholiques fained holinesse and ciuil honest lyf a hard bone as it seemeth for you to disgest there is much to their praise and commendation in this your accusation But yet to shift off this matter and to bring in contempt the persuasion of their good life and to induce men not to make account thereof and much lesse to be bewitched as your phrase is by the same you require the sense only of a true bare English hart to resist this witchcraft of perswading by good woorkes and what you mean by a bare english hart to serue you in this conflict I know not except it be som hard heathenish hart as strong as flint to resist the knockes of all Gods motions and as bare of all piety remorse and conscience as yours seemeth to be to which also if you do adde the English cutte as hartes go there for the most parte among protestantes at this day and furthermore if it be so truely and barely English as it hath seen no other countries nor knowen other paradice then English earth nor thought of other blisse then with you is comonly treated and that it be as seruilly tyed to oxen and steeres and other temporal base comodities as your soule sheweth it self to be And that
English nation as Sir Francis sayth here of the Spaniardes or to take a comparison from himself if one English knight of a noble familie haue byn so madheaded as to make a fantastical booke stuffed with ignorances lyes and calumniations is it reason that foraine nations should iudge hereby thar all our knightes and nobilitie of England are so fond and frantik and haue so litle respect to their honours and credit as he I trow no. VVherfore as concerning the Spanish nation in general no such preiudice or slanderous rule can be geuen as this malignant spirit setteth downe for that they are in this poynt as other nations be where all sortes of people may be found some bad and many good and if comparisons may be made without offence for that comparisons are odious in such affayres between nations no nation in Europe hath more cause to glorie and geue God thankes for his giftes abundantly powred vpon them both natural moral and Diuyne temporal and spiritual for tymes past and present then the Spanish who haue a countrie both rich ample fertile and potent and praysed in scripture it self a people able and apt in respect both of wit and body to attayne to any thing they take in hand as in old tymes appeared by the most excellent Emperours Traian Theodosius the great and some other of that nation that surpassed all the rest as also by their famous learned men in ancient tymes Seneca Lucan Martial and others when they were yet heathens Osius Damasus Leander Isidorus Orotius and such lyke old renowmed Christians both for learning sanctitie by their most famous martyrs in lyke manner Saynt Laurence Saynt Vincent and many others and in our age he that will consider after their valiant deliuering of themselues out of the handes and captiuitie of the mores that inuaded and oppressed their countrie what Christian Zelous Princes Kinges Emperours Captaynes Knightes famous soldiers they haue yeelded to the world and do yeeld daylie and what store of singular learned writers do appeare from thence from tyme to tyme what countries they haue conquered by the sword and how many millions of soules they haue gayned to Christ by preaching his word in diuers and most remote partes of the world all these thinges I say put together do make ridiculous and contemptible this malignant description set downe by Sir Francis whose spetial hatred agaynst them is founded in that which of all other commendations is their greatest to wit their constancie and zeale in defence of the catholique religion for which probablie God hath so greatly exalted them alredy aboue other nations of Europe will do more daylie if they continue that feruour in defending his cause notwithstanding any other humane infirmitie or defect in lyfe that as to men of what nation soeuer may happen which our merciful lord in regard recompence of the other rare vertues of zeale iustice constancie and feruor in his cause will pardon no doubt and geue grace of true amendement and rising agayne whyle the prating heretique that scornfully sitteth downe to score vp other mens synnes shall walk for his owne to his eternal habitation prepared in hel for that his one malitious and obstinate sinne of heresie if it may be called one prepondereth with Gods iustice more greeuously then all other infirmities and sinnes put to gither which catholique men do or may commit of humane frayltie And thus much of this poynt may suffice for if I should ad to this the ancient loue and amitie of the Spanish nation towardes vs in tymes past the large leagues that England hath held with them heretofore the great wealth and gaynes we vsed to gather and reape by their trafique the noble and bountefull Queens of that linage maried into England which aboue all others taken from forayne countries haue byn most gratefull and beneficial to our land and people the exceeding charitie of the present king and of his whole nation shewed to our English catholiques abrode in this long tyme of bitter banishment persecution for their faith these thinges I say if I should repeat or set out at large would perhaps help nothing to the argumeÌ„t we haue in haÌ„d but rather geue offence tymes standing as they do and therfore I recount them not in particular but leaue them to be considered with pietie gratitude by such as are indifferent in these dayes and to be recorded in the honorable monumentes of our posteritie And so hauing answered thus much about the iniurie offered to the Spanish nation by Sir Francis in general I will passe to the approbrious speaches vsed personally agaynst their present famous and noble king once also ours with such indignitie of vnciuil and most reprochfull termes as is not sufferable And if any of the sayd kinges subiectes were to answere our knight in this demand he would cast him his gauntlet and geue him the lye and chalenge him to the defence of so notorious calumniations and therby proue him either a lying or cowardly knight or both His ordinarie termes of the most excellent most Catholique king Philip are these the ambytious king of Spayne the vsurping tyrant the proud popish champion trecherous cursed cruel and the lyke all which vyces the world knoweth â—nny herself being witnes that his Catholique Maiestie is most free of and is indewed abundantly with the opposite vertues wherof no nation hath had better proof then England by the experience we had of his sweet nature coÌ„dition both in princely behaueour pious gouernment during the few yeares he liued amongst vs ruled ouer vs which tyme notwithstaÌ„ding of his being in EnglaÌ„d this malitious sycophant will needes calumniate draw into suspition of great mysteries of iniquitie meant by him as he sayth agaynst EnglaÌ„d English people by meanes of that ioyfull mariage gouernmeÌ„t which there he had If you will geue me leaue sayth he to call to your remembrance the manner and meaning of his coming into England when he came not as an inuader to conquer but as a frend to fasten a strong league of amitie by a mariage I doubt not but to discouer the trecherous crueltie of his hart This is Sir Francis promisse and you shall see after you haue gyuen him leaue how wisely he will performe the same and how substantially he will declare vnto vs the kinges intention or at least his own inuention But before I set downe his discouerie vnder his owne hand I shall declare a litle the state of thinges whyles the Spaniards were in Queen Maries dayes in England and how the king did actually beare himself by testimonie of all those that knew him conuersed with him or lyued vnder him And then shall Sir Francis tell his tale of that he imagineth or faigneth the king would haue don in tyme and before we both haue ended I beleeue that in steed of this discouerie promised of the trecherous crueltie of
had this intention to get the kingdome as he sayth for if it were a mature deliberation and consulted also with his counsel in England as this discouerer sayth then some act and monument belike is extant to testifie the same or at leastwise some witnes or other firm argument fit to prouè it or if not how could the true harted English-man know it in Spayn and write it to the Nobles of England Or with what face can our rash and falstongued English knight professe to know it now and to wryte it so confidently Shall so great so greeuous so haynous a slander against so mightie so munificent so bountiful a Monarch passe out to the world vpon a bare assertion and malignant interpretation of one English hastie-hote-spurre that sheweth malice in euery syllable and turneth euen the kings loue and fauours to our nation his expences and benifits towards our people vnto a deceitful meaning And vpon that without other act of hostilitie on his parte appearing shall he be called ambitious and proud vsurping tyrant VVho seeth noâ— that this fellow in steed of discouering the kings malice bewrayeth his owne and in place of prouing the king an vsurping tyrant doth shew himself a shameles sicophant But let vs see what effects he sayth had like to haue ensued vpon this deuised designment of the king If once sayth he this king had obtayned the crown then as in the letter of discouerie is layd open the council table must be filled with his Councelors the hauen townes must be possessed with gouernours of his appointing fortifications must be made by his direction soldiars of his owne must be placed in garrison at places most fit to strength him self then must the common lawes of this land be altered by which iustice is truly taught to all sortes his vnholy and bloody inquisition would be not haue fayled also to bring in with all other his Spaynish lawes and ordinances sutable to the same their intolerable taxes we must haue byn pestered withall a taste wherof I will here geue you c. These are the seuen deadly sinnes which Sir Francis inforceth out of his Spanish letter as certayne to haue insued if the king had gotten the crowne which yet whyles he had the crowne did not insue as the world knoweth for that they were prouyded for before hand by the councel nobilitie and parlement of England and by all lykelihood would haue byn foreseen and prouided for also by the same prouidence of the realme if euer motion or cogitation had bin among them to passe the crowne to the king of Spayn seing Sir Francis confesseth that this matter was ment to be wrought not by force but by sweet meanes and benifites and by allurement of the nobilitie by his Maiestie Most fond therfore or forged is this letter from the true harted man in Spain who suggested feares already preuented but much more ridiculous is he in setting down certain monstrous bugges of taxes to be imposed vpon the English nation which yet by all probability were neuer though vpon nor past by mannes imagination though most childishly he avowcheth that they are payed also in Spain For thus he writeth A taste wherof of these intolerable taxes I will giue you sayth Sir Francis as that for every chimney and other place to make fier in as ouens fornaces Smiths forges and such others a frinch crown was yearly paid to him He had also powling pence for all manner of corn bread beef mutton capons pigges geese hennes ducks chicken butter cheese egges aples peares nuttes beere wine and all other things whatsoeuer he feedâ—th vpon yea no farmer yeo-man or husband-man durst eat a capon in his house if his frend came to him for if he did it must cost him six shillinges eight pence though the capon was not worth twelue pence and so toties quoties and these be the benifits and blessings that this catholique king sought to bring in hether by his absolute authoritie sought for If a man did not see these things written and printed with Sir Francis Hastinges name vnto them he would neuer imagin a man of his name howse and calling would publish such childish toyes and manifest vntruthes to the world For who is there that hath trauailed Spain as many English-men haue donne in these our dayes which knoweth it not to be an open shameles lye that for euery place to make fyer in as ouen fornace and the like a french crown is to be payed In the kingdoms of Castil and Andaluzia there is no such paiments at all in Aragon and Catalonia there is some like tribute instituted by old kinges before these states were vnited to the crowne of Castile but neither is it so much as this wise man setteth downe nor do they pay for euery place of making fyer but one onely fyer is accounted to one howshold though the people haue twenty fyers within it Touching his powling pence vpon thinges that are solde there is in the foresayd kingdomes of Castile an old rent of the crowne instituted by ancient kinges called Alcaualla conteyning a certayne tribute vpon thinges that are solde and bought but this tribute is not payd in all Spaine and namely not in Biscay Nauar Portugal Aragon Catalonia nor in the kingdom of Valencia and much lesse in forayne kingdomes and states vnder the Spaniardes as Naples Sicilia Sardinia or Mâ—llan Nor in Castillia it self is it exacted with the rigor that this fellow forgeth but euerie towne and cittie agreeth in great for this tribute by the yeare nor doth it descend to such minute thinges as he recounteth vp and much lesse to beere wherof there is litle vse in Spayne the simple fellow would needes faine his account after the English manner but among other toyes the lye of six shillinges eight pence forfeyture for eating a capon toties quoties is so notorious as it may winne the whetstone and the verie phrase it self discouereth the forgerie for that the Spaniardes haue no coyne answering to our noble or six shillinges eight pence consequently it is not probable that they would appoynt such a penaltie as they can hardly in whole money make vp the account But let vs see somewhat more of this kynde of cosinage My author sayth he doth further vnfold this kinges trecherous purpose towardes this land by discouering vpon his owne knowledge and hearing his intention to be by litle and litle to roote out the nobilitie and to keep the commons in beggerie and not to suffer one to lyue here that was borne in twentie yeares before but either to destroy them or to make them slaues among the Moores the colour wherof was because they were borne out of the Catholique churche of Rome And to make vp the measure of all impietie and the faster to set his crowne vpon his head from remouing if he had gotten it he layd his plot to destroy our deare Soueraigne ladie Queen Elizabeth hauing
decreed with himself that neither she nor any of that cursed nation so he termed it and yet the Popes holines had absolued it should gouern England any more But blessed be God who hath blessed vs with the lyfe and raigne of our blessed Queen who I trust shall liue to geue him such a deadly blow as neither his cursed self nor any of his cursed nation iustly so to be called because the Pope that cursed man of sinne hath blessed them shall euer see the day to rule in England And thus you see that vnder the colour of this mariage saluation of soules seemed to be sought for but in deed destruction both of our bodies and soules was pursued c. for without regard of sex age or degree all were destined to slauerie and bondage at the least howsoeuer they escaped with lyfe This is your sottish and impudent narration Sir Francis for what can be more sottish then to say that your wyse author before named discouereth vpon his owne knowledge and hearing that the kinges intention was to roote out the nobilitie to oppresse the commonaltie to slea or send to Barbarie for slaues all that were born within twentie yeares before If your author knew this of his owne knowledge how say you also by hearing and if he heard it of others how could he know it of his owne knowledge But whatsoeuer you say how could he in Spayne discouer so great a secret that lay in the kinges brest in England Besydes this how incredible are the thinges in themselues that he recounteth namely that dreame or old wyues tale of making all slaues within twenty yeares old of which number and within which age he had taken diuers already into his seâ—uice in England and vsed singular curtesie vnto them and one of his Grandes in Spayne to wit the Count after Duke of Feria had maried an English ladie that as I ghesse was within the compasse of that age or not much aâ—boue it at that day and should all these haue byn sent think you to Barbarie together Impudencie then it is in this fond knight to alleage such improbable and palpable lyes out of an author without name and much more lack of shame is it to auouch them himself for truthes and to adde other fables that are yet more monstrous as of the kinges destining to slauerie bondage not only those before mentioned that were borne within the space of twentie yeares but of all other English also as this man sayth without regard of sex age or degree and that he vsed to call our nation cursed euen then when the Popes holines had absolued it who will geue eare or credit to such absurd inuentions And further to fill vp sayth he the full measure of his impietie he had layd his plot to destroy and make away the lady Elizabeth now Queen wheras all the world notwithstanding knoweth the king to haue byn at that day her cheefest stay and defence as before I haue shewed at large in the third incounter as also that verie litle plotting of the kinges behalf would haue serued at that tyme to haue wrought his will if he had wished her destruction for the manifold reasons that there I haue alleaged he fynding her in disgrace and in prison at VVoodstock when he came into England and hardly pressed about wyats insurrection from the peril wherof and other lyke assaultes he espetially deluiered her and procured her return to the courte agayne and consequently I sayd there and heer I repeat it agayne that it is most barbarous ingratitude in this vnciuil knight to pay the carefull protection of her person which his Maiestie yealded to her grace in those dayes of her distresse with these intolerable slanders and outragious false criminations now and that no modest man can cease to wonder how so infamous a libel could be suffered by supreme authoritie to passe to the print espetially conteyning diuers other personal reprochefull contempteous and villanous calumniations agaynst so great and potent a prince as the king catholique of Spayne is And namely that where this good fellow hauing told a story how one Fabritius the Roman Captayne refusing the poysoning of his enemie Pirrhus that was offered to him for money by his physitian he sent the sayd physitian bound to Pirrhus himself and then he addeth this illation But the king of Spain delt not so with the Queen our mistris when her poysonable portugall phisitian Lopus would haue poysoned her for from such hopes he taketh hart c. By which wordes he would haue men to imagin that his catholique Maiestie had either hired Lopus to do that fact if any such matter was indeed intended or at least that he was priuie consenting to it for how otherwise could he haue warned the Q. of the danger intended and yet it is manifest that no such matter was euer or could probably be knoweÌ„ to the king of Spain Neither did euer Lopus giue any such signification or suspition at his death or before of the king of Spaines priuitie nor was he a man to haue correspondence in Spayn being knowen to be a Iew in religion fled from those parts and was enimy to the king in all respects as wel touching religion as the afaires of Portugal and onely England is the receptacle of such people at this day nor had his catholique Maiestie any Embassador or other agent or correspondence in England to plot such treaties nor euer was it heard that he would hearken to such base wayes of reuenge vpon his enimyes And therefore all this put together doth make it more then Turkish impietie to put in print such infamous stuffe agaynst the Maiestie of so high a prince by name without any proof at all as though there were no God no conscience no iudgement to make account vnto nor any respect in earth to be held to such as are in lawful authoritie which yet our dreaming knight himself alitle before will needes proue out of Sâ— Peeter and S. Paul to be due to such princes as he liketh to assigne it euen in spiritual and ecclesiastical matters belonging to the soule and consequently also to an other tribunal so vnconstant and mutable are these good fellowes not only in their sayinges and doctrines but also in their actions as led wholy by passion and interest and referring all to times persons and occasions seruing their turnes and commodities And thus much haue I thought conuenient to be answered to the malitious calumniations of this slaÌ„derous wach-word-giuer against the noble and renowned nation of Spanyardes and their most Catholique pious wise and potent king whose excellent vertues are greater then by my pen can be expressed and his loue and fauors to our nation such and so many especially in this extreme affliction and banishment of catholiques as no gratitude of ours can equal nor make due recompence in the state we stand in and therefore must leaue it
to our posteritie And albeit for the present there be warres and hostilitie between our nation and our prince and theirs and that especially in respect of religiō yet our trust is our prayers are cōtinually to our euerlasting God of peace that he will once finish well that controuersie to all our comfortes and benefites And in the mean space I do presume so much of the good natures and ciuilitie of most protestants in England that they alow not of such bitter and barbarous proceeding as Sir Francis Hastinges hath vsed to his owne discredit and dishonor of our nation in these malignant calumniations against so modest a prince In which respect also I haue bin somwhat the bolder to giue him his check with more freedom and feruor I pray God it may do him the good I wish or at least keep others from being deceiued by him THE REMISSION OF THE VVHOLE ANSVVER TO THE IVDGEMENT and arbitrement of the Lords of her Maiesties most honorable Councel vvith the ansvverers opinion and petition for the ending of these dissentions and controuersies ANd now right honorable hauing brought to an end so much as I thought expedient to be answered at this tyme to Sir Francis Hastinges iniurious libel none occurred more fit vnto me to haue the first sight and view and iudgement of the whole then your Lordshippes who though in the controuersie it self between him and his and vs and ours I cannot expect to haue you equall iudges nor indifferent arbiters you professing the religion you do yet in the manner of prosecution thereof I presume so much of the good partes that God hath indued your Lordshippes withall as I dare remit the arbitrement to your selues to whome if this rayling wachword had byn first presented before it was punished as in right it ought to haue byn you being by office the wachmē of that commonwealth and not Sir Francis who intrudeth himself I think verely that either it had byn wholy stopped and repressed or at least wise so moderated as it should not haue geuen the offence that it hath and will do for vnto graue men such troblesome sticklers as these are euer commonly and ought to be vngratefull and suspected and vnto wise Councelours and honorable persons such rayling and slanderous tongues are contemptible odious and to all good natures and ciuill conditioned men be they of what estate or profession soeuer such base detractions and contumelious fictions as heer you haue heard are insufferable and rather seuerely to be punished then any way to be permitted But yet so much the more in this case of ours where the iniurie is not offered only to your owne home-born subiects whome yet in all rightful quarrel your place requireth that you protect and defend but also to great and potent anoynted princes with whome you haue had and may haue again most honorable freindship heerafter and negotiation in important and weightie afaires whose honors you ought not to permit iniuriously to be violated by the passion and rage of any particuler man which cannot after make recompence with any humane abilitie that he hath though his life also should go therin for the hurt ensewing therof Diuers authors do note that the cheef flame of that furious hatred which grew to be implacable afterwardes betwixt Marius and Sylla Pompey and Caesar in the Roman commonwealth was inkindled first by certayne opprobrious speaches vttered by some followers of those Princes which yet the parties iniured interpreted to come from their patrons that bare them out and therof followed such warres murthers and other lamentable tragedies as all the world can wel remember And our English chronicles do also make mention that some reprochfull wordes cast out by King Harold agaynst Duke VVilliam of Normandy and his daughter whome he had promised to take to wyf stirred him cheefly to make that fatal armie by which he conquered England and brought all the English nation in to his subiection As also an other scof vttered by king Phillip of France against the same VVilliam now king touching his fat belly cost France full dear and many thowsand men their lyues of both sides so impacient are princes comonly of contumelyes and do easier remit and forget any other kinde of iniurie then reprocheful speaches VVherfore my first petition to your Lordships wisedome and moderation should be to restraine such turbulent spirits as those are which more of a mad and malitious kinde of wantonnes then of wit do loose their tongues with ouer much libertie against the honors of mightie Catholique princes abrode and thereby do put in aduenture to trooble the waters of common-wealthes more deeply then either themselues or others can easily calm again afterwards My next desire and humble supplication should be in the same matter but of far more moment that your Lordships by this occasion and by some fit concurrance of times and busines which at this present may seeme to offer themselues would voutsafe to enter more seriously into the consideration of matters depending between your Lordships and the Catholique parte of her Maiesties subiects who for many yeares haue had a hard conceyt and heauie hand born ouer them and are brought to tearmes of extreme affliction and that your Lordships as fathers of your common-wealth would resolue at length to be mediators vnto her Maiestie contemning the dangerous and seditious eggings of vnquiet spirits to further extremitie for some more gentle milde merciful course to be taken with them Vnto which resolution me thinketh that many circumstances might iustly moue your Lordships wisdomes which though by the same wisdome you wil better consider of then I yet for that it may be I desire it more then you and consequently haue more thought thereon albeit more for your good also and the publique then for any particuler interest of myn owne I shal with your good leaue represent some before you in this place And first of all the time it self doth seeme to inuite greatly to som such cogitation when great princes and monarchies round about vs that had greater differences and difficulties then these are haue not only treated but concluded also a most honorable peace and frendship and the great most Christian King of France shewing himself worthie of that name hath remedied the very roote of al calamities springing to his noble realme before by returning to the vnion of the Apostolique sea of Rome which sea as commonly it falleth out hath byn the principal meanes of this so great and general a good to all those nations that are included within that peace and league which are many and great as by the articles thereof doth appeer And no lesse curteously and honorably is her Maiestie inuited also to the same and all that desire the true good both of her person state and crowne do wish and hope that it may take effect And truly neuer could this weightie afaire be treated as it seemeth with
more honor or facilitie then at this present instant times and matters standing as they do and so fit a meanes and mediator as is the mightie king of France occurring for the purpose potent and grateful with all the extremes For with England and her Maiestie he cannot but be so in respect of matters and frendships past with Spain he is also to be presumed now by meanes and vertue of this new peace and great league concluded with his holinesse of Rome all christendome knoweth him to be as well in respect of his being a catholique as also for many particuler and extraordinary tokens of loue which his holinesse hath shewed towards his person The persons also and qualities of the parties with whome this atonement is or were to be treated are such as do greatly facilitate the enterprise and confirme the hope that all men haue of good successe For if for many ages God haue placed in the seat of Saynt Peeter a meek milde sweet and holy man this Pope Clement the eight is one knowen to be a man without gawle enmitie wrath or reuenge of singuler pietie zele in Gods cause and most tender harted towards them that are out of the way especially in heresy of whome he suffereth diuers with his owne particuler licence to come to Rome and to his owne presence and vseth them with all manner of curtesie and fatherly tendernes dismissing them again with much kindenes and diuers benefits as by experience we haue seene As for the king Catholique of Spain who knoweth him not to be Salomon pacificus that peaceable and wise Salomon of this our age who not only hath bin peaceable in himself during the time of his so long a gouernment offering molestation and warre to none except prouoked in his owne defence but also hath kept diuers other states round about him in peace likewise as by those of Italy hath bin manifestly seen vpon diuers occasions and as for his facility to make peace where any reasonable conditions are offered it hath bin sufficiently seen in this lastly made with France with restoring of so many important townes and states which he possessed of that crown and for his constancie in keeping peace once made all former times of his raigne haue giuen testimony and so will this I doubt not and the future time also in preseruing inuiolably this peace now knit vp with the king most christian and his alyes and dependants So as with neither of these princes is there any cause of dout either of great difficultie or of fraud or of breache if this treatie might be concluded and much lesse of the dutifull behaueour of English Catholiques both at home and abrode if it please her Maiestie and your Lordships to come to some moderation and peaceable manner of proceding with them In which poynt their first and highest desire should be that almightie God would inspire her Maiestie and your Lordships to think vpon the honorable godly and prudent course which the most Christian king of France hath taken of late to wit by reâ—â—iting himself and his kingdome agayne with the sea Apostolique of Rome mother of all true vnion among Christians for that by this act only all difficulties and ielousies both domestical and forrayn depending of religion were ended taken away But if for our sinnes this cannot be or not so soone as is desired then their humble petition will be that at least they may haue the same libertie and fauour in England for their consciences as Protestantes haue in France and in other states of the Empire at this day vnder catholique kinges and Emperours which petition seemeth so reasonable so easie and so profitable to the realme it self and so honorable to her Maiestie and to your Lordships who are desired to be mediators therin as they verely trust that by this good occasion you will not deny to lend them your helping hands for so publique and pretious a benefyte in all respectes And though I do not doubt but that diuers of S. Francis Hastings hote humor will step vp agaynst this proposition and cry rather fyre and sword and blood agaynst Catholiques then any toleration or relaxation yet other mennes hope is that your Lordships and others of the wiser and grauer sort of the realme will consider and suggest to her Maiestie what reason and humanitie requireth and not what the furious passion of those men demandeth who cease not to exclame with the mercilesse Iewes Crucifige Crucifige and further also would be content for satisfying their malice so they might obtayne lyke sentence of iniustice agaynst Catholiques as the Iewes did agaynst our Saueour espetially if they found a fit Pilate to grant it to cry with them Sanguis eorum super nos super Filios nostros let their blood fall vpon vs and our children and so it fell in most heauy measure vpon them and the lyke will do vpon these when tyme of payment commeth appoynted by almightie God if they change not their affection But your Lordships I presume be of a far different mynde and condition and that you will rather leaue peace loue and good will of all men to your children and posteritie then the inheritance of these enmities exasperations and deadly feudes for that blood enough and ouer much if Gods will were hath there byn spent already in our realme within these twenty yeares last past about this controuersie of religion and by this long experience your wisdomes haue seen what hath byn the euent and what is lyke to be if lyke proceeding be continued still Saynt Cyprians sentence hath byn manifestly verefied sanguis martyrum Ecclesiae semen by the blood of martirs the church increaseth Aboue a hundreth and thirtie English priestes of the only seminaries beyond the seas as most men accounte haue lost their lyues in this quarrel within the foresayd tyme all men of peace patient and humble learned vertuous and meeke yong in age for the most part but old in godlines in sapientia sanctorum in the wisdome of Sayntes for the lyf to come a great parte of them verie worshipfully borne and tenderly brought vp by their parentes and might haue liued many yeares in great delightes and pleasures of this world if the loue of eternitie had not made this vale of vanitie contemptible vnto them And albeit their death was reprehensible in the sight of some vulgar or passionate people that consider nothing but the present spectacle and popular voyce that they died for treasons yet to themselues who remembred the false accusations made agaynst their mayster for troobling the people and for dehorting the payment of tribute vnto Caesar and other such calumniations and that his innocency could not deliuer him but that at last he was preferred to dy in the midle of two theeues vpon a crosse to them I say that remembred and did meditate these thinges to them this circumstance of treason in
their araygnments was sweet and comfortable their consciences clearing them before their sayd mayster from all such act meaning or intention of treasons as falsly was layd agaynst them and so much the more willingly they went to the ladder and their example with the same reasons and meditations haue put the same desyre in foure tymes as many of their owne coate as they were in thowsaÌ„des of others within the land which would neuer haue thought of this perfection of dying for religion if God had not taught it theÌ„ by this persecutioÌ„ exaÌ„ple of others Aâ—d Sir Francis himself coÌ„playneth also as before you haue heard that within these three yeares vpon his knowledge many haue fallen away and do fall away daylie from his religion to ours by example the one of the other for that as he saith Of the elder oxe the yonger steere doth learne So as by this may be gathered what will be the successe of this pursuite on the catholique syde if the rigor be continued But on the other hand what it may come vnto God only forseeth whose cause if the catholiques do defend and if his spirit be with them as to most men it is euident then must they winne in the end and his wrath will appeare at length agaynst the other parte that iniustly afflicteth them howsoeuer it be delayed and borne of for a tyme. Nor is the argument good that some do vse to make we haue indured thus long and prospered c. For the holy ghost himself answereth Ne dixeris pâ—ccaui quid mihi accidit triste altissimus enim est patiens redditor Say not I haue donne amisse and no hurt hath happened vnto me for that God is a patient paymayster and in the end payeth for all The wise Solon told rich Craesus in his prosperitie that the measure of his felicitie could not be taken but at the end of his lyfe which in deed fell out to be most miserable and in England king Henry the sixth concluded a long raigne of fortie yeares with a troblesome and pittiful perturbation of the same And yet was there no such violent vexation of subiectes in those dayes as now is and hath byn for many yeares wherin truly if we set asyde all respect of religion and of Gods intermedling in the case and consider only reason itself and the opinion of wise wordly men and Philosophers no man is ignorant but that they agree all that nullum violentum est durabile And agayne that malus diâ—turnitatis custos est metus And Christe our Sauiour much more fully Omne regnum in se diuisum desolabitur All which groundes and principles cannot but lay before your Lordships wisdomes the importance of some mitigation and mollification of matters for preuenting further inconueniences if not for the present yet at least for the tyme to come espetially if God in his iustice and anger should take from vs her maiestie all men may forsee in what termes we shalbe quickly when to the differences of religion shalbe added the other also about the succession intangled perhaps principally by these respects of religion And then when exasperated myndes shall come to haue more commoditie of working their willes and wreaking their wrathes great extremities may be feared except the way be made before hand by some temperature of mitigation for that English natures are vehement as all men know in whatsoeuer they take in hand but espetially in these kynde of differences as former tymes haue made lamentable experience and the future I feare will declare the same much more if preuention be not made seing that neuer in tymes past concurred so many circumstances of sharp contention both from at home and abrode as now are lyke to be no forayn prince being neer about vs but wilbe desirous to haue an oare in the guyding of this bark if once it be aflote either for their owne pretenses or for their frend or agaynst their opposite besydes the different reasons of state that may moue diuers parties at that day as FraÌ„ce FlaÌ„dres DeÌ„mark that our future king be not ouerstroÌ„g Spayne FraÌ„ce FlaÌ„ders that he coÌ„cur with them in religioÌ„ EnglaÌ„d generally that he subiect vs not to an other crowne EnglaÌ„d in part that he be homeborne and England in three partes to the fauor or disfauour of three distinct religions Protestant Puritan and Catholique euery parte for his owne And as these things are manifest in themselues so is it also no lesse euident that the only or principal meane to preuent these dangers were to mittigate somwhat these acerbities now to the end that men of different religions dealing more freindly together might in time either come to be all of one opinion or at leastwise to agree in some good temperature for this publique afaire of the common-wealth which is impossible to do while matters of religion are pursued with such hostilitie as for many years they haue bin To which consideration there commeth also an other of no lesse moment in myn opinion which is that her Maiestie hauing raigned now a goodly number of years being neer the one and fourtie of her scepter as she followeth fast on the rate of Octauianus Augustus yeares of Empire so would she imitate his sweetnes and felicitie also in disposing his later yeares euen from the number of fourtie that her Maiestie is now at to the exhilerating of all her people generally as he did and therby came to be so deare so intirely beloued of all as the publique teares of all did testifie at his death all crying and wishing that either he had neuer bin borne or neuer dyed neuer bin their Emperor or neuer left to be referring the former parte of their wish vnto the beginning of his gouernmeÌ„t which had bin preiudicial to their common wealth and the second to his latter end which was most grateful to all And this particuler point of Augustus his proceeding diuers noble kings also of her Maiesties progenitors haue indeuored to imitate by special dissignement namely the two famous Henryes the fourth and seuenth and Edward also the fourth who albeit they entered by dint of sword and had many sharp bickerings for diuers yeares with their oposite factions yet all three of them so disposed themselues to clemencie towards their later dayes as they were most dear euen to them that had bin their enimies and oposit at their first entraÌ„ce to the crown VVhich circumstance notwithstanding of difficultie doth not occur to her Maiestie in the matter proposed for fauour of the Catholiques for that she neither entered the crowne by force of armes nor had she the catholiques of her realme against her therin but rather they were the people that principally with most harty affectioÌ„ assisted her Maiestie to the quiet and peaceable possession of the same as in another place more at large hath bin declared And euer since they haue liued with that