out surely if there had been either such an vnwritten law and soe constantly enjoyed and claimed it would have been often enrolled ere now but the libeller expected applause for his conceite not creditt to his assertion If the Scotts could charge the King with breach of their lawes for breaking vp that Parliament without their consent it were vnreasonable that the wisedome of England should be soe wanting to it selfe as not to provide against the not calling or arbitrary dissolving of Parliaments If they had provided against it where was the confidence he talked of It followes not that because the Scotts charged the King with breaking of the Parliament without their consent that therefore the King offended in it neither was the wisedome of the English nation wanting to it selfe in leaving the calling and dissolving of Parliaments Arbitrary to the King it being a power essentiall to Monarchy and we have seene that the taking away of that power dissolves the Government and drawes confusion and miserie vpon the state and it cannot be avoyded but that from a power erected to affront the soveraigntie there must follow sedition and Civill discord People must depend vpon their Kings grace and goodnes for redresse of their greivances whose power and safetie consists in their welfare not seeke by violence to be their owne Carvers and the people never found soe greate suffering by submission to their Kings as by seeking wayes to oppose them It appeares that if this Bill of not dissolving were an vnparalleld act i◅ was a knowne and Common right That it was an vnparalleld Act he doth not deny that it was a Common right noe where appeares and how can that be an vnparalleld Act that is a Common right He sayes it s not enrolled and how then shall it appeare to be Common right What needed written Acts when as it was anciently esteemed part of his Crowne oath His Crowne oath is well knowne and may not be tryed by estimation but inspection The libellers estimation hath as litle proofe as authoritie He referrs the lawerlie mooting of this point to a booke called the rights of the Kingdome written it seemes by some Author of as much fidelitie in his quotations as this libeller in his narrations and to other law Tracts being neither his Element nor proper worke since the booke which he hath to answeare pretends to reason not to Authoritie And he holds reason to be the best Arbitratour and the law of law it selfe And it appeares by his writings that reason is neither his Element nor worke heere for had he vse of reason he would not referr vs to bookes that are onely of Authoritie to prove the ignorance and boldnes of the writer neither could reason judge it a law that a king should not dissolve a Parliament till all particular greivances were considered though the setting of it might prove an incurable greivance but his reason would have the Parliament defend the Kingdome with their votes as the Roman Senatours their Capitall with their robes against the Gaules The King must not be at such distance from the people in judging what is better and what worse That the people are not the best judges of what is better and what is worse the libeller himselfe acknowledges saying they are excessive in all their motions and is it not reason that the King then should be at such distance in judging but the libeller seekes to be at greate distance with truth that sayes the Kings owne words condemned him that he had not knowne as well with moderation to vse as with earnestnes to desire his owne advantages Where as the King spake not of himselfe but others his words were If some men had knowne as well with moderation to vse as with earnestnes to desire advantages of doing good or evill Doth this man thinke reason the law of law or falshood the Master of both law and reason that soe palpably belyes the booke before him The King sayes a continuael Parliament he thought would keepe the Commonwealth in tune To this sayes the Libeller Iudge Commonwealth what proofes he gave that this boasted profession was ever in his thought The king doubtles thought not that every Parliament would keepe the Commonwealth in tune but a Parliament that preferred publique good before private faction The King saith as he relates him some gave out that I repented me of that setling Act. The Libeller sayes his owne Actions gave it out beyound all supposition for he went about soe soone after to abrogate it by the sword Heere the Libeller omitts a materiall word which the King vsed which was soone for the Kings words are that I soone repented It is well knowne that the wicked vse which the Traytours made of that setling Act might give the king just cause to repent him of it but as the king vsed not the sword till many Moneths after the passing of that Bill soe the cause of his Armes were the violent and Trayterous Actions of a faction not the abrogation of that Bill The King calls those Acts which he confesses tended to their good noe more Princely then friendly contributions as if sayes the Libeller to doe his dutie were of Courtesie and the giving backe of our Liberties stood at the mercy of his contribution He would have it beleived that Parents can doe nothing for their childrens good out of favour all is of dutie and noe thankes belongs to them from their children nor any from subjects to their Soveraignes or rulers for the greatest benefitts they receive by good Government and all the vigilance watchfullnes pietie of Princes for the peoples good is not at all thankes worthy theis are the Maximes of Rebells and if Kings will not yeelde vp their power they may be compelled and the quitting of Government for which Kings must give account to God is by theis mens Divinitie the giving backe of liberties being noe other then to give licence to all wickednes and beare the sword in vaine The kings sayes he doubts not but the affections of his people will compensate his sufferings for those Acts of confidence To this sayes the libeller not his confidence but his distrust brought him to his sufferings and he trusted nere the sooner for what he tells of their pietie and Religious strictnes but rather hated them as Puritans whome he allwayes sought to extirpate The libeller himselfe cannot deny but that if the king had not had confidence that those Acts of his would not have beē abused he would not have graunted them for if he had not been so confident it had been much more eligible for him to hav run the peril of a war without graunting them and wee have seene by experience that many as well as the king were deceived in those that profest pietie and Religious strictnes and though the king had just cause to hate the faction of the hipocriticall Puritan yet he thought that there could not soe much impietie lurke in
they that wrote against the knowne legall authoritie Prisoners in Gayles hire persons of strong voyces to begg for them att the grate and the Rebells have found this Authors rancour and impudence so sublimated as his falsities and slanders were probable to infect the world though to knowing and honest men they sound the voyce of a Beast and not a man what one libertie of the English Nation is there now left Doe not all men see that their ridiculous howse and state Councell act at the will of their sword Master by whose act those Cyphers are disposed of to signifie what he pleaseth Doe not all men see that the vse of the name libertie signifieth nothing but a sound to fill the peoples eares and deceive their vnderstandinge That Tyranny should be objected to the best King in whose time fewer men suffred death then in any time of like extent throughout all our Kings shewes hellish rage not common impudence In his Raigne of sixteene yeares vntill this abominable Parliament one only Peere of the Kingdome suffered death that not for any provocation or offence against the Kings person but for Crymes of another nature a raritie in the stories of the best Kings and yet so brutish is this man to say that he hath offred at more cunning fetches to vndermine our liberties and put Tyrany into an art then any brittish King before him Wherein should Tirany appeare was there any violence vsed in taking away mens Estates Can they object Covetuousnes or luxury to his late Majest they have not yet pretended it but they would make Tyrany by imagination that Government which stands in their way must be called Tyrany and the want of instances of Tyrany makes them thus giddily stagger from side to side and talke of offring at more cunninge fetches what doth this signifie Doth this Author thinke that he wil be beleived in his slanders of Tyrany when all is resolved into offers offers at cunning fetches and all is only their malicious inconsequent inferences This Author well knowes this assertion of his is so farr from truth that he cannot name one Act of his Maj wherevnto he or his Masters have excepted that wants Example of his best Predecessours so wide hath he opened his mouth in saying more then any Brittish King before him And his late Majest tooke not such Examples as those men that make Acts of violence and Rebellion Examples but such Actions as were by Councell and in the way of law and Iustice. But this Author having so lately mentioned the old English fortitude how falls he to name the Brittish Kings If he intend the Kings which the Romans found at their comming or which succeeded their departure his comparison is not of any large signification for the Catalogue is very short and the Actions lesse but perhapps he meanes to make Authenticke the story of Geoffry of Monmouth where the Catalogue hath as litle truth as the persons Actions he doth not meane the Saxons to be Brittish Kings If he doe he will finde among them not only offers at fetches but open rapines and homicides which when he thinkes on what he hath written might shame him if he could shame at any thing and if he thought knowing readers would have the patience to pervse so much scurrilous language and impudent vntruth as he hath packt togeather in this booke he would expect just reproach for offering at such a Comparison so impertinent if he intended such Kings only as were properly termed Brittish in regard of discent whose persons and Actions are so inconsiderable and so lewdely false If he intend all others that have Raigned in England whose stories conteine so evident a refutation of his vntruth In the first Parliament of King James there was a debate touching the Kings Title which he desired to have of greate Brittaigne in reguard of his Dominion over the whole Island the lower howse then reputed wise much opposed it and would reteine the name of England vnder which name they said their Ancestours had been famous These men tell vs noe contentions are infallible but the present and they are in love with the name of Brittish Kings of whome they know nothing that the people may forget their English Kings that made them famous Wee reade of some in Scripture that wrought mischeife by a law and this Author that talkes of making Tyrany an art strives to make Rebellion a law and all Government a Tyrany and having vndermined Monarchy with cantinge termes of Libertie seekes to suppresse all Libertie by lawlesse power He doth not wonder though he pretend it at the change in the people for the many odious lyes and slanders his Masters have vsed of the King the many promises they have falsified to the people the cōtinual oppressions they exercise over them justly provoke hatred to such Tyrants vnles the people were condemned to perpetuall stupiditie with their present slavery The Rebells whome this Author reports to be Sainted though they objected misgovernment to their Kings never were so impudent to pretend their lawes slavery but the present Traytours have improved all the impieties of former ages to extreamitie and they call all the Government of England for many hundreds of yeares Norman slavery and will imagine a libertie that perisht by the flood which they now resume Their pretence of lawes is turned into sickely fancies of distempered braines though the leaders are hardened by their confirmed corruptions the people begin to recover their vnderstanding and see the cunning fetches whereby they were vndermined and the Art which Traytours vsed to betray them Which low dejection and debasement of minde in the people he cannot willingly ascribe to the naturall disposition of an Englishman but rather to two other causes And is it a low dejection and debasement of minde to restue a mans selfe from a common cheate or a malicious oppressour Is it not dejection and debasement of spirit to follow detected villaines and common theeves Is it the naturall disposition of an Englishman to betray and kill his King put his necke vnder the yoke of his inferiours Is the English disposition so base as to leave a King and be subject to a Iacke straw And is stupiditie the English disposition that can swallow any deceites and abuses though never so palpaple Doubtles whoever lookes what Government was heeretofor lived vnder what now must needes conclude that such as willingly forsooke the on and submitted to the other expessed as low dejection and debasement of minde as ever the English nation shewed fortitude and the many s◅fferes for refusing their submission to this vsurpation and the few which the Author sayes retaine the old English fortitude shewes that it is not the disposition of an Englishman but the vnnaturall and degenerate inclinations of some that assuminge the English name have sought to dishonour the nation and transferre the infamy of their Actions on the naturall disposition stiling the
meaâ—…es to induce him to call a Parliament He endeavours to defame the King for restrayning popular licence and Sedition and when he seekes to confirme the Tyranny of his Masters he reproaches the people with Levitie and violence And the wayes of Prescribing by him mentioned were vnorderly and by him particularised as Plausible not sound other manner of Prescribing was then not Suspected he intends the force of a scotts Army and though he commend that way of Prescribing and attribute the calling of the Parliament to it and accuse the King for resisting it yet he will charge the King with beginning the warr By which feirce Edict the people forbidden to complaine as well as forced to suffer began from thence foorth to despaire of Parliaments The people have now greater cause to dispaire of Parliaments then ever they had in the time of his late Majest for if these men prevaile they are sure never to have more for they professe to introduce a new form of Government which hath nothing of the Parliament of England however the people by seditious practices or false apprehensions despaired of Parliaments that proves nothing of his Majest inclination or aversenes to Parliaments How an edict can be called feirce where no punishment of the breach of it appeares to be denounced nor any severitie ensuing it cannot be imagined but it s well knowne what Titles this Author wil give to any of his Majest Actions respecting only the reproachfullnes of the Termes not their proportion or 〈◊〉 to what they are applyed and whoever lookes on the time while Parliaments were intermitted the sufferings of the people were lesse then when Parliaments were frequent they neede not be forbidden to complaine when their peace plentie were a reason strong enough to restraine them however querulous murmurings wrought by seditious contrivers may happeÌ„ ought to be forbiddeÌ„ in al just Governments Where vpon such illegall Actions and especially to get vast summs of mony were put in Practice by the King and his new Officers as Monopolies compulsive knighthoods Coate Conduct and Shipmony the seezing not of on Nabaoths Vineyard but of whole inheritances vnder the pretence of forrest or Crowne lands Corruption bribery compounded for with impunities graunted for the future as gave evident proofe that the King never meant nor could it stand with the Reason of his affaires ever to recall Parliaments All the pretences of Tyranny and oppression wherewith the Rebells have sought to maske their disloyaltie are reduced to this on summe to get money That Princes must have supplies from their people for support of the Kingdome cannot be doubted and where the lawes have given the King a richt to demaund money of particular persons in certanie cases or of the whole people theis are no illegall exactions but due debts The King of England is entitled by law to diverse dues from his subjects and of such things his learned Councell and his Judges have the care that he loose not his rights and they are bound by oath to preserve them if in any cases they saile in their judgment their King cannot be guiltie of illegall exactions in following their Councell and of such nature are the particulars he mentions vnles Coate and Conduct money which had been disbursed by the Counties for the present where souldiers were raysed and was of inconsiderable value and to be repayed and only of practice in case of warr when necessitie requires greater contributions and such Actions as theis the best Governments could never avoyde and those formes of Government which theis Rebells Preferr before Monarchy ordinairly practis but they must supply with exclamations what they want of matter and having broken all bounds of dutie Justice and humanitie they seeke to make the common meanes which necessitie compells Governnours to vse for publique support the height of oppression and Tyranny The vast summs received by all the wayes were farr short of that greate charge which the Kingdome required and of what former Kings had received in the like space but inconsiderable in regard of the present exactions He resembles the legal proceedings in cases of civil right to Nabaoths vineyard so as al suites for recovery of deteined rights is the getting of Nabaoths vineyard but they that by the blood of many Naboaths have gotten their inheritances would have Civill Controversies not bloody murther the sin of Ahab Corruption and bribery compounded for with impunitie for the future is a denomination which cannot be fixt to any Actions of Majest That his Majest hath a power to pardon was never denyed and therefore no act of grace in that kinde can be illegall but this which they call corruption and bribery was no other then the fees which some officers received and were questioned to be above their due had they been convict their mulct was pecuniary and due to the King They vrged long Custome in their defence and in a case of that nature where only errour not corruption or bribery can be admitted it was neerer to justice then favour to forbeare prosecution And as the fact was not illegal so had it been it was only theirs by whose Councell it was done and theis men that professe such zeale against corruption and bribery pretend that it was necessary to take away the starr chamber where such Crymes were punisht and from whence comes it that it could not stand with his majest affaires te recall Parliaments when his Majest desired to continue nothing but what was necessary for the Kingdome Having brought by theis irregular courses the peoples interest and his owne 〈◊〉 so direct an opposition that he might foresee plainely if nothing but a Parliament could save the people it must necessarily be his vndoing The King had no interest but that which was common to the people with him and nothing that was their interest could be opposite to his The people were very farr from any such apprehensions of being Destroyed or that they might not be saved without the Kings vndoing And wherein could the King foresee his vndoing by Parliament must he necessarily foresee that a Parliament would follow Traytours against him Or must he necessarily foresee that a Parliament would vndertake an illegall and vn just power Must he necessarily foresee that a Parliament would produce a Rebellion when no Action was desired to be continued by him which was not according to law nor any greivance duely proved vnredressed But because in the Parliament which he called a faction destroyed him and hath vndone the Kingdome therefore Iconoclastes would have it plainely to be foreseene Such as know the difference of the last from former Parliaments know likewise that it was not from the condition of the Parliament but the conjuncture of affaires at the time of calling it that produced those wicked effects filling the mindes of many with ambitious thoughts and desire to lay the foundation of their private greatenes in the publique ruines It is impossible
that the interest of a King can have an opposition to that of his people which is vainely fancied hy him or that any thing by him alledged should worke such opposition And although there have been disputes in Courts and Parliaments touching the profitts and rights of the Crowne yet before this Rebell generation non were so shameles to pretend them causes of the subjects violence and necessarily destructive to the King or people which had the people imagined would have been the issue of a Parliament they would have had a greater aversion to it then Iconoclastes supposes in his late Mejest And as the preservation of the people is the Kings interest so his preservation is theirs which the people now finde to late and could not foresee that such as made vse of the pretence of their interest minded it least Till eight or nine yeares after proceeding with a high hand in these enormities having the second time levied an injurious warr against his native countrey Scotland and finding all those other shifts of raysing money which bore out his first expedition now to faile him not of his own choice and inclination as any childe may see but vrged by strong necessities and the very pangs of State which his owne violent proceedings had brought him to he calls a Parliament Iconoclastes is very industrious to shew that he can expresse the malice of his heart with his pen and can give false denominations to Actions with greater confidence then true where it may advantag his Masters The gentle hand wherewith his Majest governed during the nine yeares he mentions brands that high hand of slander and deâ—…action which this breaker stretches out against him and it will fill posteritie with amazement at the folly of the present age that should take such things for enormities as fines for knighthood Coate conduct and shipmony whereof some of them were scarce felt or observed and the rest easily borne And submit themselves to contributions excises loanes and taxes to which those which he calls enormities hold no proportion But not contented with the false appellations of his Majest Civill Actions he proceedes to defy and reproach his Actions for preservation and defence of his Kingdome and calls it an injurious warr to resist an invading Enemy That the Scotts were entred neere a hundred mile into the Kingdome at the time he mentions he cannot be ignorant and to call the warr injurious on his Majest part cannot come from any that thinkes any thing injurious that Rebells commit or any thing just that Governours commaund When any Actions are rehearsed of his Majest against the Scotts the Traytours call them vnjust and amplifie their slander with the Circumstance of his native Countrey When the Scotts offer obedience to the King or he concurr with them they decry such Actions in respect they are of his native Countrey thus shifting saying and gainsaying to deceive the people If there any yet remaine that will trust such common Cheates His collection that necessitie and not choice brought the King to call a Parliament followes not from any of his premisses His Majest doth not exclude the necessitie of his affaires from moving him to call the Parliament When he sayes that be called the Parliament not more by necessitie then his owne choice doth he exclude necessitie or affirme his owne choice only without consideration of Circumstances Parliaments ought not to be called but vpon greate occasions and their too often Convention is a burthen not an ease to the people and such was the judgment of the late Parliament at the beginning It is not new that necessities have caused Kings to call Parliaments which yet was never made an Argument to prove their owne vninclination to call a Parliament His descant vpon strong necessities and pangs of state layes open the Treason of these conspiratours that plotted how their Country might pine and languish that so vnnaturall Emperickes might exercise their bloody practice and a mercilesse Tyrany could only be exspected from such as sought their power by their Countreyes sufferings And if his Majest proceedings had been violent they had not produced that necessitie First in Ireland which only was to give him four subsidies and so to expire then in England where his first demaund was but twelue subsidies to maintaine a Scotch warr condemned and abominated by the whole Kingdome promising their greivances should be considered afâ—…erwards The Parliament in Ireland he might have knowne was not the first that was called in the nine yeares he mentions but falshood are so common that mistakes are not worth the observation and if the King had called that Parliament in Ireland to obtaine â—…ower subsidies where had been the fault May not a King call a Parliament to be supplyed But if Iconoclastes had patience to know truth or speake it he might eaâ—…ily have found a greate number of good lawes made in that Parliaâ—…ent to worke a conformitie of that nation to England and he vnseasonably produced this instance of the Parliament of Ireland which so mainely contradicts his assertion for the necessities alone he supposes could not worke the calling of that Parliament where Parliaments had been so frequent before In England where he sayes his Majest first demaund was but twelue subsidies he hath lost his expectation and his Ironicall but hath lost its mirth for he cannot thinke that the people now apprehend twelue subsidies so greate a demaund by the King when they see a farr greater proportion given the Scotch for invading the Kingdome and aftersuch an execrable warr and barbarous prodigalitie their greivance is increast and all that is effected or pretended to be done for them is the Destruction of King and Church and dividing the Estates of both among the Master Rebells vpon whose Arbitrary and vnlimited power they must now depend That those twelue subsidies were demaunded to maintaine Scotch warr hath no colour of truth it being not at al propounded And as it had been a sottish and perverse disposition to have condemned the warr against the Scotts when they were in preparation to invade England so it is as shamelesly said by Iconoclastes that it was condemned and abominated by the whole people Himselfe if a wicked obduration had not made him love lying must have conffessed that the late Earle of Essex though afterward in Rebellion against the King with greate demonstrations of Zeale and affection to his Majest went a Commaunder in that expedition And if we respect the qualitie or number of noble worthy persons that engaged themselves in that first warr our stories have rarely remembred an Army that went into Scotland of greater number of eminent persons so as Iconoclastes hath just cause to condemne and abominate himselfe for the Lewdenes and evidence of this vntruth and if the then Parliament had not been abused by some representing his Majest desires the designes of such as meant to make advantage of the breach of that Parliament had been
a Capital offender he had made no conscience of his death and this libeller vainely supposes conscience of sin to put to death a Capital offender which cannot consist with a conscience so informed neither doth an erroneous conscience in sparing blood as oft thinke it meritorious to kill vndeservedly though it be nothing to the present purpose for he can fasten neither vpon his Majest conscience of sparing a Capitall offender or killing a righteous person But in this whereof he repents That the sin of signing the Bill of straffords execution he would not have matter to trouble the Kings conscience and his reasons are That all men looked vpon him as one of the most impetuous instruments to advance any illegall designe The Earle of strafford was a man that the Seditious disturbers of the state hated and feared and sought vnderhand to rayse the malevolence of others against him If any men have so farr lost reason as to measure the Ministers of Kings by the libells of Traytours they are likely to take the best men for most guiltie and if a King should sacrifice his faithfull Servants because they are not looked vpon with a good eye by the multitude he may not expect to be served by men of fidelitie or merit and we have seene how the peoples lookes have been won and lost That he had rul'd Ireland some part of England in an Arbitrary manner The word Arbitrary in the beginning of the late Parliament was vsed to scare the people and made to signifie greate affrightments to them but that bugbeare is now growne rediculous to children for all men see that in all places of Government much is left Arbitrary to the Governour and it was evident to the world that the Earle of strafford did nothing in an Arbitrary manner without President of his Predecessours and the Judges in Courts of equitie might be aswell made Cryminall for proceeding in an Arbitrary manner as he That he had endeavoured to subvert fundamentall lawes was a supposition not a fact and if the Image breaker looke over the Articles where with he was charged at his Tryall he will finde nothing of such a Cryme To subvert Parliaments and incense the King against them was not as much as vrged against him at his Tryall that Article being declined by his accusers in regard of knowne falshood and that the Earle of strafford advised the King to call the former Parliament That he had endeavoured to make histolitie betweene England and scotland was a legend devised for vulgar temper not rationall consideration for both Kingdomes being vnder one King they must be Rebells in either Kingdome that make warr against one another without him and what dreamer can fancy that any Minister of state that were affected to the Kings designes as this libeller supposes the Earle of strafford to be would stirr vp hostilitie betweene the nations They have not yet adventured to charge the Earle of strafford with stirring vp the scotch hostilitie and if he endeavoured to refist them is that to make hostolitie be tweene the nations It hath been the practice of these Rebells to stile men incendiaries and malignants that opposed their Rebellion and such evill Counsellours that advised any course to prevent their attemps and the following confusion but though this vaine delusion were cast abroade among the people it was never offred as a charge against the Earle That he had councelled the King to call over that Irish Army of Papists which he had cunningly raysed to reduce England as appeared by good Testimony then present at the consultation is vnseasonably remembred by the libeller after those Rebells whome he serves have severall times drawne in forraigne Armies into England reduced the nation to serve an vsurped power set vp an Arbitrary Government subverted the fundamentall lawes and destroyed both King and Parliament It may astonish Knowing men to reade this Author objecting Capitall offences to the Earle of strafford and numbring vp for instance the same Actions himselfe defends soe as it cannot be an humane errour but hellish-fury that hurles him into such mad contradictions and its worth the observing that to this particular he adds as appeated by good Testimony then present at the consultation well Knowing that the Testimony was not only single but subject to most just and apparent exception in regard of knowne enmitie and former prevarication in severall examinations vpon oath and it no way helpes a false Testimonie that he knew the truth or that he was present at a fact whereof he makes an vntrue relation and if the Earle of strafford had councelled the King to make vse of the Jrish Army in either Kingdome in case of Rebellion how comes that to be an offence though that was not the truth that he spake of England nor the Army raysed against England and is it a commendable cunning to rayse an Army against a Rebellion His reference to 28 Articles directs vs how to know that he trusts on number more then weight and those Articles remaine a Testimonie to posteritie of the ridiculous pretences which effected such mischeife He sayth the Commons by farr the greater number cast him and yet is so absurdly impudent to charge the King with singularitc of conscience and alledge presently a part of the lower house of the same opinion The Lords he sayth after they had been satisfied in a full discourse by the Kings solicitour and the opinions of many Iudges delivered in their house agreed likewise to the sentence of Treason Those Lords that condemned the Earle of strafford might be satisfied by terrour of the Tumults and their owne corrupt passions never by law nor reason It s well knowne that the Lords and Commons were assaulted and threatned by the vnruly rabble of the Citie and Suburbs if they condemned him not they had not freedome in their coming or going to the house or sitting there There was no one judge that gave his opinion for the sentence against him and the Sollicitours discourse was very strong against the present Rebells wholy impertinent to the case of the Earle of strafford and shewed his owne deceite and the sottishnes of them that relyed on what they vnderstood not Diverse lords for sooke the house having not libertie to be present soe farr were the lords from being satisfied That which he calls a sentence of Treason was an act of power it being a Bill to take away his life but an exception of all men els from being proceeded against for the same matters in ordinary Justice and this very Action soe scandalous in it selfe and soe greivous to many that consented to it must be drest out with a shamelesse commendation to accuse the King for his repentance of a fact which soe much afflicted him That the people vniversally cryed for justice is noe wonder if we consider former examples and they had a President in the people of the Iewes that cryed Crucifie If we believe this libeller telling vs how
is this man to call his Majest going to the house of Commons with an ordinary guard without Pike or Muskett an hostile March after the March of a compleate Army led by his Rebell Masters against that house But he vrges for proofe that his Majest confesses it to be an Act which most men cryed shame vpon which his Majest sayes not at all but that his Enemies loaded it with obloquy indifferent men grew jealous of fearefull and many of his friends resented as a motion rising rather from passion then reason The cryes of his Enemies prove nothing but their owne passion partialitie and the jealosies of men are oftner resolved into their owne mistakes then the truth of Actions The opinion of his Majest friends condemned not the Action as injurious though they might thinke it passionate and if this Author could set aside the malice and corruption of his heart he might justly learne from his Majest cleerenes in stating his owne Actions with observing all the Circumstances of them that make to his disadvantage to forbeare these fayned discourses of every Action he writes of That in one of his answeares to both houses he made profession that he was convinced that it was a plaine breach of the priviledge it was greater satisfaction then ever King gave his houses of Parliament and it must have been an inexcusable disloyaltie in them to presse him after such a profession and make it matter of complaint T is true his Majest denyed any intention to breake their Priviledges in that Act. But no man yet could assigne a reason to exclude the King from any of his Courts or Counsells and why he might not aswell come to the lower house as to the higher and speake to the Commons in their owne aswell as send for them to the higher house or els where as was both law Custome And as no priviledge of Parliament doth extend to Treason but that a Conestable may apprehend any member of that house being accused of that Cryme so why the King should be forbidden to come to the house to cause Traytours to be apprehended none but Traytours will finde a cause but heere he sayes he represents it fraudulently We have found already it hath been fraudulently expressed by the libeller He sayes the King would make some benificall vse of his worst Actions And surely his Actions which were most charged with guilt appeare just and shame his accusers These men meaning his friends knew not the just motives and pregnant grounds with which I thought my selfe furnished To these words of his Majest which he hath interlaced with meaning his friends he sayes his best friends knew not nor ever could know and it would have tended to his justifying to have named them in this place and to shew his owne impertinence the next words he cites of his Majest are that he had discovered as he thought vnlawfull Correspondencies which they had vsed and engagements to imbroyle his Kingdomes What more would he have had in this place But he sayes suppose them reall and knowne what was this to that violation and dishonour puâ—…t vpon the whole house whose doore was forcibly kept open all passages neere it besett with swords pistolls cockt menc'd in the hands of about three hundred swaggerers and Ruffians who but expected nay audibly called for the word of onseâ—…t to begin a slaughter But suppose them reall was it not a matter of more importance to apprehend such conspiratours then to omitt the opening the doore of the house of Commons Is it a dishonour to have Traytours taken from them There neede not any answeare to his pretended tendernes of the house that approves such open violence against them with Pikes and Musketts but reproves swords and Pistolls Doth not he thinke that all men looke vpon him as a common prostitute that vses such aggravations of a cause which himselfe defends though accompanied with outrage and violence A word of onset to begin a slaughter could never be expected by such an inconsiderable number armed only with swords and pistolls a strange preparation for a Massacre but there are men apt to be disordred by any rumours of danger and some are willing to have a pretence for vnwarrantable Actions thence proceede these onsets in the ayre He would willingly perswade the Rebell rowte that whatever the King may doe for the securing of himselfe Kingdome Rebells may doe to destroy him and vsurpe his Kingdome and therefore to that which his Majest sayes of the correspondencies and engagements which the accused members vsed to imbroyl his Kingdomes the Libeller answeares that he remembers not his owne conspiracies with the Irish and. French English and scotch Army to come against the Parliament the least of which attempts by whomesoever he sayes was no lesse then manifest Treason against the Common whealth To imagine a Monarchy and Commonwealth or Republique in the same state can enter into none that vnderstand eyther nor that a King can commit Treason with his subjects or against them Kings have been charged with Tyrany never with Treason till those brutish vndertakers If there had been any law to make such a Treason this libeller would never have added the word manifest for t is a sure Rule with him to add most vehement asseverations where he knowes there is no colour of truth He well knowes how carefull the people of England were that Treason should not be made Arbitrary and therefore they were confined into one positive law and in that law this Author findes not his fantasticall Treason Can any but mad men dreame that when the priviledge of Parliament extends not to Treason that they cannot committ Treason It s Treason by the law to leavy warr against the King and that this libellers Masters have acknowledged and can he finde it consistent in the same Government that there can be Treason in the King to leavy warr against the Parliament and because a King may have confederations and Alliances with Forraigne Princes can subjects have so too These are not the opinions but the Stratagems of Rebels The people of England are bound to assist their King against any without distinction and the law hath provided for their indemnitie though the King miscarry but lawes are chaffe when Rebells Raigne The particulars he mentions if they had been reall on his Majest part as they are only imaginary the Actions of the Rebells have given Testimonie to their Justice and necessitie To demaund Iustice against the five members there needed not so rough assistance But the successe tells vs there needed more for these members were guarded with an Army and a fleete and insteed of being committed on such an accusation which themselves resolved could not be denyed by law they protected them against law If he had resolved meaning the King to beare that repulse with patience wherefore did he provide against it with such an armed and vnusuall force Is a Kings guard any
Bishopps who were immediately appeacht of Treason for that audacious declaring Surely it was worth the considering in reguard of the Justice of the declaration and the Injustice towards those Bishopps and there can hardly be produced a more impudent Act by an assembly of men that would allow tumults to offer violence to their members and charge their members for complaining of the injury with Treason And as they proceeded without shame or truth soe they make it their mirth that they could by such a ridiculous meanes effect soe greate a villanie That declaration which he calls foolish and self vndoing will stand a perpetuall Monument of the vertue and courage of these Bishopps and the infamy of those Cipher Lords that committed them And if the Bishopps were pulled by their Rochetts as he admitts was not this a just cause in feare in his Majest And doth this pulling by the Rochetts amount to nothing but petitioning This libeller sayes the Bishopps deserved another kinde of pulling And noe doubt he would have justified their murther in the streetes as well as the Kings since and that must not have been the blood of Nabaoth He would inferr that the King had noe cause of feare because he came the next day after his going to the house of Commons into the Citie without a guard The King beleived at that time the Citie was not soe totally debaucht but that he might finde some that would guard him against the disloyaltie of others and those humble demeanours which he mentions are well knowne to be most insolent provocations of base people and though at that time the infection was not soe venemous as it grew afterwards yet the king found disloyaltie very apparent Though the King might have feared in reguard of his owne guiltines yet he knew the people soe full of awe and reverence to his person as he dared to committ himselfe single among them If the King had knowne guiltines in himselfe he could not have hoped for that awe and reverence but his going single at such a time and after soe many affronts shewes the audacious scurrilitie of this Author that hath taunted at him soe often for seares and terrours and now sayes he dared goe single among such outragious tumults And if awe and reverence to his person were a commendation to the people as this libeller would have it it must be the brand of infamy vpon him and his Rebellious packe that have troden awe and reverence vnderfoote and wickedly despised and murthered him He would prove that the King had no feares after all the reproachfull scoffing at his feares because he went into Scotland after the Bishopps had been worse handled then in England and after two Armies had entred England against him and this he sayes argues first that he was a stranger to England and full of diffidence To the Scotts only a native King in his confidence though not in his dealing next he sayes which shewes beyound doubting that all his feare of Tumults was but a pretence Wee cannot boubt that this Authors braine is as Giddy as the Tumults for to prove that the King had noe feare of the Tumults he affirmes him diffident to the English confident of the Scotts and labours much to make periods of non sense that he may vse words of Calumnie Might not the King have cause to feare in reguard of their malice though not his personall suffering And doth not his libeller shew his vaine falshood that heere makes the king feareles and soe lately made mirth of the terrours of the Tumults The libeller doubted he should not finde credit to his many contradictions touching the tumults therefore turnes about to another theame of the Kings relation to the scotts and is so voyde of sense as having affirmed within ten lines before that the king was confident of the awe and reverence of the people of England to his person heere sayes he was full of diffidence But he sayes he tooke occasion from the Tumults of absence from the Parliament to turne his disorderly bickerings to an orderly invadinge That the King might be absent without shewing a reason why from his Parliament noe man of knowledge or common reason ever doubted and he might as well goe to Yorke as into Scotland But he must be persecuted by disorderly Tumults if he stay and followed with a formed Army if he depart and they that sought Colours and disgiuses for the Tumults grow soe impudent to rayse an Army for the King to fight against him The King sayes he would not have weakened himselfe by soe many former and after Acts if he had meditated warr as some suspected when he left white hall The libeller sayes his former Acts did not weaken him it might come into his minde after passing these Acts. That which strengthened the Rebells must weaken him and was the Act for continuance of the Parliament without which they could not have sate nor acted nor deluded the people nor part of their strength nor the Kings weakenes But he that objects cunning fetches and evill Councellours to the king now allowes him nothing but improvidence and feare The King doubted not but all had gone well if the Parliament had sate still free as it was in its first election and sayes the libeller his not doubting was all good mens greatest doubt And theis are the good men that could not endure a free Parliament and the libellers Parliament that must governe is a new modell not a free Parliament as it was at first elected that stood not with their Rebellious disignes and his good men doubted that all would not soe well with them if that sate still free therefore the Iron flaile must thrust the Bishopps out of the Lords house and purge the lower house and yet it is still Tyrany and obstinacie in the King by this mans judgment not to accept all the Dictates of this ridiculous packe and he hath a narrow conscience and not fitt for the publique that follows not the cry of this kennell To the Kings resolution to heare reason and consent as farr as he could comprehend The libeller askes what if his reason comprehend nothing but his owne advantages was this a reason to be trusted with the common good of three nations Yes truly and it is noe Paradox that if the King comprehend his owne advantages it is sufficient for the common good of the three nations for whatever is their common good is his advantage and whatever is his advantage is their Common good but all his Patriotts for whome the libeller is soe Zealous have advantages of their owne that are opposite to the Common good of the three nations The King sayes as swine are to gardens soe are Tumults to Parliaments To this sayes the libeller The Parliament could best have told vs had they found it so And doubtles such of the Parliament as found it not may be accounted among the number of these swine or the herdsmē of
them But he sayes one greate hogge may doe as much mischiefe in a garden as many litle swine And it seemes that the like evill spirit as entred into the heard of swine hath possest this libeller and driven him on head long in his Rebellious impudence The King sayes he was some times prone to thinke that had he called this last Paâ—liament to any other place in England the sad consequences might have been prevented To shew that the place could have made noe change the libeller instances in his Majest first Parliament at oxford which was dissolved What doth that prove to contradict what his Majest sayes that if he had called the Parliament at another place these sad consequences might have been prevented Does the libeller thinke that because there was misvnderstanding betweene the King and some of his Parliaments that they would therefore have run to the same extreamities that the faction in this last did or that these factionists could have brought this mischeife vpon the kingdome by like Tumults in another place He goes on to say that the King called his last Parliament at Oxford a Mungrell Parliament consisting all of his friends Noe doubt there were in that Parliament many loyally affected to his Majest but it cannot be denyed for time hath tryed it that there were many among them that were spyes and disturbers corrupted by the Rebell faction at Westminster and their owne base inclinations who sought to disorder all Councells and consultations The libeller would comprehend the whole people of England within the Tumults interprett the Kings prayer against the tumults to be a prayer against his people Is it not God that stilleth the raging of the sea madnes of the people And is not a prayer for the people to pray they may be delivered from such madnes and yet this libeller sayes that the king praying to be delivered from the Tumults prayeth to be delivered from the people and blasphemously concludes God save the people from such intercessours And we cannot beleive that God is in his thoughts whose mouth soe often abuseth his name Vpon the Bill for TRIENNIALL PARLIAMENTS and for setling this c. HE sayes the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments was a good Bill and the other for setling this at that time very expedient And this he sayes in the kings owne words was noe more then what the world was fully confirmed he might in Iustice reason honour and conscience graunt them for to that end he affirmes to have done it This man hath a confirmed enmitie against truth cannot make a right recitall The kings words are that the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice reason honour and conscience I could to the happy succes of this Parliament I willingly past the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments The greatenes of the trust which his Majest put vpon the people by passing that Bill was a strong Argument that he would deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he might graunt not that the world was confirmed he might graunt that Bill in reason honour and conscience in respect of the matter of it for a greate part of the world was of opinion he might with better reason have denyed it had not his desire to shew his purposes of contributing what he could to the happy successe of the Parliament moved him And they might be confirmed thereby of his purposes to deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he could contribute to the happy successe of the Parliament It is the Kings manner to make vertues of his necessities and that neither prayse nor thankes are due to him for these beneficiall Acts. It cannot be expected that Rebells will retaine gratitude that have cast of loyaltie but let vs looke on his reasons and the first is that this first Bill graunts much lesse then two former statutes yet in force by Edw. the 3. that a Parliament should be called every yeare or oftner if neede were Either the libeller is vaine in producing this instance or in commending the Bill that gave much lesse then two former lawes in force and he must make the Parliament very inconsiderate that would soe much importune a law soe farr short of what former lawes had enacted His ancient law booke called the mirror and his late Treatise that Parliaments by our old lawes were to be twice a yeare at London carry as litle Authoritie as cleerenes what those Parliaments were they mention but neither the statutes nor law bookes did ever affirme the right of calling Parliaments in any other then the King or that he might not deferr the calling of them if he saw cause and these statutes were made to declare the subjects dutie to attend the King in his Parliament once a yeare or oftner if neede were and there was noe reason why oftner should have been inserted into the law if any obligation were intended thereby vpon the King And its contrary vnto the writt whereby Parliaments are called that the time of Parliaments should be defined for it is recited to be an Act of Councell to call a Parliament which needed not if it were necessary at a prefixed time The second Bill he sayes was soe necessary that nothing in the power of man more seemed to be the stay of all things from ruine then that Act. We are sure that nothing did more confirme the designes of the Traytours nor hasten that ruine of the Kingdome they have wrought then that Act. All men descerne the fraudulent artifices vsed to gaine that Bill by pretending publique debts which seditious faction had contracted and intended to encrease for the carrying on of their Rebellion and his Majest in graunting that Bill hoped to take of those occasions of it the Reports which they cast out among the people of his vnwillingnes to rayse money for discharge of the Armyes These charges were occasioned by the Kings ill stewardshipp but the world is satisfied it was from a trayterous conspiracie of the guides of this Rebellion He alleadges his needeles raysing of two Armies to withstand the Scotts which noe man but a profest Rebell can soe call for should he have raysed noe Army but left all to the mercy of the invader next he had beggerd both himselfe the publique When by this libellers owne confession the King had received noe supplies from the publique for raysing those Armies and these shameles Traytours blush not to talke of the Kings beggering of the people when the greate plentie his Government had enriched them with is soe visible in those vast leavies which the Rebells have since made vpon them The King left vs vpon the score of his needy Enemies If they had not been too much friends to the traytours of England there had been noe score to them for all men know whatever they received from England was by the contrivance of the Trayterous faction in Parliament to accomplish their ends To
would they have done if he had denyed their demaunds shall we beleive they intended noe violence or shall wee beleive that they who had seised the forts and navy and vsurpt the Government would have vsed noe violence to his person when they had him if he plyed not with them It s true many were not wholy vnshamed at the first but the malice and ambition of others was sufficiently confirmed and the multitude easily falls by Example The King complaines that Civill warr must be the fruites of his seventeene yeares raigning with such a measure of Iustice peace plentie and Religion as all nations either admired or envyed The Libeller sayes for Iustice let the Councell table starr Chamber and high Commission speake the prayse of it Wee may be assured that malefactours will never prayse Court of justice we know Sectaries and seducers hated the high Commission and seditious Libellers the starr chamber conspiratours incendiaries the councells of Kings and there were noe Acts past in these places of such exception as the measure of justice which he enjoyed was not admired or envyed by all nations His mention of abolishing Parliaments detracts not from the measure of justice peace plentie and Religion we have found what injustice hath succeeded The displacing of honest Iudges he hath misplaced to detract from the justice of his Majest Goverment and as the placing of judges was in his Majest choise soe he might take notice whether their places might not be better supplyed by others and the change of two judges for that 's the number in seventeene yeares is beneath an exception his rayling declamation against corrupt Government being only in generall deserves not an answeare and the knowne prosperitie peace and plentie of the Kingdome are a sufficient confutation of such imaginary oppressions He sayes what peace was that which drew out the English to a needeles and dishonourable voyage against the spaniards at Cades It was that peace the Parliament desired and if the voyage proved successels his Majest by preventing further danger and preserving peace notwithstanding the miscarriage which must be the dishonour only of the managers sufficiently testifies how wel he deserved of his people for the continuance of their peace and safetie He askes next what that was which lent our shipping to a Treacherous and Antichristian warr against the poore Protestants of Rochell What is this against our peace at home and though there were shipps of ours vsed against Rochel t is sufficiently knowne they were not lent against Rochell and the Dutch shipps which were vsed as ours were not lent to a Treacherous and Antichristian warr He askes what peace was that which fell to robb the french by sea to the imbarring all our marchants in that Kingdome Is not this man madd that will charge the vse of the shipping against Rochell for a Cryme and call it a Treacherous and Antichristian warr and presently charge the King for making warr against the french vpon the ground of vsing his shipps against Rochell and call it a robbing of the french by sea and is it possible to avoyde the losse of Marchants in case of hostilitie He proceedes to cry out on that vnblest expedition to the Isle of Ree doubtfull whether more calamitous in the succes or designe Was not the designe in the favour of Rochell did they not desire it and yet he calls the ill successe of that Action the betraying all the flower of our military youth and best Commaunders to a shamefull surprisall all and execution And who betrayed them and to what purpose what advantage could his Majest have by such a losse And was the warr against Rochell Treacherous and Antichristian and the releife too But this Libeller is resolute to defie sence and reason now he hath spoken against the peace we enjoyed whereto doth it amount was there any interruption of our peace at home and was there not cause for these expeditions abroade If there were not the Parliament failed in their Councell to the King in advising the warr with spaine and complaining of the french for the misimployment of the shipps against Rochell If peace were intended vs at home what meant these billetted souldiers in all parts of the Kingdome Dot noth he know the meaning that mentions Cades and the Isle of Ree where they were imployed surely he is soe intent on words as he looses his Memory aswell as his other faculties But he hath found out a designe of German horse to subdue vs in our peacefull houses These German horse have made much noyse yet were never discovered and the King who was advised to make a warr in Germany and other places by the Parliament could not vse German horse but against England But what is all this to the greate measure of peace we enjoyed above other nations Can any man that reades this Libellers willfull impertinency judge other then that he fights blindfold who would extend these forraigne voyages which had not the face of warr at home and continved not beyound the fower first yeares of his Majest Raigne to diminish the measure of our peace soe long enjoyed and that in the middest of soe many miscarriages and conspiracies both at home and abroade For our Religion he sayes where was there a more ignorant prophane and vitious Clergie learned only in the antiquitie of their pride The pride of these Sectaries contemnes all learning antiquitie which condemnes their fantasticall presumptuous novelezing The learning of the English Clergie is too well knowne to the world to receive any disreput from the Streechinge of night oules and of Kats Noe wise man could see what was left for other nations to admire or envie but to pittie Other nations saw who had enough to cause them to admire our happines not to pittie our condition and of this there is a large Testimony But sayes the libeller wealth and plentie in a land where Iustice Raignes not is no Argument of a florishing state but of neerenes rather to ruine commotion The blessings of God peace and plentie are often turned into wantonnesse and wickednes by the people and are often a signe by the peoples abuse of ensuing ruine or commotion and of this the present condition of England is a greate Testimonie but it was never denyed to be the florishing state of any nation and he will finde litle creditt to his supposition that Justice Raignes not where there is wealth and plentie in a land There were not some miscarriages only of Government which might escape And of that nature are all the particulars gathred by him if they had been true but an viniversall distemper and reducement to arbitrary Government There was a distemper and disaffection to Government in many seditious seducers but an viniversall distemper and reducement to Arbitrary Government could not consist with the oppression of that tranquillitie and securitie of the people which was visible to all men the losse whereof brought on
for the peace of his people Shall he destroy innocent men and persecute Christians to procure peace Or are these things consistent with honour conscience and may not such things be desired by a wicked people in order to peace And therefore the Libeller vainely presses that nothing is more agreeable to the conscience and honour of a King then to preserve his subjects in peace And is there anything more contrary to the conscience dutie of subjects then to procure a Civill warr by demaunding concessions of their King which in honour and conscience he cannot grannt which being graunted would be noe ground for a lasting peace though it avoyded a present warr The Libeller askes which of the propositions were obtruded on him with the point of the sword till he with the point of the sword thrust from him both propositions and propounders A strange question in this Libeller that hath soe often obtruded the feares and terrours raysed in the King by the Tumults and Iron flaile seizing of the Magazins and not leaving him a sword that had a point to thrust but this Theame is too much soyled by soe often repetition and yet he proceedes to talke of merciles obtrusions which for almost twentie yeares the King had been forcing vpon tender consciences by all sorts of persecutions And these tender consciences he will allow to be preferred before the peace of the Kingdome Truly these are not large and indefinite words but apparent absurdities to the eye of every Common judgment that the pretended conscience of every hipocriticall sectarie must be preferred to the peace of a King dome and the King must be allowed none but lose life and Kingdome or prostitute his conscience The Libellers examination of the Kings booke it seemes was noe other then of his owne writings that huddles vp contradictions and absurdities soe obvious to the first sight His labour to declaime against persecution is not matter of faâ—…t and the impertinencie of it hath been already sufficiently detected The king sayes Many things are required of him nothing offred in requit all And the Libeller demaunds What could satiate the desires of this man who being King of England and Master of almost two millions yearely was still in want And yet the Masters in the new state affirme in their declaration that the constant Revenue of the Crowne exceeded not a hundred thousand pound a yeare And why should not the King expect contributions from his subiects aswell as al his Predecessours still had And why will this man deny him supplies that soe often obtrudes his wants and he will have the King content with Rebells Charitie and allowes them to take al from him when they list as the subjects money this is the supreame honour and Revenue that the king ought to content himselfe with It was for honours sake that they put the King vpon the giving part not that it belonged to him of right for he sayes all lawes are in the hands of the Parliament and King-shipp it selfe He sayes it and yet we must beleive him that England was a Monarchy if the Majestie were not in the king how was it other then a republique and it was for honours sake that they have been subjects these many hundred yeares wherefore would he have the world beleive warrs were made betweene compeâ—…tours for the Crowne of England was it only to be a king in a play but we finde that what Rebells can attaine by power they will assert for right and they which have had soe many denialls and have professed conscientious subjection at last come to say it was for honours sake and of forme not necessitie that they were subjects The Libeller proceedes to shew that Monarchy cannot permit the requisites necessary to societie That the will of one man in Government is contrary to freedome And why not the will of five hundred to the freedome of the rest as much as that one These men thinke that their clamour against the power of one man hes a greate influence vpon the ignorant people which might have had some beleife before they had tryed their new Masters If we looke vpon the most ancient stories of the world we finde the people both in peace and warr commaunded by one man nature teaching the necessitie of one generall in an Army and the Government which God himselfe appointed to his people was by one man and as moyses was at first soe were his successours and the kings after Saul and David and this Libeller can speake nothing of this power of one man but must censure and vilifie Gods owne institution he offers nothing against Monarchy but what hes equall opposition to Parliament and all formes of Government for the peoples good for which he sayes the king hath his rights will assoone become a pretence for Rebellion against any Rulers as kings His denyall that the King is not greater then his Parliament is only opposinge his bare word to all sense and reason for doth the greater petition the lesse and yet the Parliament constantly petition the king He sayes the King can doe noe wrong And have not they then that pretend he had done wrong committed disobedience and wrong The King can doe noe right but in his Courts And if they be his Courts and his deputies and doe all in his name doth it not follow that it is his doing And though the kings sitt not ordinarily in their Courts yet they have often sate in severall Courts and in Parliament the King himselfe gives orders as appeares by the Presidents of all times and wherefore did the Parliament preferre their petition of right to the King and importuned his answeare if he had noe power to doe right but by his Courts But what concernes the administration of Justice by deputies is not peculiar to England but to all other Kingdomes Without his Courts he is noe King And yet they are his Courts and cannot sitt but by his graunt If the King doe wrong in the highest degree he must doe it as a Tyrant not as a King of England But he is still King of England though a Tâ—…rant and if subjects may judge their King the ordinary acts of soveraigntie wil be wrong in the highest degree If he cannot as one greater give oft to the Parliament as the Libeller supposes and that it may be termed the Courtesie of England to aske any thing of the King They would not have importuned the Acts that have passed this Parliament nor have vsed their Iron flaile to obteine them and by his rule subjection is noe more the Courtesie of England then all other Countreyes We never forced him to part with his conscience but it is he that would have forced vs to part with ours and doth he that refuses the demaund of another force his conscience that demaunds Doth the Kings denyall force his subjects consciences because they force themselves to Rebell and enforce him to say what they will have him The
begged that dignitie of the meanest plebeians naming them man by man But might not those to whome they went deny their petition Could they require their election as due and was their begging requiring He would willingly make badd English out of good Lattyn though good Lattin may be noe good manners from a subject to his king and it is absurd in Government for any to pray that ought to commaund the Libeller seemes distracted that would have petitioning requiring and prove it by the signification it hath of begging They petitioned not because all of them were inferiour but because he was superiour to any of them But why then doe they petition in their politique Capacitie as a Parliament He tells vs at last it was for fashions sake more then dutie But why then did they professe it to be their dutie He tell◅ vs the Misteries of their Religion their professions and promises are Ceremonies their submissions for fashion this is the doctrine of cut throates By plaine law cited before the Parliament is his superiour And why had he not brought in petitio principy as well as petitio consulatus vsing it soe often and that in good English is begging the question Doubtles he thinkes that some believe it is plaine law because he saith soe but such as reade his booke finde he vnderstands not law nor reason and will not speake the truth he vnderstands It were a mad law that would subject reason to supcrioritie of place And doth not himselfe say it that the Parliament is superiour and therefore the kings reason must be subject to it and is not he mad or senseles He returnes againe to his invective against Monarchy and one mans will and soe its only the kings Cryme that he was a Monarch and if the King be not bound in a blinde obedience to all that the Parliament requires we must all be slaves a proper inference and vpon this he concludes that petitioning was but forme because he doth not like the Kingly Government It cannot be soe absurd to binde the King to a blinde obedience as to confine the Parliaments reason to the will of one man Much more absurd to bind the King and leave subjects vnconfined That the King did notbing but what was opposite to his professed interest cannot be supposed but in his concessions to the late Parliament and we finde by sad experience that nothing is more ruinous to the Kingdome then a power in the Parliament over the King and they have been soe farr from a power to confine the exorbitancie of Kings that those illegall conventions which acted the Tragedies of some Kings were but the stales to vsurpers and moulded to their will That the King called them young statesmen he imputes to arrogance Doubtles the King might have said much more then what he did that most part of these propounders were young statesmen Is there a man in England that doubts it if he regard either age or experience how they have governed themselves and the Kingdome all men see who from soe greate tranquilitie have turned it into a lamentable combustion and despised the Kingdomes interest both at home and abroade that Phaetons miscarriage was never soe answeared by the practice of any rash and precipitate medlers in affaires of state as these vsurpers and as they drove furiously with Iehu soe they practized his hipocrisie that loved the Kingdome better then the commaunds of God and departed not from the sins of Jeroboam though he pretended Zeale for the Lord and that omen of confusion from such fury and madnes his Majest prayed God to divert but the Libeller is pleased with his owne prognostickes and makes augury a warrant for any villany though the wickednes of his Masters may give just occasion to thinke their vengeance sleepes not He comes now to dictate law and tumbling of his repetitions that the Parliament sit not as subjects but superiours called not by him but by the law And doth not this man know the Parliament sayes all this is false and that they are his subjects and called by his writ Surely this Libeller takes pleasure in outfacing all truth otherwise he would not vse such absurd and palpable falsities and that after himselfe had said the king was trusted with the summoning and dissolving of Parliaments Vnreasonable desires might be vnexpected by the king and denyed Wee may see that Iehues fury and Phaetons rashnes were not ill remembred to these men that held the enforcing of old lawes repairing of injuries moderate desires of reformation soe contemptible that nothing but the rooting vp of the foundation of Government could be a remedie for the kingdome whose greate prosperitie was their greatest greivance and all those good lawes which he commends were vseles and to noe purpose That they which came to the Parliament had no authoritie to redresse greivances but to desire the redresse was acknowledged a truth by the late Parliamēt befor their insolēce was confirmed by the kings concessions That their Fathers made as vast alterations to free themselves from ancient Popery is much mistaken for whoever lookes into the reformation of Religion in England shall finde that it moved from the head and that the Parliament conformed themselves vnto the Counsells taken by the king and made not the alterations the Libeller supposes Alterations were made where corruptions had entred into doctrine or practice but it was very farr from esteeming the primitive Church a time of superstition and plucking vp by the rootes what ever was planted in the first ages of the Church Sectaries are not to be judges of what varies from Scripture their opinions arising from disobedience must needes be full of errour and schisme and his Majest had good reason to preferre the doctrine and practice of the primitive Church before any moderne opinion of reformation and as all the pregnant and solid reasons of the Chnrches beyound the seas wrought lesse with the faction in Parliament then the Tumults and rabbles soe farr lesse with this Libeller that defends a schisme from them all vnder the divided Conventicles of Independancy and a crew of ignorant and irreligious Hobgoblins that eate the fat of robbery and oppression And he heere pretends the example of all the reformed Churches against Episcopacie and afterwards confesses the Lutherans who are the greater part of a contrary practice The falshood giddines of their oracles are more ridiculous thē ever were the superstitious pilgramages of blinde votaries he that thus reprehends the kings oppositiō to the change of Church Government while he strives for innovation exclaimes against it as a Cryme for he sayes they would vindicate the Government of the Church innovated corrupted he should have shewed from what time it was corrupted The king sayes such as were looked vpon before as factious in the state Schismatieall in the Church demaunded not only tollerations for themselves in their vanitie noveltie and confusion but alsoe an extirpatiou of that Government
whose rights they had a minde to invade And the Libeller askes was this man ever likely to be advised who setts himselfe against his chosen Councellours and censures the Government of other protestant Churches as bad as any Papist Certainly such Councellours were very vnfitt to advise that were soe ill qualified such as the lawe judges offenders are incapable to judge of law that such were these demaunders is evident to al men that know the lawes and Government of England There are noe Protestant Churches that thinke their Government censured if others differ from it in any particular but they will hold it a Schismaticall insolence in any to endeavour to alter a Government well setled vpon pretence to introduce another against the will of the king It imports not any contempt of the kingdome if such as they chose be found either defective or false and to engage the kingdome in all the impieties that men act which are chosen by them is as absurd as vainely pretended by the Libeller who will make a faction prevalent by Tumults and sedition to be the kingdome and the king should have had his kingdome in greate contempt if he had taken such a faction for the kingdome He drawes an Argument from the penaltie of being a Christian vnder the heathens and a Protestant vnder Papists And surely had they sought to introduce their Religion with the destruction of the Civill state such a fact would have merited the name of treason but their course was contrary to these Sectaries who sought only to enjoy the libertie of their conscience not to enforce others That our saviour comming to reforme his Church was accused of an intent to invade Caesars right as good a right as ever the Prelate Bishopps had the one being gotten by force the other by spirituall vsurpation Helpes not the Sectaries for our saviour was innocent of that false accusation declaring his kingdome not to be of this world acknowledged Caesars right bidding the people to give vnto Cesar the things that were Cesars but this mans prophanes would have the accusation true and lawfull to invade Cesars right from the false accusation of our saviours and blasphemously avowes invading of the Bishopps rights because one better then cesars for to what other purpose doth he compare the rights of Cesar and the Bishopps vnlesse to justifie their dealinge with the Bishopps And accuse our saviour for intending the lyke to Caesar The right of the Prelate Bishopps was gotten by spirituall vsurpation Could any Jew Turke or Pagan speake more reproach fully against Christiaintie that the calling of those men who were soe eminent for suffering and Martidome and gathering the Christian Church throughout the world was a spirituall vsurpation The objection or to his Majest repeating the arguments from law antiquitie Ancestours prosperitie and the like was very improper from him whose repititions of Tyrany slavery single voyce consent of the kingdome and such like have blotted soe greate a part of his booke and he that would binde the king to follow the Example of other Churches will exclude antiquitie and the primitive Church and authorise the schisme of innovating Sectaries because Papists have vsed Arguments against them The king sayes had he two houses sued out their livery from the wardship of Tumults he could sooner have beleived them But sayes the Libeller it concerned them first to sue out their livery from his encroaching Prerogative The law allowes noe livery from Royall Prerogative but judges them Rebells that seeke it The Character sett on them that hunt after faction with their hounds the Tumults the Libeller hath justified by his defence It s noe shame for a King to be a pupill to the Bishopps whose calling it is to give him spirituall Councell but it were madnes to be a laquay to such mē who take vpon them to judge of the callings in the Church of God which have noe calling to it much more to a rabble whome the Libeller himselfe holds extravagant That nimrod was the first that hunted after faction could never be told by the Bishopps much lesse that he was the first that founded Monarchy The Bishopps could have named a more ancient foundation in Adam and Noah They finde the hunters after faction by Tumults of a latter dale Corah and his Company that Rebelled against Moses and Sheba that spake to the Tumults what part have we in David or portion in the sonne of Jesse and they finde them in the cursed Jewes that hunted by the Tumults against our Saviour In Demetrious and his Craftsmen against the Apostles and in Alexander the Copper Smith against St. Paul and that 's the game which Rebells in all times hollowed to and the Mungrell sort never faile them and these that hunt with such hounds preserve beasts of prey to devoure the quiett profitable Certainly Parliaments made lawes before Kings were in being which must have better authoritie then his reason to prove We finde kings making lawes before ever we reade of Parliaments in Commonwealths we finde their law makers were single men as Licurgus Solon and diverse others The kings holding his Crowne by law doth not imply another law maker then the king who first made that law wherevnto the whole people were subject but he that soe lately blamed repetitions vnseasonably falls into his old rode of disputing against Monarchy which he pretends to decline It hath been anciently interpreted the presaging signe of a future Tyrant to dreame of copulation with his Mother Heere is a conceite pluckt in by head and shoulders Whereof was it a signe in Junious Brutus that was directed by the oracle to kisse his Mother his succeeding act was the expulsion of the kings and change of the Government was that lesse then Tyrany or not soe presaged by the oracle as wel as a dreame Parliaments can be noe Mothers to kings that are created by kings The king is by the law of England Father of the Countrey the life and soule of the law but the Libeller will finde out a step Mother an Athalia to destroy the seede Royall and sett her meestuous broode vpon the throne for these dreames were the delusions of some prime Rebells and could not allude vnto just Title but conceites are growne low when such dreames must be fetcht in for reasons And from his dreames it is not strange he should fancie allusions which himselfe sayes are ordinary of the King to the sun of force to swell vp Caligula to thinke himselfe a God And because these Rebells can not be Gods they will be Devills The King sayes these propositions are not the joint and free desires of both houses next that the choise of many members was carried by faction He sayes Charles the fifth against the Protestants in Germany laid the fault vpon some few And what is that to the faction in England If they be not the joint desires of both houses as it was not ought the King to
which were as impertinent to an inference of the Kings friend-ship or causing the Rebellion as the vse of such persons by Ministers of State though of different Religion He engaged the Irish Papists in a warr against the Scotch protestants there was never popish engagement against the Scotts for the King if in the kings Army raysed in that kingdome there were Papists it was without the engagement of their partie but their engagement by alleagiance to their King and whence doth it follow that because the King raysed an Army in Ireland he must therefore rayse the Rebellion in Ireland and as it s well knowne that the keeping vp of that Army would probably have prevented the Rebellion of Ireland that it was disbanded long before that Rebelliō brake foorth so they which complained so much of that Army and importuned to have it disbanded thereby prepared the way to their owne Rebellion as groundlesse and cruell as that of the Irish. The summer before that dismall October a Committee of active Papists all since in the head of the Rebelliō yet Sr. Hardresse waller was one of them were in greate favour at whitehall and admitted to private consultations of the King and Queene Then all Companies of Traytours are Committees from the example of the late Parliament But he was loath to say they were a Committee as they were from the lower house of Parliament in Ireland which kept correspondence with the faction of the English Parliament and made addresses to them and were encouraged by them in their proceedings with the King and their comming over was wholy to serve the designe of the faction in England But noe meane matters were the subject of these conferences for he gave away his peculiar right to more then five Irish Counties for an inconsiderable Rent But it was not his right of soveraigntie neither was this which he calls noe meane matter a conference about the Rebellion and this peculiar right which this Libeiler accuses the King for parting with not to Papists peculiarly but subjects in generall the accusers of the Earle of Strafford charged him for asserting to the King and that inconsiderable Rent was in their judgment excessive these are the colours of Justice and truth which these Rebells put on their Calumnies They departed not till within two moneths before the Rebellion Rebells ordinarly disgiuse their intentions and therefore such might frequent the Court as the faction in Parliament pretended affection and dutie while they plotted to destroy the King and now the Libeller resorts to his Scotch Author who he sayes declares What should move the King to those close meetings he that beleives Sanders Carries and other Papists in their virulent forgeries against Queene Elizabeth may likely give credit to the Libeller and his friend the Scotchman and take vp infamous Libells for true stories The Libeller flies from hence to one of his common haunts the designe of bringing vp the English and Scotch Army and thinkes it noe repetition which he had soe often obtruded and he inferrs that because the King could not prevayle with them he betakes himselfe to the Irish who had in readines an Army of eight thousand Papists and a Committee heere of the same Religion But what to doe to kill one another If the King sought to make vse of the Irish that rebelled he might more advantagiously have done it then by cutting one anothers throates and had they intended him assistance they would not have consumed themselves against his subjects there and how could he transport that Army from Ireland that was disbanded before ever the Rebellion brake foorth and the Committee departed two moneths before He tells vs from his friend the Scotchman that there were they who thought now was the time to doe service for the Church of Rome against the Puritant Parliament It s very likely there were they who thought the Puritan faction in Parliament had done more to the advantage of the Church of Rome by the embroyling of England then ever had been done since the reformation and they might well thinke it a fit time to attempt any designe against the Kingdome And did not the Libeller thinke that there are among the vulgar such capacities as receive legends and Romanses for true stories he would not soe grossely produce such discourses of five Counties given to the Irish and fower offred to the Scotch And of like stuffe is his mention of the Kings attempt to pervert the Scotch Army from their way homeward and the plot which he hath taken from his Scotch Colleague to remove out of the way such as were most likely to withstand or not further his designes With this libertie of invention doe theis Traytours seeke to maske their villany That a Commission vnder the greate seale of Scotland commaunded this Rebellion Was taken vp after the pretence of the greate seale of England was detected of falsitie and as this greate seale of Scotland hath asmuch vntruth soe it hath noe more colour there being noe possibilitie for the King to vse that seale not at all in his power to such a Commission The sending of the Ld. Dillon is of the same stampe what the Irish did is easily graunted but the falshoods of this Libeller and his friend the scotchman are no misteries of iniquitie but open and detected cheates one quotes the authoritie of the other as if they were strangers mett by chance and make Libelling their worke to distract the people and yet from these devices the Libeller will conclude that the King cannot be doubted to be Author or instigatour of that Rebellion It had been ridiculous to cite a gazett but a branded stigmaticke infamous If his reason be moved by such Arguments t is the lesse wonder that his language and practice is foe corrupt and he may reckon himselfe among that rabble of the vulgar he soe much despises These Testimonies likelyhoods evidences and apparent Actions which he mentions in the declaration of July 1643. Are of as litle credit as his friend the Scot◅hman And there is not a more evident conviction of malefactours then their declarations against the king are of the guilt of those that contrived them setting foorth their dutie which they dissembled and condemning their actions which they disavowed It is not credible that the Irish Rebells would be foe farr from humanitie as to stander him being soe well received by him at Oxford If a man had wanted an proofe of the Libellers absurditie he might heere be furnished by himselfe that drawes an Argument from the humanitie of the Irish whose barbaritie and Treacherie is soe greate a part of his accusation against the king They who were received at Oxford vpon offer of submission were very farr from pretence of such a Commission and it may be aswell concluded they had a Commission at Oxford as before because they were there and aswell concluded that th◅y never Rebelled as that they made noe salfe pretences of their Rebellion
The king neede not bring proofes against a groundles accusation that containes not any evidence of fact and a single denyall by al lawes is preferred before such a charge and it is as likely that the Rebells in Ireland should pretend his Seale as those in England his authoritie noe man doubts of the invaliditie of a Rebells pretence This Chapter is not without witnes of his good affection to the Rebells which he collects from thaâ—… the king sayes they were lesse in fault then the Scotts from whome they might alledge to have fetched their imitation making no difference sayes the Libeller beâ—…eene men that rose necessarily to defend themselves which noe Protestant Doctrine ever disallowed against them who threatned warr and those who began a voluntary causâ—…les Rebellion If the Irish made warr not to be restrained from their Religion had they not the same cause the same pretence of defending themselves as the other pretended for refusing the Common prayer booke and expelling Bishopps Where lies the odds Is it Protestant Doctrine that they may defend themselves and Papists may not and that Protestants may Rebell for Religion Papists may not That were very much to the credit of Religion but the Libeller will not acknowledge the protestants nor their Doctrine who maintaine it to be vnlawful for subjects to defend themselves against the supreame power though Tyranically abused and there is noe neede to fly to the Parliaments authoâ—…itie if subjects may take Armes against their king vpon pretence of defending themselves The Libeller well knowes the just indignation the Protestants abroade have expressed for this scandall the king names not the Scotts but thinkes that their blame must needes be greater whose Actions the Irish had to alledge for their imitation by how much protestant principles are more against Rebellion then those of Papists such as inferre good affection to the Irish from such premises will easily make vaine or malitious rumours strong proofes The King sayes he hath the greatest share of dishonour and losse by what is committed The Libeller as before makes this noe Argument because every one that offends God or his neighbour hath the greatest share of losse and dishonour in the end and have they not worldly ends in offending God and if these ends were not sought by them they would not offend God He pretended before that this was a politique contrivance of the King and now he would have it an act without designe Doth he thinke that the malitious reports of him and his Scotchman are of weight to make a man suspected of an act directly tending to his owne vndoing and would the King instigate the Irish Rebellion for his owne ends to have the assistance of the Irish which by such engagement could not assist him Though presumptions are noe convincing proofes yet they are more credible then suspitions or reports It is a strong Argument for the peoples confidence in their King more then in other men because his interest lies cheifely in the common welfare of his subjects and it is hard to beleive that a King will knowingly doe any thing against that interest and to his owne losse and dishonour and whenever any have offended in that kinde the proofe of it hath been more apparent then the authoritie of rumours and Libells but heere the act it selfe cannot have any possibilitie of concurrence to the Kings ends It too notoriously appeares in another section which he Mangles but shall heere have it whole The King sayes t is thought by many wise men that the preposterous rigour and vnreasonable severitie which some men carryed before them in England was not the least incentive that kindled and blew vp into those horrid flames the sparkes of discontent which wanted not predisposed fewell for Rebellion in Ireland The Libeller sayes that these some men are the Parliament And if the Rebells had feed an Advocate he could hardly have dazled better Truly the Libellers too notoriously doth not amount to a dazling of any eyes from descerning his vaine confidence Does any thing heerein excuse a Rebellion that speakes only of what succeded it And if the kings censure of the proceedings of such as managed the busines against the Rebells shew an affection to the Rebells then certainely most Princes that have had warrs in Ireland were very guiltie of that affection that vsed like censures but what the king sayes heere was spoken in Parliament by diverse members who disadvised the preposterous severitie that was propounded and afterward proceeded in and it will rest an indelible blemish of a rash and vnadvised Councell in those men that in the beginning of a Rebellion would put a whole nation into despaire and feare of extirpation That their wonted oppressions as they conceived should rather have made them against the King then the Parliament is easily beleived for it s knowne to all the world they did rise against the king vpon pretence of regaining their nationall liberties from the English oppression as they called it and since the Libeller seeth soe apparent an Argument of their rising against the king its blinde madnes to suspect their rising for the king The Parliament then pretended to act for the king and that the Rebellion was against him not themselves but the man deserts his Arguments and falls to his old common place and will suspect the king because he vsed the Prelaticall Religion and to force it vpon others made Episcopall Ceremoniall and common prayer booke warrs Such men as made warrs and raysed Rebellion to take away the order of Bishopps Ceremonies and booke of Common prayer established by lawes in the Raignes of best Princes with the advice of the most eminent confessours and Martyrs of the age wherein they lived conformable to the Scripture and purest times of the Church declare to the whole world that they have neither shame truth nor Religion and are justly stigmatized for making not only Episcopall Ceremoniall and common prayer booke warrs but Antichristian and Diabolicall Rebellion That the Papists knew these warrs were their warrs may easily be beleived for they must needes apprehend advantage from the Rebellion But it s well knowne that the Papists are more jealous of Episcopacie Ceremonies and booke of common prayer as they stand râ—…formed in the Church of England then of the Directory Extemporall devotions independent or Pres biterall platformes that have noe foundation in the Scripture or the doctrine or practice of the ancient Church but what is this to the preposterous rigour and vncharitable fury that he would justifie Does he meane that the extirpation of the Irish was the sole way to suppresse open Idolatry and is this what we may doe Evangecally to be their Reformers Is blood massacre Evangelicall reformation is kill and reforme the same thinge As that rigour observed by his Majest was altogeather vnpolitique soe if it were intended in order to Religion it was most abominable such Massacres being the designes of irreligious
persecutours not Evangelicall Reformers who though they feare not their adversaries yet will not give them cause of scandall nor desperation and such as make destruction their Reformation shew they feare men whome they seeke to kill not God whome presumptuously and hipocritically they pretend to serve His instance of King James is as impertinent as scurrilous that after the powder plot King Iames durst never doe other then equivoiate and collegue with the Pope his adherents Doth this viper beleive the Pope or his adherents had any such thoughts Was the writing against the the Pope a Colloguinge The many invectives of Popish writers against him signifie the plaine contrary besides the lawes made by him against Popish recusants shew that the Author was in one of his lunatique transes when he dreamt of that heckticke trembling The retarding and delayes of releife to Ireland against that Rebellion were soe apparently discovered to proceede from the faction in Parliament that there rests not the least colour to charge it vpon the King They converted the subjects money and other preparations for the releife of Ireland to the raysing of the Rebellion in England and they hindred the going over of a new governour into that kingdome because they would vse his helpe to their designes at home They were diffident to trust the King with an army and therefore refused his offer to goe in person against the Rebells It seemes they had litle compassion on that people that preferred their jealosies before their pittie it is a plaine Treason and encouragement to that Rebellion to pretend distrust of their King and shewes they sought their owne personall securitie before the remedie of that Rebellion the safetie of the kingdome His Majest might justly finde fault with those who threatned all extreamitie to the Rebells and they that exclude all mercy to every single person where multitudes are involved and such as followed Absolom with a simple heart shew neither humanitie nor Christianitie when Fathers Brothers Wives and Children were destroyed by such an occasion neither is Magistracie and warr vnder the gospell giuded by such passions but by the rules of Christian pittie and such as give themselves the licence of vniversall Massacres will not abstaine from embruing their hands in the blood of their Fathers Brothers Wives and Children sparing neither ancient nor suckling King nor Priest defacing all Monuments of Christianitie and turning Religion into the discourses of their hirelings and all devotion into squint eyes and disfigured faces and erect an Empire in themselves with the slaughter of all that submitt not to them The repetition of making the warr by the King in England is his Catholicon against all exceptions and Gewgawes of the Crowne and Copes and anâ—…â—…lisses and such trinketts he thinkes are names to sublimate his braine sicke Sectaries into their frenetique fitt and make them cry out greate are the Calves of their vnknowne Religion whither they contemne the wisedome of God vnder the law his mercy vnder the gospel and will rather wade through the blood of their Country then endure power in the King or decencie in the Church There is greate difference betweene the instances of the destruction of the sichemites and the disciples calling for fire from heaven against the Citie that denyed lodging and this of a nation by just warr execution to slay whole famelies of them who had slaine whole families before But where lies the odds there was asmuch threatned to the Irish as was done to the sichemites Though there were a difference betweene the sins of some there was noe difference betweene the innocence of many and there is noe difference betweene them that will destroy promiscuously without mercy where all are not guiltie in the one case and the other But why doth not the Libeller state his case right and insteede of families sett downe the whole nation as the truth was Did he shrinke at the expression of the truth at large and name families to diminish the guilt That which was done against the Benjamites was by Gods revealed will in that particular Case and yet there was a remnant reserved of them that escaped the present stroake of the warr and they returned againe to their possessions The Libeller sayes he speakes not this that such measure should be meated to all the Irish or as remembring that the Parliament ever soe decreed But if they did soe then this shall serve for their justification for to what end els is it that he offers excuses To shew that this homily meaning it seemes the Kings discourse hath more of craft and affectation then sound doctrine But either it is sound doctrine or else the Libeller must justifie the contrary to which he sayes that which he speakes is not intended and that which he hath brought shewes that the homily he intends is sound Doctrine and his intended opposition signifies nothing but his owne corruption The King would have some punished which he sayes were of least vse and must of necessitie have been sacrifised to his reputation And can he thinke that the king caused the Rebellion and yet would punish any for his reputation might they not then produce it and how then could he sacrifise them to his reputation which would be more wounded by the punishing of one then the sparing of all The king sayes some were to be pretected vpon their submission from the fury of those who would soone drowne them if they refused to swim downe the popular streame with them The Libeller sayes that fury is applyed to the Parliament If such were their condition it s not misapplyed The Libeller sayes he remembers not they had soe decreed if not how could it be applyed to them And wherefore doth he except to the soundnes of the doctrine if it concerned them not Those who would not swim downe the streame are Papists Prelates and their faction He meanes not English Prelates for they have not yet been charged with the Irish Rebellion and if he meane the Romish Prelates it were superfluous having named Papists before and why doth he say that he speakes not that such measure should be meated to all the Irish when he would have the king esteemed a favourer of the Jrish Rebellion if he protected any Irish Papists vpon their submission For he sayes by this who sees not that he and the Irish Rebells had but one aime And whoever thinkes he sees it by this hath neither sight nor reason and there is nothing to be seene in the Libellers inference but excessive impudence and falshood The King sayes some kinde of zeale is not seldome more greedy to kill the Beare for his skin then for any harme he hath done This the Libeller renders our zeale and would inferre from thence that the Parliament is more bloody in the prosecution of their Iustice then the Rebells in their crueltie And by what construction can he make that good may there not be by ends
in a judge yet his sentence not soe bloody as a malefactours Cryme he that charges a Magistrate with a wrong end in giving a Just sentence doth not diminish the Cryme of the malefactour Can any rationall soule conclude vpon the Kings dislike of irregular proceedings against the Irish that he excused their Cryme This is chaffe to cast in the eyes of his bleerde Sectaries for none else are soe purblinde and there neede noe dispute that the King perfectly hated the Irish Rebellion justly censured the proceeding in that vnseasonable threatning of destruction The instance of the beares skin was made by a member of the lower house at the time when they debated that busines and yet they then thought it noe favour to the Irish nor censure of their owne proceedings The cessation which the King made was in favour of the Irish and without the advice of Parliament to whome he had committed the managing of that warr The King plainely descerned that the designe of the faction in Parliament in managing the Irish warrs was only to draw money from the people vnder that pretence to subdue England and destroy him by taking away al assistance from him and thence proceedes their Calumnie vpon the cessation and their willfull neglect and diversion of succours amidst the reiterated Cryes of the protestants in that Kingdome the importunitie of the Lords Justices and the visible growth of the Enemy shewes the advantage they made of that Rebellion the King was bound in Justice and honour to preserve that Kingdome and in Christian pittie to releive his distressed subjects which he could not doe without resuminge the managing of that warr which had been soe Treacherously miscarried by those he trusted as he made that cessation by the advice intreatie of his protestant subjects there soe they were sufficient wittnesses of the low condition themselves were in and the power of the Rebells But the Libeller would prove that the Protestants there were on the winning hand because they kept their owne notwithstanding the misse of those forces which were landed in wales and Cheshire who without difficultie Mastered a greate part of these Countreyes The Protestants keeping of their owne was by the benifitt of that cessation without which they hoped not to keepe it and those Countreyes of wales and Cheshire were not mastered by those forces as the Libeller supposes but protected by them against the Tyrany of the Rebellion then ontring vpon them The Declaration which he vouches for proofe is an infamy to the Authors conteyning neither colour of proofe nor soundnes of Argument and of as litle creditt as his owne assertions In the meane time those forces of the Protestants which the king gott by that cessation declare to the world that the Irish Rebellion crossed his ends and advanced those of the English Rebells The way-laying of provisions was contradicted by such apparent proofes in his Majest answeares that vntill they make some reply to those particulars their clamours will signifie nothing but want of matter The forces he called over stood him in noe small steede against our maine forces That noe way hinders but that they might be termed handfulls in respect of the numerous Rebells both in Ireland England The reasons of the cessation besides the knowne evidence of truth and weight have an addition of Authoritie from the Libellers calling them false and frivolous without the least shew of reason it being his custome to stile truth and reason by such Titles He reprehends the king for likening his punishments to Iobs Tryalls before he saw them have Iobs endings And vpon the same reason he will not allow the Tryalls of the Martirs to have a likenes to Jobs because the end in respect of Temporall felicitie was not the same The king sayes he hath not leisure to make prolix Apologies from whence the libeller concludes those long declarations and Remonstrances which he calls Pamphletts set out in his name were none of his And is not this a tidy inference because the king in prison expecting the execution of the cruell designes of the Traytours had noe leisure to make prolix Apologies therefore the declarations and Remonstrances published by him while he was at libertie were none of his The king hath given sufficient Testimony to stopp the mouth af a destractour that noe writings published in his name were above his abilitie If his declarations were weightie and just why are they Pamphletts if not why will not the Libeller believe him the Author whome he seeks to vilifie but the world knowes the declarations in the name of Parliament were none of theirs but voted vpon the word of a junto by such as had not capacitie to vnderstand them That though the Common saying that it is Kingly to doe well and heare ill be sometimes true yet more frequently to doe ill and heare well by the multitude of flatterers that deifie the name of Kings It can hardly be proved that ever evill king had soe many flatterers as the best kings have detractours and himselfe produces instances how the multitude deified Simon Mountford and such popular brovillions against their kings For the peace in Ireland the Justice of it is now apparent and he that pardons Rebells to save the effusion of the blood of his good subjects shewes greater tendernes to the good then they that by endeavouring to exclude all from mercy expose them promiscuously to mutuall slaughter and may justly be judged to looke vpón both with an indifferent eye and that neither Justice nor pittie but greedy and rapacious desires carry them to that crueltie The King prayes at large for the Irish Rebells It seemes Charitie for Enemies is held a sin by these miscreants otherwise he would not have censured a prayer soe becoming a Christian that God would not give over the whole stocke of that seduced nation to the wrath of those whose covetuousnes makes them cruell nor to their anger which is too feirce and therefore justly cursed The King deprecates the Rebellion of Ireland and in his prayer concludes his innocence and that if he had not studied the composing of the differences sayes let thy hand be vpon me my fathers house And this the Libeller calls a solemne Curse which is his judgment of the Cryme and the assertion of his innocence Though God affâ—…ict his servants his hand is not against them in wrath as this wretch presumes to say and lookes not on that curse which God denounces against bloody and deceitefull men that pretend his service in the destruction of his servants Vpon the calling in of the SCOTTS and their COMMINGE HE that observes how greate a part of this Libellers booke his invectives against Monarchy take vp how frequently and impertinently he offers his exceptions against Kingly Government in excuse of falshood and Rebellion may well wonder at his exceptions to pretended repetitions in the Kings booke he enters vpon this Chapter with his opinion of
the originall of Kings to be servants of the publique And yet the people were subjects to them and how farr Kings mistake the nature of their office that thinke they are Masters of the people And yet God gave nations to serve them Though their power is for publique good yet they have a peculiar proprietie in that power and Estate as private men in their private fortunes its more for the peoples good to be subject though to an evill King then to fall to confusion And if rulers may not retaine their power because factious multitudes say that they are but intrusted for the peoples good that it is for the peoples good that they yeilde vp the sword they bare it in vaine Such a wooden sword have the Rebells provided for all Rulers but themselves for when they get power by their swords of steele or mines of powder the people may not thinke that they shall finde such Lords of straw as they pretend governours of the people ought to be We are taught by Scripture that the people are commaunded to hearken and obey not teach commaund and though his supposition that Government is in the people and that they ordained Kings be vaine and false by the examples of Scripture and of most Authenticke histories yet were it admitted that a King came in by the peoples consent they are not after such submission Judges of their owne obedience or their Kings power It were vaine to follow the Libeller in his exceptions to the words of favour and gratification as sounding pride and Lordly vsurpation as if kings only had nothing in their power to oblidge men with all these are the spleenetique vapours of Rebellious distemper For the Kings concessions to the Scotts either touching Episcopacie or the Militia wee shall heare his answeare in due time howsoever the king was not bound to the same Actions where Circumstances varied nor after a fuller vnderstanding of the nature and consequence of the things graunted and as his Majest professed a cleerer information after these Actions had passed him soe he evidently saw that they were more against his subjects good then his owne and that insteede of preventing an Arbitrary power it would have introduced an arbitrary licence and confusion into the Kingdome and such men as preferre the bondage of popular confusion or the licentious insolence of many Lords are eyther inchanted with a witch craft of Rebellion or stupidly benummed with a senseles Lethargy With what Zeale the Libeller reproves the abuse of Scripture when he exclaimes as if it offended his conscience we may perceive by the allusion he makes saying Ireland was as Ephraim the strength of his head meaning the Kings Scotland as Iudah was his law giver but over England as over Edom he meant to cast his shooe Hath this man reverence to Scripture or the Author of it He comes againe to accuse the King for persecuting the consciences of Religious men a knowne vntruth yet soe much beloved by the Libeller as he seemes impatient to misse the repetition of it and with this he joynes his reproving the Kings profession of being an Enemy of those that forced the conscience because he had made a warr and lost all rather then not vphold the Bishopps It is an Argument that he esteemed his conscience that lost all for it But the Libeller sayes they were persecuting Bishopps The King vpholding Bishopps vpholds not persecution or abuse and th e Libellers confounding the office ill exercise of it makes knowne his want of Argument The falshood of their Calumnies against the Bishopps is sufficiently manifested to the world that after soe many vehement outcryes they have not proved on such act of persecution done by any one of them not the presons but the office lawe were the persecution in this mans judgment The King obtruded new Ceremonies vpon vs vpon the Scotts a new Liturgie There were noe new Ceremonies obtruded by him in England and this horrid Rebellion to take away the Ceremonies and Government legally established and continually practised vnder the name of innovations detects both the fraude and outrage of their proceedings The new leiturgie offred the Scots by advice of their Bishopps and Clergie was an act befitting the care of a King and noe man will beleive that it was an offence te their consciences who made noe conscience of blood and Rebellion vpon pretence of their conscience which the world sees was an hipocriticall straining at a straw and swallowing a Camell and these tender conscience men have written their tendernes of conscience with the blood of their brethren which will remaine a memoriall of their dissembled sanctitie What hinderance of the search of truth he meanes is not vnderstood vnles he would have the dreames of mad sectaries confirmed by authoritie He would have the penalties of lawes thought persecution of the conscience and sectaries the Judges and sayes if himselfe meaning the King and his learned Churchmen were the obstinate part should Reformation suffer them to sit Lording like the greate whore And are sectaries Libells convictions of Kings and learned Churchmen and the clamours of malefactours a sentence against the Judge Such is the Government that must now rule the world and Reformation must be an Idoll in the hands of a seditious sectarie whereto the people must fall downe and such vnstable multitudes carried about with every winde of doctrine are likely to be those many waters on which the greate whore sits which hath for corruption and crueltie a greate resemblance vnto those false prophetts that now seduce the people These Clergimen were not to bedriven like sheepe but driven out like wolves But they are theeves and wolves that enter into the sheepefold by violence and stealth and the ambition and greedines of these wolves will finde occasion to sucke the blood and devoure the flesh of the sheepe The king sayes that he beleives the Presbiterie though proved to be the only institution of Iesus Christ were not by the sword to be set vp without his conjent which is contrary saith the Libeller both to the doctrine and knowne practice of all Protestant Churches if his sword threaten those who of their owne accord imbrace it But then it cannot be sett vp by the sword vnles his sword threaten those that imbrace it And this jugler denies what the king sayes and yet in effect professes it and while he enrages the Tumults to sett vp their Presbiterie with the sword produces Arguments only for defence The reformed Churches professe to follow the ancients in suffering not associate themselves to bloody Sectaries in Rebelling And his next words impert that private men may not contend with Magistrates nor vse force against them Though Christ and his Apostles being to Civill affaires but private men contended not with Magistrates yet when Magistrates themselves and especially Parliament come to know Religion they ought to defend it against any King or Tyrant What is defence to
vnder Episcopacie the extent of the Christian Religion over soe greate a part of the world doth sufficiently testifie the corruption of many in that order doth not take away the benifitt of it which acrewed vnto the Church by the labours of others and all ages have recorded persons of greate learning and holines of life in that order He talkes againe of the Kings Coronation oath to give vs such lawes as our selves should chuse when he knoweth that the clause which he pretends to be in that oath imports noe such thing nor was that oath wherein the clause is pretended ever ministred to the King nor diverse other Kings nor ordeined to be soe In likelihood they were neerer amendment that sought a stricter forme of Church discipline then that of Episcopacie But they that sought to remove Episcopacy would have the Church discipline in their owne hands that it might be loose and in likelyhood they would not be strict to themselves his boasting of what the Scotts could worke by power shewes that he regards nothing right but power and soe he can prevayle despises all Justice and conscience Vpon the VXBRIDGE TREATIE THat men may treate like beasts aswell as fight noe way opposes his Majest Aphorisme which affirmes Treaties a retiring from fighting like beasts to agreeing like men Treaties being managed only by the vse of reason fighting by force and his Majest spake of the nature of Treaties not the abuses of men in them and though some fighting may be manlike yet the Act is common to beasts rationall Treaties cannot The Kings march and fight at Brainford the Libeller would make a thirst of warr though in the rigour of Marshall law it might have been excused in a naturall Enemy that makes a trade of warr And may as justly be defended in the King whome that faction which proferred a Treatie to him at Cole-brooke intended to surprize him having disposed their forces in such places as must have effected it if he had not speedily prevented it by that onset What he intimates touching Oxford Bristow and scarborrow naming noe particulars he can expect no answeare whoever lookes over the memoriall of passages touching Treaties will finde that the Kings offers were soe large as nothing but desire of peace could have moved him to it and nothing but guiltines and ambition could be the cause of their refusall That the faction in Parliament would have compelled him to part with his honour as a King the Libeller denyes not but askes what honour he had but the peoples guift yet he seekes to defend the Actions of theis villaines as defending themselves and resorts to his common principles that Kings are but the servants of the people who may dispose of their Kings and their honour as they thinke best And by his doctrine the King and people must be the prey of every powerfull Traytour It neede not be repeated that the peoples welfare consists in supporting the rights of their King and that it is their miserie to deprive themselves of him and turne into confusion and slavery to vsurpers And it is Monstrous that a kings highest Court sitting by his regall authoritie should bandie themselves against their soveraigne and like vipers eate out the bowells of their parent fighting against that power which gives them being and by an vnnaturall malice of the members to the head cast the whole body into an incureable consumption This insolence and presumption of the pretended Parliament hath brought the loose rabble and lawles Army to despise the representation which they soe much magnifie and doe that vnto them which they did vnto their king It cannot be doubted that subjects cannot with dutie treate on equal termes with their king and the practice of all times makes it manifest that none but Traytours attempted it and it was a sufficient proofe of the kings desire of peace that he sought a Treatie where a submission was due to him The Kings instructions were to bribe their Commissioners with promise of securitie rewards and places How he proves such instructions he tells vs not but we are sure that the demaunds of their Commissioners were securitie rewards and places for they would have all in their power There were but three heads of the Treatie Ireland Episcopacie and the Militia the first was forestalled by a peace that the King might pretend 〈◊〉 word against the Parliaments Arguments And if there had not been a peace made it was a most detestable Rebellion and blood thirstie crueltie to continue an intestine warr against the King and his people of England vnles a few Tribunes might have the management of that warr in Ireland and exclude the King from any interest in that kingdome and yet this must be a defensive warr on the Rebells part The King bids the Queene be confident he will never quit Episcopacy which informes vs by what patronage it stood And how could that informe you even as well as the Kings telling her that Religion was the sole difference betweene them informes you that the Queene directed him in matters of Religion The sword he resolves sayes the Libeller to clutch as fast as if God with his owne hand had put it into his And there is noe doubt but he had and it was a Rebellious wickednes in that faction which sought to wrest it from him in despite of Gods ordinance and their owne sworne subjection In all these the King had reason honour and conscience on his side and his pretence that the Queene was Regent in all these is farr from credible when causes to the contrary are soe obvious to every vnderstanding The Libeller himselfe professes their intentions to take away the Kings right and would suggest to the world that it was only the Queenes Councell that he would preserve his Crowne Wise men could judge the composure likely to be more miserable then happy But these wise men were taught by their guilt never to thinke themselves secure and to preferre their power before their conscience and the Kingdomes peace The English were called Rebells during the Treatie And why not till the Treatie had made an abolition of their offence for did they forbe are any of their reproachfull termes or Rebellious actions against the king and his partie during the Treatie The Irish were called good and Catholique subjects And that some of them might be though the Libeller cannot produce the instance of it The Parliament was called a Parliament for fashions 〈◊〉 and in the Counsell bookes enrolled noe Parliament That it was no Parliament all knowing men agree and the enrolling of their opinions that held it noe Parliament was noe injury to the Treatie and the Kings appellation of them a Parliament because they would not be treated with otherwise gives them noe right nor shutts vp him from that opinion of their condition which was true and reall Christians treate with the Turke by those appellations he will be called by though they doe not
that thing they call a Parliament consisting of a few contemptible persons professe that all the goods of the subjects are at their disposing By the lawes of England noe act can be a law without the king though both houses propounded it and in that negative voyce of the kings the people reposed their libertie which they would not wholly intrust to a Major part of one or both houses The power of the whole nation is vertually in the Parliament But there is noe vertue in it without the king And is it vertually in such a part of the Parliament as either the Army or the Tumults shall picke out The Libeller hath borne wittnes for the kings Martirdome though he intended the contrary and while he names the Rebells war in their owne defence cannot avoyde to tell the world the Rebellion was to take away the Kings negative voyce and establish lawes at their owne will Every man will beare wittnes that it is Martirdome to die rather then burne incense to Idolls or Devills and he that refuses to introduce schisme and disorder into the Church and committ sacrilegious pillage of Church goods and is persecuted to death for his refusall is noe lesse a Martir then he that suffers for denying an Idolatrous worshipp and this is not to die for Religion because establisht but that establishment which we ought to preserve and all the painting dawbing of these Artisans of Rebellion will not deface that Martirdome which their owne wicked hands have testified There are no reformed Churches that have abolisht the Decalogue so long a king that dies by a wicked Rebellion for not consenting to Trayterours demaunds is judged a Martir by the best reformed Churches but he does not looke before he leape that brings in the Romish Priests executed for that which had been established for he might have knowne they were executed by lawes in force and for doing what noe law in force allowed and there is a great deale of difference betweene heretickes dying for errours against vniversall truths and Martirs dying for vniversally received truths The legislative Parliament and law of Coronation and obstinacie of one man his soe often chewed Rhetorique will not aide him to overcome so apparent truth and noe Parliament could have been soe ridiculous and contemptible a thing as they which abuse the name have now made it spurning it too and fro like a footeball at the will of the multitude and noe men are more markes for slaves then such as are destined to such a vassallage vnder such Masters Noe tolleration can please schismatickes that is bounded with any lawes and vnles they have a libertie to treade downe all law and Religion they account it not freedome and such tolleration which other Churches account themselves happy in these Sectaries account despicable that will have it not beneath the honour of a Parliament and free nation to receive a Schismaticall pretended Religion devised by a junto of Mechannickes His suspitions of palliation are of the same stuffe with his positions and we may well thinke vpon his owne grounds that the Kings advice to his Son to be tender of the people was sincere whose destruction would be his vndoing Which might justly move a Prince to that tendernes Powerfull Rebells are noe lesse infamous then greate and these who place the hopes of immortall prayse in the excesse of villanies only erect the Monuments of their impieties the higher that they may be seene by posteritie though they avoyded for the present the heigth of Hamans Gallowes and we may not thinke such men looke to be remembred in mercy with God who shewed none to men They thinke with Cain their sin greater then can be forgiven Although the King Exhort his Son not to study revenge yet they beleive that he or at least they about him intend not to follow that exhortation and that he sayes was seene lately at the Hague It s like he intends the killing of Dorislans their Rebell Agent Is that an Argument of studying revenge after Reconciliation that a profest villaine was slaine in the heate of indignation comming in Triumph with the blood of the Murthred King as his Trophey The Libeller would willingly perswade the multitude that it concernes them asmuch as those impious projectours of Rebellion to feare such revenge and therefore they may not repent but like himselfe maintaine Treason to be the better cause and to returne to loyaltie were ficklenes and instabilitie He cannot endure the Government by Bishopps for he sayes it is away to subdue the consciences of vulgar men to slavish doctrine The doctrine he meanes is order and obedience and he would have a compendious way to schisme and Rebellion and that 's the grudge which Traytours have at this Government and their profest quarrell He will not admit that Parliaments can have freedome if the King may deny any thing which a Major part propounds as if they had noe freedome vnles the prevailing partie were absolute Lords and yet their freedome is preserved though the Army picke out a few to be the Parliament and send packing the rest and this is the foundation of the English freedome as he would have it and that this Conventicle must have the name of Parliament and not of a faction The conclusion that the Libeller would have is that the Parliament should consist of a few Trayterous designers to whose voyce the rest must be only an Eecho and the sound of a Parliament must be noe other then a bagpipe yeilding only such noates as the breath and stopps of the prime Masters allow it We have seene those tapistry Parliaments which he mentions which stay and remove at the pleasure of those Masters of the houshold And should not the King have a power to stopp the extravagant motions of these impetuous Commaunders which blasted all such whose wisedome and gravitie offred wholesome Counsells for publique safetie and ordered their mutes and noughts to signifie their pleasure The Kingdome would be sure of miserie as often as they see a Parliament and the people see they must seeke their preservation in vnitie which is Resident in the head not in those broken fractions the subject of division and such as seeke vents and ouletts from the supreame Government are the whirle windes of misery and confusion but Traytours would have lawes as easily broken as the spiders webb And this Parliament to which the King must be subject himselfe will allow noe more freedome then to sit in the noose of their Military generall which when he pleases to draw to geather with one twitch not only with his negative but positive Commaud shall throttle the whole nation to the wish of Caligula in one necke and this the Kings negative was farr from and if the Libeller stitch togeather all the quibbles of pasquills satirs they will agree vnto his Rebell Masters but lose their propertie by his application to lawfull Government Where they have placed the Militia the
SALMASIUS His Dissection and Confutation of the Diabolical Rebel MILTON IN HIS Impious Doctrines of Falshood Maxims of Policies and destructive Principles of Hypocrisie Insolences Invectives Injustice Cruelties and Calumnies against his Gracious Soveraign KING CHARLES I. Made legible for the satisfaction of all Loyal and Obedient Subjects But by reason of the rigid Inquisition after Persons and Presses by the late merciless Tyrant Oliver Cromwel durst not be sold publickly in this Kingdom under pain of Imprisonment and other intollerable Dammages Regi qui perfidus nulli fidus London Printed for J. G. B. Anno 1660. and are to be sold in Westminster-Hall St. Pauls Church-yard and the Royal Exchange To the Sacred Majesty of KING CHARLS II. King of England Scotland France and Ireland Most Gracious Soveraign WHilest Artaxerxes the mighty Monarch was marching thorow the Fields one Syneta a poor Countrey man ran for a handful of water with which he presented this Great Prince Even such is this my Munus Levidense for which most humbly I beg Your Majesties Pardon and Reception The famous Author hereof could not undoubtedly be unknown to Your Majesty beyond Sea whose learned VVritings against Sedition and Rebellion such was the rigid Inquisition after Persons and Printing-presses were evermore deemed malignant and unsufferable insomuch that to sell one of his Books was a Crime almost unpardonable or to read one a sufficient proof for Sequestration For the Authors prophane Antagonist John Milton one of your Majesties grand enemies I shall leave him under the rod of correction where with God hath evidenced his particular judgment by striking him with blindness and the Writings of the learned Author to solid and rational understandings to censure subscribing with your Majesties leave my self as I ever have testified by writing one of the humblest of Your Majesties Votarie and Vassals John Garfeild Bibliopola The INTRODUCTION WHen the booke called Icon-basilice was comming foorth the Rebells guilt Suggested Suspitions to them of danger from the memory of his late Majest as formerly they apprehended from his life striving that he might not appeare to posteritie out of those ignominious Circumstances which they had contrived in the murther of him and thence their rigid Inquisition after persons and Presses Rebells rise by flattery rule by force and they that made so many appeales to the people forbid them now to know the groanes of a dead Martyr Vpon the comming foorth of the booke they found what they feared that many whose passion kept them from a right judgment in the heate of Action saw their owne errours in that booke and that the person and cause of his late Majest began to be more Generally vnderstood and being not able to strangle it in the birth they sought how to cast itt foorth to be destroyed raysinge rumours that it was not the worke of his late Majest thinkeing to make men lesse intent on the booke if the author were suspected and that they might thereby take of all opinion of pietie and wisedome from his late Majest which might be collected from his writings it being the Custome of Rebells to prevaile more by Calumnies vpon the disposition then the Actions of Princes They seeke to improve crueltie above nature for having by wicked hands destroyed the Lords anointed they would deface the Memory of their owne vile Actions against him hyring false Prophetts to curse him they grudge at his Crowne in heaven as they usurped that on earth It s no new thing for persons of most eminent vertue to fall into the obloquy suffer by the rage of the misled people and therefore no wonder if innocence finde an oratour to accuse it Treason an Advocate to defend it Rebellion never wanted a Trumpet though the contrivance of it be in Caves vaults yet successe makes it outface the light His Majest booke hath passed the censure of the greatest part of the learned world being translated into the most spred Languages and strangers honour his Memory and abhorre his murtherers but such as regarde not the al seeing eye of God beholding their wickednes despise the judgment of the whole world and there is a man found out that will breake downe the united reason of mankinde he tells men they must take his word above their owne and all mens reason this he vndertakes that lookes on kings as Ants and the kings booke as wanting all moment of Soliditie and if as he chose the Title of Iconoclastes he had written his booke in a Forraigne or learned language his vnfaith fullnes and impudence would be as open and odious as his vanitie is ridiculous And though the exceptions against his Majest booke fall away of them selves and Traytours Apologies carry with them their owne Confutation yet indignation at the shamelesse insolence and vntruth of Iconoclastes provokes a just vindication of his late Majest from the lewde slanders of the answearer A Dumbe childe gott speech at the apprehension of an Injury to the father and its a dead Loyaltie that stands vnmoved at the cursing of a shimei and those curses of shimei recorded in Scripture were lesse virulent and more excusable then this Authors language of his late Majest through his whole Treatise which is a Treason against God and Man Religion Truth and Iustice. THE Preface Examined HIS First words are To descant on the misfortunes of a person fallen from so high a digintie who hath also paid his finall debt to nature and his faults is neither of it selfe a thing commendable nor the intention of this Discourse That it is not a thing commendable is a greed by all and that it is the intention of this Authors Discourse all men discerne by this very expression and in every Period he insolently and scorne fully speakes of the person of his late Majest as fallen into that misfortune and his whole booke is a continued Confutation of this false assertion base natures delight in the misfortunes of persons in highest place It is hatefull in any to descant on the misfortunes of Princes but in such as have relation vnto them by service or Subiection as this libeller to the late king is the Compendium of all vnworthynes and vnnaturall insolence Could he say his Majest had paid his debt to his faults without descant on his misfortunes But he giues timely warning what is to be expected in his booke where like a shameles theife taken in the fact he denies what he openly acts He saies it is not to get a name for no man ever got honour by writing against a King being strong in Legions weake in Arguments Some men have desired a name for Brutish arrogance against Princes and that may be the Authors ambition but however it have fared with others that have spitt their venom in the faces of Kings its certaine he hath lighted vpon the prediction of his owne successe for he will gaine only in famy by this vndertaking Never man found honour by raking
popular insinuations never want ambition and arrogance The Bishopps eminent vertues and sufferings are soe conspicuous to all men as cannot be obscured by malicious detraction But such as make it their sin to preach passive obedience will judge Martirdome hipocrisie and patience worldlinesse His next cause he attributes to the factious inclination of most men divided from the publique by serveral ends and humours of their owne Factious inclinations carry men to Rebellion and disobedience and private ends divided from the publique are excentrique to lawfull Government All changes proceede from these ends and humours and submission to Rulers is inconsistent with them But the Author will have the resistance of parricide and Rebellion an effect of factious inclination as patience and passive obedience to be a worldly doctrine By his account Rebells only have care of the publique and all that oppose them have ends divided from it This humour of seditious Traytours hath been anciently discovered and yet by the peoples vnhappy credulitie never prevented thence it comes that they complaine of faction and innovation while they are busie in contrivinge it And it is noe wonder that they that have found soe many deceived by their dissembled passions will offer such palpable absurdities to the people that men oppose them for private ends that themselves seeke only the publique whē by blood and rapine they have got possession of all the wealth power of the Kingdome and treade all vnder foote that had right to rule They say truly they seeke the publique but all men see it is for their private ends and ambition At sirst noe man lesse beloved noe man more generally condemned then was the King from the time that it became his Custome to breake Parliaments at home and eyther willfully or weakely betray protestants abroade to the beginninge of those ◅ombustions He would prove the people inconstant who doubts it there hath been proofe enough of it in their wretched levitie tossed to and fro by these Rebells Bene facere male audire Regium est will not be denyed by Iconoclastes to be a knowne truth and that it is the common lot of good Princes to be misreported That his late Majest suffered by the privy whispes of ambitious seducers to the credulous vulgar is easily graunted but it was their ingratitude not his merit and the Authors lesse beloved and more generally condemned is a supposition voyde of truth as the Act it selfe was voyde of dutie the causes he would have to be his Custome in breaking Parliaments and betraying Protestants Let vs examine what ground there was for this aversion from the King vpon either of theis There were in the time of King James men that made ill vse of Parliaments and insteede of amending what was amisse strived to make the people beleive things were out of order which they felt not and to create discontents at the Government This caused the breach of some Parliaments in that Kings time his late Majest finding the people possest with greate jealosies of his match with spaine greate desires to breake the peace with that nation in order to the recovery of the Palatinate became the instrument of setling a right vnderstandinge betweene the King and his Parliament in the 21. th Yeare of his Raigne Then was the Treatie of the match and peace broken the session of Parliament concluded to the greate joy of the people and with their greate professions of affection to his late Majest for soe happy a worke King James was noe sooner dead and his late Majest by the Councell of the Parliament engaged in a dangerous warr but the seditious contrivers that had pretended such Zeale for the regaininge of the ◅alatinate cast about how they might ruine his Majest by that vndertaking and in his first Parliament without respect to their owne promises his Majest merit from them in procuringe their desires or the publique necessities ingratefully withdrew their assistance from him and spread abroade rumours against his Government and when he called a Parliament the private annimosities personall thirst of revenge in some men were entertained in the house of Commons to exclude the consideration of the pressing necessities of his Majest affaires and forreigne agents had their fingers with these leaders in Parliament to divert all supplies from his Majest that both Protestants and all other his allies might be disappointed and which by that meanes was effected It s well knowne with what industrie difficultie his Majest in the middest of his necessities advanct releife to the Protestants and if they were betrayed the Treason must lie on the Parliaments credulitie to those vnderminers that forsooke their King in the prosecution of that worke To betray Protestants theis Traytours know signifies much to the people therefore they make it a reproach to their King against the knowne evidence of the fact and all sense and though they hipocritically pretend affection to the Protestant Religion the world knowes they doe not asmuch as give it a toleration for the Protestants doe not account Iohn of Leidon and the mad men of Munsters Protestants there is noe Religion but theirs now current in England This Author sees the cleerenes of the proofe against their malitious allegations of betraying Protestants and therefore descends a little in his termes and sayes either wilfully or weakely Could he betray them by impotencie of force or Councell that 's a new found Treason that the minde intends not but it s too much respect to such an absurd Calumnie to give it an answeare He goes on all men inveighed against him all men except Court vassalls opposed him and his Tyranicall proceedings Inveighinge against the King was vnknowne in England before such Monsters as this Author were hatcht by Rebellion and made their words accord with their Actions when their lying and hipocrisie could noe longer serve turne Before this time malecontents muttered their censures of Government and people that beleived them thought it their sin and shame to inveigh against their King Though discontents were nourisht among many few or none were soe impudent to inveigh There is noe Courtier whose observance to his Prince or his flatterie of him can binde him to like vassallage as he is that serves Rebells by false and impudent detractions of Rulers Noe slave soe base as he that wil be hired to murther the fame and honour of others There are some Courtiers among his new Masters whose falshood to their true Master and base observance of the Traytours to him entitles them to the worst of vassallage This Author goes an ill way to prove Tyranicall proceedings when he sayes they were soe opposed It s strange a Tyrant should suffer himselfe to be opposed and how were those Tyranicall proceedings opposed he will say by disputes in Courts of Justice was this Tyrany to admit contestations in ordinary Courts There was never time wherein there were not questions of right betweene King and subject
cannot cure nor prayers profit declares his prayers noe other then Charmes and himselfe a man that can neither cure nor pray and sets prayer among those things he scoffes at aswell as the Titles of him that is only to be prayed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vpon the KINGS Calling this last PARLIAMENT THat which the King lajes downe as his foundation that he called this last Parliament not more by others advice and the necessitie of his affaires then by his owne choice and inclination is to all knowing men so apparently vntrue that a more inauspicious Sentence could hardly have come into his minde That his Majest intention could be apparent to all knowing men must have better Authoritie then this Authors word to be beleived His Majest best knew his own intentions and ought to be credited against the Malicious conjectures of such as seeke matter of slander against him to shelter their owne impieties never King of England shewed greater affection to Parliaments then his Majest and never King found greater ingratitude His frequent coming to Parliaments in his Fathers Raigne His many good offices done the houses and the larg acknowledgments of their obligations to him are vpon the Records of both houses Vpon the death of his Father he instantly called a Parliament seeking to continue the same vnderstanding betweene him and his houses as there had been in the time of his Father He had then entred into a dangerous warr with Spaine vpon the Parliaments Councell was in preparation of a greate fleete stood charged with a greate debt left on him by his Father besides deepe engagements to his Allies abroade the supplies the then Parliament gave him were two Subsidies he then desired an addition only of fortie thousand pound which was refused him If any man shall say now that the King called not that Parliament of his owne inclination because he was discontented to be so dealt with by them knowing men wil hardly beleive him such men as are justly displeased with factions in Parliament might truly affect them when they are rightly disposed and this Sentence which I conoclastes holds so inauspicious imports not that which his false Augurie Prognosticates for though his Majest received provocations and causes of dislike from severall Parliaments it followes not that he could have no intention to call one when there was a probabilitie of removing the causes of former disorders which his Majest expresses in his ensuing discourse The inclination of a Prince is best knowne by those next about him or by the current of his Actions These neerest this King were Courtiers and Prelates and it was their Continuall exercise to dispute and preach against them For the Actions of others Iconoclastes would thinke them a weake proofe of his intentions though the persons were very neere him and though there were preaching and disputes against the proceedings of some Parliaments it s no proofe of the Kings intentions nor theirs that vsed them against the right vse of Parliaments and the proceedings of some Parliaments might give just occasion to men to say the King they hoped would have no more neede of them and it is a very greate happinesse of any state not to neede them the necessitie of them proceeding from want and danger and there was a time when people held Parliaments a burthen to hem and those in Parliament claimed it that they were not bound to attend the Parliament above fortie dayes and our owne stories tells vs of an indoctum Parliamentum and insanum Parliamentum And doth Iconoclastes thinke that all such as were out of love with such Parlaments had no affection to any This was he sajes but the Coppy which his Parasites had industriously taken from his owne words and Actions who never called a Parliament but to supply his necessities Such as have observed the inclinations of persons neere his Majest finde non greater Parasites then such as proved Traytours to him and Parasites are not wanting to other powers as wel as Kings for we finde by this Author what men will do to please their Masters eyther by offitiousnes to their persons or the performance of villanie against others This Author spends his mouth in vaine following his common place of Parafites and Courtiers when the Actions he mentions are so farr from reflecting vpon his Majest as they leave the blemish vpon the Relatour That his Majest had necessities when he called a Parliament is knowne to all the causes of them but that he was ready all wayes to heare and redresse the just greivances of his people could never yet be contradicted by the experience in any Parliament al though the Author say having Supplied these he suddenly and nominiously dissolved it without redressing any one greivance of the people But if the Parliaments never presented to him on greivance to be redressed which he denyed where lies the ignominie It seemes the Author takes not the petition of right to be of that nature for that was graunted by the King and that concession of his was then judged as greate an Act to the redresse of greivances as ever King of England graunted his people His Majest summoned three Parliaments before the short Parliament at the beginning of these troubles and in non of these were there any greivances presented by the Parliament to the King to be redressed but that petition of right vnles a Remonstrance against the Duke of Buckingham be reckned in that number and if the people had just greivances to be redressed they had just cause of complaint against those Conventions and of late repentance for their credulitie that depended so much on them that so little regarded their Sufferings If we looke vpon the length of time wherein these Parliaments sate wee shal finde sessions concluded diverse good lawes made in the like space of time in the Raignes of former Kings and whoever lookes to the journalls of the houses in these Parliaments of his late Majest or whoever was present in them must confesse that those that governed in the lower house minded nothing lesse then the redresse of greivances or making of lawes which were formally talked of to entertaine time while private annimosities and personall revenges were made the sole busines of importance in the space of fower moneths no one greivance was prepared to be presented to his Majest and Iconoclastes heapes vp vntruths without respect to the apparence of their detection for this first Parliament was so far from being suddenly dissolved after the King was supplyed that the greate Plague not permitting them to sit longer at west minster his Majest adiourned them to Oxford and in anoâ—…her Parliament after the supply given him there was a second meeting which might have had a longer continuance if it had insisted on the redresse of greivances but whence takes he the occasion to say Ignominiously dissolved Where was the Ignominie Had not his Majest a legall right to do it And if the houses would
late Majest on whome malice it selfe hath not yet layd such a Cryme encreaseth the Libellers infamy not the weight of his charge To say therefore that he called this Parliament of his owne choice and inclination argues how little truth wee can expect from the sequell of this booke which ventures in the very first period to affront more then one nation with an vntruth so remarkeable If the venturing vpon an vntruth in the first period be an argument to expect little in the sequell of the booke what may we expect of this Author whose whole booke is a confutation of his first period not to descant on the Kings misfortunes That in seeking to disprove this first period adventured on so many palpable vntruths and stickes not to pervert the very period it selfe and affront not only more then one nation but all indifferent men For if his Majest had been necessitated either through the disorder of persons to dissolve Parliaments or for beare them he might yet call a Parliament by his owne choice considering that not the condition of Parliament but the male volence of some persons were cause both of the dissolution forbearance The often Parliaments in Ireland the precedent Parliaments in England to that which he mentions maintaine the truth of that first period against the many remarkeable falsities of this Image breaker And presumes a more implicit faith in the people of England then the Pope ever commaunded from the Romish laitie or els a naturall sottishnes fitt to be abused and ridden Kings may expect credit to their words from their people Rebells cannot though experience hath confirmed that if a greate part of the people of England had not followed them with a more blinde and obstinate beleife then ever Romish laitie did their Pope they could never have been ridden and jaded as now they are And Iconoclastes could never presume the beleife of his extravagant assertions if he thought not his readers of worse then naturall sottishnes to be abused for while they lye groveling vnder the Tyrany of their present oppressours and lament the losse of their happines vnder the Kingly Government this man will perswade them out of their sense and memory While in the judgment of wisemen by laying the foundation of his defence on the avouchment of that which is so manifestly vntrue he hath given a worse foyle to his own cause then when his whole sorces were at any time overthrowne Surely there wisemē shewed as little reason in judging an assertion as knowledge in military affaires that made by comparison of this period to the defeat of an army If his Maj have given so greate a foyle to his cause by the first period of his booke whence comes the danger that Iconoclastes would prevent Was this first period vnintelligible without his comment and what is it to the Kings cause whether he called the Parliament of his owne choice or not It s very likely his wife men heere are the same with his wel principled men he mentioned els where their principles or impiety being the same with his their judgment is as corrupt as their conscience and as farr from wisedome as the libeller from modestie and if any had such a judgment they might soone finde their errour which all others descerne and such a judgment were a greater foyle to their wisedome then to his Majest cause They therefore who thinke such greate service done to the Kings affaires in publishing this booke will finde themselves in the end mistaken of sense right minde or but any mediocritie of knowledge and remembrance hath not quite for saken men They will finde themselves no whit mistaken if sense right mi◅de and mediocritie of knowledge and remembrance have not quite for saken men but the libeller will finde himselfe very much mistaken if he expect that his sense shal be so received against apparent truth as to give a greater foyle then the defeate of Arimes and vnderstanding must have left the world where the Author of such a comparison findes credit He comes now to prosecute his Majest discourse in pursucance of that period and first to what his Majest affirmes of Parliaments to have allwayes thought the right way of them most safe to his Crowne and best pleasing to his people he sayes we felt from his Actions what he thought of Parliaments or of pleasing his people The people feele now that which makes them confesse that they had just cause by what they felt from his Majest Actions to be well pleased with them to beleive what he affirmes heere to be his judgment of Parliaments and if any people were pleased with the ill way of Parliaments they have seene their errour by the evill consequents and now thinke the right way of them only most safe for the Crowne them and that nothing but ruine to the Kingdome can be expected from disorderly Parliaments He goes on to that which his Majest adds that the cause of forbearing to Conveene Parliaments was the sparkes which some mens distempers there studied to kindle To this the libeller sayes they were not temperd to his temper for it neither was the law nor Rule by which all other tempers were to be tryed but they were chosen for sittest men in their Counties to quench those distampers which his inordinate doings had inflamed Is the choice in Counties the law and rule whereby rempers are to be tryed And would the libeller have it beleived that all such as are chosen in the Counties are of better temper then the King If choice be the law of temper why doth he justifie those men which have affronted scorn'd and punished such as have been chosen by the Counties If all a◅e so well temperd why are some so ill handled and excluded And if there may be distempers as he must confesse in despight of impudence why was it not a just reason of his Majest fo◅ebearance if he found it We know what fires small sparkes kindle in greate Assemblies and we have felt the flame of them like the sudden eruption of burning Mountaines when all was quiet and there were men that studyed to turne the Parliament into confusion having not the temper to quench but to enflame Were these men that were of the two Parliaments in the first yeare of his Majest Raigne The first called within two moneths after he begun the second within twelue chosen to allay those distempers which his inordinate doings had inflamed what were these inordinate doings that could inflame so suddenly We neede not argue this Authors credit from one vntruth but he would obtaine some credit if one entire truth could be found in him If that were his refusing to conveene till those men had been quallified to his will wee may easily conjecture what hope there was of Parliaments had not feare and his insatiate povertie in the middest of his excessive wealth constrained him His Majest might with reason exspect that many who through errour
law and Government for have not his Masters changed the stile of proceedings against offenders which the law formerly vsed in regard of their change of Government and devised one according to their new modell It s possible they that devised that clause in the Act did not expect it would be retorted vpon them they were blinded with their fury and precipitation But the Image breaker might have observed that a greater evidence of their injustice could not have been provided He that is so shamelesse to insinuate the Kings instigation to that clause in the Act for the death of the Earle Strafford which were a madnes in any man to suppose may aswell pretend it for his death The six members must stand condemned if he acquit them for the contrary of what he affirmes is constantly true And it were folly to aske him why he should conclude the six members guiltles that never were tryed when they were accused of such facts as he himselfe sayes were Treason in others for he will certainly say it though he thinke it not He concludes against the Kings conscience in saying that he bare that touch of conscience with greater regret then any other in regard of the proditory aide he supposes sent to Rochell and Religion abroade and a Prodigalitie of shedding blood at home as he phrases it There cannot be a greater evidence of the Kings innocence and the Rebels lewdenes then their absurd accusations of him who after their barbarous reproaches and crueltie make his greatest Cryme the resistance of their Rebellion and the misfortune of an expedition in favour of Rochell and Religion No man is so senseles to beleive that Rochell could have defended it selfe without other aide then their owne if the King had not intended their releife he needed not have vndertaken such chrageable and dangerous expeditions whence can any reasonable man collect that the Kings assistance to them could beproditory when they were not their by hindred to vse their vtmost endeavours besides the English succours and heereby wee may see how miserably the people of England have been misled by hipocriticall Traytours who while they made profession of conscience and Religion acted the greatest villanies against Religion and conscience that the worst of Atheists ever attempted and shame not at such assertions of falshood as common States blush to be detected of The reason he sayes is worth the notinge why the King would have notice taken of so much tendernes which is he hoped it would be some evidence before God and man to all posteritie that he was farr from bearing that vast loade and guilt of blood laid vpon him by others which hath he sayes the likenes of a subtill dissimulation When the Prophet David humbled himselfe and put on sackcloth even that was turned to his reproach and his Majest teares and afflictions of soule are no lesse reproached by theis vipers then the greatest sins that could be repented of Cursed shimi will call David a man of blood and his repentance for the murther of one man with bitternes of soule shal be counted a dissimulation rather then the wretch will allow it any evidence that he was innocent of that blood he would lay to his charge This was not the first time his Majest charged himselfe with that innocent blood the Rebells published his Cabinet wherein they found it and he might well hope that God would cleere his innocence as the light and his righteousnes as the noone day Prayers may be made for mercy to a mans name and a penitent may piously hope God will make his repentance evident to men and his sorrowes for one sin an evidence he was not guiltie of many of the same Kinde His Majest hopes not that his expressions heere wil be evidence but that his regretts which were Knowne not only to God but men could be evidence how farr he was from the guilt of what his Enemies charged him with and to declare a hope of the benifit of repentance is no more like a dissimulation then repentance is like a justification If his Majest had shed the blood of thousands whome he counted Rebells as this Author mentions he could not suffer regretts of conscience though he had a sorrow of heart his vnderstanding being satisfied of the Justice and necessitie of the fact But those horrid Traytours that imbrewed themselves in the blood of that innocent King were hardned against the sparing of multitudes and would secure their consciences by reproaching his Majest repentance and transferring the blood of warr vpon him which their Rebellion and crueltie had spilt This libeller in this very page within few lines told vs that strafford was by him put to death vnwillingly and presently concludes thus by dipping voluntarily the tipp of his finger in the blood of strafford whereof all men cleere him he thinkes to escape that sea of blood wherein his owne guilt hath plunged him And may not a mans owne conscience strike him for that which all men cleere him of but that himselfe hath related to be otherwise in this case where so many concurred in Judgment against the death of the Earle of Strafford and when so many have made confession of their owne vnhappines in the consent to that Action and so few at present that doe not abhorre it and thinke it a greate cause of Gods displeasure against the nation it is farr from truth that all men cleere him The Libeller holds a single murther but dipping the tip of the finger in blood gives just cause to conclude that his conscience is not toucht with shedding aâ—…ea of blood Al men must confesse it a cause of greater regret to have his hand in the blood of one man against the perswasion of his conscience then erroneously to enter into a warr where many are distroyed vpon the opinion of Justice but the knowne Justice of his Majest cause layes the blood of this warr at the Rebells doores whose malice and Treason not ignorance or errour drew vpon them the guilt of that blood of Strafford those thousands which the warr hath devoured If the King had never published his repentance for the blood of Strafford all knowing men would have judged he had cause to doe it and if he had never gone about to purge himselfe of that blood which the warr had shed all men would have cleered him of it Vpon his going to the HOUSE OF COMMONS COncerning his vnexcusable and hostile march from the Court to the house of Commons there needs not much be said There neede litle to be said for his Majest defence in going to the house of Commons who had so high a provocation to make an hostile March and tooke the way of so milde and peaceable a comming to it but this Authors impudence in calling it vnexcusable after the many violences and hostile Marches of his Masters vnto that house and their taking out and driving away the members will never be excused How shameles
vnusuall force and though he resolved to beare a repulse with patience he could not resolve to tempt the malice and insolence of those that wayted but opportunitie to destroy him But had he provided any force to secure himselfe against insolence does that condradict his bearing the repulse with patience and heere the libeller casts away his Argument that he may vse his scurrilitie that the Kings heart served him not for such a desperate Scuffle Soe the greate hostilitie and provisions for a Massacre is come to noe more then to have hazarded a desperate Scuffle with the vnarmed house of Commons The Kings heart served him for the highest hazards where he held his courses just and honourable but it never served him to act such violences as these Rebells have fayned he intended There were two statutes that declared he ought first to have acquainted the Parliament who were the accusers These statutes this Author nor any man els ever read and if there had been such statutes that men ought not to be accused before the Parliament be acquainted who were the Accusers they were much to blame that committed so many for Treason without any Accusers and that these two statutes should never be practised or knowne before now How comes it that the King nor his Attorney generall can accuse a man of high Treason when the meanest subject of the Kingdome may doe it It s well knowne that the house of Commons vpon the word of M R. Pym without the least knowledge of the fact or any accuser or witnes charged the â—…arle of Strafford of high Treason where were these lawes then His Majest still professing to governe by law as he sayes did no way breake it and he was noe way oblidged to name any accusers especially to the Parliament where a Rebellious and potent faction vnited themselves to the Accused members that had contrary to their owne Rules denyed that proceeding which they declared just and according to law The faire trâ—…all which was offred was noe other then to take opportunitie for justifying those members what ever the proofe were Had it been thinkes he a prudent Act in the King to have accused Traytours and made a Commission to their fellowes to judge of the fact He could not doubt of the same Justice from these men which he found in many other occurrents Could he suppose that they would condemne a Traytour that had combined to prosecute the Treason and it was not for want of just matter but the forefight of injustice that caused his Majest to lett fall his proceedings When Rebells are protected by open force when the power and impetuositie of Tumults are boasted of by this Author when the inclination of the potent faction vnto the members is confessed he would yet have the King chuse such a Tryall He would have it a thirst of revenge in the King against the members for opposition against his Tyranous proceedings If their innocence of the Treason had been as evident as his Majest of Tyranous proceedings they had never been accused and if they had not been conscious of their guilt they would never have sought Tumultuary protection and if his Majest had thirsted for revenge he needed not have gone to the house of Commons to have satisfied it but Malefactours count legall pcoceedings the malice of Enemies and effects of displeasure To that the King sayes he missed but litle to have produced writings vnder some mens hands the libeller sayes he missed though their chambers trunkes and studies were sealed vp and searched which though altogeather false there might be such writings and its like there were which caused the house of Commons to be soe jealous least their chambers should have been searched that they made an order to vse violence against any that should search a very grave vote and a sure signe of good Justice if the fact had been brought before them that would prevent the discovery and deny a search of persons accused for Treason The King sayes Gods providence would have it soe and to that the Libeller joynes that curbes the raging of proud Monarchs aswell as of madd multitudes Is it the curbing of proud Monarchs when the misse of evidence against Traytours If the King had produced this writing he mentions had that been a Monarchs rage But why doth he joyne the madd multitudes whose rage was then soe feirce he may beleive as he sayes that God will set bounds vnto it and turne them against their misleaders Why pregnant grounds and probabilities may not both concurr in one cause noe man vnderstands though this Author would have probabilities a diminution after pregnant grounds had been vsed His resemblance of Queene Maries cushion whereto he likens the Kings proofes would have suted with the clout and pistoll the stables vnder ground the Danish fleete and their many other ridiculous devised Conspiracies the bringing vp of the northerne Army the landing of the french at Portsmouth cutting throates by the Papists and the disignes of the spanish fleete fitt only for the story of the knight of the Son or the wandring Jew As Kings goe now what shadowy conceite or groundlâ—…s toy will not create a jealosie And was his Majest jealosie created by a toy when those persons have acted that which he was then jealous of Can this breaker accuse him of causeles jealosie when he defends the fact And is it a shadowie conceite if Kings ar jealous of such Rebellious inclinations as this Rebell vaunts of And if these Rebells might have their will there should not be a King left to be jealous and while they professe their purposes accuse Kings of vnjust jealosie and if subjects goe now in other places as in England the world will have cause to know that al the jealosies of Kings were necessary to the preservation of mankinde that there is no jealosie of any King so causles as the attempts of ambitious Reformers That his Majest denies he hath design'd to assault the house of Commons is not contradicted by his answeare to the Citie that any course of violence had been very justifiable The libeller guesses it was not farr from his designe because it might be soe and concludes as senselesly that because his Majest forbare an act which he held justifiable it discovered in him an excessive eagernes to be aveng'd on them that crossed him and that to have his will he stood not to dâ—…e things never soe much below him Soe eager is the man to rayle himselfe out of reason If he had an eagernes to be revenged he would have done high things and not below him It was no becomming sight to see the King of England so affronted and abused by his owne subjects many beholding disobedience and vulger insolence with sad hearts and greiving at the ruine of Government and that his Majest was constrained to call for Justice and be denyed it Such as lament the misfortunes of Princes cannot but abhorr the Rebellion of subjects and
this vnbecoming sight to see the King of England one while in the house of Commons by and by in the guild-hall among the Liveries this libeller doth not remember out of affection to the Kings person or office but out of joy that he was enforct to such extreamitie If he had had any sense of duty or regret at any Action ill becomming a King in reguard of his place or dignitie he would not so scurrilously descant on his misfortunes with the termes of Sollicitor pursivant apparitor for that prosecution and it is a plaine Testimony of the Rebellion then begun when the King was driven to Actions beneath his Majest this libeller wil hardly allow a King more then such offices for he sayes the Kings office is to execute the Parliaments Commaund and eyther in that he beleived not what he said as is most certen he did not or els he vainely objects the doing of Actions beneath him but it appeares his desires are to reduce all Kings to the lowest of the people That though the King in his answeares to the Parliament said that as he once concieved he had ground enough to accuse them so at length that he found as good cause to desert any prosecution of them yet heere he seemes to reverse all He seemes soe to none though some out of willfull malice would have it seeme soe ' The King found that he had good cause to desert the prosecution in regard of the injustice and violence of the Rebell faction And is there any thing said heere to the contrary of it Could the King finde any cause to continue the prosecution vpon the cleerâ—…t evidence that could be produced It is the Method of the false Sectaries to infinuate an opinion of their vertue by rigid censures of others whereby they draw men from observation of their owne lewdenes they seeme very sharpe against sins of most common obloquy offensive to sobrietie and thence the libeller calls his Majest guard the spawne and shipwracke of Tavernes Such as were of his Majest guard may not thinke to escape these false tongues when their King hath tasted soe largely of them and these hipocrites thinke to hide their blood guiltines pride robbery perjury oppression by reproaching their Enemies with Stewes and Tavernes The principall zealotts of this Rebellion were the tags and raggs of the people who were glad to heare voluptuous living and riott objected to the Kings partie that they might compare their beggery and base condition before other mens vices whether true or fayned If the house of Commons declar'd that the comming of those Souldiers Papists and others with the King was to take away some of their members and in case of opposition or denyall to have falne vpon the house in a hostile manner they shewed themselves men of as litle creditt as this Author for the world knowes that they neither had nor pretended proofe of such a purpose their declarations in that kinde are no truer then their professions of loyaltie If the house had denyed their members and opposed was it â—…esse then Treason He inferrs from the Kings profession if he purposed any violence or oppression against the innocent then let the Enemy persecute my soule treade my life to the ground lay my honour in the dust that God hath judged and done according to the verdict of his owne mouth The king well knew his Enemy persecuted his soule when he wrote this and that he was in the hands of those that would take away his life but assassination was noe proofe of his guilt nor of Gods judgment of his cause and these wordâ—… vsed by the prophett and him are not an imprecation for tryall but a deprecation of the offence and it was not to satisfie men but to acknowledge his judgment of the Cryme to God The kings partie are assured that the proceedings against him were odious to God man and this Action touching the members was noe other then necessary Justice and there appeares not any purpose of violence or oppression of the innocent and in vaine doe murderers seeke to shelter themselves from the guilt of their impieties by pretending Gods secret Counsells The sinceritie of his Majest heart is noe lesse manifest because he fell into the hands of wicked men who cannott treade his honour in the dust which outluies their fury and though they murthered him his life is with the Lord and their infamy endles God wiâ—…l bring their wickednes vpon their owne heads in his due time The Kings admirers may see their madnes to mistake this booke But all men see his madnes to traduce the booke and to prophane and prostitute all things sacred to his lewde detractions who sayes it is his doomesday booke not like that of William the Norman his Predecessour Thus making the common appellation of the greate day of the Lord an inducement to vilifie the kingly office which must be a day of wrath to such mockers as aske where is the promise of his comminge which did theis Traytours expect they would not proceede soe presumptuously in their wickednes and compile a booke of it against that day The Admirers of the kings booke are noe white mistaken but they see the breaker very much mistaken in his confidence that thinkes all men madd because himselfe is soe and they were madd indeede if they received his sense or saw not that only rage att the excellency of the kings Booke not right vnderstanding made him seeke these silly objections and face them with such ostentation Vpon the INSOLENCIE Of the TUMULTS HE must confesse to have heere a neate and well couch'd invective against Tumults which surely ought not to be answeared with a impudent defence of them The misfortunes of Princes are the mirth of Rebells and therefore he sayes Rehoboam the son of Solomon could not have composed a better It was not only the son of Solomon but his Father David and himselfe too that felt the fury and danger of Rebells and Rehoboams misfortune doth not mittigate the sinfull Revolt of the ten Tribes which the Scripture calls Rebellion and this Author scoffing at his haste to escape their fury shewes how affectionate he is to Rebelliaon That the Tumults at whitehall were not soe dangerous as these at sechem he cannot affirme for those Tumults at whitehall have produced greater impieties and Calamities then those at sechem and those Tumults have since felt the scourge of their violence as those at sechem soone did their revolt being punisht by God who gave them a King in his rage that brought in Idolatry with their Rebellion which after many sore afflictions at last rooted them out of their land and they ceased to be a people He would insinuate that because this is a neate invective therefore the Kings Houshold Rhetorician made it but this hath as litle credit as his exceptions have truth or weight That the matter considerable is whether these were Tumults or noe
he sayes if they strucke or menaced any as the King said they were such as had more relation to the Court then to the Common wealth Enemies not Patrons of the people Is not the honour and freedome of the two housce invaded when their members ar strucke and menaced And is it an officious accusation to say soe Can this man pretend the name of Parliament when he will allow the base rabble to abuse them at pleasure And could any man but he tell the King that persons elected were not sent to be Cavelled at by him or entertained with an vndervalue of their temper judgment or affection and heere defend the rascallitie in striking and menacing the members and not only vndervaluing their temper judgment and affection but handling them as cullions Never was libeller more passionately malicious more blindly absurd more wilfully false yet he thinkes he hath a reserve against all opposition for he sayes if their petitioning vnarmed were an invasion of both houses what was his besetting it with armed men Is striking and menacing soe quickly returned to petitioning Is it a way of answeare not to speake to the question Did ever Kings of England come without an armed guard to the Parliament and doe they beset the house when the guard is at the doore And can he say that the Kings comming with his guard to the house is a greater invasion of the honour freedome of the houses then the striking and menacing the members by the Tumults Doubtles he had consulted better to his credit to have said nothing then that which was soe different from the case himselfe had stated and his repetition of petitioning and supplicating people is noe other then the noyse of the Ephesian Rabble that greate is Diana of the Ephesians The King sayes They forbore not rude deportments contemptuous words and Actions to himselfe and his Court. And to this the libeller sayes It was noe wonder having heard what treacherous hostilitie he had designed against the Citie and his whole Kingdome that they forbore to handle him as people in their rage have handled Tyrants heere to fore for lesse offences The supplicating and petitioning people may vse rude deportments contemptuous words and actions To what purpose hath he minced his Tumults into supplicating petitioning people when he defends their highest violence The King design'd Treacherous hostilitie against the Cittie and Kingdome The last thoughts that madd men had before their destraction run most in their fancie in the time of their frensie and these Traytours having lost all reason inculcate still those ridiculous fraudes wherewith at first they seduced the people The designes of Treacherous hostilitie was one of the Ceremonies which its now time to give over Who but an I diot can beleive that the King can have Treacherous designes against his Kingdome whereof shal he be King whome shall he have to execate hostilitie against his owne Kingdome but these dreames of the blowing vp of Thames and tales of winde mills and fiery Dragons are over and it s become the peoples sorrow and shame to looke backe vpon the cheates whereby they were deluded He cannot name any Tyrant ill handled by tumults vpon such pretences as he makes the most wicked Tyrant was not soe guiltie as that people which exercised their rage vpon him yet the libeller determines that the tumults fury is as justifiable as the Parliaments order for he ascribes noe more to the one then the other They were not a short ague but a feiree quotidian feaver And the libeller sayes he may best say it who most felt it He will rather boast of the greatenes of their villany then reprove the impietie of it and therefore he sports himselfe with the injuries of it after his appellations of mildnes and supplicating people and extolls the highest of their violence as a feirce quotidian feaver and he is soe Lunatique that out of his malice to the King he calls them milde out of his insolence confesses them violent and deadly The King would perswade vs that men scared themselves others without cause And al men are now satisfied of the truth of it the fraudes being soe apparent and confessed by this breaker Wise feare and suspition would finde weapons And we have found by experience that Rebells by suggesting vaine feares and suspitions have gotten weapons and armed the people to their owne destruction Vpon the Kings repeating the mischeifes done by the tumults that they first petitioned then protected dictate next and lastly overaw the Parliament They removed obstructions they purged the houses cast out rotten members He sayes if there were a man of Iron such as Talus by our poet spencer is fain'd to be the Page of Iustice who with his Iron flaile could doe all this and expedititiously without those deceitefull formes and Circumstances of law worse then Ceremonies in Religion I say God send it done whether by one Talus or by a thousand Religion lawes are lesse then Ceremonies in this Authors account and when Pages follow not nor acknowledge Masters Justice wil be ill waited on such cut-throates are not the Pages of Justice but the furies of hell and theis this libeller prayes to God for what will not such call Justice to satisfie their ambition and crueltie Poets are short in their fancies of what the English Rebells have acted Their Gyants were Pigmyes to theise Monsters and their Hidra too few heads too litle venom for the service of these Enemies of mankinde What a silly propertie does this libeller make Parliament and lawes that subjects them to Tumults and how barbarous are their proceedings that made endeavour to subvert fundamentall lawes a Capitall Cryme and heere he commends the fact calls them deceitefull formes and Circumstances of law Might he not better have said they would make good their villanies by the sword then prevaricate and say and vnsay and pretend Religion and yet pray God to send Tumults and Confusions to breake all lawes in order to their designes The King sayes they subdued the men of conscience in Parliament backed and abetted all seditious schismaticall proposalls against Government Ecclesiasticall and Civill To this he sayes That it was not the Kings grace but this Iron flaile the people that drove the Bishopps out of their Baronies Cathedralls Lords house Coopes surplisses papisticall innovations threw downe high Commission starr chamber gave vs a trienniall Parliament and what we most desired And is not this brave Is it a credit to a Church to be thus reformed Is this the Christian Religion to glory in oppression robery and Rebellion There is noe doubt but many things graunted by his Majest in the late Parliament were Acts of grace in respect of his compliance with importunitie in hope thereby to preserve the people from a Civill warr not in respect of the nature of the things graunted The libeller might have remembred that the King never consented to drive the
diseng age him greate summs were borrowed Which its well knowne was not to disengage the King but to advance the designes of the Traytours who dealt vnder hand with some of the Scotts to protract the Treatie that the charges might be encreast The errours of his Government had brought the Kingdomes to such extreames as were incapable of recovery without the absolute continuance of this Parliament They never did one act after that Bill but in order to the Kingdomes confusion and all men saw there were noe extreames to be recovered at the time of passing that Bill but the returne of the Scotts and the disbanding the faction in Parliament and the only recovery had been by setting an end to the Parliament which they that made it their propertie could not endure The King past these Acts vnâ—…illingly It cannot be doubted but the King foresaw the danger of both and the libeller might have seene in the first section of this Chapter that his Maj was not without doubt that what he intended for a remedy might prove a disease beyound all remedy and though to avoyde a Civill warr he made some concessions in hope to bring the people to see their owne good which might turne to his and their greater mischeife if by them ill applyed yet his Majest deserves prayse and thankes for such Acts of grace and the necessitie which this libeller soe impudently vrges to take of his Majest just thankes was the danger of a Civill warr which his Majest sought by these Acts to prevent and might have entred into with lesse hazard before the passing of these Bills then after The libeller only encreases the infamy of the Rebells ingratitude and his owne impudence by obtâ—…ding necessities to take of the Kings grace in passing those Bills and it had not the shape of a Masterly brow but gracious aspect in his Majest saying the greatnes of the obligation above their deserts that he had put vpon them by passing the first Bill and the Masterly brow suites not with the following scurrilous conceite that the kings recital of the obligation he had putt vpon them by that Act was as if he had beggd an office to a sort of his desertles groomes and these desertles groomes now Rule the new Republique there being none that had the least desert that would accept such a Traytorous office That the King passed the latter Bill to prevent the oncroase of the present disorders not out of consideration of the fittnes of that Bill he neede not spend time to prove and his consent was moved from the reason of the time not the matter and the â—…ller hath well observed that they had offended him much more after the passing of the former Bill which is not to their creditt but shame It was feare made him passe the Bill least the Parliament and people â—…neenfed by his conspiracies should resent his doings if he had added the deâ—…all of this only meanes to secure themselves Either his memory is short or his absurditie vnnaturall that soe lately said the kings feares were pretences and does he thinke that his Majest could feare their resenting more at that time then afterward besides his supposed fantasticall conspiracies were not as much as named or spoken of to Parliament or people at the time of passing that Bill and there cannot be imagined any cause of his Majest passing that Bill but his earnest desire to avoyde a Civil warr and assure his people of his purpose by committing so greate a trust vnto them neither can there be imagined other cause why the passing of that Bill was soe much importun'd by the Rebells but to secure themselves for being conscious of their owne guilt they knew themselves vnsecure vnles they gained a power over King and lawes The libeller cannot excuse neither the ingratitude nor disloyaltie of the Rebel partie in Parliament from the Kings consent to these lawes to present disorders and mischeifes which in themselves had not been fitt for his consent at another time and their insolence in binding him first of all his Predecessours shewes their corruption and guilt that would vse soe much violence difloyalite to a Prince whose gratious Government had least of all his Predecessours provoked it The King taxes them with vndoing what they found well done The libeller sayes They vndid nothing in the Church but Lord Bishopps Liturgies Ceremonies high Commission judged worthy by all true Protestants to be throwne out of the Church These Protestants which are true only to him will judge the like of all Kings and Rulers of State and all orders of the Church that are not of their Bedlem patterne These false Sectaries talke of Church true Protestants just as they doe of Parliament as long as it consists of their owne limbs it must be obeyed but if it dissent from their Commaunds then they are worse then Ceremonies in Religion Doubtles al true Protestants abhorre this den of Schismatickes that boast of their Rebellious defacing of the Church and hate their societie there having not been yet any true Protestant Church that ever pretended that Lord Bishopps Leiturgies Ceremonies or high Commission were worthy to be throwne out of the Church the greatest part of Protestants retaining the like They vndid nothing in the state but irregular and grinding Courts The Courts they tooke away were judged by al wisemen to have been profitable to the Kingdome and fitt to be continved and the best Governours sometimes graunt that to the peoples irregularities thereby to preserve them from proceeding to their owne ruine which were sitt to deny at another time it s their Zeale to publique safetie not feare and dissimulation as the libeller calls it It was a greater confidence of the people to put into one mans hand a power to Summon and dissolve Parliaments then the King put in the people by the Act of continuance of the Parliament And if the libeller could shew the Act whereby the people put that power in the King he had said some thing But how had they put it into his hands or what confidence was it if they might take it away when they list This man cannot see truth through his owne contradictions while he acknowledges the Kingly power to Summon and dissolve Parliaments forthwith adds that Kings could not dissolve Parliaments till all greivances were redressed and then where was the kings power to dissolve or the peoples confidence This is he sayes not only the assertion of this Parliament a strong proofe but of our ancient lawe bookes that noe man ever read which averr it to be an vnwritten law of Common right soe engraven in the hearts of our Ancestours and by them soe constantly enjoyed and claimed as that it needed not enrolling this is pretty poetry that because a law is no where to be found therefore it was engraven in the hearts of our Ancestours where are those law bookes But how many hundred yeares since was this engraving worne
libeller most reasonles and vnconscionable is the vtmost that any Tyrant ever pretended over his vassalls Tyrants were never esteemed by their pretences but by their Actions it shewes that these men knew not what Tyrany was who make a just right of all Governours the vse of reason Tyrany and that which never king was thought fitt to be denyed though Tyrants abused it Tyrany is in the abuse of power not in the rule of Government In all wise nations the Legislative power and the judiciall execution of that power have been distinct But never devided being allwayes subordinate one to the other the judiciall execution depending on the Legislative He makes an assumption If then the king be only sett vp to execute the law he ought noe more to make or forbidd the making of any law then other inferiour Iudges But if the king be set vp to make law by the advice of his Councell the Parliament can they make lawes without him but this Libeller that would be thought soe strong at Arguments talkes himselfe into contradictions and allowes the king neither the one power nor the other for he affirmes the king cannot judge and make lawes he must not and what will he conclude sure that his owne nation is not wise nor himselfe honest or rationall He cannot reject a law offred him by the Commons no more then make a law which they reject And hath it sense that because a man cannot doe an Act without the advice of another therefore he must doe what that other advises The man dictates and would be beleived though the Commons never did nor could offer a law to the king for he wel knowes it must passe the Lords before it come to the king but he was loath to mention the Lords least it should cry downe the noyse he hath made of the kings single judgment for the Lords house may not have a negative in his judgment notwithstanding their number But why is it offred the king if he may not reject it and whence hath it been that so many Bils have been rejected in al ages without any complaint When Kings come soe low as to fall vpon Philosophy which before he neither valued nor vnderstood is a figne they are then put to their last trump If the king had not valued nor vnderstood Philosophy he could not have made soe pertinent vse of it and if the Libeller had vnderstood Philosophy or valued truth he would have given better signes of it Could not his Majest discourse of his reason and will but it must be out of the way or above his abilitie But why is this a signe that kings are then put to their trump why the vse of Philosophy more then other learning Though kings come low Rebells will come to seeke corners to hide themselves He shewes not how Philosophy breakes the necke of their cause or how he hath made advantage of Philosophy against the king but we finde how his elaborate contradictions have broken the necke of his owne cause through out all his discourses The king sayes he cannot thinke the Majest of the Crowne of England to be bound by any Coronation oath in a blinde and brutish formalitie to consent to whatever its subjects in Parliament shall require And sayes the Libeller What Tyrant could presume to say more And the law it selfe Religion and reason never said lesse It cannot but be yeilded that the oath which bindes him to performance of his trust ought in reason to containe the summe of what his cheife trust and office is But what if it doe not is there an argument to be drawne from what the oath ought to be but is not The oath may containe the generall dutie of Justice right but it neither did nor could comprehend all the wayes of effecting it The libeller sayes that the Kings negative voyce is not contained in that oath But that oath oblidges him to governe by just lawes which comprehends a negative to all vnjust lawes and can it impose an obligation vpon the king of doing Justice and not give him a libertie of judging what is just or vnjust The Libeller sayes that his oath requires only his assent to those lawes which the people have already chosen or shall chuse there is noe such word in that oath and his mention of the Lattine and old English of that oath are of another sense that the libeller was conscious of therefore he sayes All reason admits that the people should not loose vnder a new king what freedome they had before but their freedome consists not in an exemption from soveraigne power It is the custome of Rebels to contradict corrupt al lawes vpō pretence of their private reason allow no reason but what concludes against just authoritie he wel knew there was not that double sense he assignes but we wil make his sens the kings oath if the peoples choise be referred to the time past it implies not that their choise was or ought to be a law though they had a choise in the laws made as stil they have they could not loose what they never had the Parliament which at first mētioned the kings oath acknowledged that as they did not determine the questiō how far foorth the king is obliged to follow the judgmēt of his parliament so as to conclude that a new law might be mad without his consent so they acknowledge that the contrary may be truly inferred out of al they had said That if the King deny what the Parliament hath chosen he makes himselfe superiour to his whole Kingdome And who doubts but he is doe not they which take the oath of supreamacie acknowledge it The libeller sayes the generall maximes of Policie gainsay it The general maximes of Rebellion doe but Policy cannot It is impossible in Policy that he to whome every soule must be subject should not be superiour to them all Our owne standing lawes gainsay it as hath been cited in Remonstrances that the King hath two superiours the law and his Court of Parliament The merit of those remonstrances are neere the rate of this libell though as yet they never mentioned such standing lawes if there had been such standing lawes the Author would have found them enrolled but that he doth not how absurdly such a pretence is obtruded whē the superiotie of persōs places is in quesstiō to name the superiority of law which holds comparisō with sciences not with persōs that the Parliament should be above the king who is the head of the Parliament without whom a Parliament hath no being is as Monstrous to reasō as law it is impossible that the law cā say that the king hath no superiour but God say that the Parliament is his superiour the king might wel say that this was blinde brutish formalitie and no part of the law his oath or dutie but such brutish formalities Rebells vse to blinde the people The
diverse plainely dissented to that Bill The injustice of them that remained was intolerable that refused all reparation or securitie to such as were injured by the Tumults and it was a most perfidious Act in them to enforce their members to desert the house that they might exercise their Arbitrary power over the kingdome the injury was so apparent the pretēce of malignancie so ridiculous against the deserting members that noe sober man can imagnie enticement or overawing to be the cause of their withdrawing and these remaining members ought to have forborne by their dutie to the kingdome the passing of such a Bil in the absence of soe many members but they that will forbeare noe degree of treason cannot probably abstaine from breakes of priviledge and lesse injuries He sayes this degrading of the Bishopps was orthodoxall in the Church ancient and reformed What will not this man say Wee neede not wonder at his other impudencies that will affirme the taking away the order of Bishopps orthodoxall in the ancient Church which never wanted them The King sayes he was bound besides his judgment by a most strict and vndispensable oath to preserve that order and the rights of the Church And sayes the Libeller If the letter of that oath be not interpreted by equitie reformation or better knowledge then was the King bound to graunt the Clergie all priviledges graunted to them by Edward the Confessour and so bring in Popery Equitie must be admitted in all interpretations of oaths and soe must better knowledges but the knowledge of other men is noe exposition to him that takes an oath if his owne knowledge be not convinced The King hath sworne to preserve the priviledges of the Church to be a protectour of the Bishopps and by what equitie reformation or better knowledge would this libeller induce the King to breake this oath If Sectaries say the calling is vnlawful against the judgment of the vniversall Church must the king beleive this thinke himselfe absolved of his oath The King never doubted that his oath could not binde him to sin but he was assured that it was a sin to breake his oath when it was no sin to keepe it and while his conscience was not informed of any vnlawfulnes in the matter of his oath his sin must be the more hainous to act against his oath aswell as his knowledge The Libeller talkes of lawes of God and truth of the Gospell But his schismaticall fancies must over rule lawes and oath though the German Emperours or other Kings had noe cause to leavy warrs vpon Protestant subjects vnder colour of a blinde and literall observance to an oath it had been a wickednes in their subjects to make a warr on them to compell them to breake that oath It is not to be imagined if what shal be established come in question but that the Parliament should oversway the King and not the King the Parliament Neither can it be imagined that he which is to be overswayed by the Parliament is a King By all law and reason that which the Parliament will not is no◅ more established in this Kingdome neither is the king bound to vphold it as a thing established Certainly lawes are very vainely said to be made by the King if he have no voyce in the making of them and if they may be vnestablished without him and it was a wickednes aswell as weakenes to binde him to vphold lawes and to governe his people justly that had not soe much as voyce in the making of their lawes that was bound to governe by wicked lawes if the Parliament would have them such Imaginary powers cannot consist with Religion law nor reason in the Government of England The King sayes had he gratified he thinkes their Antiepisconall faction with his consent and sacrifised the Church Government and Revenues to the fury of their Covetuousnes they would then have found noe colourable necessitie of raysing an Army The Libeller to this sayes It was the fury of his owne hatred to the professours of the true Religion which incited him to persecute them with the sword of warr when whipps pillories exiles and imprisonments were not thought sufficient It s certen such a generation of Traytours as have persecuted the King with a warr justly merited to be whipt out of all Kingdomes and while this Libeller frequently sports at the Kings necessities he is not ashamed presently to call the warr voluntary on his part If the Kings fury incited him to a warr he would not soe often have sought peace nor been denyed peace without the sacrifice of the Church But the Libeller sayes to colour this warr the K̄ing cannot finde wherewith all but that stale pretence of Charles the fifth and other Popish Kings that the Protestants had only an intent to lay hands on the Church Revenues The King neede not a colour for making a warr whereto necessitie enforced him It is apparent that the sectaries in England intended to devoure these Revenues and have effected it and they professe to seeke it by the sword because they could not have it otherwise But the Libeller sayes it was never in the thoughts of the Parliament till exhausted by warr their necessitie seized on that for the Commonwealth which the Luxury of the Prelates had abused to Common mischeife They neede not have been exhausted if reason Justice or Religion could have contented them They will make a warr and robb and steale from other men to maintaine it Did not their pretended necessitie come from their warr to take away Episcopacy and is not the necessitie of their owne making to get these Revenues What if goods dedicated to Gods service were abused to luxury were there none els in the Kingdome soe abused Must they make choise of the Patrimony of the Church for a sacrifice to their Covetuousnes that they may spare their private That the King consented to the vnlording of Bishopps at Canterbury the cheife seate of their pride for God would have it soe And can he tax the King for his allusions vpon the fate of Hotham and obserring the course of Gods judgments and himselfe make such an observation from the Kings passing the Bill at Canterbury May it not be an aggravation of the offence in passing the Bill there rather then a punishment vpon those that were wronged by it but Canterbury had not relation to their peace in Parliament but in Church and therefore his scene is mislayed The King sayes his consent to that Bill of putting Bishopps out of the house of Peeres was from his firme perswasion of their contentednes to suffer a present diminution of their rights The Libeller from hence argues the pure mockery of a Royall assent to delude for the present May not sober times revoke what distempered madnes had necessitated and ◅ad not the King just cause to thinke that after times would see the obliquitie of that Bill The Libellers consequence is that we may hence perceive
take it for the advice of Parliament and forbeare to shew the fraude because Charles the fifth said the like vpon another occasion The Court was wont to tamper with Elections and he sayes noe faction was then more potent And yet he affirmes they prevayled not where then was their potencie Because the king sayes he cannot swallow such Camells of sacriledge and Injustice as others doe The Libeller sayes he is the Pharisee vp and downe is not as other men are Is it Pharisaisme to professe with the Prophett David the dislike of them that follow superstitious vainties Because the Pharisee swallowed Camells be such men Pharisees that professe they will not because the Sectaries pretended conscience of Ceremonies like the Pharisees washing the outside while they devoure the Estates of other men without remorse are they not Pharisees and are they only that professe they cannot swallow such Camells Pharifees this is a new found Pharisee The three Realmes all most perished for want of Parliaments Wee have seene how neere perishing they are by a Parliament which hath committed more Injustice since it began then all our stories have remembred for five hundred yeares before The Libeller hath found out a new kinde of sacriledge for he endures not to have Church robbing called sa◅riledge and that is to bereave a Christi in conscience of libertie for the narroumes of his owne conscience And by what Engine is this sacriledge committed doth he that abstaines for conscience sake bereave another mans conscienc of libertie He thinkes to take away superfluous wealth from the Clergie is not sacriledge for that serves as an excuse for their theft in taking from others what they pretend ill vsed wee may see the love these Sectaries have vnto the goods of the Church that extenuate their impietie by pretending that such men most oppose that wickednes whose righteousnes in other matters hath been least observed And these are noe Pharisees that traduce the opposers of their sacriledge for want of righteousnes in other matters this is their new righteousnes that allowes none holy but their owne gang and nothing vnholy that they practise and therefore they will not see the Kings vertues least they be driven to confesse their owne wicked Actions against him Vpon the REBELLION IN IRELAND IT Could not possibly be soe secrett from whence it sprung as the contriver supposed And if he knew the contrivers perhaps he might know whether they supposed it would be secrett for they that pretended to be the principall contrivers avowed it openly It cannot be imaginable that the Irish guided by soe many subtill and Italian heads should soe farr have lost the vse of reason and Common sense as not supported by other strength then their owne to begin a warr soe desperate against England and Scotland And truly it may seeme that they who thought themselves wiser then Italian heads had lost reason Common sense who letting lose or rather cutting asunder the Reynes of Government which held in that kingdome to a people naturally disaffected to those vnto whome they were subject invited them to that Rebellion first in a popular fury cutting of the Ld. Lieutenant to gratifie them then leaving the Kingdome without a successour and preparing the way to a Civill warr in England stirring vp jealosies against the King and weakning his Authoritie and composing Apologies for Rebellion which would serve the Irishe pretences aswell as the diferences in England their designes and those Italian heads saw as much advantage from our broyles as want of aide from other nations who were busied to the vtmost in their owne most necessary concernements And therefore the libeller vainely inferrs authoritie for assistance promised from England vnles it were from the faction in the houses there being noe visible strength then in any other there neede not nor could be any private assurance vnto the Irish Rebells from any other but that faction and it is most apparent that they neglected all meanes to remedie that mischeife busying themselves wholy in laying the ground worke of the Rebellion in England which they held their most necessary concernement this was ground enough for Italian heads to stirr vp that Rebellion The libeller proceedes vpon his suppositions as if they were graunted truths he would insinnate an equivocation in what the King sayes That the sea of blood is enough to drowne any man ineternall both infamy and miserie whome God shall finde the malitious Author or instigatour of that effusion Because he sayes the Rebells themselves wil not confesse that any blood was shed by them maliciously bu◅ for the Catholique cause or Common libertie Therein they differ not from the Libeller and his English Rebells for they wil not confesse any of the blood they shed to be maliciously but for Religion and Common libertie and thence the Libeller learnes his skill to cast suspitions vpon the plainest expressions of others he well descerned that the King vsed the word malicious for aggravation not restriction his observation was captious when he read in the following Period that the King affirmes nothing could be more abhorred of him being soe full of sin against God disloyaltie to himselfe and destructive to his subjects and calls God to wittnes that as he could with truth wash his hands in innocencie as to any guilt in that Rebellion soe he might wash them in his te◅res as to the sadd apprehension he had to see it spredd so far make such waste And the Libeller himselfe after soe impertinent and malitious an insinuation confesses he denies it both heere and elswhere But he sayes there is in it no such wide disagreemēt from the scope of his former Counsells we are sure there could not be agreement with the scope of his former Counsells It was agreeable to the Counsells of Rebells to defame the King with this aspersion it is not strange that vntruths may be affirmed in three Kingdomes in reguard of the contrivers that soe industriously spred them But let vs heare his reasons or reports It s most certaine that the King was ever friendly to the Irish Papists And its certaine that what he sayes is salfe but what 's that to their Rebellion against himselfe or destroying his Kingdome But his certaintie is that the King in his third yeare against the plaine advice of Parliament like a kinde of Pope sold them many indulgences for money And was he a kinde of Pope to take their penalties of them which the law enacted for their recusancy was that Pope like That the King might not receive the penalties which the law gave him or take compositions where the whole could not be had was never against the advice of Parliament but this is a very long stride from his third yeare to the beginning of the Rebellion but how does he hang this togeather The advancing the Popish partie he sayes but instances in noe particular nor for negotiating vnderhand by Priests
a truth should be incredible from any hand Was not Jeroboams new Religion the foundation of a Tyrany and have not all vsurpers in the Civill state pretended some false Religion Was not Mahometts wicked imposture and Tyraniall vsurpation bredd togeather and have not the present Tyrants introduced a false Religion to support their power Hath not schisme been joyned with the Rebellion We may have learnt both from sacred story and times of reformation that the Kings of this world have ever hated and instinctively feared the Church of God It s manifest Sectaries hate King and Church malefactours will compliane that Judges hate them for their vertues We finde in the ancient Church that Kings were the greate protectours and reformers of the Church and its strange that the Libeller if he had looked backe at all had not seene David Solomon Hezechiah Josiah and others The Kings of Israell politiquely opposed the true Church for feare the people should returne to the house of David and if we looke vpon Pagan Kings we finde Cyrus and Artaxerxes helping the establishment of the true Church This Libeller hath discovered a greate Misterie of Rebellion that having made such outcryes of Tyrany against his late Maj heere tells vs the Tyrany was Monarchy they would not be subject to the Kings of this world to such impostors is England now subject that kill Kings and make Tyrants and this blaspheamer stickes not to charge the Church of God and the Doctrines thereof with opposition to Civill Government and to commaund the destruction of Kings Because the doctrine seemes to favour Libertie and equalitie And are there not Republiques that oppose the true Religion True Religion presseth obedience faâ—…hood and imposture allwayes hold foorth licence to the people Is there through all the booke of God one word in favour of this Rebell libertie and equallitie And did not God plant his Church at first in an apparent inequallitie and subjection both in the state Civill Ecclesiasticall And this broode of Sectaries have heeretofore complained that their doctrines were traduced as opposite to Monarchy And neither Libertie nor equallitie is sought for to the people but to betray them to the power of these deceivers who are growne to that impudence to pretend doctrines of confusion and Rebellion to be the true Religion The Church as ancient prophesies foretold should dissolve all their power Dominion Few sects professing Christ have appeared more Turkish then these present of England they fancie an earthly Kingdome for the Church as Mahomett his Paradise and then that themselves are the true Church and shall have Dominion over all and avow their intention to destroy all Kings and whoever submitt not to them But certenly Kings vnderstood not any such prophesies nor feared such pretenders who make prophesies to agree with their owne wicked Actions and ambitious desires His first instance is in Pharaohs oppressing of the Israelites And doth he beleive that Pharaoh knew their doctrines or prophesies the man might have learnt more from the Text that being strangers they might over power him and thence grew his persecution not from the libellers imaginary doctrine He makes a strange leape that passes by all stories els and would prove his position by his owne authoritie and expects that his libell against the King shall make good his position that Kings ever feared and hated the true Church a strong way of disputing to prove that kings hated and feared the true Church because the King did soe and to prove the King did soe because kings did soe this is a stout Champion There neede no answeare to his bawling of the kings suspition of men most Religious for time hath tryed that they were Rebellious and wicked Traytours vnder the Masque of Religion He could not vse violence as Pharaoh did and therefore chuses a more misticall way of Antichristian fraude and like Balak to hire against a nation of Prophetts other esteemed Propheâ—…s and to weare out the Church by a false Ecclasiasticall Policie The Summe is to supresse Sectaries and prevent Traytours is this Ecclesiasticall Policie but where is this Mistâ—… of Kings hating the true Church is there noe true Church of God where there is Government And what proportion hath this supposition of his to the kings proceedings Did he erect Bishopps or was there any Religion established or publiquely profest which he opposed but only false and hipocriticall factionists which outwaâ—…lly professing the established Religion sought for gaine and pride seâ—…retly to draw disciples after them to the disturbance subversion of the Church There needes not any thing be said to his rayling his corruption being apparent by objecting it to the calling of Bishopps and hates it for the remedy against schisme which the Church had by them The King bestowed livings according to the law and the Policie was not his but the ancient constitution of the Church and this Monster that reproaches the retaining any thing in Leiturgie or Government practised by the ancient Church is not ashamed to charge the king with breach of Canons and the ancient practice of the Church in conferring Ecclesiasticall dignities and the peoples right in Elections was never pretended in England and justly and anciently forbidden in the Church neither doe any Canons in force support that pretence That influence which the king sayes is necessarie for the Prince to have vpon Churchmen noe man that beleives the Scripture will thinke vnfitt but how can the Libeller make good that the many Emperours and Kings that imbraced the Christian Religion hated and feared it for soe they must by his grounds And how can he conclude from Pagans hatred to Religion that it was only from their kings when as the stories are soe plentifull in setting downe the madd rage of the multitude the truth is seditious innovatours know that their hopes and strength lie to seduce the silly people and that it is the interest of governours to prevent their lewde endeavours and thence proceede their declamations against Rulers and their proclamations of Libertie and that which they cal the Bishopps Tyrany is only their office to take away schisme and schisme is the way to Rebellion The Libellers judgment touching callings founded on Scripture reformation or graces of the Bishopps and others is of the same authoritie as the determinations of Traytours touching loyaltie and heretickes touching sound doctrine and his end never agrees with his beginning but in rayling and incongruitie for but now he made it the Kings Policie to hire the Bishopps now it is the Bishopps Policie to worke that perswasion in the King of noe Bishopp noe King the man well knowes that noe Bishopp noe king was the perswasion of King James who found it true by his owne experience without the helpe of Bishopps and yet soe sottish doth this Libeller presume his readers that makes the dependence which Bishopps have only of the king the cause of such perswasions yet in their owne
wicked commaunds but detested by all Christians that vsed violence against their Pagan Governours and the reformed Churches may see what Communion can be had with those that professe those best Christians that were least subject to their King The King of Spaine may professe to have his Kingdome from Christ whatever his Religion be he hath a just Civill right which none ever doubted to acknowledge but these hell bred Sectaries that allow noe right but what is founded on their will his repetition of the Letter to the Pope vpon this occasiō shewes he is vnder a famine of reason that makes the Kings constācy to the doctrine of the Church of England to proceede from his letter to the Pope calling it enmitie to the true Church are any soe madd to thinke that the Pope was pleased with the doctrine of the Church of England Did the Libeller thinke there were a God would he write soe willfully against his owne vnderstanding that the King engaged himselfe to hazard life Estate for the Roman Religion he would then thinke that God were neere him writt downe those words which he will one day require an account of The King prayed against his hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings whose prayer is thou who must give truth for hipocrisie suffer vs not to be miserably deluded by Pharisaicall washings Poeticall licence will not wash away willfull slander and malicious falsification but this man makes hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings his cheife study and hates the prayers of others for his conversion from such wickednes Vpon his LETTERS taken and DIVULGED THE Publication of the Kings Letters had quite contrary effects to these which the publishers intended and insteede of discovering matter to their advantage cast shame on their false aspersions whereby they sought to withdraw the affections of his people from him they sett foorth both his judgment and affections opposite to Poperie the Irish Rebells and the peace made with them not out of favour but necessitie to divert the finall destruction of the Protestant partie there The endeavours to be assisted with forraigne forces when soe horrid a Rebellion had taken deepe roote was neither against any former professions nor any rules of Justice and pietie but naming of Papists and forraigne forces were the bugbeares wherewith the faction affrighted the silly people and vnder pretence of revenging the blood of Ireland sought to draw men inclinable to assist the King or vnwilling to fight against him into that imployment that he might be more exposed to their power and they might have the better meanes to weaken him and support their owne Rebellion These Letters have discovered their grosse impostures in representing the King wholy Governed by the Queene or others shewing cleerely that his owne judgment cheifely steered his owne affaires and it s like the faction long since saw their owne rashnes in that Publication and that the world tooke notice that they were soe farr from doubting the Kings affection to Popery that their designe was cheifely to declare his aversenes to it that they might prevent his succours from Princes of that Religion That it was done by them without honour Civilitie no man boubts vnles infected with Schismaticall or Rebellious malice and betweene King and subjects matters can never be in that condition that his honour and their dutie are trifling and superficall vanities and with whome they are soe we may not wonder at any brutish and inhumane Barbaritie when was there an example of such a Treason against nature and humanitie to divulge the Letters betweene man and wife touching conjugall privacie And honour and Civilitie being taken as he would have it for discretion honestie prudence and plaine truth the publishers of these Letters not only stand guiltie of the breach of those vertues but appeare the venemous and vnnaturall Traytours to mankinde To cover this base Act the Libeller sayes that such courses are familiar with none more then Kings and produces an Example out of Commines relating the discovery of a Letter by Lewes the eleventh written to him from the Dutchesse of Burgundy which he sayes the Historian doth not charge with incivili◅ie or dishonour And is that the case of publishing Letters that passed betweene man and wife and may subjects doe to their King what Enemies may one to another The Libeller will say yes for he holds noe subordination though the publishers professed the contrary and would not be thought to have abjured their Alleagiance or that they tooke their King for their Enemy but their practices were noe more consistent then the Libellers Arguments The injury offred to the Kings Mother was too well knowne to be a fained suspition or jealosie in him and if they had not been guiltie of that base aspersion they would have acquitted themselves some other way then by the publication and frequent repetition The Libeller appeares to glory more in recitall of it then in the argument which he can draw from pretence of saining a suspition and he that suckes any imputations vpon the King out of those letters must be a Beetle not a Bee and they that from placing constancy to his wife before the mention of Religion and law will spin a webb of determination for the prioritie of affection have more of the spiders venom then the Bees sweetenes They which esteemed their King though one man the breath of their nostrills thought the nation could not be happy without him And the late Parliament whereon the Libeller buildes his faith affirmed in their declarations the happines of the Kingdome did soc mainely depend on his Majest and the Royall branches of that roote as in an ordinary way of providence they would not except it from any other fountaine or streame And are they therefore a nation of Ideots and miserable as he sayes The happines of a nation consists in true Religion pietie Iustice prudence temperance fortitude contempt of avarice and ambition And how shall these be preserved in a nation by the rule of the rabble And bandying the Government with a racket betweene opposite factions but these Rebells with the madd men of Munster will introduce new Ierusalem with the destruction of their Kings and Rulers and the Libeller its like lookes to be a greate saint in this terrostriall Paradise who sayes they in whomesoever these vertues dwell eminently neede not Kings but are the Architects of their owne happines and whether to themselves or others are not lesse then Kings The world hath been well acquainted with these Architects of Treason and shall never want pretenders to those vertues whose practice shewes them the builders of Babell that place their happines in their power and other mens confusion the King appeares eminent in these vertues not only by his constant actions but in his lious hold which was admired for itts order amongst strangers above other Courts though by the Libeller traduced as all laudable things are To make reconciliation desperate the Libeller holds
referred to another farr fetcht cause soe many yeares before But the Cittie that raysed Tumults for the Parliament many yeares before is now punisht for Tumults for that same pretended Parliament by that Army raysed out of them and is it not evident heere that the first inventers of mischeife are scourged with the whipps themselves had prepared for others The fact of Manlius defending the Capitoll against the Gaules and afterward throwne headlong from the Capitoll for sedition might restraine the Libellers wicked application of their murdering the King at the gate of whitehall to the merit of his actions done there but the Cittie suffred by an Action which they had done for them who now punish them for it and they that did a wickednes with applause are punisht for it by those that applauded it the Actions of Manlius were opposite one to another heere the same It was a mercy they had a victorious Army soe neere to fly to But it was a judgment that Tumults which they had vsed to drive away the King should drive away them and the Libellers Logickes serves him to as litle purpose as his historie He would have that the latter were reall Tumults the first but pretended and why will he beleive the Parliament for the first and not for the latter And why doth he call them those few of both houses that withdrew from the first tumults and those many from the latter when it is most apparent that they which withdrew at first were three times the number of them that forsoake at last It is not the place but the end and cause that makes a Parliament And then all they that say they have a good cause and a good end are a Parliament and what neede is there then of a writ or Elections And Tumults are as good as Parliaments and the end and the cause make them Tumults and noe Tumults Parliament and noe Parliament and an Assembly at the beare garden is as good as the house of Commons he hath found the event to salve all for they returned soone to their places that fled from these latter Tumults and that is the finall decision of all controversie The King brings in an inconvenient and obnoxious Comparision of vengeance as the Mice and Ratts overtooke a german Bishopp And the inconvenience is that the Libeller will from the name of Bishopp wish the same evill to all Bishopps that befell that evill Bishopp Is the comparision obnoxious because he is impertinent in following his owne ◅haddow and cursing those that are innocent Is it obnoxious that the King supporting the order of Bishopps should produce the Example of an evill Bishopp followed by divine vengeance Is not the Libellers mentioning the seditious tongues of his false preachers more obnoxious then the naming of the German Bishopp And is it not as easy to wish the Ratts and mice had pursued theis false and seditious preachers till they had driven them out of the land as the Bishopps Sorrow and pittie in an overmastred Enemy are looked vpon as the ashes of his revenge burnt out vpon it selfe An over mastred Enemy may be more then Conquerour and may have cause and affection to pittie the victor and they most neede pittie that least feele the want The Triump◅s of Rebells are vnnaturall Prodigies and the dances of devills The pittie of innocent Martirs which they expressed for proud persecutours was lookt on as the Kings by these villaines and the wicked Jewes despised our saviours bidding them not weepe for him but for themselves and for their Children Although the Libeller soe lately justified chastning of the Parliament yet he will have it an injury in the King to perswade men against the Parliament and soe he ties the end and the cause to what he pleases and as long as he can bring noe better evidence then the successe of vsurpation he washes not of any guilt from himselfe nor his rowte The just prayses of an Enemy are esteemed honourable knowne truths cannot proceede from Craft being soe obvious to all and it were neerer to madnes then reason to suppose that there were not among those which acted against the king such as knew not what they did and had as greate ignorance as the Libeller impudence that censures the Charitie of a prayer for such persons Intitled to the PRINCE OF VVALES THe Libeller vndertakes to shew that although the King had been reinstalled to his desire or his sonne admitted should observe all his fathers precepts yet that would be soe farr from conducing to our happines that it would inevitably throw vs backe againe into all our past and fulfilled miseries There is noe doubt but Traytours will tell the people soe and that there is noe happines but vnder their vsurpation and though they engage them in endles warrs which the rebelling against just right must produce yet they perswade the people that the condition of warr and blood is more eligible then those blessings of peace the Kingdome enjoyed vnder all their Princes By our happines he intends doubtles his Rebell partie whose happines is to raigne and Tyranize over the people and that cannot continue with reinstalling the King But the people of England expect not any end of their miserie but by restoring the just rights of their lawfull King and they now descerne that the successe of a wicked cause was a judgment of God vpon the nation whose vnthankefullnes for their long prosperitie had justly provoked his wrath He goes on to his proofes that the king beares wittnes in his owne words that the corrupt education of his youth was not vntruly charged vpon him or his Sonne and that he gathers from these words of the Kings Court delights are prone either to roote vp all true vertue and honour or to be contented only with some leaves and withering formalities of them without any reall fruites tending to the publique good And is it a proofe that because Court delights are prone to produce such fruites therefore all that live in Princes Courts must necessarily have a corrupt education might not this Libeller have cleerely observed that his Majest was free from such a corrupt education that had soe cleere a sight of the ill consequences of Court delights Though there be these pleasures at the Court it is not the education of Princes whose youth is seasoned by instruction against the corruption of these baites There are dangers to mens manners from abundance and high places and thence the Libeller would inferr that there must neither be wealth nor power but in the hands of his Pharisaicall Sectaries who never complaine of such corruption The desperate hipocrisie of these traytours is laid opē by their owne words and Actions and the Libeller from the Kings caution to his Sonne by the example of Rehoboam frames an expression as if the King affirmed it to be his owne case with such faithlesse dealing he addresses himselfe to his heedeles readers and tells all that he sayes
is the Kings confession There are doubtles men that can relate the Kings life will but that neede not in opposition to the slanders of Rebells whose cause is supported by the lewdenes of detraction The long peace of the Kings Raigne in the midst of warrs round about vs shewes he was not idle in performance of the Kingly office and the warr and miserie that since brake out was the effect of greate prosperitie which as it corrupts the Court of Princes soe the mindes of the people and makes way for the designes of seditious Traytours we had been sure to have heard slander enough vpon the Kings personall behaviour if he had been obnoxious to any suspition or tainted with Court delights The best Governments are subject to repinings and the greate prosperietie of Solomons Raigne when silver for the plentie was not esteemed drew after it popular Complaints of heavy burdens and whatever Rehoboam threatned Jeroboam really performed the madnes of the people finding allwayes their murmurings repayed with greater sufferings The disobedience and contempt of just authoritie and of those principles of Government and Religion which the King teaches his Son have been the occasion of al our miseries there being nothing like miserie or suffring before this horrid Rebellion And now the Libeller will have the breeding op of his Majest now liâ—…ng in the rugged and boysterous licence of vndisciplined Camps and garrisoâ—…s noe better then the effeminacies of the Court and yet he will perswade vs that Rebells nursed vp in that boysterous and vnnaturall disobedience are fittest instruments of our happines Those principles which the King had learnt in his education and which endured the Tryall of a fierie adversitie are received for sound by all such as have not renounced reverence to Religion Those principles which the prosecution of a bloody Rebellion and the continuall exercise of rapine falshood oppression have fixed in the hearts of Rebells must necessarily make the words of the wise the wayes of the just matter only of contempt and derision and such as have once broken the bounds of modestie thinke it dishonour to have shame and repentance and will advance their confusions insteede of order their Blasphemies for zeale their sacriledge for reformation their Tyrany for law and all the hell they feare is the losse of their vsurped power and the restoring of just right and their jealosies of loosing their owne greatenes provokes them still to an increase of their lewdenes making truth and right the object of their spite and persecution These debaucht Rebells proclaime that there is noe good but Rebellion noe worke of God but submission to it and repentance for opposing it If the Church of England be Antipapall how comes it to be a schisme And why hath the libeller so continually made vp his discourses with inclinations to Popery Independencie knowes noe schisme for if it allow every meeting its libertie where is the schisme It s a Rule that noe Scripture nor ancient Creede bindes our faith to any Church denominated by a particular name But he rejects what was received by the vniversall Church What doth that contradict the Kings advice to his Son of his esteeme of the Church of England if he beleive as he did vpon good ground that it was agreeable in doctrine to the word of God It is apparent that these Sectaries are seperated from all Churches of the world and that Government which they call Catholique had neither precept nor practice in any Church being newly crept out of hell to persecute the Church Noe man was ever bid to be subject to the Church of Cornith Rome or Asia but to the Church without addition And why doth he deny to be subject to the Church without addition was there never Church before this day heere we have the builders of Babell none vnderstand what another sayes were not those that lived in those Churches of Corinth Rome Asia commaunded to be subject to the Governours of those Churches Is it not the Apostles Commaund to obey those that have the oversight of them and may every man despise their new independent congregations seeke for a Church without addition and where then will he finde him We may imagine what manner of state such Church reformers will erect and what it is they call reformation that looke vpon all Churches as schismes because not rent into as many parts as particular persons These schismatickes pretend the Church of England allmost growne Popish and yet nothing altered from the first reformation while they disguise their meaning by pretending popery to gett the vulgar vnawares to favour their dissembled zeale they demaund to have the Reformation vnestablished And the restraint of their Rebellion is Pharaohs prohibition to the Israelites that sought leave tosacrifise to God It was a greateâ—… testimony of the Kings zeale to the Church of God that he forewarned his Sonne to suppresse errours schismes his owne experience having taught him that these doggs and evill workers are the greatest evills to Church and state and these destroyers that are the reproaches of Religion the Scabbs and biles to the Church allow noe protestant Churches to be communicated with that are not tainted with the same putrifaction that hath corrupted them For the Civill state the kings precepts tend to the preservation of Civill libertie and it was farr from our Fathers to thinke that any humane lawes were immutable but further that lawes should be altered at the will of a mutable multitude and that their King should be excluded from the judgment of the reasons for a change He falls from the question touchinge repeale of lawes and talkes of saving the Kingdome we may better trust the King with saving the Kingdome then any number of men we can picke out whose private fortunes may be saved though the kingdome be lost The Turkes Iewes and Moores enjoy vnder the Turkish Government what their industrie and labour have made their owne If that be true the Libeller is much out of the way to thinke it a reproach to Civill Government to compare it to the Turkes what Civill libertie doth the freest nation claime more and what doe these Masters of the new Republique pretend to allow more Doe they not plainely tell the people they ought to have noe more then they will give them Thus he will defend the Turke Jew and Moore rather then be an Englishman There is noe doubt but the libertie of the subject depends on the Regall power in the first place There is noe libertie without Government and where the Government is regall the subject must maintaine it or be a Traytour and give vp his libertie for a prey to ravenous vsurpers That the King suffred it to be preached in his owne hearing that the subject had noe propertie of his goods but all was the Kings right Is a mainfest vntruth yet they which make advantage of such inventions practise what they reproach for doth not
Kingdome now feele who vnderstood not the word when they were at first hoodminckt by it to seeke they knew not what The deliverance which these men boast of is the deprivation of just Government and the substitution of lawles will and the people see that they are soe farr from a deliverance that they are delivered over to a languishing miserie vnder the sharpest servitude and they now finde their Idolizing a Parliament hath drawne them from their loyaltie to him whome God had set over them and cast them vnder the hard bondage of these Masters and like them which rejected the sonns of Gideon and tooke the sonne of his servant to raigne over them they feele a fire of division kindled among them to devoure one another This Libeller allowes not any thoughts of revenge in his Majest now living for the murder of his father and yet reproacheth him for making peace with the Irish and not seeking their totall extirpation and the peace with them he calls a sordid dishonourable and irreligious seeking of his Crowne But the man is vnwilling he should have any wayes at al and would perswade his Sectaries for none els will beleive him that the King may not make peace with a Rebell submitting to oppose a Rebell persevering That the Presbiter Scott which woes the King now living is put of proceedes from his termes not from his qualitie Should not the people of England seeke the restitution of their King and legall Government whereof they have been cheated with the adulterate ostentations of libertie and redresse of greivances they would appeare arrant beasts that cryed out and below'd by the instinct of their drivers fighting like brutes till they ran into the pinfold where they are reserved for servitude and slaughter by those Masters who allured them with foode to put the yoake on their neckes The Libeller dislikes the kings conclusion that Religion to God and loyaltie to the King cannot be parted without the sinne infelicitie of a people And sayes its contrary to the teaching of Christ that noe man can serve two Masters These are fit Judges of our dutie to God or man and fit reformers of Church and state that will have the service of a Master or obedience to a father the serving of another Master then God and the spirit of God speaking by St. Peter feare God and honour the King must contradict the teaching of Christ such Church makers doe we now live with Such as served heathen Masters may not leave their service though they serve not their heathen Gods at their Commaund and if they did desert their earthly Masters for that reason they did not serve their Master in heaven who will be served by their subjection to their earthly Masters but he that will serve himselfe cannot serve God and that selfe service is the whole worke of these Rebells who pretend to put God in the first place that they may leave him noe place and such as desert their King vpon pretence of Gods service desert God to serve themselves and they will only enjoy their power and wealth and ease for Gods sake but suffer for him they will not that kinde of testimony to the truth of Religion they account among the corruptions of the first ages of the Church and they have found a more accurate and pleasant way to serve God Intitled MEDITATIONS VPON DEATH BEcause the King affordes time to inveigh bitterly against that murder but in the Libellers language Iustice done on him it will be as he sayes needefull to say something in defence of those proceedings Doubtles all that witt or impudence can offer in defence of that Barbarisme is farr short of a colourable excuse He is courting of apocripha and makes a Prologue out of Esdras and Josephus Authors in his judgment not lesse beleived then any vnder sacred brings forth the story of the three wise questions and zorobabells determination for women and truth Quorsum haec Though he be not asked nor in a nation that gives such rewards to wisedome his Masters have not that bountie to restore the King that he may sitt next him their gratitude being of the same Stampe with their loyaltie he shall pronounce his sentence somewhat different that eyther truth and Iustice are all one or els that Iustice by his office is to put forth more strength in the affaires of mankinde To what purpose doth he soe solemnely produce this peice of Apocripha and pronounce his sentence different Iustice is a vertue of the minde and putts forth noe more strength in the affaires of mankinde then truth but he talkes of justice and truth as if they were members of the house of Commons The sensuall appetite of some is too strong for their vnderstanding and thence proceeded the conclusions for the strength of wine and women In others the vnderstanding and reason are stronger and there truth is strongest but we may be assured that in this Libeller and his Masters ambition crueltie and falshood are strongest and thence their Actions are an oppression and defiance of truth and Iustice and they are growne soe absurd as from the Titles of strength given to vertues and passions this triflinge Libeller would haue them non resident and to act without a subject If Zorobabell had made truth a fantastical person as this man strives to have justice vnderstood he had surely lost his reward as well as the opinion of his wisedome This man would have Iustice vnderstood as shee is painted in a peice of Tapistry Iustice had a sword putt into her hand to vse against all violence oppression in the earth By whome was this sword putt into her hand Doe theis Traytours beleive that their magnifying of Iustice makes any man looke on their Barbarous Actions with lesse detestation or that justice is any part of their end or Actions Justice teaches Rulers how to vse the sword put into their hands but is armelesse against any violence and oppression without the power of the Ruler If the Magistrate doe injustice there is noe justice committed to others against him The wise man by the spirit of God tells vs that he beheld wrong and injustice and the cryes of the oppressed and there was noe deliverer and where then was the Libellers justice was not violence there stronger then justice Though divine justice cannot be avoyded humane justice often fayles and cannot reach the offender Shee is most truly who accepts no person and exempts none from the severitie of her stroake Though by the Rules of justice there is no accepting nor exempting of persons yet the Magistrate to whome alone the Rule belongs is confined to persons and places justice forbidding all vsurpation and striking is oppression where lawfull power gives not the sword Shee never suffers injury to prevayle but when falshood first prevailes over truth and that is a kinde of justice done on them who are soe deluded And is not falshood an injury why should justice suffer falshood
murder to take away his life whome the king had pardoned and we finde that though Jacob curst the rage of his two sons yet he put them not to death for the murder of the Sichemites A law must be founded in vnrighteousnes if the people doe not punish their Rulers as the Rulers them And such a law is contrary to those Rules of righteousnes God hath prescribed and is the destruction of mankinde not any law at tall and this man feares not to charge God with vnrighteousnes that forbidds evill speakinge of their Rulers though wicked and vnjust and scoffes at his ordinance calling anointinge a Charme Can any man of Common reason imagine that a people wil be obedient vnto any whome they have power to punish or that subjection can consist with such a condition The anointinge of Abiathar to be a Priest did not exempt him from the power of the King And can any reasonable man thinke that any but the King could have vsed that power vpon Abiathar or that because the King who was anointed to that office over the Priest was subject to the like from his people or any private man as this Atheist will have it David as a private man and in his owne cause feared to lift vp his hand against the Lords anointed but this Cannot forbidd the law nor disarme Iustice from havinge legall power against any King This sheweth that divine law forbadd all men to take the Armes of justice without or against the King who is referred to Gods justice and justice hath noe Armes but his power What David feared he judged all others had cause to feare who can touch the Lords anointed and be innocent If David were a private man being anointed King who was a publique man But what David feared these wretches despise and Count this forbearance of David a ceremony which he might have forborne If David feared in his owne cause to lift vp his hand against the Lords anointed the Libeller is his owne judge and must be his tormenter that makes an impious defence of those that lifted vp their hand against the Lords anointed in their owne cause and were by his owne confession but private men and he would have their exorbitance and disobedience to law vnblameable Was David a more private man then they All supreame Counsells in other formes of Government that have not a Monarch claime this priviledge of exemptiō from their subjects Judicature b◅t those gracelesse Rebells hold nothinge sacred the place of Gods vicegerent they wil have to be an enormous priviledge and blow away Religion justice like Chaffe with the blast of their fancie though they pretend the strength of it above that of Kings He hath done with Scripture he descends now to saint Ambrose excommunicatinge Theodosius he will allow the Bishopp to be a saint for this fact though his calling were Prelaticall and vnlawfull in his judgment But what is spirituall excommunication to the puttinge of a King to death This fact of saint Ambrose is noe Rule Though Christian Bishopps refused to give the holy misteries to Princes in cases of sins they did not presume to make a Civill seperation betweene them and their people and will the Libeller allow the Bishopps to be more publique persons then Christ and his Apostles and to doe what they would not He that makes such outcryes against Popery heere takes vp the most scandalous doctrine that any of them maintaine and which the most sober disclaime and takes vp those Arguments which the Jesuites vse for the Clergies and Popes power over Princes yet the man would be accounted a zealous Protestant The examples of excommunication by the brittish Bishopps saint Germaine Oudeceus the clergy of Morcant might be al true but nothing to the purpose nor are their excommunications Rules for Christian practice neither can there be any inference of deposing or murderinge Kings from such Actions But sor the greater Credit he sayes the facts of theis Brittish Bishopps were before we had Communion with the Church of Rome And may not he looke on himselfe and his crew with horrour for vilysying and reproaching the calling of Bishopps as Papell and Antichristian and yet confesse it to be before we had any Communion with the Church of Rome What power of deposinge Kings and consequently of putting them to death was assumed and practised by the Canon law he sayes he omitts as a thing generally knowne Why would he not tell by whome it was practised would that discredit the Authoritie What power the Popes practised in deposinge Kings is generally knowne and detested by all good men being Actions contrary to all lawes but of their owne making But did the people of England expect that all the promises of Reformation made by the late Parliament would end only in approvinge the Tyrany and vsurpation of the Pope over Kings and justifying of the powder plot and are all the complaints of the Protestant Divines against the practice of the Popes become impertinent Clamours But such a defence is suteable to the cause Whole Councells have decreed that a Counsell is above the Pope though by them not denyed the vicar of Christ and wee may be ashamed in our cleerer light not to descerne further that a Parliament is above a King It were a shame to vs if we should not descerne the difference betweene the independent power of Kings and the vsurped power of the Pope and this breaker wants shame that pretends cleerer light and opposition to Rome and yet begg Examples from it Such as preferred the authoritie of Counsells above the Pope had their warrant from the ancient Counsells which knew not the vicarshipp of the Pope different from his brethren And had these Counsells thought him Christs vicar and infallible as the Romanists now maintaine their conclusion of the Counsells superioritie could not consist with their premisses being much alike this Authors ordinary Arguments But what resemblance has a Counsell of the whole Church to the Parliament or Counsell of a particular kingdome By the lawes of some kingdomes there are noe Parliaments at all and in Counsells they are not subjects but brethren to to the Pope as they anciently stiled themselves and they anciently convened and departed without any leave from him but in the English Parliament they are all subjects to the king and their places were by his institution and the kings calling any convention for advice doth not alter the qualitie of subjection He comes now to humane lawes and by them he will prove a divine truth The judgment given against Orestes either at Athens whose king he was not or in any other Countrey where he was but a Titular proves nothing though the story were Authenticke and the proceedings legall but popular furies though occasioned by their Governours Crymes are not Examples of imitation Solons lawes belonged not to kingly Government neither were the kings of Sparta Monarchs nor Licurgus a King indeede though he had
a Title the constitution of that State being a Republique and their King noe other then a Consul of Rome or a Duke of venice The Decree in Rome is farr wide from the matter and what the Senate did against Nero was in vindication of their ancient power not acknowledging the Justice of his soveraigntie Though Theodosius decreed the law to be above the Emperour yet he decreed not any person to have power over the Emperour The law was above him in reguard it was his Rule but could not make any person or societie above him The law is the directive power to Kings but subject them not to any and it is a senseles deduction from the superioritie of the Rule to imagine an inferioritie of the Rulers to the people or a communitie in power by the Rule That Bracton or Cleta say the King is inferiour to the Court of Parliament is a manifest vntruth and Bracton sayes expressely the King hath not a superiour on earth to punish him and that only God is the avenger of his Actions soe farr were theis men from affirminge that he stands as liable to receive Iustice as the meanest of his subjects But this man thinkes that some of his Readers will believe that the name of an Author is sufficient Authoritie though he speake contrary to what he alleadges It is said in an ancient booke the King ought to be subject to the law by his oath Though the King be bound to performe the law by his oath is there any to judge him when all are his subjects and derive their power from him or is he subject to any person And who can judge another that is not subject to him Because Kings bound themselves to doe Justice therefore did they give other men power over them That the king permitted questions of his right to ordinary Iudicature is an vse of Counsell not subjection all Courts being his Counsells for decision of controversies but it s a sorry inference that Counsellours in his affaires should have power over his person As the Parliaments right is circumscribed by lawes in regarde of the subject soe it cannot be imagined absolute over the king By what the Libeller hath said he might well conclude that kings are oblidged to doe justice but that the people or particular persons may judge their king by any law divine or humane he hath not offred a colour soe barren is he in an Argument which he calls over copious Who should better vnderstand their owne lawes and when they are transgressed then they who are governed by them and whose consent at first made them Certenly he might very wel have answeared himselfe that they which governed by such lawes and whose consent at first made them better vnderstand them and when they are transgressed then they that are governed and it is a course very agreable to these mens confusion that the suiter should teach the judge The Libeller askes who have more right to take knowledge of things done within a free nation then they within themselves And surely they will not be free long from destroying one another where that 's the libertie for there wil be as many Transgressours and as many lawes as there are opinions He goes about to answeare the taking the oath of Alleagiance and supreamacy And to this his answeare is very ready that these oaths were to his person invested with his Authoritie and his Authoritie was by the people given him conditionally vnder law and oath And if his Authoritie had been conditionall their oaths could not be absolute as they are This guift and condition they imagine were engraven in Seths Pillars and they have been long enquiringe for a Cabballisticke Rabbyn to finde out the Characters How the kings hereditary succession is become a conditionall guift must have better evidence then Aphorismes of confusion never law contained either the guift or condition nor was there ever such impudence before theis Traytours that avowed because they swore faith to their kings person invested with his Authoritie they might take away his Authoritie and not breake their oath And it were a prophane oath aswell as vaine that should be voyde at the will of the taker The kings oath added nothing to his right being only an obligation of his conscience noe condition annexed to his right and if he never tooke the oath his subjects obedience is noe whit diminished and a king by inheritance needes not admittance the death of his predecessour puts him in possession this is the knowne law of England The Couquerour tooke on oath at his Crowninge and other times that made noe condition to his Government There is not only reason but absolute necessitie for the avoyding of confusion ruine of mankinde that the subject be bound to the king though the kinge faile in his dutie for the destruction of Government is more sinfull and inconvenient to humane societie then any evill that can come by a kings misgovernment He proceedes to answeare objections touchinge the Covenant wherein we shall not much insist but to detect the shifts of Malefactours to elude the evidence of truth They were accused by the King and his partie to pretend libertie and reformation but to have noe other end then to make themselves greate and to destroy his person and Authoritie for which reason sayes the Libeller they added the third Article to preserve the Kings person and Authoritie in defence of Religion priviledge of Parliament and liberties of the Kingdome And to shew with what ingenuitie he dealt in seeking to avoyde that just accusation the Libeller tells vs that they added that cause for a shew only and they intended not to preserve the Kings person further then it might consist with their opinions touchinge Reformation extirpatinge of Prelacy preservinge liberties of Parliament and Kingdome and in this very clause they called the world to be wittnes with their consciences of their loyaltie and yet made the preservation of their Kings person and Authoritie arbitrary by their owne opinions and while this Libeller would have their Rebellion a defensive warr he forbeares not to tell the world that they resolved the Kings destruction to attaine their ends The sixth Article gives asmuch preservation and defence to all that enter into the league as to him And it seemes more for they have dealt with none of them as with him and he sayes if the Covenant were made absolute without respect to these superiour things it was an vnlawfull vow and not to be kept It is agreed that vnlawfull vowes are not to be made nor kept but it is an vnlawfull vow to destroy the Kinge in order to his supposed ends yet they feare not to vow the destruction of any that oppose them though the honour and innocence of the persons were without the reach of lawes and they will exempt neither callings nor integritie from their lawles Injustice and that appeared by his glosse vpon the fourth Article of the Covenant to bring