Theologian and will seem to be a good Bishop and to have a great care of his Diocess and would heretofore seem a great Preacher I have hinted in my last the Reasons why I cannot altogether like him which are needless to repeat The Arch-bishop of Paris is always the same I mean a gallant Man whose present Conversation is charming and loves his Pleasures but cannot bear any thing that grieves or gives trouble though he is always a great Enemy of the Iansenists which he lately intimated to Cardinal Camus He is always with me in the Council of Conscience and agrees very well with our Society laying mostly to Heart the Conversion of the Protestants of the three Kingdoms He also makes very good Observations and Designs to give some Advice to your Reverence which I shall convey to you I do sometimes impart to him what you write to me My Lord Kingston has embrac'd our good Party I was present when he Abjur'd in the Church of St. Denis I will give you the Circumstances some other time You promised to send me the Names of all Heretick Officers who are in his Majesty's Troops that much imports me and you shall not want good Catholick Officers to fill up their places I have drawn a List of them who are to pass into England and his most Christian Majesty approves thereof Pray observe what I hinted to you in my last on the Subject of the Visits which our Fathers must give to the Chief Lords Members of the next Parliament those Reverend Fathers who are to perform that Duty must be middle-aged with a lively Countâ—nance and fit to perswade I also advised you in some of my other Letters how the Bishop of Oxford ought to behave himself by writing incessantly and to insinuate into the People the putting down the Test and at the same time calm the Storm which the Letter of Pentionary Fagel has raised And his Majesty must continue to make vigorous Prohibitions to all Booksellers in London not to print any Answers as well to put a stop to the Insolency of Heretick Authors as also to hinder the People from reading them In short you intimate to me That his Majesty will follow our Advice It 's the quickest way and I cannot find a better or fitter to dispossess his Subjects from such Impressions as they have received His Majesty must also by the same Declaration profess in Conscience that if complied with he will not only keep his Word to maintain and protect the Church of England but will also confirm his Promises by such Laws as the Protestants shall be contented with This is the true Politick way for by his granting all they cannot but consent to something His most Christian Majesty has with great success experienced this Maxim And though he had not to struggle with Penal Laws and Tests yet he found it convenient to make large Promises by many Declarations for since we must dissemble you must endeavour all you can to perswade the King it is the only Method to effect his Design I did also in my last give you a hint of its Importance as well as the ways you must take to insinuate your selves dexterously with the King to gain his good Will. I know not whether you have observed what passed in England some Years since I will recite it because Examples instruct much One of our Assisting Fathers of that Kingdom which was Father Parsons having written a Book against the Succession of the King of Scots to the Realm of England Father Creighton who was also of our Society and upheld by many of our Party defended the Cause of that King in a Book Intituled The Reasons of the King of Scots against the Book of Father Parsons And though they seem'd divided yet they understood one another very well this being practised by order of our General to the end that if the House of Scotland were Excluded they might shew him who had the Government the Book of Father Parsons and on the other Hand if the King happened to be restored to the Throne they might obtain his good Will by shewing him the Works of Father Chreighton So that which way soever the Medal turn'd it still prov'd to the advantage of our Society Not to digress from our Subject I must desire you to read the English Book of Father Parsons Intituled The Reform of England where after his blaming of Cardinal Pool and made some observations of Faults in the Council of Trent he finally concludes That suppose England should return as we hope to the Catholick Faith in this Reign he would reduce it to the State of the Primitive Church And to that end all the Ecclesiastical Revenue ought to be used in common and the Management thereof committed to the care of Seven Wise Men drawn out of our Society to be disposed of by them as they should think fit Moreover he would have all the Religious Orders forbidden on Religious Penalties not to return into the Three Kingdoms without leave of those Seven Wise Men to the end it might be granted only to such as live on Alms. These Reflections seem to me very judicious and very suitable to the present State of England The same Father Parsons adds That when England is reduced to the True Faith the Pope must not expect at least for Five Years to reap any benefit of the Ecclesiastical Revenue but must leave the whole in the hands of those Seven Wise Men who will manage the same to the Benefit and Advancement of the Church The Court goes this day for Marli to take the Divertisements which are there prepared I hope to accompany the King and will entertain him about all Business and accordingly as he likes what you hint to me in your Letter I shall give you notice I have acquainted him with his Britannick Majesty's Design of building a Citadel near Whitehal Monsieur Vauban our Engineer was present After some Discourse on the Importance of the Subject his Majesty told Monsieur Vauban that he thought it convenient he should make a Model of the Design and that he should on purpose go over into England to see the Ground I have done all I could to suspend the Designs of our Great Monarch who is always angry against the Holy Father both Parties are stubborn the King 's natural Inclination is to have all yield to him and the Pope's Resolution is unalterable All our Fathers most humbly salute your Reverence Father Roine Ville acts wonderfully about Nismes amongst the New Converts who still meet notwithstanding the Danger they expose themselves to I daily expect News from the Frontiers of the Empire which I shall impart to your Reverence and am with the greatest Respect Yours c. Paris March 7. 1688. Popish Treaties not to be rely'd on In a Letter from a Gentleman at York to his Friend in the Prince of ORANGE's Camp. Addressed to all Members of the next Parliament THE Credulity and Superstition of
any ill designs if any have been tampering to reconcile him to Popery which is no less than Treason he will presently detect those mischievous Instruments that they may be brought to condign Punishment and applaud the Iustice that has been done on Coleman the five Jesuits Godfrey's Murderers c. thereby stopping the Mouths of that brazen Tribe who would make the World believe they died innocently He will declare 〈◊〉 all Arbitrary Designs detest those who by sneaking flatteries would unâ—â—ngâ— the ancient and most wise Constitution of our Government He will heartily recommend Parliaments to his Sacred Brother as the wisest and safest Councils and even thank the late Houses of Commons for their zeal against him whilst they apprehended him as an Enemy to his King and the Religion and safety of the Kingdom He will vigorously by his Counsels and Interests oppose the growing greatness of the French which at this day threatens all Europe with Chains and immediately tends not only to the decay of Great Britains Trade and Glory but also to the diminution oppression and if it lay in humane Power utter subversion of the Reformed Religion throughout the World. These and the like Noble Fruits will the People not unreasonably expect from your R. H. when ever you shall please to declare your self a Protestant which that you may speedily do not Politickly or Superficially but with that sincerity as so serious a matter of infinite more value than the Three Crowns you are Presumptive Heir to is the Prayer of all good Men and particularly of Your Royal Highness 's Most Humble and Faithful Servant Philanax Verax LONDON Printed and are to be sold by Richard Ianeway 1688. Ten Seasonable QUERIES Proposed by an English Gentleman in Amsterdam to his Friends in England a little before the Prince of Orange came over I. WHether any Real and Zealous Papist was ever for Liberty of Conscience it being a fundamental Principle of their Religion That all Christians that do not believe as They do are Hereticks and ought to be destroyed II. Whether the King be a Real and Zealous Papist If he be Whether he can be truly for Liberty of Conscience III. Whether this King in his Brother's Reign did not cause the Persecution against Dissenters to be more violent than otherwise it would have been IV. Whether he doth not now make use of the Dissenters to pull down the Church of England as he did of the Church of England to ruin the Dissenters that the Papists may be the better enabled in a short time to destroy them both V. Whether any ought to believe he will be for Liberty any longer than it serves his Turn and whether his great eagerness to have the Penal Laws and Test repealed be only in order to the easie establishing of Popery VI. Whether if these Penal Laws and Test were repealed there would not many turn Papists that now dare not VII Whether the forcing of all that are in Offices of Profit or Trust in the Nation to lose their Places or declare they will be for Repealing the Penal Laws and Test be not Violating his own Declaration for Liberty of Conscience and a new Test upon the People VIII Whether the suspending the Bishop of London the Dispossessing of the Fellows of Magdalen Colledge of their Freeholds the Imprisoning and Prosecuting the Seven Bishops for Reasoning according to Law are not sufficient instances how well the King intend to keep his Declaration for Liberty of Conscience wherein he promiseth to protect and maintain all his Bishops and Clergy and all other his Subjects of the Church of England in quiet and full enjoyment of all their Possessions with any molestation or disturbance whatsoever IX Whether the Usage of the Protestants in France and Savoy for these three years past be not a sufficient Warning not to trust to the Declaration Promises or Oaths in matters of Religion of any Papist whatsoever X. Whether any Equivalent whatsoever under a Popish King that hath a standing Army and pretends to a Dispensing Power can be as equal Security as the Penal Laws and Test as affairs now stand in England FINIS A SIXTH Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England VIZ. I. Five Letters from Scotland giving Account of expelling Popery from thence II. The Prince of Orange's Speech to the Scots Lords and Gentlemen met at St. Iames's With their Advice to the Prince to take upon him the Administration of the Affairs of Scotland With his Highness's Answer III. A Letter to a Friend advising in this Extraordiry Juncture how to Free the Nation from Slavery IV. The Application of the Bishop and Clergy of London to the Prince of Orange Sept. 21. 1688. V. An Address of the Nonconformist Ministers of London to the Prince of Orange VI. The Address of the City of Bristol to the Prince of Orange VII A Word to the Wise for Setling the Government VIII A Modest Proposal to the present Convention IX An Historical Account touching the Succession of the Crown X. A Narrative of the Miseries of New-England by reason of an Arbitrary Government erected there Licensed and Entred according to Order London printed and are to be sold by Richard Ianeway in Queen's-head-Court in Pater-noster-Row 1689. Advertisement VVHereas there is a sixth and seventh Collection of old Papers with new Title-Pages remote from the present Juncture of Affairs published by R. Baldwin The Reader is desired to take notice that the Person that collected the first five Parts will continue them from time to time as often as matter occurs in which he will take care not to impose any thing but what is new and genuine and worth the Reader 's Money To be sold by Richard Ianeway in Queen's-Head Court in Pater-Noster-Row who sells the former five and so all that shall follow Five LETTERS From a Gentleman in Scotland to his Friend in LONDON Being a True Account of what Remarkable Passages have happened since the Prince's Landing The manner of the taking of the Chancellor and his Lady in Man's Apparel The burning of the Pope Demolishing of the Popish Chappels c. with the total overthrow of the Roman Catholicks Edinburgh Decemb. 3. 1688. THE Students of the University here designed some time ago to burn the Pope's Effigies but that was not more zealously desired to be prevented by some than to be done by others Notwithstanding all the imaginable Care taken to prevent it yet it was done about Ten Days ago after day-light gone at the Cross and blown up with Art that seems to have been beyond their Invention above four Stories high Two Days thereafter they went to the Parliament-House at mid-day passing by the Guards crying No Pope No Papist And being got into the Parliament-House after they had required the Guards to be present at the Sentence and having got upon the Bench they Arraigned his Holiness before his Judges and gave the Jury their Commission who brought him in
who can tell what Contests there may be about the Right of the Crown The Deposed Prince is alive and his Right by Sword will be disputed c. If the Government be dissolved the Power devolves on the People no one can claim the Crown the Royal Family is as it were extinct the People may set up what Government they please either the old or a new A Monarchy absolute or limited or an Aristocracy or Democracy If a Monarchy limited supposing it mostly suited to the temper of the English they may choose what Family they please to sit in the Throne They may settle it on the Princess of Orange Princess Ann the Prince of Orange and for want of Issue on whom else they think meet These hold not by virtue of an old Right but by reason of the People's placing it upon them and the Monarchy may be thus de Novo made Hereditary and the King and Prince of Wales gone having lost their Right by the Dissolution of the Government The Iura Majestatis the Militia the Power of War and Peace or the Power of the Sword with the Power of making Judges Sheriffs c. may be lodged where now the Power of Legislation is viz. in King Lords and Commons which will necessitate frequent Parliaments and make it impossible for the Monarch to enslave us There are but two ways by which Slavery can be brought on us viz. Force or Injustice The Militia or Power of the Sword being in the People we are secured from the mischief of Force The Power of making Judges and all the Ministers of Justice being also in the People they cannot be ruin'd by Injustice But we must do no Evil â—hat Good may come of it Is our Government dissolved or is it not If there be a Dissolution Is it of the Constitution or only of the Form of Administration I confess my self not States-man enough to be acquainted with the Fineness of the Politicks but am apt to run the old Road and please my self with an old Distinction All Power is Originally or Fundamentally in the People Formally in the Parliament which is one Corporation made up of three Constituent Essentiating Parts King Lords and Commons so it was with us in England When this Corporation is broken when any one Essentiating Part is lost or gone there is a Dissolution of the Corporation The Formal Seat of Power and that Power devolves on the People When it 's impossible to have a Parliament the Power returns to them with whom it was originally Is it possible to have a Parliament It 's not possible The Government therefore is dissolv'd If what is essential to our Constitution be invaded or ravished from us the Constitution is broken I will instance in two things essential to the Constitution That the People choose their own Representatives And that their Representatives have such an Interest in the Legislation that no Laws be made or abrogated without their Consent The destroying one or both of these subverts the Foundation of our Government The Government being dissolved what must the People do Câ—re must be taken that the Government to be erected by such as will perfectly secure us from Slavery and be a Fence inviolable to the Liberty and Property of the People And the Rights of Majesty must be therefore lodged with the Parliament this will be grateful to the People The way of doing it must be Great Awful and August that none may be able to quarrel it A National Convention made up of the Representatives of the Community That the Convention may be truly National and represent the Community it must be larger than a House of Commons ordinarily is It 's this Convention that sets up what kind of Government they please If they 'l have a Parliament made up of King Lords and Commons it 's sufficient that this Convention is so pleased The Power of this Convention must be absolute and uncontroulable accountable to none but God. It gives Laws to Kings yea to the whole Parliament and sets bounds unto it it shall go so far and no further No Act of Parliament can be strong enough to move the Foundation laid by this Convention The Convention therefore as it has more Power than a Parliament and is it's Creator it must have a larger Body What think you therefore if the first thing done by the approaching Convention be the increasing their Number What if they double it Whether by ordering every Market-Town to send up their Representatives or every Hundred Wapentake c. or by some other way according to the proportion of People and publick Payments as the wise Men of this Convention shall judg most practicable that it may be the Grand Council of the Nation I have unburdened my self and am Your Humble Servant Ian. 5. 1688. Some Account of the Humble Application of the Pious and Noble Prelate Henry Lord Bishop of London with the Reverend Clergy of the City and some of the Dissenting Ministers in it To the Illustrious Prince William Henry the Prince of Orange on Friday September 21. 1688. HE declared in Excellent Words That they came to pay him their Humble Duties and most Grateful Respects for his very great and most hazardous Undertakings for their Deliverance and the Preservation of the Protestant Religion with the Ancient Laws and Liberties of this Nation He addeth That they gave up daily many Thanksgivings to Almighty God who had hitherto been graciously pleased so wonderfully to preserve his Person and prospeâ— and favour his good Design And they promised the continuance of their ferventest Prayers to the same God and all Concurrent Endeavours in their Circumstances for the promoting yet further that Work which was so happily begun and also for the perfecting of it not only in this Kingdom but in other Christian Kingdoms He likewise suggested to the Good Prince That some of the Dissenting Ministers and their Brethren were there present who having the same sense of his Coming hither with themselves had joyned themselves with them by him to render Him their Humblest and most Grateful Resentments His Highness was pleased to declare That he thanked them for their Attendance and acquainted them very briefly with the chiefest Ends of his Difficult and Chargeable Expedition That indeed it was to Preserve and Secure the Protestant Religion his own Religion and their Religion and assuring them he should not think any thing not Life it self too dear to hazard in promoting and perfecting so good a Work. Also he offered up with great Devotion his solemnest Acknowledgments to Almighty God for his Presence with him and Blessing upon his Endeavours and Arms hitherto and asked the Continuance of all their Prayers to God for him The Address of the Nonconformist Ministers in and about the City of London to his Highness the Prince of ORANGE WEdnesday Ianuary 2â—â— divers of the Dissenting Ministers in and about London that go under the Denominations of Presbyterial and Congregational to
sometimes even very anciently when upon extraordinary Occasions they met out of Course a Precept an Edict or Sanction is mentioned to have issued from the King But the times and the very place of their ordinary Meeting having been certain and determined in the very first and eldest times that we meet with any mention of such Assemblies which times are as ancient as any Memory of the Nation it self hence I infer that no Summons from the King can be thought to have been necessary in those Days because it was altogether needless Secondly The Succession to the Crown did not in those Days nor till of late Years run in a course of lineal Succession by right of Inheritance But upon the Death of a Prince those Persons of the Realm that composed the then Parliament assembled in order to the choosing of another That the Kingdom was then Elective though one or other of the Royal Blood was always chosen but the next in lineal Succession very seldom is evident from the Genealogies of the Saxon Kings from an old Law made at Calchuyth appointing how and by whom Kings shall be chosen and from many express and particular Accounts given by our old Historians of such Assemblies held for electing of Kings Now such Assemblies could not be summon'd by any King and yet in Conjunction with the King that themselves set up they made Laws binding the King and all the Realm Thirdly After the Death of King William Rufus Robert his elder Brother being then in the Holy Land Henry the youngest Son of King William the first procur'd an Assembly of the Clergy and People of England to whom he made large Promises of his good Government in case they would accept of him for their King and they agreeing that if he would restore to them the Laws of King Edward the Confessor then they would consent to make him their King He swore that he would do so and also free them from some Oppressions which the Nation had groan'd under in his Brothers and his Fathers time Hereupon they chose him King and the Bishop of London and the Archbishop of York set the Crown upon his Head which being done a Confirmation of the English Liberties pass'd the Royal Assent in that Assembly the same in Substance though not so large as King Iohn's and King Henry the thirds Magna Charta's afterwards were Fourthly After that King's Death in such another Parliament King Stephen was elected and Mawd the Express put by though not without some Stain of Perfidiousness upon all those and Stephen himself especially who had sworn in her Father's Life-time to acknowledg her for their Sovereign after his Decease Fifthly In King Richard the firsts time the King being absent in the Holy Land and the Bishop of Ely then his Chancellor being Regent of the Kingdom in his Absence whose Government was intolerable to the People for his Insolence and manifold Oppressions a Parliament was convened at London at the Instance of Earl Iohn the King's Brother to treat of the great and weighty Affairs of the King and Kingdom in which Parliament this same Regent was depos'd from his Government and another set up viz. the Arch-Bishop of Roan in his stead This Assembly was not conven'd by the King who was then in Palestine nor by any Authority deriv'd from him for then the Regent and Chancellor must have call'd them together but they met as the Historian says expresly at the Instance of Earl Iohn And yet in the Kings Absence they took upon them to settle the publick Affairs of the Nation without him Sixthly When King Henry the 3 d. died his eldest Son Prince Edward was then in the Holy Land and came not home till within the third Year of his Reign yet immediately upon the Father's Death all the Prelates and Nobles and four Knights for every Shire and four Burgesses for every Borough assembled together in a great Council and setled the Government till the King should return made a new Seal and a Chancellor c. I infer from what has been said that Writs of Summons are not so essential to the being of Parliaments but that the People of England especially at a time when they cannot be had may by Law and according to our old Constitution assemble together in a Parliamentary way without them to treat of and settle the publick Affairs of the Nation And that if such Assemblies so conven'd find the Throne vacant they may proceed not only to set up a Prince but with the Assent and Concurrence of such Prince to transact all publick Business whatsoever without a new Election they having as great Authority as the People of England can delegate to their Representative II. The Acts of Parliaments not formal nor legal in all their Circumstances are yet binding to the Nation so long as they continue in force and not liable to be questioned as to the Validity of them but in subsequent Parliaments First The two Spencers Temp. Edvardi Secundi were banished by Act of Parliament and that Act of Parliament repealed by Dures Force yet was the Act of Repeal a good Law till it was annull'd 1 Ed. 3. Secondly Some Statutes of 11 Rich. 2. and Attainders thereupon were repealed in a Parliament held Anno 21. of that King which Parliament was procur'd by forc'd Elections and yet the Repeal stood good till such time as in 1 Henry 4. the Statutes of 11 Rich. 2. were revived and appointed to be firmly held and kept Thirdly The Parliament of 1 Hen. 4. consisted of the same Knights Citizens and Burgesses that had served in the then last dissolved Parliament and those Persons were by the King's Writs to the Sheriffs commanded to be returned and yet they passed Acts and their Acts tho never confirmed continue to be Laws at this Day Fourthly Queen Mary's Parliament that restored the Pope's Supremacy was notoriously known to be pack'd insomuch that it was debated in Queen Elizabeth's time whether or no to declare all their Acts void by Act of Parliament That course was then upon some prudential Considerations declined and therefore the Acts of that Parliament not since repealed continue binding Laws to this Day The Reason of all this is Because no inferior Courts have Authority to judg of the Validity or Invalidity of the Acts of such Assemblies as have but so much as a Colour of Parliamentary Authority The Acts of such Assemblies being entred upon the Parliament-Roll and certified before the Judges of Westminster-Hall as Acts of Parliament are conclusive and binding to them because Parliaments are the only Judges of the Imperfections Invalidities Illeâ—â—lities c. of one another The Parliament that call'd in King Charles the second was not assembled by the King 's Writ and yet they made Acts and the Royal Assent was had to them many of which indeed were afterwards confirmed but not all and those that had no Confirmation are undoubted Acts of Parliament without it and have ever
Right Line and in the Legal Steps and Degrees And this being done I am persuaded nothing can divide the English Nation or lessen their Zeal and Affection to the Prince of Orange who has deserved the Crown if it were ours to give him The Postscript which is an Huy and Cry after the French League to cut our Throats I leave to the Convention And if I durst be so bold as to ask a Favour of them it should be to enquire what the Ro. Catholick meant by that Threat of theirs so frequently printed and spoken by them If fair means would not obtain the Repeal of our Penal Laws and Tests foul should Now for a Conclusion I would desire you Sir to propose your method of Restoring the King and Securing our Laws and Religion and it shall go hard but I will shew you it is impracticable or impossible that it will never be granted or if it be never observed And if you please to bless the World with a Receipt of an Obligation that will bind the Conscience of any other Roman Catholick so fast that neither Iesuit and Pope can break or untie it I assure you I will joyn with you in a Petition to the Convention for a Treaty forthwith without any other Terms to be proposed than the giving us that Security whatever it is And in the Interim I am SIR YOURS Ian. 24. 1688 9. FINIS The EIGHT Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England VIZ. I. Proposals to the present Convention for Setling the Government II. Several Queries relating to the present Proceedings in Parliament III. A Protestant Precedent offer'd for the Exclusion of King Iames the Second IV. Reasons offer'd for placing the Prince of Orange singly in the Throne during his Life V. A Breviate for the Convention represented to the Lords and Commons of England VI. King Iames the First his Opinion of a King and of a Tyrant and of the English Laws Rights and Priviledges VII Proposals to the present Convention for perpetual Security of the Protestant Religion and Liberty of the Subjects of England London printed and are to be sold by Rich. Ianeway in Queen's-head Court in Pater-Noster Row 1689. PROPOSALS Humbly offered To the Lords and Commons in the present CONVENTION for Settling of the Government c. My Lords and Gentlemen YOV are Assembled upon Matters of the highest Importance to England and all Christendom and the result of your Thoughts in this Convention will make a numerous Posterity Happy or Miserable If therefore I have met with any Thing that I think worthy of your Consideration I should think my self wanting in that Duty which I owe to my Country and Mankind if I should not lay it before You. If there be as some say certain Lineaments in the Face of Truth with which one cannot be deceiv'd because they are not to be counterfeited I hope the Considerations which I presume to offer You will meet with your Approbation That bringing back our Constitâ—tion to its first and purest Original refining it from some gross Abuses and supplying its Defects You may be the Ioy of the present Age and the Glory of Posterity FIrst 'T is necessary to distinguish between Power it self the Designation of the Persons Governing and the Form of Government For 1. All Power is from God as the Fountain and Original 2. The Designation of the Persons and the Form of Government is eirther First immediately from God as in the Case of Saul and David and the Government of the Ievs or Secondly from the Community chusing some Form of Government and subjecting themselves to it But it must be noted that though Saul and David had a Divine Designation yet the People assembled and in a General Assembly by their Votes freely chose them Which proves that there can be no orderly or lasting Government without Consent of the People Tacit or Express'd and God himself would not put Men under a Governor without their Consent And in case of a Conquest the People may be called Prisoners or Salves which is a State contrary to the Nature of Man but they cannot be properly Subjects till their Wills be brought to submit to the Government So that Conquest may make Way for a Government but it cannot constitute it Secondly There is a Supreme Power in every Community essential to it and inseparable from it by which if it be not limited immediately by God it can form it self into any kind of Government And in some extraordinary Occasions when the Safety and Peace of the Publick necessarily require it can supply the Defects reform the Abuses and re-establish the true Fundamentals of the Government by Purging Refining and bringing Things back to their first Original Which Power may be called The Supreme Power Real Thirdly When the Community has made choice of some Form of Government and subjected themselves to it having invested some Person or Persons with the Supreme Power The Power in those Persons may be called The Supreme Power Personal Fourthly If this Form be a mix'd Government of Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy and for the easy Execution of the Laws the Executive Power be lodg'd in a single Person He has A Supreme Power Personal quoad hoc Fifthly The Supreme Power Personal of England is in Kings Lords and Commons and so it was in Effect agreed to by King Charles the First in his Answer to the nineteen Propositions and resolved by the Convention of Lords and Commons in the Year 1660. And note That the Acts of that Convention tho never confirmed by Parliament have been taken for Law and particularly by the Lord Chief Justice Hales Sixthly The Supreme Power Personal of England fails three Ways 1. 'T is Dissolved For two Essential Parts fail 1. A King. 2. A House of Commons which cannot be called according to the Constitution the King being gone and the Freedom of Election being destroyed by the King's Incroachments 2. The King has forfeited his Power several Ways Subjection to the Bishop of Rome is the Subjection against which our Laws cry loudest And even Barclay that Monarchical Politician acknowledges That if a King alienate his Kingdom or subject it to another he forfeits it And Grotius asserts That if a King really attempt to deliver up or subject his Kingdom he may be therein resisted And that if the King have part of the Supreme Power and the People or Senate the other part the King invading that part which is not his a just Force may be opposed and he may lose his Part of the Empire Grotius de Bello c. Cap. 72. But that the King has subjected the Kingdom to the Pope needs no Proof That the has usurp'd an absolute Power superior to all Laws made the Peoples Share in the Legislative Power impertinent and useless and thereby invaded their just Rights none can deny 'T were in vain to multiply Instances of his Forfeitures And if we consider the Power exercis'd
at any time it may serve his Purpose from whose Hands a Soveraign Prince an Uncle and a Father could meet with no better Entertainment However the sense of these Indignities and the just Apprehension of further Attempts against Our Person by them who already endeavoured to murther Our Reputation by infamous Calumnies as if We had been capable of supposing a Prince of Wales which was incomparably more injurious than the destroying of Our Person it Self together with a serious Reflection on a Saying of Our Royal Father of blessed Memory when He was in the like Circumstances That there is little distance between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes which afterwards proved too true in His Case could not but persuade Us to make use of that which the Law of Nature gives to the meanest of Our Subjects of freeing Our selves by all means possible from that unjust Confinement and Restraint And this We did not more for the Security of our own Person then that thereby We might be in a better Capacity of transacting and providing for every thing that may contribute to the Peace and Settlement of Our Kingdoms For as on the one hand no change of Fortune shall ever make Us forget Our Selves so far as to condescend to any thing unbecoming that High and Royal Station in which God Almighty by Right of Succession has placed Us So on the other hand neither the Provocation or Ingratitude of Our own Subjâ—cts nor any other Consideration whatsoever shall ever prevail with Us to make the least step contrary to the true Interest of the English Nation which We ever did and ever must look upon as Our own Our Will and Pleasure thereof is That you of Our Privy Councel take the most effectual care to make these Our Gratious Intentions known to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about Our Cities of London and Westminster to the Lord Mayor and Commons of our City of London and to all Our Subjects in general and to assure them that We desire nothing more than to return and hold a Free Parliament wherein We may have the best Opportunity of undeceiving Our People and shewing the Sincerity of those Protestations We have often made of the preserving the Liberties and Properties of Our Subjects and the Protestant Religion more especially the Church of England as by Law establish'd with such Indulgence for those that dissent from Her as We have always thought Our selves in Justice and Care of the general Welfare of Our People bound to procure for them And in the mean time You of Our Privy Councel who can judg better by being upon the place are to send Us your Advice what is fit to be done by Us towards Our returning and the accomplishing those good Ends. And We do require you in Our Name and by Our Authority to endeavour so to suppress all Tumults and Disorders that the Nation in general and every one of Our Subjects in particular may not receive the least Prejudice from the present Distractions that is possible So not doubting of your Dutiful Obedience to these Our Royal Commands We bid you heartily Farewel Given at St. Germans on Laye the 4 4 Ianuary 1688 9. And of Our Reign the fourth Year By his Majesties Command MELFORT Directed thus To the Lords and Others of our Privy Councel of Our Kingdom of England Some Remarks on the late Kings pretended Letter to the LORDS and Others of his Privy Council IT begins thus My Lords When we saw that it was no longer safe for us to remain within our Kingdom of England c. His Majesty would have given great Satisfaction to the World in discovering where the Danger lay in tarrying here from whom and for what cause He is pleased to say farther We now think fit to let you know that though it has been our constant care since our first Accession to the Crown to govern our People with that Iustice and Moderation as to give if possible no occasion of Complaint c. I do not understand why his Majesty would not let us know these his Gracious Intentions before when they might have done Himself and Us Good. But quid verba audiam cum facta videam to what purpose are Words when we see Facts And as to his Moderation I appeal to the Pope himself or the French King who chiefly blame him for his Rashness and want of Temper and as for his Justice among a thousand publick Instances to the contrary he should remember his discountenancing and turning out of their Employments all such as would not enter into his Idolatrous Worship and comply with his illegal and arbitrary Designs Besides what Justice can Hereticks expect from a Prince who is not only a Papist but wholly devoted to the Order of the Jesuits and values himself for being a Member of those Reverend Cut-throats Yet more particularly upon the late Invasion seeing how the Design was laid and fearing that our People who could not be destroyed but by themselves The Design was to preserve the Nation from falling under the cruel Dominion of the French and to keep our selves from being dragg'd by the Hair of the Head to Mass and from undergoing all those Miseries which those of the same Religion and for the same Cause have endured now lately in France and Savoy To prevent so great a Mischief that is to say destroying our selves and to take away not only all just Causes but even Pretences of Discontent We freely and of our own accord redrest all those things that were set forth as the Causes of that Invasion I appeal to the common Faith of Mankind touching the Insinserity of these Words whether if this Invasion had not been these and worse Grievances had not followed And that we might be informed by the Counsel and Advice of our Subjects themselves which way we might give them a further and full Satisfaction We resolved to meet them in a Free Parliament c. The late Kings of England have been as desirous of a Parliament as Popes of a Free and General Council there being nothing they have more studiously avoided and greatlier feared But the Prince of Orange seeing all the Ends of his Declaration answered the People beginning to be undeceived and returning apace to their ancient Duty and Allegiance resolved by all possible means to prevent the meeting of the Parliament c. How far the Prince of Orange has been from preventing the meeting of a Parliament we need only consult our senses The hurrying us under a Guard from our City of London whose returning Loyalty we could no longer trust and the other Indignities we suffered in the Person of the Earl of Feversham when sent to him by us and in that barbarous Confinement of our own Person we shall not here repeat Do's any Man think the Prince of Orange would have had the same gentle Treatment from the King had he been in like manner under his Power And as to the
Midnight the Prince's Guards were clapt on his Majesties Person And I pray what harm befel him from this change It seems he might notwithstanding dispose of himself as he pleased And was it decent when his own People forsook him that he should be left at the Discretion of the Rabble It becomes us too to ask where the King is how he came to go and who sent him away A notable Question indeed and which every Apple-woman or Broom-man can resolve But many are angry and yet pleased This is Nokes all over Why then angry and pleased is one and the same thing with your Lordship That he is gone for France but where my Lords should he go Flanders dared not receive him Good your Honour why is not his Catholick Majesty as zealous and hospitable as the most Christian King Ay but the Spaniard had no private Leagues of assisting each other to root out the Northern Heresy and other Intimacies which every Body must not know of Holland you could not think he should go to Yet there was a time when Holland was more kind to him and his Brother than France and he has rewarded the former very well for it Therefore we cannot with any shew of Reason imagin that he could think himself safe with us that had exercis'd Soveraign Power without him our Soveraign Lord. Sure I am no Man of Sense could think himself safe under his Power that was unwilling to part with his Religion and Property And under the protection of a Foraign Prince and his Army And without his Protection what wou'd have become of us Though at the same time we had sworn Allegiance to him and that it was unlawful for us to take up Arms against him under any Pretence whatever I would know of your Lordship Whether the Oath in your Honour's sence does not make our Lives and Estates to depend on the Prince's mere Will and Pleasure My Lords let us limit the King if you please but not renounce him Did he tell your Reverence he would be limited And was he not limited before Besides a Prince of his Humour and in his Circumstances must needs be very easy and his Subjects very secure under these Chimerical Limitations But we had lost a Lawful King and gotten a more Lawful and infinitely Better in his room Against our warm and repeated Vows to take his Fate and die at his Feet I know not of whom the Gentleman speaks unless it be of Addressers whose Dissimulation and deceitful Courtship I have ever more abominated than himself And that any of us should be numbred among the Heroes for our running away cannot surely be the Lord 's doing let Dr. Burnet say what he will. This Gentleman do's very well to put himself among the Run-aways but its ' more likely his Reverence wou'd have bin Sainted and made an Hero by staying behind For Christ's sake my Lords let us not at this rate christen Villany and rank Dishonesty among the Graces A Man wou'd take his Lordship now for some Lincolns-Inn Fields Mumper from his Cant but he beggs in earnest who 's All is at Stake I know your Honour's Necessity the State of who 's Case is briefly this The Papists and especially the Jesuits in their Consults both at Home and Abroad for the setting up of Popery and extirpating the Protestant Religion in England have come to this decisive Conclusion that it 's impossible to effect this but under a Popish King. But says he further This is not all our loss we have rebelled against the 5th Commandment also Honor thy Father and though we have got that of leaving Father of the sake of Religion we could have but little Religion to do it in such a manner to so affectionate a Father Here his Reverence I find is not serious but jokes on his poor King for give me an instance where his Paternal Affection appear'd unless his Fatherly care of dragging us up in his own Religion be one Nor did it says he lessen the Error to have a church-of-Church-of-England Apostle to be Captain of her Life Guard c. I wou'd ask my Noble Sir here one Question for the Jesuits are wont to be excellent Casuists Whether a Churchman observing his own and his Neighbours Houses a going to be fired by Rogues he may not use another Sword besides that of the Spirit to drive them away Now he is troubled and in great conflicts of Spirit how our Soldiers are like to give way to Dutch-men The Dutch Soldiers have behaved themselves with that Civility and Moderation where-ever they come as may make others of that Profession blush at a Comparison in this point However let not this Matter much afflict your Honour or Reverence There will be care taken that our Soldiers shall not give way to Foreigners nor to every Irish-man who you know were the Sparks and Darlings of the last Reign But now it is but too plain that Presbytery is leading us out of our Ancient Way Never fear it good Father for there 's no danger of either that or Popery being the National Religion in England And having satisfi'd you so far I am not willing to tire my self with writing Replies to every Word of your Speech without Doors The Bishops Reasons to Queen Elizabeth for taking off the Queen of Scots taken out of Sir S. D Ewes Iournal offered to the Consideration of the Present Sect of Grumbletonians FOR that they had a long time to their intolerable Grief seen by how manifold most dangerous and execrable Practices the said Queen of Scots had compassed the Destruction of her Majesties Person thereby not only to bereave them of the Sincere and True Religion of Almighty God bringing them and this Noble Crown back again into the Thraldom of the Romish Tyranny but also utterly to ruinate and overthrow the happy State and Commonweale of this most Noble Realm to banish and destroy the Professors and Profession of the True Religion of Jesus Christ and the Ancient Nobility of this Land to bring thiâ— whole State and Common-weale to Forreign Subjection and to utter Ruine and Confusion which Malicious Purposes would never cease to be prosecuted by all possible Means so long as the said Queens Confederates her Ministers and Favourites had their Eyes and Imaginations fixed upon the said Queen the only Ground of their Treasonable Hopes and Conceits and the only Seed plot of all Dangerous and Traiterous Devices and Practices against her Majesties Sacred Person And for that upon advised and great Consultation they could not find any possible means to provide for her Majesties Safety but by the just and speedy Execution of the said Queen the neglecting whereof might procure the heavy Displeasure and Punishment of Almighty God as by sundry severe Examples of his great Justice in that behalf left us in Sacred Scripture doth appear and that if the same were not put in Execution they should thereby so far as Man's Reason could reach be brought
notwithstanding any want of thâ— Kings Writs or Writ of Summons or aâ—y defect whatsoever and as if the King had been present at the beginning of the Parliament this I take to be a full Judgment in full Parliament of the case in question and much stronger than the present case is and this Parliament continued till the 29 th of December next following and made in all thirty seven Acts as aboâ—e mentioned The 13 Caroli 2. chap. 7. a full Parliament called by the Kings Writ recites the other of 12 Caroli 2. and that after his Majesties return they were continued till the 29 th of December and then dissolved and that several Acts passed this is the plain Judgment of another Parliament 1. Because it says they were continued which shews they had a real being capable of being continued for a Confirmation of a void Grant has no effect and Confirmation shews a Grant only voidable so the continuance there shewed it at most but voidable and when the King came and confirm'd it all was good 2. The dissolving it then shews they had a being for as ex nihilo nihil sit so super nihil nil operatur as out of nothing nothing can be made so upon nothing nothing can operate Again the King Lords and Commons make the great Corporation or Body of the Kingdom and the Commons are legally taken for the Free-holders Inst. 4. p. 2. Now the Lords and Commons having Proclaimed the King the defect of this great Corporation is cured and all the Essential parts of this great Body Politique united and made compleat as plainly as when the Mayor of a Corporation dies and another is chosen the Corporation is again perfect and to say that which perfects the great Body Politique should in the same instant destroy it I mean the Parliament is to make contradictions true simul semel the perfection and destruction of this great Body at one instant and by the same Act. Then if necessity of Affairs was a forcible Argument in 1660 a time of great peace not only in England but throughout Europe and almost in all the World certainly 't is of a greater force now when England is scarce delivered from Popery and Slavery when Ireland has a mighty Army of Papists and that Kingdom in hazard of final destruction if not speedily prevented and when France has destroyed most of the Protestants there and threatens the ruin of the Low-Countries from whence God has sent the wonderful Assistance of our Gracious and therefore most Glorious King and England cannot promise safety from that Forreign Power when forty days delay which is the least can be for a new Parliament and considering we can never hope to have one more freely chosen because first it was so free from Court-influence or likelihood of all design that the Letters of Summons issued by him whom the great God in infinite Mercy raised to save us to the hazard of his Life and this done to protect the Protestant Religion and at a time when the people were all concerned for one Common interest of Religion and Liberty it would be vain when we have the best King and Queen the World affords a full house of Lords the most solemnly chosen Commons that ever were in the remembrance of any Man Living to spend Mony and lose time I had almost said to despise Providence and take great pains to destroy our selves If any object Acts of Parliament mentioning Writs and Summons c. I answer the Precedent in 1660 is after all those Acts. In private cases as much has been done in point of necessity a Bishop Provincial dies and sede vacant a Clerk is presented to a Benefice the Presentation to the Dean and Chapter is good in this case of Necessity and if in a Vacancy by the Death of a Bishop a Presentation shall be good to the Dean and Chapter rather than a prejudice should happen by the Church lying void Surely â fortiori Vacancy of the Throne may be supplied without the formality of a Writ and the great Convention turn'd to a Real Parliament A Summons in all points is of the same real force as a Writ for a Summons and a Writ differ no more than in name the thing is the same in all Substantial parts the Writ is Recorded in Chancery so are His Highnesses Letters the proper Officer Endorses the Return so he does here for the Coroner in defect of the Sheriff is the proper Officer the People Choose by virtue of the Writ so they did freely by Virtue of the Letters c. quae re concordant parum differunt they agree in Reality and then what difference is there between the one and the other Object A Writ must be in Actions at Common Law else all Pleadings after will not make it good but Judgment given may be Reversed by a Writ of Error Answ. The case differs first because Actions between party and party are Adversary Actions but Summons to Parliament are not so but are Mediums only to have an Election 2. In Actions at Law the Defendant may plead to the Writ but there is no plea to a Writ for electing Members to serve in Parliament and for this I have Littleton's Argument there never was such Plea therefore none lies Object That they have not taken the Test. Answ. They may take the Test yet and then all which they do will be good for the Test being the distinguishing Mark of a Protestant from a Papist when that is taken the end of the Law is performed Object That the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy ought to be taken and that the new ones are not legal Answ. The Convention being the Supream Power have abolish'd the old Oaths and have made new ones and as to the making new Oaths the like was done in Alfreds time when they chose him King vide Mirror of Justice Chap. 1. for the Heptarchy being turn'd to a Monarchy the precedent Oaths of the seven Kings could not be the same King Alfred swore Many Precedents may be cited where Laws have been made in Parliament without the King 's Writ to summon them which for brevity's sake I forbear to mention For a farewel the Objections quarrel at our Happiness fight against our Safety and aim at that which may indanger Destruction The Amicable Reconciliation of the DISSENTERS to the CHURCH of ENGLAND being a Model or Draught for the Universal Accommodation in the Case of Religion and the Bringing in all Parties to Her Communion Humbly presented to the Consideration of Parliament WHereas there are several parties of Christians in the Nation who must and will ever differ in their Opinions about the Church and Discipline of it in the Question which is of Christ's Institution it is not our Disputes about the Church â—s Particular which are rather to be mutually forborn and every party left herein to their own Perswasion but a common Agreement in what we can agree and that
is in the Church as National must heal our Breaches The Catholicks are for one Universal Organical Church throughout the World whereof the Pope is Head according to some and the Bishops Convened in a General Council according to others That there is a Catholick Church Visible on earth as well as invisible whereof CHRIST is Head who was on Earth and is now Visible in Heaven is past doubt also with Protestants But that this Church is Organical and under the Government of a Monarchy by the Pope or of an Aristocracy by a General Council it seems a thing not possible in nature because neither can any Oeâ—umenical Council ever be Called or any One Man he sufficient to take on him the Concernmenâ—s of the whole World. A Political Church is a Community of Chrisâ—â—ans brought into an Orber of Superiority and Inferiority by an Head and Members organized for the Exercise of that Government which is proper to it but the whole Earth is not capable of any such Order And Councils therefore which are gather'd out of several Countries or of Bishops belonging to more Dominions than of one Supreme Power may behad for mutual Advice and Concord but not for Government A Nation Empire or Kingdom which consists of one Supreme Magistrate and People who are generally Christians are capable of such an Ecclesiastical Polity and a National Church Political in England is to be asserted and maintained The Church of England then is a Political Society of all the Christians in the Land united in the King as Head and organized by the Bishops for the executing those Laws or Government which he chooses for their spiritual Good and the publick Peace There is this difference between a Church National the Church Catholick and Particular Churches The two latter-are of Divine Right and Essential Consideration but the former is and can be only of Humane Institution for it is manifestly Accidental to the Church of Christ that the chief Magistrate and the whole People should be Christian. Distinguish we here of the Government of the Church as Internal belonging to the Spirit and External which belongs to Men And of the External Regiment thereof which is either Formal belonging to the Ministers or Officers of Christ or Objective belonging to the Magistrate the one being only by the Keyes the other by the Sword. Whether the Community now of Christians in England may be accounted a National Church in respect to any Formal Government of it we leave for dispute to others let them judg according to the foregoing Definition of a Political Church But that the main Body of the Nation are or may be constituted a proper Political Church National in respect to that External Objective Regiment which is or should be exercised by the Bishops as the proper Organs thereof under the King is what we hold reasonable and would lay as the Foundation-Stone of Peace in the matter of Religion between all Persons in the Kingdom Let the Parliament therefore we have be heartily for the Publick Good and thriving of England which must and can be only by an entire Liberty of Conscience in opposition to the narrow Spirit of any single Party or Faction and when such a Parliament as this shall set themselves about the Business of Union to purpose a Bill should be brought in Entituled An Act for declaring the Constitution of our Church of England A Parliament is the Representative of the whole Nation and no doubt but by Consent and Agreement they might upon the account mentioned Make a new Constitution and much more may they Declare the Constitution of it It should be declared then in such a Bill or Act that the Church of England consists of the King as the Head or pars Imperans who is to give Laws thereto and all the several Assemblies of Christians which he shall tolerate as the pars subdita or Body Some Discrimination between the Tolerable and Intolerable is indeed never to be gainsaid by any wise and good Man unto whom there is no Liberty can be desirable which is not consistent at least with these three things the Articles of our Creed a Good Life and the Fundamental Government of the Kingdom It is not for any private persons but a Parliament to prescribe the Terms of National Communion But we would have all our Assemblies that are Tolerable to be made Legal by such an Act and thereby parts of the National Church as well as the Parochial Congregations The Church here therefore must come under a double consideration as the Church of Christ and as the Church of England Take the Church as the Church of Christ and there must be as we have said at first endless Controversy about this point who are the true Members of it but take it under the consideration as National and there will be none at all for those must be Membâ—rs whom the Head by a Law does allow to be parts of the Body and the King under this notion only is made Head of the Church by the Stature that is as it is called Ecclesia Aâ—glicana The Protestant Dissenterâ— of all sorts as well as the Conformists will acknowledg the King to be Supreme Coercive Governour over all Persons and in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil throughout his Dominions And will not those who are Roman Catholicks do the like Did they not do so in Henry the Eight's time when they were generally such Again the Dissenters of all sorts even the Congregationalists of every Sect are ready to submit to any power legally derived from the King and upon such an account will admit of a superintendency of the Bishops as Ecclesiastical Magistrates under him when they cannot own any Authority that they have over other Ministers from Iesus Christ and will not Papists also be subject to all Authority that is exercised legally in his Name howsoever they may question the Spiritual Title of the English Clergy and their succession We would have the Bishops then qua Bishops as distinct in Office from Priests declared no other than the King's Officers whose power is but Objectively Ecclesiastical and to act Circa Sacra only by Vertue of his Authority and Commission As Iehoshaphat did comit the Charge incumbent upon him as Supreme Magistrate in regard to all Matters of the Lord unto the care of Amariah being Chief Priest and in regard to the King's Matters unto Zebadiah being as the Chief Iustice of the Realm so should the Diocesian Bishop be in our Ecclesiastical as the Judges are in Civil Matters the Substitutes altogether of His Majesty and execute his Jurisdiction This is indeed at State point which was throughly canvased by Henry the Eight whose Divines did agree on two Orders alone Priest and Deacon to be of Divine Appointment and that the Superiority of a Bishop over a Presbyter or of one Bishop over another was but by the Positive Laws of Men only as appears in that Authentick Book then put out entituled
Dissenter of one sort himself The King therefore that was so lately could not really put the Catholicks upon Conformity and if he would appear equal to all his People he could not put â—ny other Dissenters on it neither for the same Cause That which the Law requires was both in his Conscience and in theirs a thing prohibited of God. He could not therefore put the Laws in Execution being against God. And if He could not do it acting only but as an honest Man that abides by his Principles we have no reason to apprehend that so good a King and Queen as we have now should be ever brought to do it maugre all the Enticements of the Church of England or Frowns of the Church of Rome FINIS ADVERTISEMENT A Third Volume of Sermons Preached by the Late Reverend and Learned Thomas Manton D.D. In Two Parts The First containing LXVI Sermons on the Eleventh Chapter of the Hebrews With a Treatise of the Life of Faith. The Second containing a Treatise of Self-Denial With Several Sermons on the Sacrament of the Lord's-Supper And other Occasions With an Alphabetical-Table to the Whole Sold by Thomas Parkhurst and Ionathan Robinson ELEVENTH Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England and Scotland VIZ. I. An Answer to the Desertion Discuss'd being a Defence of the late and present Proceedings II. Satisfaction tendred to all that pretend Conscience for Non-submission to our present Governours and refusing of the New Oaths of Fealty and Allegiance III. Dr. Oates his Petition to the Parliament declaring his barbarous Sufferings by the Papists IV. An Account of the Convention of Scotland V. A Speech made by a Member of the Convention of the Estates in Scotland VI. The Grounds on which the Estates of Scotland declared the Right of the Crown of Scotland Forfaulted and the Throne become Vacant VII The Opinion of two eminent Parliament-Men justifying the Lawfulness of taking the Oaths of Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary London printed and are to be sold by Richard Ianeway in Queen's-head-Court in Pater-noster-Row 1689. AN ANSWER TO THE DESERTION DISCUSS'D IF many of our Long-Rob'd Divines pust up with a Conceit of their own Parts would but keep closer to their Texts and their Duties most certainly our Peace and Union would be much firmer and more assured then it is For being sway'd by Interest and Profit they are more afraid of losing the Advantages of Earthly Preferment then the Treasures of Heavenly Felicity Unless they swim in their own Wishes and Desires all Things are out of Order The Church is in danger they cry here are Sharers coming in among Us And by an odd kind of Ecclesiastical Policy seem rather inclinable to return under the Yoke of Popery then to endure the Equality of a Dissenting Protestant rather to be at the check of a Pope's Nuncio then suffer the Fraternity of a Protestant Nonconformist They said nothing to the late King till he began to touch their Copy-holds then they call'd out for Help and now they are angry with their Relief because they are afraid of well they know not what And this is their Misfortune that if all things answer not the full Height of their Expectations they are the first that should be last dissatisfied If all things go not well as they imagine they presently grow moody and waspish and while they insinuate their empty Notions into others who admiring the fluency of their Pulpit Language either out of Ignorance or Laziness allow them a Prerogative over their Understandings the whole Nation must be embroyl'd by their Surmises and Mistrusts Else what had that Gentleman who wrote the Desertion Discuss'd to do to busy his Brains with a Subject neither appertaining to his Function nor proper for his Talent Why should he be setting himself up against the voted Judgment of â—he chiefest and greatest part of the Kingdom A Man of his Profession would have doubtless better employ'd himself in contemplating the Story of the Three Murmurers against Moses and there have learn'd a more sanctifi'd Lesson then to exalt his Sophistry against the Debates of a Solemn Assembly contriving the Publick Preservation For certainly never was a fairer Prospect then now since the many Revolutions under which the British Monarchy has labour'd of its being restor'd to its ancient Grandâ—ur and Renown and of enjoying the Advantages of Peace and Prosperity in a higher measure then ever So that it must be look'd upon as the Effect either of a most pernicious Malice or a strange distraction of Brain for such Discussers as these to be throwing about the Darnel of their nice and froward Conceptions on purpose to choak the Expectations of so glorious a Harvest For they must be Men that want the government of right Reason within themselves as being enslav'd either to vicious Custom or partial Affection or else they would never run themselves and others with so much precipitancy into the shame and ignominy of upholding the subvertors of National Constitutions And all this to blacken and defame the noble Endeavours and prudent Counsels of those renowned Patriots that pursu'd the only means to rescue a languishing Monarchy from impending Thraldom and Ruin. He does not wonder he says that a Man of so much sense and integrity as his Friend is should be surprized at the Thrones being declared Vacant by the Lower House of Convention For how says his Friend can the Seat of the Government be empty while the King who all grant had an unquestionable Title is still living But the Discusser here forgot that it had been the resolv'd Opinion of two Parliaments already That there was no Security for the Protestant Religion the King's Life or the establish'd Government of the Kingdom without passing a Bill for disabling the Duke of York to inherit the Imperial Crown of England and Ireland and that unless a Bill were pass'd for excluding the Duke of York the House could not give any Supply to the King without Danger to his Person the Hazard of the Protestant Religion and Breach of the Trust in them repos'd by the People Upon which a Bill did pass the Commons and was sent up to the Lords for their Concurrence by which Iames Duke of York was excluded and made for ever uncapable to Inherit Possess or Enjoy the Imperial Crown of this Realm c. and he adjudg'd Guilty of High Treason and to suffer the Pains and Penalties as in Case of High Treason if after such a Time he should claim challenge or attempt to possess or exercise any Authority or Jurisdiction as King c. in any of the said Dominions 'T is true the Lords did not pass this Bill for Reasons well known yet was it such a mutilation to the Duke's Title to be disabled from succeeding in the Kingdom by the whole Body of the Commons who are the Representatives of the Nation that it can never be said that all Men granted his Title unquestionable
If the dissatisfied Party accuse the Convention for making the Prince of Orange King it is not my Duty to judge those above me therefore I shall only say that if they have done ill Quod fieri non debuit factum valet aâ—d they of the Clergy ought not to censure their Superiours but obey according to the Law and Doctrine of Passive Obedience FINIS The TWELFTH and Last Collection of Papers VOL. I. Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England and Scotland VIZ. I. The Secret League with France proved II. The Reasons why the late King Iames would not stand to a Free and Legal Parliament III. The Reason of the Suddenness of the Change in England IV. The Judgment of the Court of France concerning the Misgovernment of King Iames the Second V. The Emperor of Germany his Account of the late King's Unhappiness in joining with the King of France VI. A full Relation of what was done between the Time the Prince of Orange came to London till the Proclaiming him King of England c. VII The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of England concerning their Grievances presented to King William and Queen Mary With their Malesties Answer VIII The Declaration of the States of Scotland concerning their Grievances IX The Manner of Proclaiming King William and Queen Mary at Whitehal and in the City of London Feb. 13. 1688. X. An Account of their Coronation at Westminster Apr. 11. 89. XI The Scots Proclamation declaring William and Mary King and Queen of England to be King and Queen of Scotland XII The manner of their taking the Scotish Coronation Oath at Whitehal May 11. XIII The Coronation Oaths of England and Scotland London printed and are to be sold by Richard Ianeway in Queen's-head-Court in Pater-noster-Row 1689. The Secret League with France proved 1. BY the Treaty managed by the Dutchess of Orleans between Charles II. her Brother and Lewis XIV 1670 published by the Abbot Primi in his History of the War with Holland with the priviledg of the French King This Treaty expresly tells us That the French King did promise Charles II to subject his Parliament to him and to Establish the Romish Religion in his Kingdom But before this could be done the said Dutchess told him the Haughtiness and Power of the Hollander must be brought down 2. By the Current of the Design throughout all Coleman's Letters which contain nothing else but the Conspiracy of the Duke of York and the Jesuits against the Government and the Protestant Religion For you know says he in his Letter to Sir W. Throgmorton Feb. 1. 1674 5. when the Duke the late King Iames comes to be Master of our Affairs the King of France will have reason to promise himself all things that he can desire c. Both he and the two Royal Brothers being closly joined together to destroy the Northern Heresy as he in his Letter to Monsieur La Cheese assures us 3. Which Friendship with the French Court is further confirmed by a French Author who wrote the Life of Turene in which he brings in the Duke of York lamenting the Death of that great Marshal of France after this manner Alas says the Duke the loss is great to me in that I am greatly disappointed in those great Designs I have been long meditating upon if ever I come to the Crown of England For the sake of which Passage the then Secretary of State of England forbad the printing of that Book which was then translated and prepared for the Press 4. The French Ambassador at the Hague in a Memorial to the States General Sept. 9. 1618 peremptorily declares there was such an Alliance between the King his Master and King Iames II as to oblige him to succour him c. 5. Both King Charles II and King Iames II were so engaged with the great Nimrod of Francâ— that â—hough several Parliaments of England strugled hard to break the Friendship and gave a vast Sum of Mony in order thereunto yet all in vain And King Iames II was so eager to follow the French Measures that after the Defeat of Monmouth he declared to the Parliament that for the time to come he would make use of Popish Officers as well as keep up a standing Army contrary to Law. 6. We have had sufficient Evidences of his Designs by the care he took to fill his Army with Irish Papists at the same time that he disbanded all the Protestants that served him in Ireland that he might always have an Army at hand in that Kingdom ready to promote his Popish Designs in England which could not be done without a Secret League with France and without a very express assurance of being vigorously supported from thence when the nick of time should come 7. His flying to France and secret conspiring with the great Leviâ—tâ—an there and bringing French Aids with him into Ireland are no other than the putting the Secret League into Execution Many more Proofs may be produced but what has been said may convince any rational unprejudiced Protestant As for those Pharisees that wilfully shut their Eyes of whom we may say That seeing they see and do not peeceive because they are resolved not to yield to the most convincing Evidences that this Affair is capable of for the Parties concerned will hide it as much as they can I bewail their Condition and believe they are so obstinate that only the French Dragoons those booted Apostles can convince them when they come with the League in their Hands to put the Popish Penal Laws in Execution on their Backs from Neâ—gaâ—e to Tybâ—â—n The REASONS why the late K. James would not stand to a Free and Legal Parliament proposed to those that are fond to have him again WHEN the Prince of Orange now our Gracious King his Glorious Expedition was first made known to the late King he resolved to have a Parliament upon the Belief that he should have been intirely Master of the Lower House by Reason of the Regulations he had made in Corporations in order to his Popish Designs But when he was forced to take other Measures as he told the Dissenters when he sent for them in the time of his Distress in restoring the Charters the Bishop of London the Fellows of Magdalen-Colledg c. He dreaded nothing more than a Parliament on the old Foundations to which the Prince in his Declaration had referred all for he knew several things would have been done by such a Parliament that he chose rather to perish than submit to 1. The first thing is The Examination of the Birth of the Prince of Wales as he is call'd the questioning of which was a Stab at his Heart as appears by his last Letter And the Reflections on the Bishops Petition mentioning That as a Business not fit to be referred then to a Parliament 2. The next thing was That Justice would certainly have been demanded against the Evil
Counsellors whom he had pardoned and was in Honour bound to protect them having himself forced them to be Criminals 3. The third was The consenting to the entire Ruin of Popery in England by hanging many of his Priests and Jesuits and banishing all the rest and pulling down all the Schools and Chappels they had erected all over England a sure Sign they were built upon an Immortal Prince of Wales though this was done before by the unaccountable Zeal of the Mobile 4. He foresaw such a Parliament would not only damn the Ecclesiastical Court that Beast with seven Heads and the Dispensing Power but would in all probability lessen his Revenue and bind up the Prerogative which his great Spirit could not bear 5. The Prince he foresaw would have demanded some Forts to be put into his Hands and the Parliament for their Security so said he If I stay I shall be but a Nominal King of England and only be an Instrument to ruin my Religion my â—riends the Monarchy and the Child also At first he alledged That the Disorders the Preparations to repel the Invasion caused would not suffer a Parliament to meet Secondly After the Prince was landed that all the Countries he had under him would not be free Thirdly That all that had joined with him ought not to sit but when he saw the whole Army and Nation the Roman Catholicks excepted of the same mind mere Force drove him to consent to Call a Parliament and when he had again considered the Consequences of it he at last resolved to throw up the Crown and Government all at once rather than to submit to all these Hardships He seems to have had at the same time a fluttering hope that 1. We should never be able long to agree after he had made it impossible for us to have a Legal Parliament by burning the Writs 2. That the Church of England Principles would when the fear and disorder was over form for him a potent Army in the Nation And 3. That the French King would lend him potent Forces and good store of Mony and if he recovered the Throne by force he should be freed of all these Miseries and have what he only wanted before a Popish Army to insure the Slavery of England for ever Now I would desire those Protestants who pretend now too late to be so zealous for him to consider whether what I have said would not have been expected from him by them for their Security and what they would have done had he called a Parliament and refused them all these things and have insisted That they should have taken his Word as to the Birth of the Prince of Wales have suffered him to have been educated in France and have suffered the Army the Prerogative the Ministers and the Revenues to have continued entirely as they were upon a Promise He would have used them better for the future If they say No They would have had the best Security that Law or Reason could have required Then all the hard things I have mentioned must have been granted them and I much question whether he would now return to the Throne on those terms If they say We ought however to have treated with him have offered him terms I say it would have come to a separate Treaty and the Church the Liberties of the Nation and the Government would have been ruined that way and when all had been done no Bond that he could have broken would have held him longer than the Necessity had continued The only Advantage we could pretend to have by the coming over of the Prince of Orange with an Army was to force the King to what he would never have yielded without that Force Now when he had accordingly passed his Word to the Nation in the Proclamation of the Thirtieth of November That there should be a Free Parliament and to the Prince of Orange in his Message by the three Lords That he would consent to every thing that could reasonably be required for the Security of those that come to it and yet without any Provocation would burn the Writs and resolve to withdraw his Person before these Lords couâ—d possibly return him any Answer for he promised the Queen to follow her who went away the day before him I say this breach of his Word so solemnly made and given both to the Nation and the Prince shew that he was not Master of himself but turned about by others whither they pleased Now suppose the Prince had suffered him to continue at Whiteâ—al and to call a Third Parliament what aâ—surance could he have given that in the end of another forty days we should not have the same trick play'd us and then in March or April have been left in the same state of Confusion we were in in December to the certain Ruin of these three Kingdoms and Holland into the bargain And when all had been done the Scruples would have been the same they are now the Obligations of the Oath of Allegiance the same and the sin of Deposing a Lawful Prince who resolved to do the Nation no Right would have been much greater and more scandalous than barely to take him at his Word and since he had left the Throne empty when he needed not to resolve he should ascend it no more Lastly Suppose the Prince had been Expelled by the King Would the King have then granted us what he would not grant us now Would he not have Disbanded his Protestant Army and have kept the Irish Forces in Pay and have every day encreased them What Respect would he ever after this have shewn to the English Laws Religion or Liberties when he had no longer any thing to fear The memory of what happened after the Monmouth defeat though effected only by Church of England Men will certainly never be forgotten by others whatever the Bigots of this sort of Loyalty may pretend or say That Expression of the Lord Churchil's in his Letter That he could no longer joyn with Self-interested Men who had framed Designs against His Majesty's true Interest and the Protestant Religion to give a pretence by Conquest to bring them to effect ought to be seriously considered by all the Protestants of the Nation This one Argument prevailed upon him when he ran the hazard of his Life Reputation and Fortunes and now they are all on the other side I should consider very seâ—iously if I were one of them what Answer I could make to this turned into a Question in the Day of Death and Judgment before ever I should Act the direâ—t contrary to what he has done For my part I am amazed to see Men scruple the submitting to the present King for if eveâ— Man had a just cause of War he had and that creates a Right to the thing gained by it the King by withdrawing and disbâ—nding his Army yielded him the Throne and if he had without any more Ceremony ascended it he had done no more
falling off of the Nobility and Gentry who avow to have no other End than to prevail with the King to secure their Religion which they saw so much in danger by the Violent Counsels of the Priests who to promote their own Religion did not care to what Dangers they exposed the King I am fully perswaded that the Prince of Orange designs the King's Safety and Preservation and hope all things may be composed without more Bloodshed by the Calling a Parliament God grant a happy End to these Troubles that the King's Reign may be prosperous and that I may shortly meet You in perfect Peace and Safety till when let me beg You to continue the same favourable Opinion that you have hitherto had of Your most Obedient Daughter and Servant ANNE A MEMORIAL OF THE Protestants of the Church of England Presented to their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of ORANGE YOur Royal Highnesses cannot be ignorant that the Protestants of England who continue true to their Religion and the Government established by Law have been many ways troubled and vexed by restless Contrivances and Designs of the Papists under pretence of the Royal Authority and things required of unaccountable before God and Man Ecclesiastical Benefices and Preferments taken from them without any other Reason but the King's Pleasure that they have been summoned and sentenced by Ecclesiastical Commissioners contrary to Law deprived of their Birth-Right in the free Choice of their Magistrates and Representatives divers Corporations dissolved the Legal Security of our Religion and Liberty established and ratified by King and Parliament annull'd and overthrown by a pretended Dispensing Power new and unheard-of Maxims have been preached as if Subjects had no Right but what depends on the King's Will and Pleasure The Militia put into the Hands of Persons not qualified by Law and a Popish Mercenary Army maintained in the Kingdom in Time of Peace absolutely contrary to Law The Execution of the Law against several high Crimes and Misdemenours superceded and prohibited the Statutes against Correspondence with the Court of Rome Papal Jurisdiction and Popish Priests suspended that in Courts of Justice those Judges are displaced who dare acquit them whom the K. would have condemned as happened to Judg Powel and Holloway for acquitting the seven Bishopâ— Liberty of chusing Members of Parliament notwithstanding all the Care taken and Provision made by Law on that behalf wholly taken away by Quo Warranto's served against Corporations and the three known Questions All things carried on in open view for the Propagation and Growth of Popery for which the Courts of England and France have so long jointly laboured with so much Application and Earnestness Endeavours used to perswade your Royal Highnesses to consent to Liberty of Conscience and abrogating the Penal Laws and Tests wherein they fell short of their Aim That they most humbly implore the Protection of your Royal Highnesses as to the suspending and Incroachments made upon the Law for maintenance of the Protestant Religion our Civil and Fundamental Rights and Priviledges and that your Royal Highnesses would be pleased to insist that the Free Parliament of England according to Law may be restored the Laws against Papists Priests Papal Jurisdiction c. put in Execution and the Suspending and Dispensing Power declared null and void the Rights and Priviledges of the City of London the free Choice of their Magistrates and the Liberties as well of that as other Corporations restored and all things returned to their ancient Channel c. THE PRINCE of ORANGE HIS DECLARATION of Novemb. 28. 1688. WE have in the course of our whole Life and more particularly by the apparent Hazards both by Sea and Land to which We have so lately exposed our Person given to the whole World so high and undoubted Proofs of our fervent Zeal for the Protestant Religion that we are fully confident no true English-man and good Protestant can entertain the least Suspicion of our firm Resolution rather to spend our dearest Blood and perish in the Attempt than not carry on the blessed and gloâ—ious Design which by the Favour of Heaven we have so successfully begun to rescue England Scotland and Ireland from Slavery and Popery and in a Free Parliament to establish the Religion the Laws and the Liberties of those Kingdoms upon such a sure and lasting Foundation that it shall not be in the Power of any Prince for the future to introduce Popery and Tyranny Towards the more easy Composing this great Design We have not been hitherto deceived in the just Expectation we had of the Concurrence of the Nobility Gentry and People of England with Us for the Security of their Religion the Restitution of the Laws and Re-establishment of their Liberties and Properties Great Numbers of all Ranks and Qualities having joined themselves to us and others at great Distances from Us have taken up Arms and declared for Us. And which we cannot but particular mention in that Army which was raised to be the Instrument of Slavery and Popery many by the special Providence of God both Officers and Common Souldiers have been touched with such a feeling Sense of Religion and Honour and of true Affection for their Native Country that they have already deserted the Illegal Service they were ingaged in and have come over to Us and have given Us full Assurance from the rest of the Army that they will certainly follow this Example as soon as with our Army we shall approach near enough to receive them without the Hazard of being prevented and betray'd To which End and that We may the sooner execute this just and necessary Design We are ingaged in for the Publick Safety and Deliverance of these Nations We are resolved with all possible Diligence to advance forward that a Free Parliament may be forthwith called and such Preliminaries adjusted with the King and all Things first settled upon such a Foot according to Law as may give Us and the whole Nation just Reason to believe the King is disposed to make such necessary Condescentions on his part as will give intire Satisfaction and Security to all and make both King and People once more Happy And that we may effect all this in the way most agreeable to our Desires if it be possible without the Effusion of any Blood except of those execrable Criminâ—als who have justly forfeited their Lives for betraying the Religion and Subverting the Laws of their Native Country We do think fit to declare that as we will offer no Violence to any but in our own Necessary Defence so we will not suffer any Injury to be done to the Person even of a Papist provided he be found in such Place and in such Condition and Circumstances as the Laws require So we are resolved and do declare that all Papists who shall be found in open Arms or with Arms in their Houses or about their Persons or in any Office or Imployment Civil or Military upon any
Laws for the assuring our Liberties do indeed bind the King's Conscience and may affect his Ministers yet since it is a Maxime of our Law that the King can do no wrong these cannot be carried so far as to justify our taking Arms against him be the Transgressions of Law ever so many and so manifest And since this has been the constant Doctrine of the Church of England it will be a very heavy Imputation on us if it appears that though we held those Opinions as long as the Court and Crown have favoured us yet as soon as the Court turns against us We change our Principles XIV Here is the true Difficulty of this whole Matter and therefore it ought to be exactly considered First All general Words how large soever are still supposed to have a tacit Exception and reserve in them if the Matter seems to require it Children are commanded to obey their Parents in all things Wives are declared by the Scripture to be subject to their Husbands in all things as the Church is unto Christ And yet how comprehensive soever these words may seem to be there is still a reserve to be understood in them and though by our Form of Marriage the Parties swear to one another till Death them do part yet few doubt but that this Bond is dissolved by Adultery though it is not named for odious things ought not to be suspected and therefore not named upon such occasions But when they fall out they carry still their own force with them 2. When there seems to be a Contradiction between two Articles in the Constitution we ought to examin which of the two is the most Evident and the most Important and so we ought to fix upon it and then we must give such an accommodating sense to that which seems to contradict it that so we may reconcile those together Here then are two seeming Contradictions in our Constitution The one is the Publick Liberty of the Nation the other is the Renouncing of all Resistance in case that were invaded It is plain that our Liberty is only a thing that we enjoy at the King's Discretion and during his Pleasure if the other against all Resistance is to be understood according to the utmost extent of the Words Therefore since the chief Design of our whole Law and of all the several Rules of our Constitution is to secure and maiâ—tain our Liberty we ought to lay that down for a Conclusion that it is both the most plain and the most important of the two And therefore the other Article against Resistance ought to be so softned as that it do not destroy us 3. Since it is by a Law that Resistance is condemned we ought to understand it in such a sense as that it does not destroy all other Laws And therefore the intent of this Law must only relate to the Executive Power which is in the King and not to the Legislative in which we cannot suppose that our Legislators who mâ—de that Law intended to give up that which we plainly see they resolved still to preserve entire according to the Ancient Constitution So then the not resisting the King can only be applied to the Executive Power that so upon no pretence of ill Administrations in the Execution of the Law it should be lawful to resist him but this cannot with any reason be extended to an Invasion of the Legislative Power or to a total Subversion of the Government For it being plain that the Law did not design to lodg that Power in the King it is also plain that it did not intend to secure him in it in case he should set about it 4. The Law mentioning the King or those Commissioned by him shews plainly that it only designed to secure the King in the Executive Power for the word Commission necessarily imports this since if it is not according to Law it is no Commission and by Consâ—quence those who act in virtue of it are not Commissionated by the King in the Sense of the Law. The King likewise imports a Prince cloâ—hed by Law with the Regal Prerogative but if he goes to subvert the whole Foundation of the Government he subverts that by which he himself has his Power and by consequence he annâ—ls his own Power and then he ceases to be King having endeavoured to destroy that upon which his own Authority is founded XV. It is acknowledged by the greatest Assertors of Monarchial Power that in some Cases a King may fall from his Power and in other Cases that he may fall from the Exercise of it His Deserting his People his going about to enslave or sell them to any other or a furious going about to destroy them are in the opinion of the most Monarchial Lawyers such Abuses that they naturally divest those that are guilty of them of their whole Authority Infancy or Phrenzy do also put them under the Guardianship of others All the Crowned Heads of Europe have at least secretly approved of the putting the late King of Portugal under a Guardianship and the keeping him still a Prisoner for a few Acts of Rage that had been fatal to a very few Persons And even our Court gave the first countenance to it though of all others the late King had the least reason to have done it at least last of all since it justified a younger Brother's supplanting the Elder yet the Evidence of the Thing carried it even against Interest Therefore if a King goes about to subvert the Government and to overturn the whole Constitution he by this must be supposed either to fall from his Power or at least from the Exercise of it so far as that he ought to be put under Guardians and according to the Case of Portugal the next Heir falls naturally to be the Guardian XVI The next Thing to be considered is to see in Fact whether the Foundations of this Government have been struck at and whether those Errors that have been perhaps committed are only such Maleversations as ought to be imputed only to human Frailty and to the Ignorance Inadvertencies or Passions to which all Princes may be subject as well as other Men. But this will best appear if we consider what are the Fundamental Points of our Government and the chief Securities that we may have for our Liberties The Authority of the Law is indeed all in one word so that if the King pretends to a Power to dispense with Laws there is nothing left upon which the Subject can depend and yet as if the Dispensing Power were not enough if Laws are wholly suspended for all Time coming this is plainly a repealing of them when likewise the Men in whose Hands the Administration of Justice is put by Law such as Judges and Sheriffs are allowed to tread all Laws under-foot even those that infer an Incapacity on themselves if they violate them this is such a breaking of the whole Constitution that we can no more have the
Administration of Justice so that it is really a Dissolution of the Government since all Trials Sentences and the Executions of them are become so many unlawful Acts that are null and void of themselves The next Thing in our Constitution which secures to us our Laws and Liberties is a Free and Lawful Parliament Now not to mention the breach of the Law of Triennial Parliaments it being above three Years since we had a Session that enacted any Law Methods have been taken and are daily a taking that render this impossible Parliaments ought to be chosen with an entire Liberty and without either Force or Preingagements whereas if all Men are required before-hand to enter into Engagements how they will vote if they are chosen themselves or how they will give their Voices in the Electing of others This is plainly such a preparation to a Parliament as would indeed make it no Parliament but a Cabal if one were chosen after all that Corruption of Persons who had preingaged themselves and after the Threating and Turning out of all Persons out of Imploiments who had refused to do it And if there are such daily Regulations made in the Towns that it is plain those who manage them intend at last to put such a number of Men in the Corporations as will certainly chuse the Persons who are recommended to them But above all if there are such a number of Sheriffs and Mayors made over England by whom the Elections must be conducted and returned who are now under an Incapacity by Law and so are no legal Officers and by consâ—quence those Elections that pass under their Authority are null and void If I say it is clear that things are brought to this then the Government is dissolved because it is impossible to have a Free and Legal Parliament in this state of things If then both the Authority of the Law and the Constitution of the Parliament are struck at and dissolved here is a plain Subversion of the whole Government But if we enter next into the particular Branches of the Government we will find the like Disorder among them all The Protestant Religion and the Church of England make a great Article of our Government the latter being secured not only of old by Magna Charta but by many special Laws made of late and there are particuâ—ar Laws made in K. Charles the First and the late King's Time securing them from all Commissions that the King can raise for â—udging or Censuring them If then in opposition to this a Court so condemned is ercted which proceeds to Judg and Censure the Clergy and even to disseise them of their Free-holds without so much as the form of a Trial though this is the most indispensable Law of all those that secures the Property of England and if the King pretends that he can require the Clergy to publish all his Arbitrary Declarations and in particular one that strikes at their whole Settlement and has ordered Process to be begun against all that disobey'd this illegal Warrant and has treated so great a number of the Bishops as Criminals only for representing to him the Reasons of their not obeying him If likewise the King is not satisfied to profess his own Religion openly though even that is contrary to Law but has sent Ambassadors to Rome and received Nuncio's from thence which is plainly Treason by Law If likewise many Popish Churches and Chappels have been publickly opened if several Colledges of Iesuits have been set up in divers parts of the Nation and one of the Order has been made a Privy Counsellor and a principal Minister of State And if Papists and even those who turn to that Religion though declared Traitors by Law are brought into all the chief Imploiments both Military and Civil then it is plain That all the Rights of the Church of England and the whole Establishment of the Protestant Religion are struck at and design'd to be overturned since all these Things as they are notoriously illegal so they evidently demonstrate That the great Design of them all is the rooting out of this Pestilent Heresy in their stile I mean the Protestant Religion In the next place If in the whole course of Justice it is visible that there is a constant practising upon the Judges that they are tâ—rned out upon their varying from the Intentions of the Court and if Men of no Reputation nor Abilities are â—ut in their places If an Army is kept up in time of Peace â—â—d Men who withdraw from that illegal Service are hanged up as Criminals without any colour of Law which by consequence are so many Murders and if the Souldiery are connived at and encouraged in the most enormous Crimes that so they may be thereby prepared to commit greater ones and from single Rapes and Murders proceed to a Rape upon all our Liberties and a Destruction of the Nation If I say all these things are true in Fact then it is plain that there is such a Dissolution of the Government made that there is not any one part of it left sound and entire And if all these things are done now it is easie to imagine what may be expected when Arbitrary Power that spares no Man and Popery that spares no Heretick are finally established Then we may look for nothing but Gabelles Tailles Impositions Benevolences and all sorts of Illegal Taxes as from the other we may expect Burnings Massacres and Inquisitions In what is doing in Scotland we may gather what is to be expected in England where if the King has over and over again declared that he is vested with an Absolute Power to which all are bound to obey without reserve and has upon that annulled almost all the Acts of Paâ—liament that passed in K. Iames I. Minority though they were ratified by himself when he came to be of Age and were confirmed by all the subsequent Kings not excepting the present We must then conclude from thence what is resolved on here in England and what will be put in Execution as soon as it is thought that the Times can bear it When likewise the whole Settlement of Ireland is shaken and the Army that was raised and is maintained by Taxes that were given for an Army of English Protestants to secure them from a new Massacre by the Irish Papists is now all filled with Irish Papists as well as almost all the other Imployments it is plain that not only all the British Protestants inhabiting that Island are in daily danger of being butchered a second time but that the Crown of England is in danger of losing that Island it being now put wholly into the Hands and Power of the Native Irish who as they formerly offered themselves up sometimes to the Crown of Spain sometimes to the Pope and once to the Duke of Lorrain so are they perhaps at this present treating with another Court for the Sale and Surrender of the Island and for the
Massacre of the English in it If thus all the several Branches of our Constitution are dissolved it might be at least expected that one 〈◊〉 should be left entire and that is the Regal Dignity But â—â—â—cerâ—â—ng the Birth of the supposed Prince of Wales no Proofs â—â—re ever given either to the Princess of Denmark or to any othâ—â— Protestant Ladies in whom we ought to repose any Conâ—â—â—â—â—ce that the Queen was ever with Child that whole Matter bâ—â—â—g managed with so much Mysteriousness that there were violent and publick Suspicions of it before But the whole Contrivance of the Birth the sending away the Princess of Denmark the sudden shortning of the Reckoning the Queen 's sudden going to St. Iames's her no less sudden pretended Delivery the hurrying the Child into another Room without shewing it to those present and without their hearing it cry and the mysterious Conduct of all since that time no Satisfaction being given to the Princess of Denmark upon her Return from the Bath nor to any other Protestant Ladies of the Queen's having been really brought to Bed. These are all such evident Indications of an Imposture in this Matter that as the Nation has the justest Reason in the World to doubt of it so they have all possible Reason to be at no quiet till they see a Legal and Free Parliament assembled which may impartially and without either Fear or Corruption examine that whole Matter If all these Matters are true in Fact then I suppose no Man will doubt that the whole Foundations of this Government and all the most sacred Parts of it are overturned And as to the Truth of all these Suppositions that is left to every Englishman's Judgment and Sense An ANSWER to a PAPER intituled Reflections on the Prince of ORANGE's Declaration IT seems a strange piece of Arrogance that any Man should reflect on a Declaration because it does not begin as he would have it that is with a Manifestation of our Clandestine League with France whereby an Army of Frenchmen together with our Papists Irish and other Mercenaries might establish Popery in England The Reflector ought to have consider'd that a Clandestine League tho' it may be very notorious to its Existence and Effects may likewise be very difficult to prove according to the meaning of the word Clandestine But that there is such a one we have the Testimony of the King of France in a Memorial delivered to the States of Holland and though it has been since disowned by our Court and Mr. Skelton upon it committed to the Tower his short Confinement and sudden Advancement to a Regiment shews that his Disgrace was but a trick of State It is also an inconsequential way of Arguing that because the Prince does not begin his Declaration with it therefore there is no such League things of that high consequence being easier and better carried on by secret Messages than Writings under Hand and Seal 2. In his second Reflection he tells us the Prince had needed less Apology if he had pretended only to have come to deliver the King from Evil Counsellours and to ingage him further in the Interest of Europe forgetting the Prince does declare to us he comes for that end tho' not singly and brought over his Army to secure him from the Rage and Fury of those Evil Counsellours His next Quarrel is that the Prince uses the Stile Of We and Vs within His Majesties Dominions a thing I believe ordinary enough in Great Princes when they speak or write to their Inferiours The Prince of Orange is General of a great numerous Army Admiral of a vast Fleet State-holder to a High and Mighty Common-wealth and consequently too great to speak in the Stile of a Private Person so that Rewarding Punishing Commanding Advancing may very naturally fall within his Power Nor is it any Crime to endeavour the calling of a Free Parliament and settling the Nation tho by ways and methods unusual in our days nothing being more frequent in our Histories than for our Barons with Arms in their Hands to compel their Kings to call and hearken to their Parliaments But now there being a standing Army of fourty thousand Mercenaries in the Land it was grown a Crime to petition for a Parliament and a Folly to expect a free one new Charters and Corporations and a general Nomination of incompetent Magistrates having taken the Election of Members for Parliament out of those Hands the Laws of the Land and Memorial Custom had intrusted with them According to the new Scheme designed by those Upstart and Popish Counsellours no Man was to Elect or be Elected for Parliament that would not ingage as far as in them lay to take away the Penal Laws and Test nay those wicked Counsellors prevailed yet farther upon his Majesty and he that pardoned so many of his Enemies was not suffered to forgive his best Friends and most Loyal Subjects a Refusal or Excuse in that particular That the Prince will send back his Army seems to some a strong presumption that he will not stay behind since even our own lawful King thinks himself not safe without an Army of Mercenaries in his own Kingdom From a strain'd Phrase or two Of We and Vs Require and Command sometimes used in his Declaration to infer That the Prince of Orange intends to make himself King of England seems to all rational Men a very captious and unsatisfactory way of arguing and a very unjust Calumny cast upon so great a Prince since more than once in express terms he declares he has no design upon his Majesty's Crown or Person so that all that Reproach falls to the Ground 3. In his third Reflection he tells us the Prince wants a clear Call and that a Son against a Father a Nephew against and Unkle a Neighbour against a Neighbour cannot be such That he is a Son-in-Law and a Nephew to his Present Majesty gives the Prince a fair and just pretence to interpose in our Affairs had he been a Foreigner as our Reflector terms him it might have look'd like an intended Conquest had he not been a Neighbour it had been Impossible for him to have afforded us this seasonable Assistance But some think that where Attempts are made to introduce the Catholick Religion by a Conspiracy against the Laws that secure and establish the Protestant Religion and the Test that only can keep the Papists out of the Government And to carry on this Conspiracy the better the old Charters are taken away under pretence of Forfeiture and Surrender new ones granted such as might bring Elections within the Power of those Evil Counsellors Papists upon the Bench a Jesuit in the Council and whole Troops of them in the Army 'T was high time for a Protestant Prince that had so near relation to the Crown of England to look about him and choose rather to be censured by our Reflector and such as he for entering upon the Stage a little before
his time than be justly reproach'd and curs'd to the End of the World by all such as love the Protestant Religion and ancient Government of England for appearing too late in their Defence The Example of Henry the Fourth of France may teach us how hard it is for a Protestant Prince to obtain his Right where the Catholick Religion is predominant nor was the new Armour of Popery he put on at last sufficient to defend the old Protestant against the Stab of a Jesuited Novitiate 4. His fourth Reflection acquaints us the Protestant Religion is at once expos'd and hazarded for if the King prevail what can the Prince of Orange's sort of Protestants expect at his Hands which are indeed all sorts of Protestants that I know of for the Presbyterians Independants Phanaticks church-of-Church-of-England Men are in his Army 'T is fair warning and I hope God will give the Protestants Grace to make the right use of it As for their changing Masters 't is a Chimera of his own and utterly foreign to the Declaration he pretends to reflect upon Lest we should forget he remindâ— us with that admirable Demonstration of I say that the whole Protestant Religion is at stake for which I heartily thank our worthy Reflector for tho it be very true we had not seen it in Print but for him 5. In his fifth Reflection he tells us that some Laws are better broken than kept which will not be easily granted 't is indeed true that some Laws were better be repealed than continued But then they must be null'd by the same Power they were constituted and not by any part of it in contradiction to the whole His instance is That Christianity could not have been introduc'd had the Pagan Laws been executed by which Parallel he would warrant Popery to be the true Christianity and the Protestant the Heathen Persecutors Laws for Idolatry cannot bind therefore Laws against it cannot a very strange Inference and I allow that a Lawful Authority by exceeding their just Bounds may act unlawfully but the Legislative Power cannot since all over the World the Supream Power ever was absolute be it in one or more He says no Man is obliged to maintain a Religion that is not true be it never so legally established So that it is but saying the Protestant Religion is not true and His Majesty notwithstanding his repeated Ingagements is no longer bound to protect it For in the words of our Reflector 't is an Absurdity and Impiety to do so 6. The sixth thing considerable in our Reflector is his Defence of the Dispensing Power and the use His Majesty seduc'd by his Evil Councellors makes of it which is no other than the setting aside of all our Laws made for the Security of the Protestant Religion but sure such a Prerogative can never be legally vested in the Crown which if admitted were the destruction of all Law. Had those Evil Counsellors only prevailed with his Majesty to have dispensed with the Penalties inflicted on Catholicks and other Dissenters for serving of God according to their particular Consciences though perhaps contrary to Law the matter had never been complained of But to put them into Places of the highest Trust to make one Lieutenant of Ireland another President of the Council a third Lieutenenant General of the Tower a fourth a Judg imploying numbers of them in the Army Court c. is a Transgression of the Law which is certainly very dangerous if not immediately yet inevitable in its Consequences to the Protestant Religion and Government and therefore a Mischief remote only as an Egg is from a Chicken from the worthy Reflector's Malum in se which he acknowledges this Dispensing Power extends not to And the particular Catholicks breaking the Law in these Points are without Excuse For no Man is obliged in Conscience to be a Judg a Priest a Minister a Privy-Councellor a Courtier or a Souldier in time of Peace contrary to the Laws of the Land. Nor do those Laws deprive the King of the Service of any of his Subjects absolutely since all Men if they please may capacitate themselves for Imployment If the High-Commission-Court be at an end Magdalen-Colledge and the Bishop of London restored we may in all appearance thank the Honesty and Caution of some of its worthy Members and the Noise of what our Reflector calls the Prince of Orange's Invasion though some will say a Descent upon England made by a Prince of the Blood Married to the Eldest Daughter of the present King upon the Invitation of many Lords both Spiritual and Temporal and of the considerable Gentry Commonalty of all Counties might have deserved a fairer Name Nor ought any Man to complain if his honest Neighbour break violently into his House at a time when his Family cry out Fire or Murther the common Obligation of Humanity and a due care of their own Preservation exact no less of them But this Paper is not intended for a Vindication of the Prince I will therefore return to my Reflector again who undertakes for all good Protestants that they only refus'd to repeal the Test by reason of the Security it affords to their Religion As if they had cast off all care of their Civil Concerns and were only intent upon Religious Affairs so as to consent to give his Majesty a Majority of Papists in the House of Lords by which he might have two Negative Voices upon all Laws to be offer'd and an House of Pears ready to repeal the Habeas Corpus Bill and such Statutes as any ways seem to incumber what Papists think his Majesties Prerogative of which they maintain the Dispensing Power to be an Essential Part and well they may since it is the very Power by which he maintains them in Places and Imployments So that by leave of my worthy Reflector the Considerations of Religion tho they are the principal are not the only Reasons that have determined all good Protestants to a Non-concurrence with his Majesty in the Repeal of the Test. 8. In his eighth Reflection he tells us That Chappels are places of Devotion so are Turks Mosques and the Iews Synagogues yet no good Christian but would be offended to see them multiply'd and encouraged either in his own or his Neighbours Country 9. In his ninth he tells us The King was content the Test should remain I answer These Evil Counsellors were not content the Test should remain but sent their Regulators and other Agents to threaten promise remove and change the Magistrates in all Corporations in order to the procuring Members of Parliament such as were to enter the House under solemn Promises and firm Resolutions to take off the Penal Laws and Test notwithstanding all the weighty nay convincing Arguments they might meet with there to the contrary A desperate sort of Senators and fitter for Catalines Conspiracies than an English Parliament Nor did these Evil Counsellors cease to sollicit even Knights of the Shire till
the general Indignation their Proposals met with together with the Noise of the Prince of Orange's Preparations frightned them from a further prosecution of their enormous Attempts He ingenuously confesses the seizing of Charters to have been a fault so there is no Contest between us on that Point but he adds That the Prince of Orange has nothing to do with it now others think him highly concern'd in it for if according to Sir Thomas Moore Rex Potest Iuriper Parta mentem potest destrui or according to the Opinion of latter Times a Parliament may make a Bill of Exclusion a Prince that has so near a Relation to the Crown of England ought not to suffer any foul play in the calling together such an Assembly as may null his Title or preclude him of his Right to the Crown in time to come 'T is true the Counsel for seizing Charters was given in the last King's Reign and most of them then seized but no Man can deny but some have been condemned and seized in the Reign of his present Majesty and restored not till the Apprehension of the aforesaid Invasion so that we are promised a Free Parliament only because they cannot put one of their own framing upon us 10. His tenth Paragraph needs no answer 11. In his eleventh he tells us there were but two Papist Judges as if the Laws were not broken unless the Judges were all Papists or that Judges sitting contrary to Law could give a Legal Sentence Both these defects he supposes supplied by the Dispensing Power a Power sufficiently baffled by those Gentlemen of the long Robe of Counsel for the Bishops and not defended by either Judges or Counsel on the other side for which two of the Judges Iones and Holloway lost their places on the Bench. 12 13. His twelfth and thirteenth concern Ireland and Scotland and therefore I will leave them untouch'd to the Gentlemen of those Nations who best understand and are most sensible of the Oppressions they are under 14. In his fourteenth he pleads the Validity of the King's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience tho' that pretended Prerogative has been discuss'd and baffled in Parliament within these few years and deserted as such by His late Majesty he affirms that the King as Head of the Church might oblige the Bishops to cause the Declaration to be read in the Churches which if they had complied with in the Opinion of many good Protestants they had precluded themselves of their Votes in Parliament against it for with what Forehead could they Vote against the Declaration when they caused it to be read in their Churches An Act amounting to no less than maintaining or owning the Dispensing Power 15. In his fifteenth he allows the Prince and Princess of Orange have in terms full of respect signified to the King their deep regret which all these things have given them and their Thoughts abour Repealing the Test and Penal Laws as an Expedient of Peace but blames him it seems for doing all this so respectfully and privately and would rather had it done by a Manifesto that some of the Prince's Friends might be imprisoned for delivering it as Captain Lenham is for bringing over the Declaration He tells us next the King has come up almost to Fagel's Letter which was the Declaration of their Minds viz. The Church-of England-Test and Laws of Supremacy to remain then urging the King's Concessions which may be observ'd to bear date only from the report of the Prince's Preparations for England 16. He tells us in his sixteenth That the Prince thinks a Free Parliament to be the last and great Remedy for these Evils but complains these Wicked Counsellors are against it for fear of being called to Account that they had preingaged Voices to take off the Penal Laws and the Test and regulated Corporations and Burroughs that so they might assure themselves of the Members of Parliament He allows the Charge but says What has all this to do with the King No Man says it has and the Prince only requires the removal and punishment of those Evil Counsellors in a Free Parliament 17. Next our Reflector tells That there never was a Parliament absolutely Free but that Drink Mony and other Evil Arts have had a great sway in Elections This is true but no reason that we should consent to a General or Fundamental Corruption of our Elections because we cannot avoid some few and casual Ones Then he would have had the Prince have desired the King to have laid aside those Evil Counsellors as if it were not Notorious that the Princes dislike of some Men has been their ready way to Preferment in our Court and Embassadors for Holland have been of late chosen out of those he has most aversion for as if these Wicked Counsellors feared nothing so much as a good Understanding between His Majesty and the Prince of Orange 19. In the nineteenth he tells The Prince and Princess of Orange's Question concerning the Birth of the Prince of Wales saying That during the Queen's pretended Bigness and in the manner in which the Birth was managed there have appear'd so many just and visible grounds of Suspicion that not only the Prince himself but all good Subjects in England do vehemently suspect that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born of the Queen 20. Next our Reflector tells us That the Prince ought to have writ to the King for a private satisfaction in this Matter which the King would no doubt have given in the manner that all reasonable Men do when they are examined against themselves All Men allow the imputation of such an Imposture to be a great Reflection on their present Majesties But some think they have in a great measure drawn it upon themselves by omitting to have those Witnesses by and those Methods observed that our Laws require to prove the Birth of a Legitimate Prince of Wales 'T is not perhaps enough to say that there were as many Witnesses and as good Proof of it as the Law exacts still the Question returns Why not the same Persons a Legal Proof admits of no Equivolent Our Reflector will not deny but that there has been common Fame all over Europe that this Prince of Wales was not Born of the Body of her Majesty and common belief of it among Protestants this of it self were enough to make the next Heir to the Crown look about and move every Stone that the Matter might be examined by impartial Methods in a Free Parliament which is all that the Prince and Princess of Orange aims at for their Proofs to the contrary 't is not to expected they should acquaint the World with them before the Trial. 22. In his two and twentieth Reflection on the eighteenth Paragraph where the Prince says He was invited to this Expedition by many Lords both Spiritual and Temporal and many Gentlemen and Subjects of all Ranks Our Reflector is pleased to tell him he is
mistaken as Monmouth was Notwithstanding those eminent Peers Gentry and Commonalty of all sorts that are already in his Camp and such as are going daily as well Souldiers as others nor considering the great number of the Nobility that are in the Country and have not been examin'd and that such as were examin'd here in Town did no more than answer Not Guilty to the Charge of High-Treason So that there are more Nobility and Gentry with him than with his Majesty In his three and twentieth Reflection on the 19 th and 20 th Paragraph where the Prince refers all to a free Parliament our Reflector says it belongs not to him to refer other Mens business as if the Prince had no relation to the Crown Then tells us we are already in possession of what the Prince promises us as if the Catholicks were all out of imployment the Dispensing power given up no standing Army no apprehensions of Popery and Arbitrary Power and a Free Parliament for redressing of Grievances of all kinds in being 24. In the twenty fourth Reflection on the three last Paragraphs of the Princes Declaration he tells us The Prince has a manifest design upon the-Crown because he summons the Nobility Gentry and People of England to his Standard And if so who must stay with the King To that may be answered All such as believe the Prince of Orange has brought this Army and intends to make War upon England to subdue it to his meer will and pleasure trample all Laws both Divine and Humane under his Fleet dethrone his present Majesty and make himself King they will stay and fight for him or at least to the best of their power in some other manner assist and help him On the contrary part such as believe the Prince means nothing of all this but brought over his Army only the better to assist the Nobility Gentry and People of England upon their earnest desires and frequent solliciations and reiterated complaints in the recovering of the old Legal way of choosing Members for Parliament which by Illegal new Charters on pretended Forfeitures was in a ready way to be for ever lost in rescuing all the Laws of England from the devouring Jaws of a Dispensing Power in reducing Popery within those bounds the Law has prescribed it which like an Inundation had so over-flowed its Banks that our Religion and Government were in peril to be swallowed up by it and finally to redress these and all other grievances if for these and no other ends or concerns Men think the Prince has landed here such Men will take his part espouse his quarrel and contribute to his success and in these cases every Man will judg for himself as they did in our late Civil Wars Again he charges the Prince with a design of Conquest which not only the Prince himself disclaims throughout his Declaration and will hereafter disown in all his Manifesto's but the States of Holland who have so vigorously assisted and engaged themselves with all their Power and Credit to maintain him in this Attempt have assur'd us he left Holland under high and solemn Protestations to the contrary All this is I hope sufficient to dash the strain'd inferences of an inconsiderable Reflector As for that impudent Calumny of Perjury he endeavours to fix upon the Prince it needs no other refutation than a serious consideration of the Charge it self his Words are The Prince of Orange swore to the States of Holland never to be their State-holder tho' it were offered him and yet is now that very State-holder he swore never to be on any terms Now let any reasonable Man consider whether it be possible a Wise State should by an Oath given him disable the Prince of Orange from being their State-holder tho' Circumstances and times should so change that their immediate preservation and very existence of their State should require him to accept and execute that Office. For his personal Reflections towards the latter end I think very Impertinent and only fit to be buried in Contempt Thus having followed my tedious Reflector through his twenty four Reflections I take my leave of him reserving the Princes farther Vindication to some time when I shall be more at leisure to write and people willinger to read than they can be under the present surprize hourly expectation and continual anxiety for the event of this Heroick Enterprise Admiral HERBERT's Letter to all Commanders of Ships and Sea-men in His Majesty's Fleet. Gentlemen I Have little to add to what his Highness has express'd in general Terms besides laying before you the dangerous Way you are at the present in where Ruin or Infamy must inevitably attend you if you don't join with the Prince in the Common Cause for the Defence of your Religion and Liberties for should it please God for the Sins of the English Nation to suffer your Arms to prevail to what can your Victory serve you but to enslave you deeper and overthrow the True Religion in which you have liv'd and your Fathers dy'd Of which I beg you as a Friend to consider the Consequences and to reflect on the Blot and Infamy it will bring on you not only now but in all After-Ages That by Your means the Protestant Religion was destroy'd and your Country depriv'd of its Ancient Liberties And if it pleases God to bless the Prince's Endeavours with Success as I don't doubt but he will consider then what their Condition will be that oppose him in this so good a Design where the greatest Favour they can hope for is their being suffer'd to end their Days in Misery and Want detested and despised by all good Men. It is therefore and for many more Reasons too long to insert here that I as a true English-man and your Friend exhort you to join your Arms to the Prince for the Defence of the Common Cause the Protestant Religion and the Liberties of your Country It is what I am well assured the major and best part of the Army as well as the Nation will do so soon as convenience is offered Prevent them in so good an Action whilst it is in your Power and make it appear That as the Kingdom hath always depended on the Navy for its Defence so you will yet go further by making it as much as in you lies the Protection of her Religion and Liberties and then you may assuâ—â— your selves of all Marks of Favour and Honour suitable to the Merits of so great and glorious an Action After this I ought not add so inconsiderable a thing as that it will for ever engage me to be in a most particular manner Your faithful Friend and humble Servant AR. HERBERT Abord the Leyden in the Gooree AN ENGAGEMENT OF THE Noble-men Knights and Gentlemen at EXETER to Assist the Prince of ORANGE in the defence of the Protestant Religion Laws and Liberties of the People of England Scotland and Ireland WE do ingage to Almighty God and to
each striving thereby to add to the Glory of their Design The Gentry of these Parts first seemed slow in their Advances to serve the Prince but as soon as the Ice was broke by Capt Burrington the majority soon followed his steps and have entred into an Association It is to admiration to consider the vast Magazine of all Warlike Utensils brought hither by the Prince's Army their Baggage having for a Fortnight together been continually Landing and yet not fully ended Were it not for the badness of the Roads as I was informed by a private Sentinel they could draw into the Field an Artillery of above 200 Pieces But the greatest Curiosity I yet saw was a Bridg of Boats such as I conceive the Imperialists use to pass over the Danube and Save with which was for the speedy conveyance of their Carriages laid over the River in two or three Hours and afterwards as soon removed not to mention a Smith's Shop or Forge curiously contrived in a Waggon or another Contrivance the Foot carry with them to keep off the Horse which in their manner may well yield the Service of a Pike There hath been lately driven into Dartmouth and since taken a French Vessel loaden altogether with Images and Knives of a very large proportion in length nineteen Inches and in breadth two Inches and an half what they were designed for God only knows THREE LETTERS I. A Letter from a Iesuit of Liege to a Iesuit at Friburg giving an Account of the Happy Progress of Religion in England IT cannot be said what great Affection and Kindness the K. hath for the Society wishing much Health to this whole Colledg by R. P. the Provincial and earnestly recommending himself to our Prayers The Provincial Alexander Regnes being come back for England the K. was graciously pleased to send for him several Earls and Dukes waiting his coming at the hour appointed the Q. being present the King discoursing familiarly with him asked him How many young Students he had and how many Scholasticks To which when the Provincial had answered That of the latter he had Twenty of the former more than Fifty he added That he had need of double or treble that number to perform what he in his Mind had designed for the Society and commanded that they should be very well exercised in the Gift of Preaching for such only saith he do we want in England You have heard I make no doubt that the K. hath sent Letters to Father Le Cheese the French King's Confessor about Wadden-house therein declaring that he would take in good part from him whatsoever he did or was done for the English Fathers of the Society Father Clare Rector of the said House going about those Affairs at London found an easy access to the King and as easily obtained his Desires He was forbid to kneel and kiss the King's Hand as the manner and custom is by the K. himself saying Once indeed your Reverence kissed my Hand but had I then known you were a Priest I should rather have kneeled and kissed your Reverences hand After the Business was ended in a familiar Discourse the K. declared to this Father That he would either Convert England or die a Martyr and that he had rather die to morrow that Conversion wrought than reign fifty Years without that in Happiness and Prosperity Lastly He called himself a Son of the Society the Welfare of which he said he as much rejoiced at as his own And it can scarce be said how joyful he shewed himself when it was told him That he was made partaker by the most Reverend Father N. of all the Merits of the Society of which number he would declare one of his Confessors Some report R. P. the Provincial will be the person but whom he designs is not yet known Many do think an Archbishoprick will be bestowed on Father Edmond Petre chiefly beloved very many a Cardinals Cap to whom within this Month or two that whole part of the K. Palace is granted in which the K. when he was Duke of York used to reside where you may see I know not how many Courtiers daily attending to speak with his Eminency for so they are said to call him upon whose Counsel and also that of several Catholick Peers highly preferred in the Kingdom the K. greatly relyes which way he may promote the Faith without violence Not long since some Catholick Peers did object to the K. that he made too much haste to establish the Faith to whom He answered I growing old must make great steps otherwise if I should die I shall leave you worse than I found you Then they asking him why therefore was he not more sollicitous for the Conversion of his Daughters Heirs of the Kingdom He answered God will take care for an Heir leave my Daughters for me to Convert do you by your example reduce those that are under you and others to the Faith. In most Provinces he hath preferred Catholicks and in a short time we shall have the same Justices of the Peace as they are called in them all At Oxford we hope Matters go very well one of our Divines is always Resident therein a publick Catholick Chappel of the Vice-Chancellor's who hath drawn some Students to the Faith. The Bishop of Oxford seems very much to favour the Catholick Cause He proposed in Council Whether it was not expedient that at least one Colledg in Oxford should be allowed Catholicks that they might not be forced to be at so much Charges by going beyond Seas to Study What Answer was given is not yet known The same Bishop inviting two of our Noblemen with others of the Nobility to a Banquet drank the King's Health to an Heretical Baron there wishing a happy Success to all his Affairs and he added That the Faith of Protestants in England seemed to him to be little better than that of Buda was before it was taken and that they were for the most part mere Atheists who defended it Many do embrace the Faith and four of the chiefest Earls have lately posfessed it publickly The Reverend Father Alexander Regnes Nephew to our Provincial to whom is committed the Care of the Chappel of the Ambassador of the most Serene Elector Palatine is whole days busied in resolving and shewing the Doubts or Questions of Hereticks concerning their Faith of which number you may see two or three continually walking before the Dores of the Chappel disputing about Matters of Faith amongst themselves Prince George we can have nothing certain what Faith he intends to make profession of We have a good while begun to get footing in England We teach Humanity at Lincoln Norwich and York At Warwick we have a publick Chappel secured from all Injuries by the King's Souldiers We have also bought some Houses of the City of Wigorn in the Province of Lancaster The Catholick Cause very much increaseth In some Catholick Churches upon Holy Days above 1500 are always numbred
present at the Sermon At London likewise things succeed no worse Every Holy Day at preaching People so frequent that many of the Chappels cannot contain them Two of ours Darmes and Berfall do constantly say Mass before the King and Queen Father Edmund Newil before the Queen Dowager Father Alexander Regnes in the Chappel of the Ambassador aforesaid others in other places Many Houses are bought for the Colledg in the Savoy as they call it nigh Somerset-house London the Palace of the Queen Dowager to the value of about eighteen thousand Florins in making of which after the Form of a Colledg they labour very hard that the Schools may be opened before Easter In Ireland shortly there will be a Catholick Parliament seeing no other can satisfy the King's Will to Establish the Catholick Cause there In the Month of February for certain the King hath designed to call a Parliament at London 1. That by a Universal Decree the Catholick Peers may be admitted into the Upper House 2. That the Oath or Test may be annulled 3. Which is the best or top of all That all Penal Laws made against Catholicks may be Abrogated which that he may more surely obtain he desires every one to take notice that he hath certainly determined to dismiss any from all profitable Imployments under him who do not strenuously endeavour the obtaining those things also that he will Dissolve the Parliament with which Decree some Hereticks being affrighted came to a certain Peer to consult him what was best to be done to whom he said the Kings pleasure is sufficiently made known to us what he hath once said he will most certainly do if you love your selves you must submit your selves to the Kings Will. There are great preparations for War at London and a Squadron of many Ships of War are to be fitted out against a time appointed what they are designed for is not certain The Hollanders greatly fear they are against them and therefore begin to prepare themselves Time will discover more Liege 2. Feb. 1688. II. A Letter from the Reverend Father Petre Iesuit Almoner to the Kiâ—g of England written to the Reverend Father la Cheese Confessor to the most Christian King touching the present Affairs of ENGLAND Translated from the French. Most Reverend Father IF I have fail'd for the last few days to observe your Order it was not from want of Affection but Health that occasion'd the neglect and for which I shall endeavour to make amends by the length of this I shall begin where my former left off and shall tell you That since the appearing of a Letter in this Town written by the Prince's Minister of Holland which declares the Intentions of the Prince and Princess of Orange relating to the Repealing the Test or to speak more properly their Aversion to it This Letter has produc'd very ill Effects among the Hereticks whom at the return of some of our Fathers from those Parts we had perswaded that the Prince would comply with every thing relating to the Test that the King should propose to the next Parliâ—ment in case he should call one to which I do not find his Majesty much inclin'd But the coming of this Letter of which I have inclos'd a Copy has serv'd for nothing but to incourage the Obstinate in their aversion to that Matter The Queen as well as my self were of Opinion against the sending of any such Letter to the Hague upon that Subject but rather that some Person able to discourse and perswade should have been sent thither for all such Letters when they are not grateful produce bad Effects That which is spoken Face to Face is not so easiâ—y divulg'd nor any thing discover'd to the People but what we have a raind the Vulgar should know And I believe your Reverence will concur with me in this Opinion This Letter has extreamly provok'd the King who is of a temper not to bear a refusal and who has not been us'd to have his Will contradicted And I verily believe this very affront has hastned his Resolution of re-calling the English Regiments in Holland I shew'd his Majesty that part of your Letter that relates to the Opinion of his Most Christian Majesty upon this Subject which his Majesty well approves of We are interested to know the Success of this Affair and what Answer the States will give The King changes as many Heretick Officers as he can to put Catholicks in their places but the Misfortune is that here we want Catholick Officers to supply them And therefore if you know any such of our Nation in France you would do the King a pleasure to perswade them to come over and they shall be certain of Employments either in the old Troops or the New that are speedily to be rais'd for which by this my Letter I pass my Word Our Fathers are continually employ'd to convert the Officers but their Obstinacy is so great that for one that turns there are five that had rather quit their Commands And there are so many Male-contents whose Party is already but too great the King has need of all his Prudence and Temper to manage this great Affair and bring it to that Perfection we hope to see it in ere long All that I can assure you is That here shall be no neglect in the Queen who labours night and day with unexpressible Diligence for the propation of the Faith and with the Zeal of a holy Princess The Queen Dowager is not so earnest and Fear makes her resolve to retire into Portugal to pass the remainder of her days in Devotion she has already ask'd the King leave who has not only granted it but also promised that she should have her Pension punctually paid and that during her Life her Servants that she leaves behind her shall have the same Wages as if they were in waiting She stays but for a proper Season to imbark for Lisbon and to live there free from all Stories As to the Queen's being with Child that great Concern goes as well as we could wish notwithstanding all the Satyrical Discourses of the Heriticks who content themselves to vent their Poyson in Libels which by night they disperse in the Street or fix upon the Walls There was one lately found upon a Pillar of a Church that imported That such a day Thanks should be given GOD for the Queen 's being great with a Cushion If one of these Pasquil-makers could be discover'd he would but have an ill time on 't and should be made to take his last Farewel at Tyburn You will agree with me most Reverend Father that we have done a great thing by introducing Mrs. Celier to the Queen this Woman is totally devoted to our Society and zealous for the Catholick Religion I will send you an account of the progress of this Affair and will use the Cypher you sent me which I think very admirable I can send you nothing certain of the Prince and Princess
perhaps may not always agree with the Interest of France in this matter And I think aggravating this Breach at present to be also prejudicial to the Catholick Religion it self The great Design we have so long aimed at is applying to the King of France to take from the Hereticks all hopes of a Head or any other Protection than what they must expect from their own King whereby they finding themselves expos'd to his Pleasure will the more readily subscribe to his Will. But this misunderstanding between us will occasion an opportunity to the Hereticks to set up the Prince of Orange for their Chief And let me assure you not to deceive your selves The Religious of England as well as the Presbyterians themselves regard the Prince of Orange as their Moses and his Party is already so powerful in both these Kingdoms that it will appear terrible to any thinking Person should things come to extremity as may never happen if matters are not push'd on too far but managed with Moderation And I desire therefore with great deference to you better Judgment that this matter might be hinted to his Most Christian Majesty as opportunity shall serve and am sensible it must be done with very great caution I can tell you nothing at present concerning the certainty of calling a Parliament it requires so many things to be consider'd of and measures to be taken that his Majesty ought to be well assur'd of the success before he convenes them together I am not of opinion with many other Catholicks who say That by calling them the King hazards nothing for if they will not answer his Ends he need only prorogue them as is usually done But it is my Opinion and the Sense of many others That his Majesty hazards much for if it should unfortunately happen that they should in their Assembly refuse to comply with his Majesty's Desires it may be long enough ere he compass his Ends by way of a Parliament and perhapâ— never and then there rests no Expedient or other Means but by Violence to execute the Orders of his secret Council which must be suppos'd by his Army who upon a pretence of Incamping may be called together with the less Jealousie or Suspicion So you may see most Reverend Father that we do not want work in these Quarters and I must be supported by your Prayers which I beg of you and from all those of our Society His Majesty is so desirous that things may be done in order and upon a sure Fund so as to be the more lasting that he makes great application to the Shires and Corporations to get such Persons chosen fâ—r the Parliament as may be favourable to his Ends of which he may be sure before they come to debate And the King will make them promise so firmly and exact such Instruments from them in writing that they shall not be able to go back unless they will thereby draw upon themselves his Majesty's utmost Displeasure and make them feel the weight of his Resentment And I have here inclos'd some Effects of his Majesty's Endeavours in this matter which is an Address which the Mayor Sheriffs and Burgesses of New-Castle in the County of Stafford have presented to the King see the Gazette where this Corporation as well as Glocester and Teuxbury and others in their Addresses promise to chuse such Members as shall comply with his Majesty's Desires If all Towns were in as perfect Obedience as these we should certainly have a Parliament call'd which the Catholicks and Nonconformists expect with great Impatience But since this cannot be said of many of them the King 's secret Council think good to wait for the Queen's Delivery that they may see a Successor who may have need of the whole Protection of the Most Christian King to support him and maintain his Rights And by the Grace of God we hope that that Prince treading in his Father's steps may prove a worthy Son of our Society like his Father who thinks it no Dishonour to be so call'd As to other things most Reverend Father our Fathers with me as well as generally all the Catholicks with what grief do we hear of the Disunion that arises between his Holiness and the Most Christian King How does my Head in imitation of the Prophet's become a Spring of Tears to lament night and day the Schism that I foresâ—e coming into the Church Is is possible that our holy Society should not stand in the Breach and prevent the Mischiefs that this difference may occasion in the Church And that no body can reconciâ—e Levi and Iudah the Priesthood and the Scepter the Father and the Son the eldest Son of the Church with the Vicar of Christ upon Earth And what a Desolation and what Advantage to the Hereticks must this occasion They begin already to bid us convert the Children of the Family before we begin to convert Strangers And I must with grief confess they have but too much reason for what they say and if there does not come some present Assistance from above I foresee this Affair will occasion great Prejudices in the North Nor have we any hope that his British Majesty will interpose herein openly he receiving so little Satisfaction from his Holiness in some Demands made by his Ambassadour at Rome which morally speaking ought not to have been denied so great a King who first made this step which his Predecessors for a long time were not willing to undertake in sending his Ambassadour of Obedience to Rome And yet for all this our holy Father had not any particular Consideration of this Submission and Filial Obedience so that I dare not mention this matter but by way of Discourse daily expecting that of himself he will be pleased to make some Proposal therein I doubt not Reverend Father of your constant Endeavour to accommodate this matter thereby to take away from the Hereticks especially the Hugonots of France this occasion to laugh and deride us and we should think the Châ—nge much for the worse if instead of the French King 's going to Geneva he should march to Rome What may not all this come to especially since the Marquess de Lavardin has been so passionate in his Discourse to the Cardinal-Chancellor as to call him Impertinent and so far to forget his Duty and Reverence toward our Holy Father the Pope himself as to say he Doted as the Hereticks do confidently discourse in these parts I have caused some Masses of the Holy Ghost to be said That God would please to inspire the discontented Parties with a Spirit of Peace and Concord You did acquaint me some time since That Madam Mainteron did take upon her the Title of Daughter of the Society by virtue whereof you may command her by virtue of Obedience to use her Credit and Eloquence with the King to incline him to an Accommodation in this matter In the mean time I hear that at Rome many eminent Persons
endeavour the same with his Holiness who says He cannot nor ought not to recede from what he has done otherwise it were in effect to submit to the Articles made in France by the Clergy in 1682 and consequently of too great moment to recant and therefore Submission ought to come from the Son and not from the Father I recommend my self Reverend Father to your Prayers and Blessing desiring you would continue to assist me with your Salutal Counsels and rest for ever Yours c. St. Iame's Feb. 9. III. The Answer of the Reverend Father la Chese Confessor to the Most Christian King to a Letter of the Reverend Father Petre Iesuit and Great Almoner to the King of England upon the Method or Rule he must observe with His Majesty for the Conversion of His Protestant Subjects Most Reverend Father WHen I compare the Method of the French Court which declares against all Heresies with the Policy of other Princes who had the same Design in former Ages I find so great a difference that all that passes now a days in the King's Council is an impenetrable Mystery and the Eyes of all Europe are opened to see what happens but cannot discover the Cause When Francis the First and Henry the Second his Son undertook to ruine the Reformation they had to struggle with a Party which was but beginning and weak and destitute of Help and consequently easier to be overcome In the time of Francis the Second and Charles the Ninth a Family was seen advanc'd to the Throne by the Ruine of the Protestants who were for the House of Bourbon In this last Reign many Massacres hapned and several Millions of Hereticks have been sacrificed but it answer'd otherways and his Majesty has shew'd by the peace and mild ways he uses that he abhors shedding of Blood from which you must perswade his Britannick Majesty who naturally is inclin'd to Roughness and a kind of Boldness which will make him hazard all if he does not politickly manage it as I hinted in my last when I mentioned my Lord Chancellor Most Reverend Father to satisfy the desire I have to shew you by my Letters the Choice you ought to make of such Persons fit to stir-up I will in few words since you desire it inform you of the Genius of the People of our Court of their Inclinations and which of them we make use of that by a Parallel which you will make between them and your English Lords you may learn to know them Therefore I shall begin with the Chief I mean our Great Monarch It is certain he is naturally good and loves not to do Evil unless desired to do it This being so I may say he never would have undertaken the Conversion of his Subjects without the Clergy of France and without our Societies Correspondence abroad He is a Prince enlightned who very well observes that what we put him upon is contrary to his Interest and that nothing is more opposite to his Great Designs and his Glory he aiming to be the Terror of all Europe The vast number of Malecontents he has caused in his Kingdom forces him in time of Peace to keep three times more Forces than his Ancestors did in the greatest Domestick and Foreign Wars which cannot be done without a prodigious Expence The Peoples Fears also begin to lessen as to his aspiring to an Universal Monarchy and they may assure themselves he has left those Thoughts nothing being more opposite to his Designs than the Method we enjoyn him His Candor Bounty and Toleration to the Hereticks would undoubtedly have open'd the Doors of the Low Countries Palatinate and all other States on the Rhine and even of Switzerland whereas things are at present so alter'd that we see the Hollanders free from any fear of danger the Switzers and City of Geneva resolv'd to lose the last drop of their Blood in their Defence Besides some Diversion we may expect from the Empire in case we cannot hinder a Peace with the Turks which ought to hasten his Britannick Majesty while he can be assured of Succors from the most Christian King. Sir his Majesty's Brother is always the same I mean takes no notice of what passes at Court. It has sometimes happen'd that the King's Brothers have acted so as to be noted in the State but this we may be assur'd will never do any thing to stain the Glory of his Submission and Obedience And is willing to lend a helping-hand for the Destruction of the Hereticks which appears by the Instances he makes to his Majesty who now has promised him to cause his Troops to enter into the Palatinate the next Month. The â—auphin is passionately given up to Hunting and little regards the Conversion of Souls and it does not seem easy to make him penetrate into Business of Moment and therefore we do not care to consult him which way and how the Hereticks ought to be treated He openly laughs at us and slights all the Designs of which the King his Father makes great account The Dauphiness is extreamly witty and is without doubt uneasy to shew it in other Matters besides Complements of Conversation She has given me a Letter for the Queen of England wherein after her expression of the part she bears of the News of her Majesty's being with Child she gives her several Advices about the Conversion of her Subjects Most Reverend Father She is undoubtedly born a great Enemy to the Protestants and has promoted all she could with his Majesty in all that has been done to hasten their Ruin especially having been bred in a Court of our Society and of a House whose hatred against the Protestant Religion is Hereditary because she has been raised up by the Ruin of the German Protestant Princes especially that of the Palatinate But the King having caused her to come to make Heirs to the Crown she answers expectation to the utmost Monsieur Louvois is a Man who very much observes his Duty which he performs to admiration and to whom we must ackâ—owledg France owes part of the Glory it has hitherto gained both in regard of its Conquests as also the Conversion of Hereticks to which latter I may say he has contributed as much as the King he has already shewed himself Fierce Wrathful and Hardhearted in his Actions towards them though he is not naturally inclin'd to Cruelty nor to harrass the People His Brother the Arch-bishop of Rheims has Ways which do not much differ from those of his Soul and all the difference I find between them is That the Arch-bishop loves his own Glory as much as Monsieur de Louvois loves that of his Majesty He is his own Idol and give him but Incense and you may obtain any thing Honour is welcome to him let it come which way it will. The least Thing provokes this Prelate and he will not yield any thing derogatory to his Paternity He will seem Learned he will seem a great
with Hereticks do watch for all Advantages and Opportunities to destroy them being commanded thereunto by their Councils and the principles of their Church and instigated by their Priests The History of the several Wars of the Barons of England in the Reigns of King Iohn Henry the Third Edward the Second and Richard the Second in Defence of their Liberties and for redressing the many Grievances under which the Kingdom groaâ—'d is a full representation of the Infidelity and Treachery of those Kings and of the Invalidity of Treaties with them how many Grants Amendments and fair Promises had they from those Princes and yet afterwards how many Ambuscades and Snares were laid to destroy those glorious Patriots of Liberty what Violations of Compacts and Agreements and what havock was made upon all Advantages and Opportunities that those false Kings could take Read their Histories in our several Chronicles FINIS A FOURTH Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England VIZ. I. The Prince of Orange's first Declaration from the Hague Octob. 10. 1688. With his Highnesses Additional Declaration from the Hague Octob. 24. 88. Corrected by the Original Copy printed there II. The Bishop of Rochester's Letter to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners III. The Prince of Orange's Speech to the Gentlemen of Somersetshire and Dorsetshire coming to joyn his Highness at Exeter Nov. 15. 88. IV. A true Copy of a Paper delivered by the Earl of Devonshire to the Mayor of Darby Nov. 20. 1688. V. An Address of the Mayor c. of Lyn-Regis in Norfolk to the Duke of Norfolk And the Duke's Answer Decemb. 6. 88. VI. A Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about the City assembled at Guild hall Decemb. 11. 1688. VII A Paper delivered to the Prince of Orange by the Commissioners sent by his Majesty VIII The King's Letter to the Earl of Feversham on his Majesties leaving White-hall with the Earl's Answer IX A Declaration of the Prince of Orange to the Commanders in Chief of the Dispersed Regiments Troops and Companies to keep them together in Order X. An Address of the Lieutenancy of London to the Pr. of Orange XI An Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common-Council of London to the Prince of Orange XII A Speech of Sir G. Treby on delivery of the City Address Licensed and Entred according to Order London printed and are to be sold by Rich. Ianeway in Queen's-head Court in Pater-Noster Row 1688. THE DECLARATION Of His HIGHNESS VVilliam Henry By the Grace of God PRINCE of ORANGE c. Of the Reasons inducing him to appear in Arms in the Kingdom of England for preserving of the Protestant Religion and for restoring the Laws and Liberties of England Scotland and Ireland IT is both certain and evident to all Men that the Publick Peace and Happiness of any State or Kingdom cannot be preserved where the Laws Liberties and Customs established by the Lawful Authority in it are openly Transgressed and Annulled More especially where the Alteration of Religion is endeavoured and that a Religion which is contrary to Law is endeavoured to be introduced Upon which those who are most immediately concerned in it are indispensably bound to endeavour to preserve and maintain the established Laws Liberties and Customs and above all the Religion and Worship of God that is established among them and to take such an effectual care that the Inhabitants of the said State or Kingdom may neither be deprived of their Religion nor of their Civil Rights Which is so much the more necessary because the Greatness and Security both of Kings Royal Families and of all such as are in Authority as well as the Happiness of their Subjects and People depend in a most especial manner upon the exact observation and maintenance of these their Laws Liberties and Customs Upon these Grounds it is that we cannot any longer forbear to declare That to our great regret we see that those Counsellors who have now the chief Credit with the King have overturned the Religion Laws and Liberties of those Realms and subjected them in all Things relating to their Consciences Liberties and Properties to Arbitrary Government and that not only by secret and indirect ways but in an open and undisguised manner Those Evil Counsellors for the advancing and colouring this with some plausible Pretexts did invent and set on foot the King 's Dispensing Power by virtue of which they pretend that according to Law he can Suspend and Dispense with the Execution of the Laws that have been enacted by the Authority of the King and Parliament for the Security and Happiness of the Subject and so have rendred those Laws of no effect Though there is nothing more certain than that as no Laws can be made but by the joint concurrence of King and Parliament so likewise Laws so enacted which secure the Publick Peace and Safety of the Nation and the Lives and Liberties of every Subject in it cannot be repealed or suspended but by the same Authority For though the King may pardon the Punishment that a Transgressor has incurred and to which he is condemned as in the Cases of Treason or Felony yet it cannot be with any colour of Reason inferred from thence that the King can entirely suspend the Execution of those Laws relating to Treason or Felony Unless it is pretended that he is clothed with a Despotick and Arbitrary Power and that the Lives Liberties Honours and Estates of the Subjects depend wholly on his good Will and Pleasure and are entirely subject to him which must infallibly follow on the King 's having a Power to suspend the Execution of the Laws and to dispense with them Those Evil Counsellors in order to the giving some credit to this strange and execrable Maxim have so conducted the Matter that they have obtained a Sentence from the Judges declaring that this Dispensing Power is a Right belonging to the Crown as if it were in the Power of the Twelve Judges to offer up the Laws Rights and Liberties of the whole Nation to the King to be disposed of by him Arbitrarily and at his Pleasure and expresly contrary to Laws enacted for the Security of the Subjects In order to the obtaining this Judgment those Evil Counsellors did before-hand examine secretly the Opinion of the Judges and procured such of them as could not in Conscience concur in so pernicious a Sentence to be turned out and others to be substituted in their Rooms till by the Changes which were made in the Courts of Judicature they at last obtained that Judgment And they have raised some to those Trusts who made open profession of the Popish Religion though those are by Law rendred incapable of all such Employments It is also manifest and notorious that as his Majesty was upon his coming to the Crown received and acknowledged by all the Subjects of England Scotland and Ireland as their King without the least Opposition though he made then
Orange and present to His Highness the Address agreed by the Lieutenancy for that purpose And that they begin their Journey to Morrow Morning By the Commissioners Command Geo. Evans Cl. Lieut. London To His Highness the Prince of Orange The Humble Address of the Lieutenancy of the City of London May it please Your Highness WE can never sufficiently express the deep Sence we have conceived and shall ever retain in our Hearts That Your Highness has exposed Your Person to so many Dangers both by Sea and Land for the Preservation of the Protestant Religion and the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom without which unparallel'd Undertaking we must probably have suffered all the Miseries that Popery and Slavery could have brought upon us We have been greatly concerned that before this time we have not had any seasonable Opportunity to give Your Highness and the World a real Testimony that it has been our firm Resolution to venture all that is Dear to Us to attain those Glorious Ends which Your Highness has proposed for restoring and settling these Distracted Nations We therefore now unanimously present to Your Highness our just and due Acknowledgments for the Happy Relief You have brought to us and that we may not be wanting in this present Conjuncture we have put our selves into such a Posture that by the Blessing of God we may be capable to prevent all ill Designs and to preserve this City in Peace and Safety till your Highness's Happy Arrival We therefore humbly desire that your Highness will please to repair to this City with what convenient speed you can for the perfecting the Great Work which Your Highness has so happily begun to the general Joy and Satisfaction of us all December the 17 th 1688. THE said Committee this day made Report to the Lieutenancy that they had presented the said Address to the Prince of Orange and that His Highness received them very kindly December the 17 th 1688. By the Lieutenancy Ordered That the said Order and Address be forthwith Printed Geo. Evans To His Highness the Prince of ORANGE The Humble ADDRESS of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in Common Council assembled May it please Your Highness WE taking into Consideration your Highness's fervent Zeal for the Protestant Religion manifested to the World in your many and hazardous Enterprizes which it hath pleased Almighty God to bless you with miraculous Success We render our deepest Thanks to the Divine Majesty for the same And beg leave to present our most humble Thanks to your Highness particularly for your appearing in Arms in this Kingdom to carry on and perfect your Glorious Design to rescue England Scotland and Ireland from Slavery and Popery and in a Free Parliament to establish the Religion the Laws and the Liberties of these Kingdoms upon a sure and lasting Foundation We have hitherto look'd for some Remedy for these Oppressions and Imminent Dangers We together with Our Protestant Fellow-Subjects laboured under from His Majesty's Concessions and Concurrences with Your Highness's Just and Pious purposes expressed in Your Gracious Declarations But herein finding Our Selves finally disappointed by His Majesty's withdrawing Himself We presume to make Your Highness Our Refuge And do in the Name of this Capital CITY implore Your Highness's Protection and most humbly beseech Your Highness to vouchsafe to repair to this CITY where Your Highness will be received with Universal Joy and Satisfaction The Speech of Sir GEORGE TREBY Kt. Recorder of the Honourable City of London to his Highness the Prince of Orange Dec. 20. 1688. May it please your Highness THE Lord Mayor being disabled by Sickness your Highness is attended by the Aldermen and Commons of the Capital City of this Kingdom deputed to Congratulate your Highness upon this great and glorious Occasion In which labouring for Words we cannot but come short in Expression Reviewing our late Danger we remember our Church and State over-run by Popery and Arbitrary Power and brought to the Point of Destruction by the Conduct of Men that were our true Invaders that brake the Sacred Fences of our Laws and which was worst the very Constitution of our Legislature So that there was no Remedy left but the Last The only Person under Heaven that could apply this Remedy was Your Highness You are of a Nation whose Alliance in all Times has been agreeable and prosperous to us You are of a Family most Illustrious Benefactors to Mankind To have the Title of Sovereign Prince Stadtholder and to have worn the Imperial Crown are among their lesser Dignities They have long enjoyed a Dignity singular and transcendent viz. To be Champions of Almighty God sent forth in several Ages to vindicate his Cause against the greatest Oppressions To this Divine Commission our Nobles our Gentry and among them our brave English Souldiers rendred themselves and their Arms upon your appearing GREAT SIR When we look back to the last Month and contemplate the Swiftness and Fullness of our present Deliverance astonish'd we think it miraculous Your Highness led by the Hand of Heaven and called by the Voice of the People has preserved our dearest Interests The Protestant Religion which is Primitive Christianity restor'd Our Laws which are our ancient Title to our Lives Liberties and Estates and without which this World were a Wilderness But what Retribution can We make to your Highness Our Thoughts are full-charged with Gratitude Your Highness has a lasting Monument in the Hearts in the Prayers in the Praises of all Good Men amongst us And late Posterity will celebrate your ever-glorious Name till Time shall be no more Chapman Mayor Cur ' special ' tent ' die Iovis xx die Decemb ' 1688. Annoque R R. Iacobi Secundi Angl ' c. quarto THis Court doth desire Mr. Recorder to print his Speech this day made to the Prince of Orange at the time of this Court 's attending his Highness with the Deputies of the several Wards and other Members of the Common-Council Wagstaffe FINIS A FIFTH Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England VIZ. I. The hard Case of Protestant Subjects under the Dominion of a Popish Prince II. An Answer to a late Pamphlet entitled A Short Scheme of the Vsurpations of the Crown of England c. III. An humble and hearty Address to all English Protestants in the Army Published by Mr. Iohnson in the Year 1686. IV. Several Reasons against the Establishment of a standing Army and Dissolving the Militia V. A Discourse of Magistracy of Prerogative by Divine Right of Obedience and of the Laws VI. The Definition of a Tyrant by Abr. Cowley With several Queries thereupon proposed to the Lawyers VII A Letter to the King inducing him to return to the Protestant Religion VIII Ten Seasonable Queries proposed by an English Gentleman at Amsterdam to his Friends in England Licensed and Entred according to Order London printed and are to be
so well that he doubted not in a little time their Business would be managed to the utter Ruin of the Protestant Party The effecting whereof was so desirable and meritorious that if he had a Sea of Flood and an hundred Lives he would lose them all to carry on the Design And if to effect this it were necessary to destroy an hundred Heretical Kings he would do it Singleton the Priest affirmed That he would make no more to stab forty Parliament-Men than to eat his Dinner Gerard and Kelley to encourage Prance to kill Sir E. B. G. told him It was no Murther no Sin and that to kill twenty of them was nothing in that case which was both a charitable and meritorious Act. And Grant one of the Massacring Gun-powder Traitors said upon his Execution to one that urged him to repent of that wicked Enterprize That he was so far from counting it a Sin that on the contrary he was confident that that noble Design had so much of Merit in it as would be abundantly enough to make Satisfaction for all the Sins of his whole Life See Everard Digby speaking to the same purpose also the Provincial Garnet did teach the Conspirators the same Catholick Doctrine viz. That the King Nobility Clergy and whole Commonalty of the Realm of England Papists excepted were Hereticks and That all Hereticks were accursed and excommunicated and That no Heretick could be a King but that it was lawful and meritorious to kill him and all other Hereticks within this Realm of England for the advancement and inlargement of the Authority and Jurisdiction of the Pope and for the restoring of the Romish Religion This was that Garnet whom the Papists here honoured as a Pope and kissed his Feeâ— and reverenced his Iudgment as an Oracle and since his Death given him the Honour of Saintship and Martyrdom Dugdale deposed That after they had dispatched the King a Massacre was to follow But surely it may be supposed that the Temper of such a Prince or his Interest would oblige him to forbid or restrain such violent Executions in England Yea but what if his Temper be to comply with such Courses Or his Temper be better Whâ—t if it be over-rul'd What if he be perswaded as other Catholicks are that he must in Conscience proceed thus What if he cannot do otherwise without hazard of his Crown and Life For he is not to hold the Reins of Government alone he will not be allowed to be much more than the Pope's POSTILLION and must look to be dismounted if he act not according to Order The Law tells us That it is not in the Power of any Civil Magistrate to remit the Penalty or abate the Rigour of the Law. Nay if the Prince should plight his Faith by Oath that he would not suffer their Bloody LAWS to be executed upon his Dissenting Subjects this would signify nothing For they would soon tell him That Contracts made against the Common Law are invalid though conâ—irmed by Oath And That he is not bound to stand to his Promise though he had sworn to it And That Faith is no more to be kept with Hereticks than the Council of Constance would have it So that Protestants are to be burnt as Io. Huss and Ierom of Prague were by that Council though the Emperor had given them his safe Conduâ—t in that Solemn manner which could secure them only as they said from the Civil but not Church-Process which was the greatest For 't is their General Rule That Faith is either not to be given or not kept with Hereticks Therefore saith Simanca That Faith ingaged to Hereticks though confirmed by Oath is in no wise to be performed For saith he if Faith is not to be kept with Tyrants and Pirats and others who kill the Body much less with Hereticks who kill the Souls And that the Oath in favour of them is but Vinculum Iniquitatis A Bond of Iniquity Though Popish Princes the better to promote their Interest and to insnare the Protestant Subjects to get advantage upon them to their Ruin have made large Promises and plighted their Faith to them when they did not intend to keep it As the Emperor to Iohn Huss and Ierom Charles the Ninth of France to his Protestant Subjects before the Massacre the Duke of Savoy to his Protestant Subjects before their designed Ruin and Queen Mary before her burning of them But if there were neither Law nor Conscience to hinder yet in point of Interest he must not shew favour to Hereticks without apparent hazard both of Crown and Life for he forfeits both if he doth The Pope every Year doth not only curse Hereticks but every Favourer of them from which none but himself can absolve Becanus very elegantly tells us If a Prince be a dull Cur and fly not upon Hereticks he is to be beaten out and a keener Dog must be got in his stead Henry the Third and Henry the Fourth were both Assassinated upon this Account because they were suspected to favour Hereticks And are we not told by the Discoverers of the Popish Plot That after they had dispatch'd the King they would depose his Brother also that was to succeed him if he did not answer their Expectations for rooting out the Protestant Religion But may not Parliaments secure us by Laws and Provisions restraining the Power which endangers us Not possible if once they secure and settle the Throne for Popery For First They can avoid Parliaments as long as they please and a Government that is more Arbitrary and Violent is more agreeable to their Designs and Principles It being apparent that the English Papists have lost the Spirit of their Ancestors who so well asserted the English Liberties being so generally now fix'd for the Pope's Universal Monarchy sacrificing all to that Roman Moloch being much more his Subjects than the King 's and though Natives by Birth yet are Foreigners as to Government Principle Interest Affection and Design and therefore no Friends to Parliaments as our Experience hath told us But Secondly if their Necessity should require a Parliament there is no question but they may get such a one as will serve their turns For so have every of our former Princes in all the Changes of Religion that have been amongst us As Henry the 8 th when he was both for and against Popery Edward the 6 th when he was wholly Protestant Queen Mary when she was for Burning Alive and Queen Elizabeth when she ran so Counter to her Sister And the Reason is clear that he who has the making of the publick Officers and the Keys of Preferment and Profit influenceth and swayeth Elections and Votes as he pleaseth And by how much the Throne comes to be fix'd in Popery the Protestants must expect to be excluded from both Houses as they have excluded the Papists For as Hereticks and Traitors they as ignominous Persons c. you
one of them is not the other for he may be any one of these who is none of the rest IV. This distinction proceeds from the different Reasons upon which these Relations are founded V. The Reason or Foundation from whence arises the Relation of a Father is from having begotten his Son who may as properly call every old Man he meets his Father as any other Person whatsoever excepting him only who begat him VI. The Relation of an Husband and Wife is founded in Weâ—lock whereby they mutually consent to become one Fleâ—h VII The Relation of a Maâ—ter is founded in that Right and Title which he has to the Possession or Service of his Slave or Servant VIII In these Relations the Names of Father Husband and Master imply Soveraignty and Superiority which varies notwithstanding and is more or less absolute according to the Foundation of these several Relations IX The Superiority of a Father is founded in that Power Priority and Dignity of Nature which a Cause hath over its Effect X. The distance is not so great in Wedlock but the Superiority of the Husband over the Wife is like that of the Right-Hand over the Left in the same Body XI The Superiority of a Master is an absolute Dominion over his Slave a limited and conditionate Command over his Servant XII The Titles of Pater Patriae and Sponsus Regni Father of the Country and Husband of the Realm are Metaphors and improper Speeches For no Prince ever begat a whole Country of Subjects nor can a Kingdom more propâ—rly be said to be married than the City of Venice is to be Adriatick Gulph XIII And to shew further that Magistracy is not Paternal Authority nor Monarchy founded in Fatherhood it is undeniably plain that a Son may be the Natural Soveraign Lord of his own Father as Henry the Second had been of Ieffeâ—y Plantagenet if he had been an English-man which they say Henry the Seventh did not love to think of when his Sons grew up to Years And this Case alone is an eternal Confutation of the Patriarchate XIV Neither is Magistracy a Marital Power for the Husband may be the obedient Subject of his own Wife as Philip was of Queen Maâ—y XV. Nor is it that Dominion which a Master has over his Slave for then a Prince might lawfully sell all hiâ— Subjects like so many Head of Cattel and make Mony of his whole Stock when ever he pleases as a Patron of Algiers does XVI Neither is the Relation of Prince and Subject the same with that of a Master and hired Servant for he does not hire them but as St. Paul saith They pay him Tribute in consideration of his continual Attendance and Imployment for the Publick Good. XVII That Publick Office and Imployment is the Foundation of the Relation of King and Subject as many other Relations are likewise founded upon other Functions and Administrations Such as Guardian and Ward c. XVIII The Office of a King is set down at large in the 17 th Chapter of the Laws of King Edward the Confessor to which the succeeding Kings have been sworn at their Coronation And it is affirmed in the Preambles of the Statutes of Malbridg and of the Statute of Quo Warranto made at Glocester That the calling of Parliaments to make Laws for the better Estate of the Realm and the more full Administration of Justice belongeth to the Office of a King. But the fullest account of it in few words is in Chancellor Fortescue Chap. XIII which Passage is quoted in Calvin's Case Coke VII Rep. Fol. 5. Ad Tutelam namque Legis Subditorum ac eorum Corporum bonorum Rex hujusmodi erectus est ad hanc potestatem à populo effluxam ipse habet quo ei non licet potestate alia suo populo Dominari For such a King that is of every Political Kingdom as this is is made and ordained for the Defence or Guardianship of the Laws of his Subjects and of their Bodies and Goods whereunto he receiveth Power of his People so that he cannot govern his People by any other Power Corolary A Bargain 's a Bargain CHAP. II. Of Prerogatives by Divine Right I. GOvernment is not matter of Revelation if it were then those Nations that wanted Scripture must have been without Government whereas Scripture it self says that Government is the Ordinance of Man and of Human Extraction And King Charles the First says of this Government in particular That it was moulded by the Wisdom and Experience of the Peoplâ— Answ. to XIX Prop. II. All just Governments are highly beneficial to Mankind and are of God the Author of all Good they are his his Ordinances and Institutions Rom. 13.1 2. III. Plowing and sowing and the whole business of preparing Bread Corn is absâ—luely necessary to the Subsistence of Mankind This also cometh forth from the Lord of Hosts who is wonderful in Counsel and excellent in Working Isa. 28. from 23 d to 29 th Verse IV. Wisdom saith Counsel is mine and sound Wisdom I am Vnderstanding I have Strength by me Kings reign and Princes decree Iustice By me Prinees rule and Nobles even all the Iudges of the Earth Prov. 13.14 V. The Prophet speaking of the Plow-man saith His God doth instruct him to Discretion and doth teach him Isa. 28.26 VI. Scripture neither gives nor takes away Mens Civil Rights but leaves them as it found them and as our Saviour said of himself is no Divider of Inheritances VII Civil Authority is a Civil Right VIII The Law of England gives the King his Title to the Crown For where is it said in Scripture that such a Person or Family by Name shall enjoy it And the same Law of England which has made him King has made him King according to the English Laws and not otherwise IX The King of England has no more Right to set up a French Government than the French King has to be King of England which none at all X. Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesars neither makes a Caesar nor tells who Caesar is nor what belongs to him but only requires Men to be just in giving him those supposed Rights which the Laws have determined to be his XI The Scripture supposes Property when it forbids Stealing it supposes Mens Lands to be already butted and bounded when it forbids removing the Ancient Land-marks And as it is impossible for any Man to prove what Estate he has by Scripture or to find a Terrier of his Lands there so it is a vain thing to look for Statutes of Prerogative in Scripture XII If Mishpat Hamelech the manner of the King 1 Sam 8.11 be a Statute of Prerogative and prove all those Particulars to be the Right of the King then Mishpat Haccohanim the Priests custom of Sacrilegious Rapine Chap. 2.13 proves that to be the Right of the Priests the same word being used in both places XIII It is the Resolution
of all the Judges of England that even the known and undoubted Prerogative of the Iewish Kings do not belong to our Kings and that it is an absurd and impudent thing to affirm they do Coke 11. Rep. p. 63. Mich. 5. Iac. Note upon Sunday the Tenth of November in the same Term the King upon Complaint made to him by Bancroft Arch-bishop of Canterbury concerning Prohibitions was informed That when Question was made of what matters the Ecclesiastical Judges have Cognizance either upon the Exposition of the Statutes concerning Tythes or any other thing Ecclesiastical or upon the Statute 1 Eliz. concerning the High-Commisâ—ion or in any other case in which there is not express Authority by Law the King himself may decide it in his Royal Person and that the Judges are but the Delegates of the King and that the King may take what Causes he shall please to determine from the Determination of the Judges and may determine them himself And the Archâ—bishop said That this was clear in Divinity That such Authority belongs to the King by the Word of God in Scripture To which it was answered by me in the presence and with the clear consent of all the Justices of England and Barons of the Exchiquer That the King in his own Person cannot adjudg any Case either Criminal as Treason Felony c. but this ought to be determined and adjudged in some Court of Justice according to the Law and Custom of England And always Judgments are given Ideo consideratum est per Curiam so that the Court gives the Judgment And it was greatly marvelled that the Arch-bishop durst inform the King that such Absolute Power and Authority as is aforesaid belonged to the King by the Word of God. CHAP. III. Of OBEDIENCE I. NO Man has any more Civil Authority than what the Law of the Land has vested in him nor is he one of St. Paul's Higher Powers any farther or to any other purposes tâ—an the Law has impowered him II. An Usurped Illegal and Arbitrary Power is so far from bâ—ing the Ordinance of God that it is not the Ordinance of Man. III. Whoever opposes an Usurped Illegal and Arbitrary Power does not oppose the Ordinance of God but the Violation of that Ordinance IV. The 13 th of the Romans commands Subjection to our Temporal Governours because their Office and Imployment is for the Publick Welfare For he is the Minister of God to Thee for good Verse 4. V. The 13 th of the Hebrews commands Obedience to Spiritual Rulers because they watch for your Souls Verse 17. VI. But the 13 th of the Hebrews did not oblige the Martyrs and Confessors in Queen Mary's Time to obey such blessed Bishops as Bonner and the Beast of Rome who were the perfect Reverse of St. Paul's Spiritual Rulers and whose Practice was murdering of Souls and Bodies according to that true Character of Popery which was given it by the Bishops who compiled the Thanksgiving for the Fifth of November but Arch-Bishop Laud was wiser than they and in his time blotted it out The Prayer formerly ran thus To that end strengthen the Hands of our Gracious King the Nobles and Magistrates of the Land to cut off these Workers of Iniquity whose Religion is Rebellion whose Faith is Faction whose Practice is murthering of Souls and Bodies and to root them out of the Confines of this Kingdom VII All the Judges of England are bound by their Oath and by the Duty of their place to disobey all Writs Letters or Commands which are brought to them either under the Little Seal or under the Great Seal to hinder or delay common Right Are the Judges all bound in an Oath and by their Places to break the 13 th of the Romans VIII The Engagement of the Lords attending upon the King at York Iune 13. 1642. which was subscribed by the Lord Keeper and thirty nine Peers besides the Lord Chief Justice Banks and several others of the Privy-Council was in these words We do engage our selves not to obey any Orders or Commands whatsoever not warranted by the known Laws of the Land. Was this likewise an Association against the 13 th of the Romans IX A Constable represents the King's Person and in the Execution of his Office is within the purview of the 13 th of the Romans as all Men grant but in case he so far pervert his Office as to break the Peace and commit Murther Burglary or Robbery on the High-way he may and ought to be resisted X. The Law of the Land is the best Expositor of the 13 th of the Romans here and in Poland the Law of the Land there XI The 13 th of the Romans is received for Scripture in Poland and yet this is expressed in the Coronation-Oath in that Country Quod si Sacramentum meum violavero Incolae Regni nullam nobis Obedientiam praestare tenebuntur And if I shall violate my Oath the Inhabitants of the Realm shall not be bound to yield me any Obedience XII The Law of the Land according to Bracton is the highest of all the Higher Powers mentioned in this Text for it is Superiour to the King and made him King Lib. iii. cap. xxvi Rex habet Superiorem Deum item Legem per quam factus est Rex item Curiam suam viz. Comites Barones and therefore by this Text we ought to be subject to it in the first place And according to Melancthon It is the Ordinanee of God to which the Higher Powers themselves ought to subject Vol. iii. In his Commentary on the fifth Verse Wherefore ye must needs be subject not only for Wrath but also for Conscience sake He has these words Neque vero hac tantum pertinent ad Subditos sed etiam ad Magistratum qui cum fiunt Tyranni non minus dissipant Ordinationem Dei quam Seditiosi Ideo ipsorum Conscientia fit rea quia non obediunt Ordinationi Dei id est Legibus quibus debent parere Ideo Comminationes hic posite etiam ad ipsos pertinent Itaque hujus mandati severitas moveat omnes ne violalationem Politici status putent esse leve peccatum Neither doth this place concern Subjects only but also the Magistrates themselves who when they turn Tyrants do no less overthrow the Ordinance of God than the Seditious and therefore their Consciences too are guilty for not obeying the Ordinance of God that is the Laws which they ought to obey So that the Threatnings in this place do also belong to them wherefore let the Severity of this Command deter all Men from thinking the Violation of the Political Constitution to be a light Sin. Corolary To destroy the Law and-Legal Constitution which is the Ordinance of God by false and Arbitrary Expositions of this Text is a greater Sin than to destroy it by any other means For it is Seething the Kid in his Mothers Milk. CHAP. IV. Of LAWS I. THere is no natural
Obligation whereby one Man is bound to yield Obedience to another but what is founded in Paternal or Patriarchal Authority II. All the Subjects of a Patriarchal Monarch are Princes of the Blood. III. All the People of England are not Princes of the Blood. IV. No Man who is naturally free can be bound but by his own Act and Deed. V. Publick Laws are made by Publick Consent and they therefore bind every Man because every Man's Consent is involved in them VI. Nothing but the same Authority and Consent which made the Laws can repeal alter or explain them VII To judg and determine Causes against Law without Law or where the Law is obscure and uncertain is to assume Legislative Power VIII Power assumed without a Man's Consent cannot bind him as his own Act and Deed. IX The Law of the Land is all of a piece and the same Authority which made one Law made all the rest and intended to have them all impartially executed X. Law on one side is the Back-Sword of Justice XI The best things when corrupted are the worst and the wild Justice of a State of Nature is much more desirable than Law perverted and over-ruled into Hemlock and Oppression This Discourse of Magistracy c. and the former Reasons were written by the foresaid Mr. S. Iohnson The Definition of a TYRANT by the Learned and Loyal Abraham Cowley published by the present Lord Bishop of Rochester in his Discourse concerning the Government of Oliver Cromwel I Call him a Tyrant who either intrudes himself forcibly into the Government of his Fellow-Citizens without any Legal Authority over them or who having a just Title to the Government of a People abuses it to the destruction or tormenting of them So that all Tyrants are at the same time Usurpers either of the whole or at least of a part of that Power which they assume to themselves and no less are they to be accounted Rebels since no Man can usurp Authority over others but by rebelling against them who had it before or at least against those Laws which were his Superiours Several Queries proposed to the Sages of the Law who have studied to Advance the Publick equally with if not more than their own private Interest Q. I. WHether the Legislative Power be in the King only as in his Politick Capacity or in the King Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled If in the latter then Q. II. If the King grants a Charter and thereby great Franchises and Priviledges and afterwards the Grantees obtain an Act of Parliament for the Confirmation hereof is this the Grant of the King or of the Parliament If the latter as it seems to be because it is done by the whole and every part of the Legislative Power then Q. III. To whom can these Grantees forfeit this Charter And who shall take Advantage of the Forfeiture If the King then an Act of Parliament may be destroyed without an Act of Parliament If the Parliament only can call them to an Account then Q. IV. Of what Validity is a Iudgment pronounced under a colour of Law in B. R. against a Charter granted by Parliament If it be of any force then the King's Bench is Superior to the Legislative Power of the Kingdom If not then Q. V. What Reason can be assigned why it is not as safe to Act pursuant to an Act of Parliament notwithstanding a Iudgment entred in the King's Bench as it was to Act against an Act of Parliament before the Iudgment was entred And then Q. VI. Whether they that did the latter were not downright Knaves and whether they that refuse to do the former be not more nice than wise A LETTER TO THE KING When DUKE of YORK Perswading him to return to the Protestant Religion wherein the chief Errors of the Papists are exposed and the Tendency of their Doctrines to promote Arbitrary Government proved By an Old Cavalier and Faithful Son of the Church of England as Establish'd by Law. Illustrious Sir WHEN I look up to the Greatness of your Quality and down on my own meanness I cannot but tremble to make this Address so liable to be censur'd as presumptuous and obnoxious to variety of Misconstruction But since my Pen is guided by an Heart fill'd with profound Loyalty and Veneration towards all the Royal Family and a sincere respect and most passionate desires for the particular Prosperity Temporal and Eternal of your Royal Highness I cannot refrain discharging what I apprehended my Duty and therefore with good Esther finding not only my Country but your Highness also in such apparent I wish it may not prove inevitable hazard of Ruin am resolved to adventure forth and cast my poor weak Sentiments at your feet and If they perish they perish 'T is generally reported That you are long since turn'd Papist and so far believ'd That every day many hundred thousand Protestants are melted into Tears and Horror meerly on that Consideration and lament the same as one of the greatest Calamities that has happened in our Age. I must do my self so much Justice as to declaâ—e That I am none of those fanatical Spirits that either raise or lightly credit Rumours to the prejudice of my Superiors But besides what has been sworn by Persons whose Evidence none have hitherto been able to invalidate by any substantial Reasons or Incoherence in their Depositions your Highnesses Conduct and Deportment for many years past your absenting from the publick Worship of our Church Refusing legal Oaths and Tests your countenancing retaining an inâ—imate Correspondency with Roman Catholicks and many other Reasons not fit at least unnecessary here to be mention'd do all loudly speak it And for those who would go about to deny it as some wretched Pamphlet-scriblers and unthinking Health-drinkers have done besides the folly of the attempt they unwarily cast a greater load of Ignominy and Dishonour on your Highness whilst they pretend to vindicate you For is it imaginable That a Prince of your Generosity and Prudence would so far suffer the Affairs of your Royal Brother to be imbroil'd His Councils discompos'd all the Protestants in the World swallowed up with Astonishment and almost despair your own Honour fullied your Interest impaired and these Three Kingdoms put into a deplorable Distraction meerly upon a false supposition without rectifying in all this time their mistake by some real Demonstrations to the contrary If such a Capricio should sway with your Highness what were it but to render you the worst Subject the most unkind Brother the most Impolitick Prince and the maddest or most monstrous Man in the World I shall therefore take it for granted and consequently must tho' with all Humility and a Sorrow inexpressible direct my Discourse to your Highness as an Apostate from the Protestant Faith and if I am mistaken 't is your Highness has led not only me but almost all the World into that Error I am not insensible of my own weakness and
and Setled in the Kingdom by the General Election of the People and in his Life-time the Nation was Sworn to the Succession of Edward the First before he went to the Holy Land. Edward the First being out of England by the Consent of Lords and Commons was declared King. Edward the Second being misled and relying too much upon his Favourites was Deposed and his Son was declared King in his Life-time Richard the Second for his evil Government had the Fate of the Second Edward Henry the Fourth came in by Election of the People to whom Succeeded Henry the Fifth and Henry the Sixth in whose time Richard Duke of York claimed the Crown and an Act of Parliament was made that Henry the Sixth should enjoy the Crown for his Life and the said Duke after him after which King Henry raises an Army by Assistance of the Queen and Prince and at Wakefield in Battel kills the Duke for which 1 Ed. 4. they were all by Act of Parliament Attainted of Treason and one principal Reason thereof was for that the Duke being declared Heir to the Crown after Henry by Act of Parliament they had killed him Edward the Fourth enters the Stage and leaves Ed. 5. to Succeed to whom Succeeds Richard the Third Confirmed King by Act of Parliament upon Two Reasons First That by reason of a Precontract of Edward the Fourth Edward the Fifth his Eldest Son and all his other Children were Bastards Secondly For that the Son of the Duke of Clarence second Brother to Edward the Fourth had no Right because the Duke was Attainted of Treason by a Parliament of Ed. the 4 th Henry the Seventh comes in but had no Title First Because Edward the Fourth's Daughter was then living Secondly His own Mother the Countess of Richmond was then living After him Henry the Eighth wore the Crown who could have no Title by the Father in his time the Succession of the Crown was Limitted several times and the whole Nation Sworn to the Observance Sir Thomas Moor declared That the Parliament had a Power to bind the Succession which was declared to be Law by 13 Eliz. cap. 1. and made a Praemunire to hold the contrary Edward the Sixth succeeded but his Mother was married to King Henry while Ann of Cleve his Wife was living Queen Mary was declared a Bastard and by Vertue of an Act of Parliament of Henry the Eighth she Succeeded which Act being Repealed in the First of her Reign and the Crown being Limitted otherwise by Parliament all the Limitations of the Crown in King Henry the Eighth's Reign were avoided so that Queen Elizabeth who was declared a Bastard by Act of Parliament in Henry the Eighth's time and limitted to Succeed in another Act in his time and that Act repealed by Queen Mary became Queen in the force of her own Act of Parliament which declares her Lawful Queen The Crown was Entail'd in Richard the Second's time again in the time of Henry the Fourth again in the time of Henry the Sixth again in the time of Edward the Fourth again in the time of Richard the Third again in the time of Henry the Seventh Thrice in the time of Henry the Eighth And upon the Marriage of Queen Mary to King Philip of Spain both the Crowns of England and Spain were Entailed whereby it was provided that of the several Children to be Begotten upon the Queen one was to have the Crown of England another Spain another the Low-Countries the Articles of Marriage to this purpose were Confirmed by Act of Parliament and the Pope's Bull. So that it was agreed by the States of both Kingdoms and the Low-Countries and therefore probably the Universal Opinion of the Great Men of that Age That Kings and Sovereign Princes with the Consent of their States had a Power to Alter and Bind the Succession of the Crown and never denied to be Law till the Reign of King Charles the Second True it is that this Doctrine doth not go down well with those that do pretend to Prerogative added as they say by the Act of Recognition made to King Iames and the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance which do make so much talk conceâ—ning Inheritance and Heirs But let these Gentlemen consider that the Act of Recognition made no Law for the future nor doth the same cross the Statute of 13 Eliz. nor doth it take away the power of the Parliament from over-ruling the Course of the Common-Law for after-Ages Nor do the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy hold forth any such Obligation unto Heiâ—s otherwise than as supposing them to be Successors and in that Relation only And therefore was no such Allegiance due to Edward the Sixth Queen Mary or Queen Elizabeth until they were actually possest of the Crown as may appear by the Oath forced by the Statute of H. 8. touching their Succession Nor did the Law suppose any Treason could be acted against the Heirs of Ed. 6. Queen Mary or Queen Eliz. until these Heirs were actually possest of the Crown and so were Kings and Queens as by the express words in the several Statutes do appear Nor did the Recognition by the Parliament made to Queen Elizabeth declare any engagement to the People to assist and defend Her and the Heirs of Her Body otherwise than with this Limitation being Kings and Queens of this Realm as by the Statute in that behalf made doth appear Moreover had these Oaths been otherwise understood the Crown had by virtue of them been preingaged so as it could never have Descended to Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth or King Iames but must have remained to the Heirs of Edward the Sixth for ever A Narrative of the Miseries of new-New-England by reason of an Arbitrary Government Erected there THat a Colony so considerable as New-England is should be discouraged is not for the Honour and Interest of the English Nation in as much as the People there are generally Sober Industrious Well-Disciplin'd and apt for Martial Affairs so that he that is Sovereign of New-England may by means thereof when he pleaseth be Emperor of America Nevertheless the whole English Interest in that Territory has been of late in apparent danger of being lost and ruined and the Miseries of that People by an Arbitrary Government erected amongst them have been beyond Expression great The original of all which has been the Quo Warranto's issued out against their Charâ—ers by means whereof they have been deprived of their ancient Rights and Priviledges As for the Massachusets Colony whose Patent beareth date from the Year 1628. There was in the Year 1683 a Quo Warranto and after that in the Year 1684 a Writ of Scire Facias against them and they were required to make their appearance at Westminster in October which they knew nothing of till the month before so that it was impossible for them to answer at the time appointed yet Judgment was entred against them Plimouth Colony
after they had enjoyed their first Government above threescore years without so much as a preâ—ence of Misgovernment alledged had all their Priviledges at once taken from them There was a Quo Warranto against Conecticot Colony whose Charter was granted to them by King Charles the Second only Letters were sent to them in the King's Name signifying that in case they did resign their Charter they should take their choice of being under New-York or Boston Several of the Magistrates there returned a most humble and supplicatory Answer praying That their former Government might still continue but that if it must be taken from them they had rather be under Boston than New-York This was by some at Court interpreted a Resignation of their Charter and a Commission sent to Sir Edmond Andross who went with some armed Attendants to Hartford their principal Town and declared their Charter and former Government to be void As for Road-Island they submitted themselves to His Majesties pleasure Before these Changes happened New-England was of all the Foreign Plantations their Enemies themselves being Judges the most flourishing and deâ—irable But their Charters being all one way or other declared to be void and insignificant it was an easy matter to erect a French Government in that part of the King's Dominions no doubt intended by the Evil Counsellors as a Specimen of what was designed to be here in England as soon as the times would bear it Accordingly Sir Edmond Andross a Gernsey-man was pitched on as a fit Instrument to be made use of and a most Illegal Commission given him bearing date Iune 3 1686 by which he with four of his Council perhaps all of them his absolute Devotees are impower'd to make Laws and raise Moneys on the Kings Subjects without any Parliament Assembly or Consent of the People It was thought by Wise Men that the Remembrance of Dudley and Empson who were in the days of King Henry the Eighth executed for acting by a like Commission would have deterred them from doing so But it did not for Laws are made by a few of them and indeed what they please nor are they printed as was the Custom in the former Governments so that the People are at a great loss to know what is Law and what not Only one Law they are sensible of which doth prohibit all Town-Meetings excepting on a certain Day once a Year whereas the Inhabitants have occasion to meet once a Month sometimes every Week for relief of the Poor or other Town-Affairs But it is easy to penetrate into the Design of this Law which was no Question to keep them in every Town from complaining to England of the Oppression they are under And as Laws have been Established so Moneys have been Raised by the Government in a most Illegal and Arbitrary way without any consent of the People Sir Edmond Andross caused a Tax to be leavied of a Penny in a Pound on all the Towns then under his Government And when at Ipswich and other places the Select Men as they are there stiled voted That inasmuch as it was against the Common Priviledges of English Subjects to have Money raised without their own Consent in an Assembly or Parliament That therefore they would petition the King for liberty of an Assembly before they made any Rates the said Sir Edmond Andross caused them to be Imprisoned and Fined some 20 l. some 30 l. and some 50 l. as the Judges by him instructed should see meet to determine Yea and several Gentlemen in the Country were Imprisoned and bound to their Good Behaviour upon meer suspicion that they did incourage their Neighbours not to comply with these Arbitrary Proceedings And that so they might be sure to effect their Pernicious Designs they have caused Juries to be pick'd of Men who are not of the Vicinity and some of them meer Strangers in the Country and no Freeholders which actings are highly Illegal One of the former Magistrates was committed to Prison without any Crimes laid to his Charge and there kept half a Year without any Fault and tho he petitioned for a Habeas Corpus it was denied him Also inferiour Officers have extorted what Fees they please to demand contrary to all Rules of Reason and Justice They make poor Widows and Fatherless pay 50 s. for the Probate of a Will which under the former easy Government would not have been a Tenth part so much Six Persons who had been illegally imprisoned were forced to give the Officers 117 l. whenas upon Computation they found that here in England their Fees would not have amounted to 10 l. in all And yet these things tho bad enough are but a very small part of the Misery which that poor People have been groaning under since they have been governed by a Dispotick and Absolute Power For their new Masters tell them that their Charter being gone their Title to their Lands and Estates is gone therewith and that All is the Kings and that They represent the King and that therefore all Persons must take Patents from them and give what they see meet to impose that so they may enjoy the Houses which their own Hands have built and the Lands which at vast Charges in subduing a Wilderness they have for many Years had a rightful possession of as ever any People in the World had or can have Accordingly the Governor ordered the Lands belonging to some in Charles-Town to be measured out given to his Creatures and Writs of Intrusion to be issued out against others And the Commons belonging to several Towns have been given to some of the Governours Council who begged them to the impoverishing if not utter ruining of whole Townships And when an Island belonging to the Town of Plimouth was petitioned away from them by one Nathaniel Clark whom Sir Edmond Andross made his Property because the Agents of the said Town obtained a voluntary Subscription to maintain their Title at Law they were compelled to come not only out of their own Country but Colony to Boston to answer there as Criâ—inals at the next Assizes and bound to their good Behaviour The Officers in the mean time extorting 3 l. per Man for Fees. These were the miserable Effects of New-England's being deprived of their Charters and with them of their English Liberties They have not been altogether negligent as to endeavours to obtain some relief in their sorrowful Bondage for several Gentlemen desired Increase Mather the Rector of the Colledge at Cambridge in New-England to undertake a Voyage for England to see what might be done for his distressed Country which Motion he complied with and in Iune the 1 st 1688 he had the favour to wait on the King and privately to acquaint him with the enslaved and perishing Eâ—tate of his Subjects in new-New-England The King was very gracious and kind in his Expressions then and often after promising to give them ease as to their Complaints and Fears Amongst other things
the said Mather caused a Petition from the Town of Cambridge in new-New-England to be humbly presented to His Mâ—jesâ—y which because it doth express the Deplorable Condition of thaâ— People it shall be here inserted To the King 's Most Excellent Majesty The Petition and Address of John Gibson aged about 87 and George Willow aged about 86 Years as also on the behalf of their Neighbours the Inhabitants of Cambridge in new-New-England In most humble wise sheweth THat Your Majesty's good Subjects with much hard Labour and great Disbursements have subdued a Wilderness built our Houses and planted Orchards being incouraged by our indubitable Right to the Soil by the Royal Charter granted unto the First Planters together with our Purchase of the Natives as also by sundry Letters and Declarations sent to the late Governour and Company from His late Majesty Your Royal Brother assuring us of the full enjoyment of our Properties and Possessions as is more especially contained in the Declaration sent when the Quo Warranto was issued out against our Charter But we are necessitated to make this our Moan and Complaint to Your Excellent Majesty for that our Title is now questioned to our Lands by us quietly possessed for near sixty Years and without which we cannot subsist Our humble Address to our Governour Sir Edmond Andross shewing our just Title long and peaceable possession together with our Claim of the benefit of Your Majesty's Letters and Declarations assuring all Your good Subjects that they shall not be molested in their Properties and Possessions not availing Royal Sir We are a poor People and have no way to procure Money to defend our Cause in the Law nor know we of Friends at Court and therefore unto Your Royal Majesty as the publick Father of all your Subjects do we make this our humble Address for â—elief beseeching Your Majesty graciously to pass Your Royal Act for the Confirmation of Your Majesty's Subjects here in our Poâ—sessions to us derived from our late Governour and Company of this Your Majesty's Colony We now humbly cast our selves and distressed Condition of our Wives and Children at Your Majesty's Feet and conclude with the saying of Queen Esther If we Perish we Perish Thus that Petition Besides this Mr. Inc. Mather with two New-England Gentlemen presented a Petition and humble Proposals to the King wherein they prayed that the Right which they had in their Estates before the Government was changed might be confirmed And that no Laws might be made or Moneys raised without an Assembly with sundry other particulars which the King referred to a Committee for Foreign Plantations who ordered them into the Hands of the Attorney-General to make his Report The Clerk William Blathwait sent to the Attorney-General a Copy wherein the Essential Proposal of an Assembly was wholly left out And being spoke to about it he said the Earl of Sunderland blotted out that with his own Hand likewise a Soliciter in this Cause related that the said Earl of Sunderland affirmed to him that it was by his Advice that the King had given a Commission to Sir Edmond Andross to raise Moneys without an Assembly and that he knew the King would never consent to an Alteration nor would he propose it to His Majesty When of late all Charters were restored to England it was highly rational for New-England to expect the like for if it be an illegal and unjust thing to deprive good Subjects here of their Antient Rights and Liberties it cannot be consistent with Justice and Equity to deal so with those that are afar off Applications therefore were made to the King and to some Ministers of State. It was urged that if a Foreign Prince or State should during the present Troubles send a Frigate to new-New-England and promise to protect them as under their former Government it would be an unconquerable temptation yet no Restoration of Charters would be granted to New-England which has opened the Eyes of some thinking Men. Thus hath New-England been dealt with This hath been and still is the bleeding state of that Country They cannot but hope that England will send them speedy Relief especially considering that through the ill Conduct of their present Rulers the French Indians are as the last Vessels from thence inform beginning their cruel Butcheries amongst the English in those parts And many have fears that there is a design to deliver that Country into the Hands of the French King except his Highness the Prince of Orange whom a Divine Hand has raised up to deliver the Oâ—pressed shall happily and speedily prevent it FINIS A SEVENTH Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England VIZ. I. Proposals humbly offered in behalf of the Princess of Orange II. The Heads of an Expedient proposed by the Court-Party to the Parliament at Oxford in lieu of the Bill for Excluding the Duke of York III. An Account of the Irregular Actions of the Papists in the Raign of King Iames the Second with a Method proposed to rid the the Nation of them IV. The Present Convention a Parliament V. A Letter to a Member of the Convention VI. An Answer to the Author of the Letter to a Member of the Convention Licensed and Entred according to Order London printed and are to be sold by Richard Ianeway in Queen's-head-Court in Pater-noster-Row 1689. Proposals humbly offered in behalf of the Princess of Orange Jan. 28. IT is a Maxim of the Law of England concerning the Government That there is no Interregnum Of necessity there must be a Change in the Person yet there is a Continuation of the Government Which shews the Prudence and Perfection of the Constitution in preventing that which of all things is most Deplorable a Failure of Government This Rule is therefore of that Importance as not to be given up upon the trivial Saying of Nemo est haeres viventis 'T is true the common and ordinary cause of a Change in the Person that is invested with the Royal Authority is Death But we are now in a rare and extraordinary Case where the King is living and yet may be said to be divested of the Royal Office as having by his Encroachments upon the Peoples Rights provoked them to resort to Arms and being vanquished by that Force followed with a total Defection from him and his Relinquiâ—hing the Kingdom thereupon without providing any ways for the Administration of the Government This seems to be a Cesser of this Government and may in Civil and Politick Construction amount to as much as if he had died But because this is a Cess of that nature that requires a Judgment to be made upon it it seems necessary to have a Convention of the Estates of the Nation to make a Declaration thereupon for 't is not for private Persons to determine in the Cases aforesaid how or when the King has lost his Government and till such Authoritative Declaration made the King may be supposed in
some kind of possession of the Kingly Office. Bâ—t after the Judgment made and declared there seems to be no dâ—fference in the consequence and result of the thing between such an extraordinary case of the Cesser of the Royal Dignity and the case of Death or voluntary Resignation or as if the King had been prosest and made himself a Recluse in a Religious House Then it must devolve upon the next Heir her Royal Highness the Princess of Orange As to the pretended Prince of Wales if there had been no Suspicions as to his Birth as there are many violent ones yet his being conveyed into unknown Places by Persons in whom no credit can be reposed and at an Age which exposes him to all manner of Practices and Impostures touching his Person then can there hereafter be no manner of Certainty of him so as to induce the Nation ever to consider any Pretence of that kind These things being considered First Whether will not the declaring her Royal Highness Queen of England as next in Succession be the surest and beâ—t Foundation to begin our Settlement upon rather than upon a groundless Conceit of the Government being devolved to the People and so they to proceed to Elect a King Secondly If that Conceit of devolving to the People be admitted Whether must we not conclude that the Misgovernment of King Iames the Second hath not only determin'd his Roylaty but put a period to the Monarchy it self And then 't is not only a loss as to his Person but to the whole Royal Family Thirdly Whether those Persons that have started this Notion upon pretence of giving the Nation an opportunity of gratifying his Highness the Prince of Orange in proportion to his Merits which it must be acknowledged no Reward can exceed if they were searched to the bottom did not do it rather to undermine this Ancient and Hereditary Monarchy and to give an Advantage to their Republican Principles than out of any Affection and Gratitude to his Highness For if the latter was that they had tâ—e chief respect to would it not be the more proper way to declare her Royal Highness Queen which will immediately put the Nation under a regular Constitution and posture of Government Then it will be capable of expressing its Gratitude to the Prince of Orange in matters touching even the Royal Dignity it self without making such a Stroke upon the Government as the Electing of a King or making any other immediate Alteration in the right of the Monarchy before the Parliament is compleated and constituted in all its parts must amount unto The Heads of the EXPEDIENT proposed by the Court-party to the Parliament at Oxford in lieu of the Bill for excluding the Duke of York I. THAT the Duke of York be banish'd during his Life five hundred Miles from England Scotland and Ireland and the Dominions and Territories to them belonging II. That the whole Government both Ecclesiastical and Civil shall upon the demise of the King be vested in a Regent for such time as the Duke of York shall survive III. That the Regent be the Princess of Orange and in case of her Decease without Issue or with Issue in Minority then the Lady Ann. IV. That if the Duke have a Son educated a Protestant then the said Princesses respectively shall succeed in the Regency during the Minority of such Son and no longer Which obviates an incurable Absurdity in the former Bill of Exclusion V. That the Regent nominate the Privy-Council and they to be or not to be approved in Parliament as shall be judged safest upon directing the drawing up of this intended Act. VI. That notwithstanding these Kingdoms out of respect to the Royal Family and Monarchy it self may be governed by the said Regent in the Name â—nd Stile of Iames the Second c. yet it shall by this intended Act be made Capital for any to take up Arms on his behalf or by a Commission not signed by the said Regent or not granted by lawful Authority derived from and under such Regent or to maintain an Opinion that the retaining the said Name and Stile shall in this case purge the disabilities imposed by this Act or elude the force thereof VII That Commissioners be forthwith sent to the Prince and Princess of Orange to take their Oaths that they will take upon them the execution of this Act and that their Oaths be here recorded VIII That all Officers Civil and Military forthwith take Oaths to observe this Act and so all others from time to time as in the Act for the Test. IX That his Majesty would graciously declare to call a Parliament in Scotland in order to the passing the like Act there and recommend the same and the like to be done in Ireland if thought necessary X. That in case the said Duke shall come into any of these Kingdoms then he shall be ipso facto totally excluded and shall suffer as in the former Bill and the Sovereignty shall be forthwith intirely vested in the Regent upon such his coming into any of these Kingdoms XI That all considerable Papists be banish'd by Name XII That their fraudulent Conveyances be defeated XIII That their Children be educated in the Protestant Religion By these means these three Kingdoms will be united in defence of the Protestant Religion his Majesty's Person and Government and a sure Foundation laid of an effectual League with Holland and consequently with the rest of Christendom in opposition to the growing Greatness of France ☞ 'T was thought fit to reprint this Expedient that the Reader may compare it with the Bill of Exclusion which may be seen at large in the Debates of the House of Commons lately published and judg which was the greatest Evil of the two viz. that which would have set the Duke aside and given him liberty to live where he pleased or that which would have strip'd him of all Power and banish'd him 500 Miles off and left him only the Name of a King. An Excellent Expedient indeed An Account of the irregular Actions of the Papists in the Reign of King James the Second With a Method proposed how to rid the Nation of them By a Person of Quality THE dreadful Revolutions Plots and Conspiracies which have been promoted by the Roman Catholicks in England since the Resormation are of that nature and have caused such fearful Convulsions in our Church and State that it is a great Argument of the Goodness and Providence of God that we have been able to bear so many Shocks and to avoid so many deep Designs as have now twice within the memory of Man brought us to the brinks of Ruin. We must be very impious or very stupid if our last Deliverance has not been able to make us adore the boundless Goodness of God towards us his sinful and unthankful Servants he having defeated the Hopes and totally overthrown the Contrivances of that restless implacable persidious Faction when they seemed
of the Law of Nature did not press us at this time to come to some speedy and pertinent Determinations as to the business especially of settling the Government that Nicety which seems to be promoted and set afoot in all our Counsels might considering the Weightiness of the business in hand rather claim the just Commendation and Applauses of every good Man than as it seems now fall under their Censure and I may say Indignation If the matter debated were extraneous and the Kingdom within it self peaceably and firmly settled if the Circumstances of our Affairs were ordinary and usual and could admit of an unlimited time for their Decision if we were secure from injurious Resolutions of our Enemies abroad or from the private Machinations of disaffected Persons at home If these â—hings were so it were worthy the Wisdom of those who by their unseasonable Scruples so generally resolv'd against and now again by them started may seem either ignorant of the desperate languishing condition of these Kingdoms at present or prejudic'd and dis-affected to the Eâ—ace and Settlement of them for the future I say it were then worthy the Wisdom of these Men to dissect every particular of so important an Affair before they made any Determination of the General As we all acknowledg the extraordinary Circumstances of this Juncture so they themselves have not been a little contributing to this happy Revolution The Prince's first Declaration tells us he had the Invitation of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal Was it Justice and agreeable to Conscience then to call for Foreign Arms to assist us against our own King in the recovery of those Rights Liberties and Properties which contrary to Law he had invaded and taken from us And is it now become a Scruple in those same Consciences to be confirm'd in those Rights c. by the same Arms and Power Is that pretended absolute unlimited Power which in their Prayers and Sermons they have so often nibbled at and endavoured to retrench now in its just Debasement become so Inviolable and Sacred that it must become a Point of Faith entirely to submit to it Has this small fit of Fear and Discouragement in our implacable Enemies so well secur'd us from any future Enchroachments that we need not be careful of any further Assurance Has these Men's Re-embellish'd Honours so obliterated the Memory of the Dangers some of them so lately have escap'd and the rest justly fear'd as to free them from all Apprehensions for the future What is it these Gentlemen would be at what do they fear Is it without Reason without Justice without Precedent that we desire to be everlastingly secur'd from Popery Slavery Not without Reason for when we have seen many of our fairest Branches lopp'd off many of our Liberties invaded many of our Laws perverted and the Axe at last laid to the Root of our Government 't is high time then I say to provide for our our Safety and to put a stop to that Current which would have quickly over-run and drowned us Not without Justice for where my Life and Property is hunted after and assaulted I may by the Law of God and Man â—epel the Injury and stand in my own Vindication Not without Precedent even in Protestant Kingdoms not to mention the Romanists who both teach and practise the Deposing of evil and wicked Magistrates and though in England we may perhaps think the Changes we have very lately seen among our selves admit of no Precedent it may easily be prov'd that which hath been done of late in this Nation hath been in great part formerly presented and allowed of upon Foreign Stages yea and not many Years out of the Memory of some yet living if we would but look into the Actions of other Regions and those too wherein the Reform'd Religion is professed we shall find that they by their publick Records acknowledged that in case of Tyranny and Oppression it was lawful not only to defend their Lives and Liberties against all Assaults but reduce and declare the Persons so offending incapable of holding the Government A lively Example of this and almost exactly parallel with ours was the Case of Sigismond the Third Hereditary King of Sweden who by a Convention of the States of that Kingdom was Excluded even with his Heirs a Severity which both the Honourable Houses of Parliament here have with great Justice and Wisdom declined from that Crown for ever Some of the Articles drawn up against him were these First For swerving from their received Christian Religion as also from his Oath and Promise and Solemn Engagement made to his People at his Coronation to preserve their Rights and Priviledges as also their Holy Reform'd Religion Inviolated For departing the Country without the Consent and unwilling to the States and Orders of the Realm For exporting several Acts of great Concernment out of the Cancellarie For prosecuting such as would not embrace or favour the Romish Superstition For contemning and endeavouring to undermine and annul those laudable Institutions and Laws made for the Security of the Realm and the Establishment of the Protestant Reformed Religion For raising up what Enemies he could against his Native Country thereby to involve his Subjects in a Deluge of Blood which he intended and had almost effected For inhumanely designing and suborning Russians and Villains to Murder and Assassinate one of the chief Nobles for no other Reason but that out of Conscience and Duty he would have perswaded him from those Irregularities and notorious Breaches of the known Laws of the Land. For these and many more Causes as the sending his Son out of the Land without the Consent of the States and causing him to be brought up and educated in the Romish Superstition did the Swedes submitting the same to the Judgment of all sincere and candid Arbitratours justify their Abdication for ever of King Sigismond the Third and his Heirs from the Crown of Sweden c. and proceeded strait to the Constituting and Electing of Charles Duke of Sudermannia vid. Spanheim 's Hist. of Sweden c. And in conclusion they pray for and doubt not of a candid Construction a benign and favourable Acceptation from all Christian Emperors Kings Princes States c. of this their Legitimate Defence and to vindicate them and their most equal Cause from all Calumny or eâ—il Interpretation whatsoever The Circumstances relating to this present Juncture in England bear so near a resemblance almost in all these Grievances objected against the said Sigismond that our late King by a sort of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to have breath'd his Soul rather than to have copy'd after him though indeed in some Cases he has plainly out-done the Original especially in relation to his supposed Son. And as our King thought fit to Copy a King of Sweden I cannot apprehend how it can lessen our Judgments or Integrity our Piety or our Loyalty to follow the Example of the Swedes excepting
in the case of the Lawful Heirs whom every good Englishman and Protestant to their utmost Danger and Peril are ready to defend and maintain to take such Measures for our future Security and lawful Establishment as shall not by any Humane Art or Endeavour be liable to Interruption But as Precedents are least satisfactory or least confronting to obstinate Opposers where they make only for one party A Popish Sigismund deposed for Male-Administration in a Protestant Kingdom may not perhaps be allowed to carry its sufficient Justification with the Romanists and therefore the Tables ought to be turn'd and the Ballance made by Parallels of their own side the most prudent way of combating and securing a Victory in this matter being to lay the Scene of War in the Enemies Country To confute therefore and silence all the Romish Pretensions of Disgust and Murmur against the Injustice of such a Deprivation from Examples of Popish Deposals of Male-administring Protestants we 'll begin with Henry of Navarre afterwards Henry the Fourth of France The famous Holy League enter'd into by the Pope himself and so many potent Allies together with all the Romish Subjects of Franâ—e against that undoubted Heir of the Crown of France and at that time by succession the rightful King is so notoriously known to the World that all the tedious Particulars of the History would be impertinent Let it suffice here was a Prince the unquestion'd Inheritor of the Crown of France actually by all Open and Hostile Means and all such Hostility avowed and abetted and his very Birth-right fore-closed by the Pope himself opposed and denied his Accession to the Throne for no other Unqualifications but be a Hugonot that is of a Perswasion contrary to the Establish'd and Regnant Romish Religion in France being in all other Respects acknowledged a most excellent Prince Insomuch that after all other ineffectual Endeavours of recovering his Birth-right he had no means left to repeal his Exclusion and Debarment from the Throne but by his Abjuration of the Reformed Religion and return to the Romish Worship This Case of Henry the Fourth instead of a Parallel to ours does not come up to half the Justification of the present Measures of England For here was a Soveraign Prince under Deprivation for no other Default but his meer Religion for this Henry the Fourth being then but in his Entrance to the Empire if truly that was consequently yet at least whatever they might fear under no Dilemmas of the least breach of Compact with his People no Forfeitures for Male-Administration or Violation of the Laws of the Land or Rights of his Subjects their Dangers as then being only Apprehensions If therefore the meer private Opinion of a Crowned Head different from the Establish'd Religion of the Land has been of weight enough it self alone in their own Scales to oversway the Birth-Right of Princes and make a Bar to Empire and that too so solemnly confirmed and ratified even by the Sanction Apostolick the Decretals of Rome it self What Objections or Allegations can our Romish Disputants whether Foreign or Domestick make against the like Bar in Empire after so notorious an actual Male-Administration in the present Case of England such too visible Ruptures of the Laws of the Land and in defiance of all Obligations of Engagements Covenant Word Honour or OATHS themselves The next Example I shall point them to is that of the late Portuguese King who by the Ordinance of the States of Portugal ratified by the Pope's Assent was dethroned and his Brother invested with the Soveraignty and not only that but his Queen too taken from him Divorced and by a Dispensation married to his Brother The Grounds of this Deposal being only this that the King was sometimes taken with Delirious Fits. If such a Personal Infirmity was ground sufficient to displace the Crown Have not the Peopâ—e or Community of England in Convention asseâ—bled as much Right on their Side for the Deposal of a King for a far greater Infirmity of the two a more violent Madness his loâ—g tried and radicated Incapacity of being held either by the Bonds or Ties of Honour Laws or Oaths There being this infinite Difference between the Outrages of the one and the other as that a Prince so bigotted resolved for the Introduction right or wrong of his own Religion is the more Dangerous Frantick For his Superstitious Frency may push him to Violences that will hurt whole Nations whereas the Outrages of the other can be only Personal And if the Hands of the Lunatick Portuguese were thought Just to be tied up with no less Shackles than taking both his Kingdom and Queen away from him who shall Arraign the Wisdom of the English for depriving their King of his Kingdom much good may do him with his Queen under an infinite larger Capacity and more dangerous propensity to Mischief And for so doing what Warrant shall they want when the present unforced Desertion of the King and quitting the Helm has put the Power of Decision in that Point into their own Hands and lost him all Right of Appeal against the Alienation I shall venter to add one last Consideration viz. The Bull of Pope Pius Quintus against Queen Elizabeth by which the Pope deprives her of all Title to the Imperial Crown and all Dominion Dignity and Priviledg whatever declaring that all the Nobility Subjects and People of England and all others which have in any sort sworn unto her to be for ever absolved from any such Oath and all manner of Duty of Dominion Allegiance and Obedience c. and all forbidden to obey her or her Motions Mandates or Laws upon pain of Anathema Vide Bishop of Lincoln's Brutum Fulmen p. 6. I recite this unjust Deposal of a Lawful Queen by the pretended Authority of the Pope no other than to let the World know that the Romish Party have the least Reason in Nature to complain of the Deprivation of Princes They whose Infallible Guides can so insolently and arbitrarily place or displace Crown'd Heads not to mention the Illegality of the Pope's Interposition in the Affair in any kind for only acting by Law in Matters of Religious Changes for such were all Ecclesiastick Alterations of that Queen by the unquestion'd Authority of Acts of Parliament can be but ill furnish'd with Arguments against the present Deprivation enacted by the whole Community of England for such violent Measures and Foundations already form'd and begun for the subversion of Church and State against all Law. Reasons humbly offer'd for placing his Highness the Prince of Orange singly in the Throne during his Life I. IT will be a clear Assertion of the Peoples Right Firm Evidence of a Contract Broken and a sure Precedent to all Ages when after a most Solemn Debate the Estates of England Declare That the King having Abdicated the Government and the Throne thereby Legally Vacant They think fit to Fill it again with One who is
Conscience sake If his Majesty now of Great Britain out of some deep Sense that he being a Roman Catholick cannot rule and be true to his Religion which he may suppose does oblige him to an Establishment thereof by all the ways and means of his Church though never so destructive to ours but it will be to the Hurt not Good of us who are Protestants hath been pleased to withdraw himself from his Government to make us more quiet and happy We are in all Gratitude to acknowledg his Piety Goodness and Condescention to be so much as very few of his Subjects could ever have suspected But if it be out of another Mind he hath done it We have still more Reason to bless Almighty God who does often serve his Providence by Mens Improvidence and cutting off Mens Ends from their Means he uses their Means to his own Ends when he is pleased to work Deliverance for a People as he hath at this Season so graciously and wonderfully done for Us that there is nothing more needful even to the most scrupulous Conscience than an humble and awful Acquiescence in the Divine Counsel to give Satisfaction in this Matter King IAMES the First his Opinion of a KING of a TYRANT and of the English Laws Rights and Priviledges In two Speeches The First to the Parliament 1603 the Second 1609. In his Speech to the Parliament 1603 he expresseth himself thus I Do acknowledg that the special and greatest Point of difference that is betwixt a Rightful King and an Usurping Tyrant is in this That whereas the proud and ambitious Tyrant doth think his Kingdom and People are only ordained for satisfaction of his Desires and unreasonable Appetites The Righteous and Iust King doth by the contrary acknowledg himself to be Ordained for the procuring of the Wealth and Prosperity of his People and that his great and principal worldly Felicity must consist in their Prosperity If you be Rich I cannot be Poor if you be Happy I cannot but be Fortunate And I protest your Welfare shall ever be my greatest Care and Contentment And that I am a Servant it is most true that as I am Head and Governour of all the People in my Dominion who are my natural Subjects considering them in distinct Ranks So if we will take in the People as one Body then as the Head is ordained for the Body aâ—d not the Body for the Head so must a Righteous King know himself to be ordained for his People and not his People for Him. Wherefore I will never be ashamed to confess it my principal Honour to be the great Servant of the Common-Wealth and ever think the Prosperity thereof to be my greatest Felilicity c. In his Speech to the Parliament March 21. 1609 he expresseth himself thus IN these our Times we are to distinguish betwixt the State of Kings in the first Original and between the State of settled Kings and Monarchs that do at this Time Govern in Civil Kingdoms For even as God during the Time of the Old Testament spake by Oracles and wrought by Miracles yet how soon it pleased him to settle a Church which was Bought and Redeemed by the Blood of his only Son Christ then was there a Cessation of both He ever after governing his Church and People within the Limits of his revealed Will. So in the first Original of Kings whereof some had their beginning by Conquest and some by Election of the People their Wills at that Time served for a Law yet how soon Kingdoms began to be settled in Civility and Policy then did Kings set down their Minds by Laws which are properly made by the King only but at the Rogation of the People the King 's Grant being obtained thereunto and so the King came to be Lex loquens a speaking Law after a sort binding himself by a double Oath to the Observation of the Fundamental Laws of his Kingdom Tacitly as by being a King and so bound to protect as well the People as the Laws of his Kingdom and expresly by his Oath at his Coronation So as every just King in a settled Kingdom is bound to observe that Paction made to his People by his Laws in framing his Government agreeable thereunto according to that Paction which God made with Noah after the Deluge Hereafter Seed-time and Harvest Summer and Winter Cold and Heat Day and Night shall not cease so long as the Earth remains And â—herefore a King Governing in a settled Kingdom leaves to be a King and degenerâ—tes into a Tyrant as soon as he leaves off to rule according to his Laws In which Case the King's Conscience may speak unto him as the poor Widow said to Philip of Macedon Either Govern according to your Law aut ne Rex â—is or cease to be King and tho no Christian Man ought to allow any Rebellion of People against their Prince yet doth God never leave Kings unpunished when they transgress these Limits For in that same Psalm where God saith to Kings Vos Dii estis Ye are Gods He immediately thereafter conclude But ye shall die like Men The higher we are placed the greater shall our Fall be Vt casus sic dolor as the Fall so the Griâ—f the taller the Trees be the more in danger of the Wind and the Tempest beats sorest upon the highest Mountains Therefore all Kings that are no Tyrants or Perjured will be glad to bound themselves within the Limits of their Laws and they that perswade them the contrary are Vipers and Pests both against them and the Common-Wealth For it is a great difference betwixt a King's Government in a settled Estate and what Kings in their Original Power might do in Individio vago As for my part I thank God I have ever given good proof that I never had Intention to the contrary And I am sure to go to my Grave with that Reputation and Comfort That never King was in all his Time more careful to have his Laws duly observed and himself to govern thereafter than I. That Just Kings will ever be willing to declare what they will do if they will not incur the Curse of God. I will not be content that my Power be disputed upon but I shall ever be willing to make the Reason appear of all my Doings and rule my Actions according to the Laws And afterwards speaking of the Common Law of England which some conceived he contemned saith to this purpose That as a King he had least cause of any Man to dislike the Common Law for no Law can be more favourable or advantageous for a King and extendeth further his Prerogative than it doth and for a King of England to despise the Common Law is to neglect his own Crown It is true that no Kingdom in the World but every one of them hath their own Municipal Laws agreeable to their Customs as this Kingdom hath the Common Law. Nay I am so far from disallowing the Common
Kings concernment for the unheard of Suffering of the E. of F. I do not wonder at it having ever had so little Affection or rather so great an Antipathy to his English Subjects This will be sufficient to open the Eyes of all our Subjects and let them plainly see what every one of them may expect and what Treatment they shall find from him if at any time it may serve his Purpose from whose Hands a Soveraign Prince an Vncle and a Father could meet with no better Entertainment All wise and good Protestants are so certain of happy times under the Government of this most excellent and incomporable Prince that they have nothing left to fear or desire but that God would preserve him from the Hellish Fury of the Papists And as to all these Relations of a Soveraign Prince an Uncle and a Father The King would have done well to have acquitted himself to the Prince as became all these Relations However the Sense of these Indignities c. And as if we had been capable if supposing a Prince of Wales I believe and know that the Conscience of a Popish Prince wholly under the Conduct of the Jesuits will find no Difficulty in consenting to so pious a Fraud provided it can be carryed on with all prudent Cautions For as on the one hand no change of Fortune shall ever make us forget our selves so far as to condescend to any thing unbecoming that High and Royal Station in which God Almighty by right of Succession has placed us So on the other hand neither the Provocation or Ingratitude of our own Subjects nor any other Considerâ—tion whatsoever shall ever prevail with us to make the least step contrary to the true Interest of the English Nation His Majesty's sincere Friend the French King with whom he now enjoys a nearer Converse will also concur with him in this good Design of promoting the true Interest of England And as to his Majesty's Inclinations to Mercy and passing by Provocations we need mention no other Instances but those in the West where the Cruelties exercised on those unfortunate People cannot be parallel'd in any History of Barbarians Our Will and Pleasure therefore is that you of our Privy Council take the most effectual care to make these our gracious Intentions known to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and to all our Subjects in general and to assure them that we desire nothing more than to return and hold a Free Parliament wherein we may have the best Opportunity of undeceiving our People and shewing the Sincerity of those Protections of preserving especially the Church of England as by Law established A Man wou'd wonder any Prince that overlooks what his Secretary writes should suffer such apparent and palpable Untruths to pass For it is not manifest to all the World That the late King through the Jesuits Counsel did all that was possible to weaken and overturn especially the Church of England as well by open Declarations and Practices as by more secret Ways and Contrivances inciting one part of his Protestant Subjects to destroy the other and then immediately after exposing them for it and encouraging and inspiring these later with a Spirit of Revenge and Retaliation And thus having briefly ran over whatever seems material in this Letter I shall desist from Repetitions and insisting on mere words of Course and Matters of form seeing this would be to tire to Reader 's Patience and a lesning of his Judgment Reasons for Crowning the Prince and Princess of Orange King and Queen jointly and for placing the Executive Power in the Prince alone WHereas the Grand Convention of the Estates of England have asserted the Peoples Right by declaring That the late King James the Second having endeavoâ—red to Subvert the Constitution of the Kingdom by breaking the Original Contract between King and People And by Advice of Iesuits and other wicked Persons having Violatâ—d the Fundamental Laws And having withdrawn himself out of this Kingdom has Abdicated the Government and that the Throne is thereby Vacaâ—t For which Misgovernment He has forfeited the Trust of the Regal Inheritance of the Executive Power both in Himself and in His Heirs Lineal and Collateral so that the same is devolved back to the People who have also the Legislative Authority and consequently may of Right Give and Dispose thereof by their Representatives for their future Peace Benefit Security and Government according to their good Will and Pleasure And forasmuch as it is absolutely Necessary that the Government be speedily setled on sure and lasting Foundations and consequently that such Person or Persons be immediately placed in the Throne in whom the Nation has most reason to repose an entire Confidence It therefore now lies upon Us to make so Judicious a Choice that we may in all Humane Probability thereby render Ourselves a Happy People and give Our Posterity cause to Rejoice when they shall read the Proceedings of this Wise and Grand Convention Who is it therefore that has so highly Merited the Love and good Opinion of the People the Honour of Wearing the Crown and Swaying the Scepter of this Land as His Illustrious Highness the Prince of Orange who with so great Expence Hazard Conduct Courage and Generosity has happily Rescued Us from Popery and Slavery and with so much Gallantry Restored Us to Our Ancient Rights Religion Laws Liberties and Properties for which Heroick Action we can do no less in Prudence Honour and Gratitude than Pray Him to Accept Our Crown II. It is better to settle the Exercise of the Government in One who is not immediate in the Line than in One that is 1. Because it is a clear Asserting of a Fundamental Right that manifests the Constitution of the English Government and covers the Subjects from Tyranny and Slavery 2. It cuts off the Dispute of the pretended Prince of Wales 3. The old Succession being legally Dissolved and a new one made the Government is secured from falling into the Hands of a Papist III. The making the Prince and Princess of Orange King and Queen jointly is the Nation 's Gratitude and Generosity and by re-continuing the Line in Remainder is manifested the inestimable Value the People have for the two Princesses notwithstanding the Male-administration of the Unhappy Father IV. The present State of Europe in General and of these Kingdoms in Particular require a Vigorous and Masculine Administration To recover what 's lost rescue what 's in danger and rectify what 's amiss cannot be effected but by a Prince that is consummate in the Art both of Peace and War. Tho the Prince and Princess be King and Queen jointly and will equally share the Glory of a Crown and we the Happiness of their Auspicious Regin yet the Wisdom of the Grand Convention is manifested First In placing the Executive Power in One of them and not in Both for two Persons equal in Authority may differ in Opinion and consequently in Command and it
is evident no Man can serve two Masters Secondly It 's highly necessary and prudent rather to vest the Administration in the Husband than in the Wife 1. Because a Man by Nature Education and Experience is generally rendred more capable to Govern than the Woman Therefore 2. the Husband ought rather to Rule the Wife than the Wife the Husband especially considering the Vow in Matrimony 3. The Prince of Orange is not more proper to Govern as he 's Man and Husband only but as he is a Man a Husband and a Prince of known Honour profound Wisdom undaunted Courage and incomparable Merit as he 's a Person that 's naturally inclin'd to be Just Merciful and Peaceable and to do all Publick Acts of Generosity for the Advancement of the Interest and Happiness of Humane Societies and therefore most fit under Heaven to have the solâ— Executive Power A LORD'S Speech Without Doors To the Lords upon the present Condition of the Government My Lords PRay give me leave to cast in my Mite at this time upon this great Debate and though it be with an entire dissent to some Leading Lords to whom I bear great reverence it is according to my Conscience and that is the Rule of every honest Man's Actions My Lords I cannot forbear thinking that a greater Reproach can hardly come upon any People than is like to fall upon us Protestants for this unpresidented usage of our poor King We feared the security of our Religion because of Him and are now like to Violate a great part of it by forfeiting our Loyalty towards Him Religion is the Pretence but some fear a New Master is the Thing This I take to have been to Business of to Day for notwithstanding we see how feeble a thing Popery is in England that it is beaten without Blows and routed so effectually that it can never hope nor we justly fear it should return upon us and consequently our Religion pretty secure yet I don't see that this satisfies us unless the King goes also He must be turned away and the Crown change its Head for if the Crown be not the Quarrel more than Property and his Majesty's Person than his Religion Why did not the Prince stop when he heard a Free Parliament was calling by the King's Writs where all Matters especially that of the Prince of Wales might have been considered or at least where his Majesties Commissioners of Peace met â—im Who advised him â—o adâ—ance and give his Majesty that apprehension of â—is own insecurity and if any thing but a Crown would have served him Why was a Noble Peer of this House clapt up at Winsor when his Majesty sent him on purpose to invite the Prince to St. Iames's a Message that affected all good Mens Hearts more then any thing but his Majesty's return it look'd so Natural and Peaceable But it seems as if it had been therefore affronted for the Invitation could not have been received without the King 's remaining King and who was there that did not lately say it should be so I and who is there now that does not see it is not so We can my Lords no longer doubt of this if we will remember that the same Night the Prince should have answered his Majesty's kind Message The King's Guards were changed and at midnight the Prince's Guards were clapt upon hiâ— Majesty's Person and which is yet more extravagant to accomplish the business Three noble Lords in view were sent to let him know It was not for his safety or the Princes honour that he should stay in his own Palace A strange way my Lords of treating ones own King in his own House I cannot comprehend how it was for the Prince's Honour the King should go against his Will or how it was against his Honour that his Majesty should be safe in his own House I leave it with your Lordships to think who could render the King's stay unsafe at White-hall after the Dutch Guards were posted there My Lords this I confess is the great Iniquity that sticks with me and deserves our severest Scrutiny and Reflection that after driving our King away we should offer to â—ddress our selves to any Body to take the Government as if he had formally disserted it It becomes us rather to ask Where the King is how he came to go and who sent him away I take the Honour of the Peâ—rage of England to be deeply ingaged both at Home and Abroad to search but this Minor and especially those who are now present most of whom owe their share iâ— thâ—t noble Order to his Majesty his Brother Father or Grandfather It is not unreasonable to believe the King had not gone at first but upon some Messagâ— sent and Letters received to take care of his Person for that nothing less than the Crown was intended but being not out of his own Territories and therefore no Dissertion Abdication or Remise as the Criticks of the Conjuncture we are under pretend for the King may be where â—e will in his own Kingdom we â—ee while it was in his choice to go he returned and by as good as our advise too so that we cannot in truth say his Dissertion is the cause for it is plainly the Effect of our late extraordinary proceedings If any should say He needed not have gone now it is a great mistake for â— King ought to go if he cannot stay a King in his own Kingdom which Force refused to let him be And to stay a Subject to another Authority had been a meaner forfeiture of his Right then can in justice be charged upon his Retirement Wherefore his going must and will lie at their Doors that set him an hour to be gone out of his own Palace Many are angry and yet pleased that he is gone for France but where my Lords should he go Flanders dared not receive him Holland you could not think he should go to and Ireland you would have liked less and when we consider how far a League with France has been made the cause of his Misfortune though to this day it is in the Clouds what other Prince had the same Obligation to receive and succor him Therefore whatever Arts are used to blacken his Retreat we cannot with any shew of Reason imagine that he could think himself safe with us that had exercised Soveraign Power without him our Soveraign Lord and under the protection of a Forraign Prince and his Army though at the same time we had Sworn Allegiance to him and that it was unlawful for us to take up Arms against him under any Pretence whatever My Lords if this be not virtually and in effect to pull the Crown off his Head and dethrone him unheard I am to learn my Alphabet again This is short warning to give Kings for us at least my Lords that boast of Loyalty and were brought to these Seats by the favour of the Crown What can other Nations think of the Nobility of
those the Opportunity to retrieve the Credit they have lost by other Mens Faults We were also very apprehensive of the ill Consequences of the dispensing Power especially in the case of Sr. Edward Hales but it seems the Common Council of London are forbid to take the usual Oaths and yet required to act which is an unqualified Capacity We were in hopes we had lost a rude Army but we have found a ruder twenty places cry out of them and Kingstone certainly with great Justice that in two Nights time was two hundred Pounds the worse for them And for Closseting we have got Questioning that they that won't enter into Associations to protect the Prince of Orange without one of our King is to have no Imployment so that if the Prince should take the Crown I am bound to defend him against my own King and my sworn Allegiance though he come in the right of his Crown Believe me my Lords it is the boldest bid that ever Men made I see Forty one was a Fool to Eighty eight and that we Church of England Protestants shall cancel all the Merits of our Fathers overthrow the Ground and Consequence of their most exemplary Loyalty to King Charles the first and second render their Death the Death of Fools trample their Memories and Blood under our Feet subject our selves to the just Reproach of the Phanaticks whose Principles and Practices we have outdone even to that King that we forced upon them and by our Example had brought them to live well withal God help us this my Lords makes me say that either we must turn from being Church-of England-Men or steer another course for it is but too plain that Presbytery is leading us out of our ancient way and whether we believe it or no our Church sinks and will more for that is the Interest that suits best with a Dutch Humour and Conjunction and be sure if we are so base to leave our King God will be so just as to leave us and here my Lords I shall leave you with this humble motion that we make an humble Address to his Majesty to return home to us that we may act securely and not go out of the good old way which may intail Misery upon us and our Posterity I should think we have had enough of sending our Princes abroad in that much of the Inconveniency we have lain under since their Restoration has been chiefly owing to it We have driven him where we would not have him go and do what we can to provoke that League we have been afraid of and made a great part of the reason of this strange Alteration in the Kingdom Some tell us it is too late but I cannot comprehend the good sence of such an Objection Is it at any time too late for a King and his People to agree after bloody Battels it has not been thought so in all times and Nations and why it may not be without them I never heard a good reason yet If his going was unreasonable it has hurt him more than us since we may thence hope for the better terms if it was not a Fault to go it will be a great one in us if we can have him home upon good terms and will not for if I may with leave speak it his return is as much our Conveniency as his Advantage The offensive part of Him is gone that is to say the Power of Popery and what remains is our great Interest to keep and improve to our own Benefit and Safety I mean my Lords His undoubted Title and Kingship And whatever some hot Men say that are more governed by private Avarice and Revenge then the publick Good of these Kingdoms I cannot but renew my motion to your Lordships that we may send a Duke an Earl a Viscount and a Baron and two Spiritual Lords to invite his Majesty home upon the Constitution of the Government And my Lords forgive me if I say that if we can but get our Iuries Sheriffs Iudges High Courts of Chancery and Parliaments setled as they ought to be the Army at least reduced the Militia better regulated and a due Liberty of Conscience established to all Protestant Dissenters and so far to Papists only as the Law against Conventicles does admit we may yet be happy and upon these terms my Lords and no other will his Highness the Prince of Orange become truly meritorious with the English Nation Reflections on a Paper called a LORD'S Speech without Doors THIS Noble Lord would have done ingenuously in letting the World know his Name and whether he be a Lord or not for one cannot gather it from his Liberality of casting in a mite at this time when mean People such as Trades-men have more generosity and effectually contributed to the publick Peace and Honour of the Nation And as to his dissenting to some leading Lords on the account of Conscience we are in the dark as to what sort of Conscience his is whether Papist or Phanatick Conscience or indeed whether it be any Conscience at all which makes him differ from some leading Lords for the making of Speeches within or without Doors is no infallible Mark of either But he says He cannot forbear thinking that a greater Reproach can hardly come upon a People than is like to fall on us Protestants Ah good Soul what 's the matter Are the Protestants at length found to be the Firers of â—heir own City or Sr. Edm-B Godfrey and the Earl of Essex's Murtherers c. Why no O it s this unpresidented Vsage of our poor King. A good tender-hearted Jesuit I 'le warrant thee that has entred with Campian into an Holy League and Covenant to destroy all Protestant Kings and Princes unless they become as bigotted to the Society as the poor King was But let me take the Boldness to ask your Honour one Question Is there no time when compassion is due to the Country Religion is the Pretence but some fear a new Master is the thing And is it any wonder if a new Master be desired when the old one will not let me serve him but will destroy me and perhaps himself too this being a clear case and evident to all Orders and Degrees of Men among us We see how feeble a thing Popery is in England and it is I do not doubt your Lordships great Grief that your old Master may not be let in again to strengthen and revive her drooping and almost decayed Spirits But why did not the Prince stop when he heard a Free-Parliament was calling by the Kings Writs where all matters especially of the Prince of Wales might have been considered c. As to a Free-Parliament is it not evident to all the World that the King could not bear it Besides who told his Lordship that his old Master would abide by the Decisions of a Free-Parliament touching the Legitimacy or Spuriousness of his Prince of Wales The Kings Guards were changed and at
proposing to or rather imposing upon the Nation What is it they would be at And what are the Ends they are driving on Are they just and good Are they generous and honorable Or are they not rather such as would undermine the Government both in Church and State and reduce us to a state of Nature wherein the People are at Liberty to agree upon any Government or none at all Plainly they would reduce us to the Dutch or some other foreign Measures which how well soever they may agree with that Country where they are setled and confirmed partly by Custom and partly by the peculiar Necessity of their Affairs can never be well received in England till an Act be passed to abolish Monarchy Episcopacy and all the Fundamental Laws establish'd by Magna Charta and all succeeding Parliaments ever since The Enquixy into the Measures of Submission to the Supreme Authority is a Treatise calculated for the times but surely it is not written according to the Principles and Practice of the Church of England in the time of the renowned Queen Elizabeth I am apt to think that some regard was then had to the Passages which we find in the Scriptures especially the Old Testament relating to the Measures of Submission But these Examples weigh nothing with our Author because they are not for his purpose pag. 5 6. I am also apt to suspect that Queen Elizabeth would not have thanked any Politician for vending this as a certain and fundamental Principle That in all Disputes between Power and Liberty Power must always be proved but Liberty proves it self the one being founded only upon a positive Law and the other upon the Law of Nature pag. 4. She I perswade my self on the contrary would have challenged any such States-man to have prov'd his Liberty as for her Power she would have answered it was ready to prove it self against all who should presume to question it But what 's the meaning of Power being founded only on a positive Law and Liberty upon the Law of Nature Is not a Father's Power founded as he grants upon the Law of Nature and is not all Power even of the greatest Princes as far as it is just and honest and for the Benefit of the Subject derived from this Paternal Authority of the Father over his Son Besides doth not the Law of Nature prescribe the Necessity of putting Power into the Hands of one or more for the Benefit of the whole which otherwise would be in danger of destroying it self by intestine Divisions In short If Liberty be founded upon the Law of Nature so is all just and lawful Power since the end of it is only to regulate our Liberty and in truth to make us more free Liberty in general is a right to use our Faculties according to right Reason and the Law in particular tells us which are those Rules of right Reason by which we must govern our selves And what is Law but the Commands of the Supreme Power where-ever it is lodg'd in the hands of the Prince the Senate or the People or of all of them together ordering what we are to do or avoid under the Sanction of particular Penalties I beg the Learned Author's Pardon for questioning his Measures in my Judgment they are not taken from the English Standard and therefore I hope I may without Offence use my Liberty in refusing them a Right which proves it self till he can prove his Power to impose them The Enquiry into the present State of Affairs is a Discourse which seems by its bold strokes to resemble the former I will say no more of it but this If what he there lays down for a certain Truth be really so then all that follows must be granted as reasonable Deductions from this fundamental Principle but if this be false all that he hath said falls to the Ground for want of a firm and solid Foundation to support it Now the Position which like a first Principle in Mathematicks he takes for granted is this It is certain says he pag. 1. that the reciprocal Duties in Civil Societies are Protection and Allegiance and wheresoever the one fails wholly the other falls with it This is his Doctrine which I have mentioned before but shall now consider a little more particularly 'T is indeed most fit and reasonable that Protection and Allegiance should always go together and accompany one another but that they do not do so is but too plain in the present case of England but doth it follow that because the King is not in a Capacity to protect his Subjects therefore he is no longer to be look'd upon as a King And if he be a King doth not this suppose that he hath some Subjects And if so I would gladly know what kind of Subjects they are who owe no Allegiance But let this Question be rul'd by his own Instance The Duty betwixt Father and Son. Suppose my Father to be so destitute that he cannot and so perverse that he will not protect and sustain me suppose him as churlish as Cain and as poor as Iob yet still he is my Father and I am his Son that is he still retains all that Power which by the Law of Nature a Father ought to have over his Child still the Relation holds betwixt us and whilst it doth so the Father's Faults or Necessities cannot evacuate the Duty of a Son which is founded not in the Fathers good Will or Abilities to defend him though it must be confess'd they are chiefly consider'd but in that fix'd and immutable Relation which God and Nature have establish'd betwixt them not to be dissolv'd but by Death So that if this learned Author will yield as he seems to do that Kingly Power is nothing else but the Paternal consign'd by the common consent of the Fathers of Families to one Person upon such and such Conditions specified in the Contract I cannot see how this Relation betwixt King and Subject can any more be utterly dissolved than that betwixt a Father and his Son. I shall say no more to this Discourse and if what I have already said do offend either against the Principles of Reason or the Law of England I am willing to be corrected and acknowledg my Error There is another little Paper which yet gives such a great stroke to the Government that it ought not to be pass'd over without some Animadversion The Sheet which I mean is that which is call'd Advice before it be too late or A Breviate for the Convention This Paper bespeaks its Author to be of the same Complexion and Principles with him who writ the Word to the Wise and the four Questions debated They do all of them suppose that the Government is fallen to its Centre or Root from whence it sprang that is to the People as the Word to the Wise expresses our present case I know not what can be a more effectual Answer to these Pamphlets and take
away the Foundation upon which they argue than that Maxim in our Law received by all honest and learned Lawyers The King of England never dies For if so how is the Government laps'd And if it be not laps'd how can the Throne be said to be vacant And if the Throne be not vacant we are still a Body Politick consisting of Head and Members though much distemper'd and out of order by reason of the Infirmities of the Head. We still live tho we are not in good Health and our Case doth not require the Sexton to make our Grave but calls for the Physician to apply proper Remedies to cure our Disease If the King can dye 't is such a defect in our Government as doth strangely disparage it and further supposes that which hitherto we are all to learn the Crown is not Successive Now if it be successive it cannot be disposed of by the Will of the People but only by the Will of God who in that very moment calls the lawful Heir to the Crown wherein he is pleased to put a Period to the Life of his Predecessor If he be said that the Voice of the People is the Voice of God I believe that should this be granted it will not do their Business for I doubt not but that if the Pole was taken and the Question put to all People who are of Years of Discretion the Answer would be That they have still a King and that they are as willing to keep him as they are desirous to exclude Popery for ever that which hath made both him and them so unhappy This I do not much question would be the Answer if we should appeal to the sense of the People in general who yet if the Government be fallen to them must be allowed to have a right of Suffrage and a Liberty to speak their Minds as freely as other Commoners in this great Convention Further still If the King never dies by our Law how can he be lawfully depos'd For by Deposition the Throne necessarily becomes void for some time There must be some Interstice some space of time before they who depos'd a King can set up another and till the King in Designation be actually invested with the Regal Office there must of Necessity be an Interregnum that is The King contrary to the Mind of our Law may dye The Government of England always supposes a Monarch regulated by Law and therefore 't is presumed that he can do no wrong that is though he may err as well as other Mortals yet the Law of which he is the Guardian brings no Accusation against him but only against his evil Ministers If therefore the King hath err'd as doubtless he hath very much in God's Name let his Ministers be called to an account but why must the Government be dissolved and the King arraign'd condemn'd and depos'd to make way for any new Scheme of Government whatsoever whether French Italian or Dutch Our History indeed affords two Examples since William the First 's time that of Edward the Second and the other of Richard the Second but they did both of them actually resign and besides what they did or was done to them ought to preclude the right of no succeeding Prince These Examples ought no more to be urged than the stabbing King Henry the Fourth of France or the murthering King CHARLES the First of England The Historian in the Life of Richard the Second gives no very good Character of that Parliament which pass'd the Vote for this Deposition The Noblemen says he partly corrupted by Favour partly aw'd by Fear gave their Voices and the Commons commonly are like a Flock of Cranes as the first fly all the Followers do the like Continuat Dan. Hist. p. 46. Let it be here observed that I do not dispute whether the King together with his Parliament may not regulate and entail the Succession as shall by them be thought fit but only whether whilst the King lives whether the Throne can be vacant and the Government be truly said to be laps'd This we deny But however supposing that these things may be so who can make so fair a Claim and so generally satisfactory to the People as the next Heir by Proximity of Blood I mean if the Prince of Wales be proved supposititious that incomparable Lady the Princess of Orange These Reflections I have thought fit to make upon some new Notions of our present States-men by which we guess what they would be at In my Opinion I think it is but too evident that they are taking Advantage of our present Fears and Distractions to run us into those Extremes which the State as well as the Church of England hath always carefully avoided and taken particular care to provide against 4. In this Design can we in Honour and Conscience go along with them whom yet we cannot but highly esteem and value for their Learning and Parts and more especially for their happy and successful Labours in rescuing us from those gross Corruptions of Christian Religion and human Nature Popery and Slavery But shall we run into Popery and perhaps Slavery too when we have been so long striâ—ing against both and are now Thanks be to God in a great measure freed from the Danger of either And is not the Deposing a Popish Doctrine And is it not as Antichristian for any Assembly to put it into Practice as it was for the Council of Lateran at first to establish it And as for Slavery must not a standing Army be necessarily kept up to maintain a Title founded only upon the consent of the fickle and uncertain People granting that the major part of them are willing And in such a case must we not be beholden to the Goodness of the Prince rather than the Protection of our Laws if an Arbitrary and Despotick Power be not again introduced We have as yet no Law which wholly disables and excludes a Popish Successor from the Throne and till we have one which I question not but we shall have soon I do not see how we can disanul the King's Title or vacate his Regal Capacity howsoever his Power may be restrained Innovations without former Precedent are always dangerous especially those of this Nature It will be much more wise as well as safe to bear with some Inconveniencies than bring upon our selves those Mischiefs which such unparallel'd Proceedings may produce The Prince of Orange in his additional Declaration hath these Words We are confident that no Persons can have such hard Thoughts of us as to imagine that we have any other Design in this Undertaking than to procure a Settlement of the Religion and of the Liberties and Properties of the Subjects upon so sure a Foundation that there may be no danger of the Nations relapsing into the like Miseries at any time hereafter How far some Persons may extend this Clause that there may be no Danger of the Nations relapsing into the like Miseries
as the Discusser imposes upon the World. Besides the many Instances in History of several Princes who have forfeited their Succession and consequently their Title to the Crown for revolting from the Establish'd Religion of the Realm But says the Discusser for I look upon his Friend and Him to be all one and that he does but put the Question with one side of his Mouth and answer it with the other I had thought our Laws as well as our Religion had been against the Deposing Doctrine That 's not the Question but whether a Prince may commit those Miscarriages in Government whether he may not so far peccare in Leges Rempublicam as to incur the Forfeiture of his Regal Power and whether a Prince may be allow'd to subvert the ancient Constitutions and Religion of a Nation and yet be said to be the Lawful King of that Realm These are the Questions For theâ— it is not the Law that deposes him nor the Religion that justifies it But it is He that deposes Himself 't is the bad Advice of Evil Counsellors to which he Listens and which he follows to the ruin of the Kingdom contrary to the Original Contract between Princes and People grounded upon the Foundations of all Original Government I say 't is that Adhering to Evil Counsel which deposes a Prince by degrading him from a Lawful King to an Unlawful Tyrant and renders him Liable to the Animadversion of the Law and the impeachments of the oppress'd and injur'd People To assert otherwise were to deprive all National Law and Religion of their self Defence which is against all the Law and Religion in the World. I am apt to believe that Christ himself had no very good Opinion of the lawfulness of Herod's Regality when he sent him that Message Go tell that Fox Herod Which I look upon as a Deposal and Degrading of that Arbitrary Prince by the Founder of our Religion in his own Breast and Judgment though he forbore the Execution of his Celestial Power And therefore it is not the Error of Religion but the Fault of those that do not well distinguish that Religion suffers in her Doctrines For only he who governs according to Law is a King he that endeavours to subvert the Law is none Nor is every rambling and precipitate Brain to be Judg of this neither but the Solid Law and fundamental Constitutions of the Realm So that the Country Gentleman was mistaken in his Thoughts both of our Laws and our Religion However the pretended Scrupulous Country-Gentleman desires the Discusser to expound the State-Riddle of the Vacancy and to give him the Ground of the late extraordinary Revolution To which the Discusser gives no direct answer at present but desires his Friend to take notice That the Gentlemen of the Convention who declar'd a Vacancy in the Government lay'd the main Stress of their opinion upon the King's withdrawing himself For that since the Story of the French League and the Business of the Prince of Wales were pass'd over in silence most Men believed that the pretended Breach of that which they called the Original Contract was no more then a popular Flourish All which is such an imperfect peice of Incoherence that none but a madman would have thrust in by Head and Shoulders as the Discusser has done For how can it be inferr'd that the Breach of the Original Contract should be a Popular Flourish because the Clandestin League and the False Birth are hitherto pass'd over in silence As for the surreptitious Birth one would think it was sufficiently dilated upon in the Declaration of the Lords and why it is not farther brought upon the Stage there may be several Reasons given and among the rest because it may be thought that the Imposture will vanish of it self and so there will be no need of casting an Eternal Blot upon the memory of them that contriv'd and own'd it Then for the Clandestin League it Suffices that there is apparent Proof of it in Bank. But to call the Breach of the Original Contract pretended and a Popular Flourish is a yerk of Malitious Reflection which only serves to expose the Discusser to Publick censure For as there is nothing more certain then that there is an Original Contract between the King and People of England the Breach of which has cost the Effusion of so much Blood so is it as certain that that Original Contract was never so infallibly broken then it was of late Which as it is allow'd by all the Laws of God and Man to be a sufficient ground to seek a Remedy so was nothing more vigorously urg'd by the Convention Which might have convinc'd the Discusser that they did not pretend it for a popular Flourish But now lest the Country Gentleman should be shogg'd by seeing the Votes of so considerable a Meeting debated by a private Hand the Discusser reminds him That a Parliament and a Convention are two different Things The latter for want of the King's Writs and Concurrence having no share in the Legislative Power But the Discusser forgets that it was only a Convention of Lords that sent to Richard the Second to meet them at Westminster which the King at first promis'd to do but upon altering his Mind sent him another peremptory Message that if he would not come according to his Promise they would chuse another King and then proceeding farther according to that Power they had expell'd against the King's Will several of his chiefest Favourites from the Court constrain'd others to put in Sureties to appear at the next Parliament and caus'd several others to be arrested and committed to several Prisons If a Convention could do this where the King was present what signifi'd the Writs and Concurrence of an absent Prince Nor did they contend for Legislative Power but only met in a kind of embodied Dictatorship to take care of the present Necessity of Affairs But this says the Discusser was not justifiable for that the Nenessity which they pretended was either of their own making or of their own submitting to which is the same Thing But this is all Nonsence For if the Necessity was of their own making then were the Lords and Commons the Authors of all the Miscarriages which they laid to the late King's Charge If of their own submitting to then would they never have call'd out for succour and crav'd Relief from their Oppressions No They were those crying Grievances sum'd up in the Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons assembl'd at Westmister presented to their Present Majesties upon the Twelfth of February Last which when the late King could not justify them by force of Arms but fled for it not being able to answer his endeavours to subvert and Extirpate the Protestant Religion and the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom put them to that necessity of assembling after an Unusual Manner to provide for the Common Safety How ever the Discusser will have it a
accuse him of Capital Crimes but being defeated in that Villanous Attempt they first procured King Charles the Second to withdraw that Protection and Subsistence his Majesty had at the Request of several Parliaments allowed to your Petitioner and then instigated his Royal Highness the Duke of York to prosecute your Petitioner in an Action of Scandalum Magnatum for speaking this notorious Truth viz. That he the said Duke of York was reconciled to the Church of Rome and that It is High Treason to be so reconciled wherein a Verdict and Judgment for one Hundred Thousand Pounds Damages were obtained against your Petitioner and your Petitioner was committed to the King's Bench-Prison After this the same Popish Party obtained leave from King Charles the second to prefer two several Indictments against your Petitioner for two pretended Perjuries in his Evidence concerning the said Conspiracy which they brought on to Tryal in the Reign of King Iames the second and your Petitioner was upon the Evidence of those very Witnesses who had confronted him in three former Tryals and were disbelieved and through the Partial Behahaviour of the Chief Justice Ieffreys in brow-beating his Witnesses and misleading the Juries convicted of the said Pretended Perjuries and received this inhumane and unparallel'd Sentence following viz. To pay two thousand Marks to the King To be devested of his Canonical Habit To be brought into Westminster-Hall with a Paper upon his Head with this Inscription Titus Oates convicted upon full Evidence of two horrid Perjuries To stand in and upon the Pillory two several days for the space of an Hour To be whip'd by the comman Hang-man from Aldgate to Newgate on Wednesday and to be whip'd again on the Friday following from Newgate to Tiburn To stand in and upon the Pillory five times in every Year of his Life and to remain a Prisoner during his Life Which Sentence being intended as your Petitioner hath just reason to believe to murther him was accordingly executed with all the Circumstances of Barbarity he having suffered some thousands of Stripes whereby he was put to unspeakable Tortures and lay ten Weeks under the Surgeons Hands Neither did their Cruelty cease here but because your Petitioner by God's Mercy miraculously supporting him and the extraordinary Skill of a Judicious Chirurgion outlived that Bloody Usage some of them afterwards got into your Petitioner's Chamber whilst he was weak in his Bed and attempted to pull of the Plaisters apply'd to cure his Back and threatned to destroy him And that nothing within their Power or Malice might be wanting to compleat your Petitioner's Misery they procured him to be loaded with Irons of excessive Weight for a whole Year without any Intermission even when his Legs were swoln with the Gout and to be shut up in the Dungeon or Hole of the Prison whereby he became impair'd in his Limbs and contracted Convulsion Fits and other Distempers to the great Hazard of his Life All which illegal Proceedings and barbarous Inhumanities your Petitioner humbly conceives were not only intended as a Revenge upon him but likewise to cast a Reproach upon the Wisdom and Honour of four successive Parliaments who had given him Creâ—it and upon the Publick Justice of the Nation And your Petitioner humbly hopes that since the Papists themselves have verified and confirmed his Evidence by their late open and avowed Violations of our Religion Laws and Liberties this Honourable House will vindicate the Proceedings of former Parliaments and discharge your Petitioner from those Arbitrary and Scandalous Judgments and the unjust Imprisonment he lies under Your Petitioner doth therefore most humbly beseech your Lordships and your Honours to take his deplorable Case into your gâ—nerous and tender Consideration and to give him such Redress â—herein as to your Lordships and your Honours great Wisdom Iustice and Goodness shall seem meet And your Petitioner shall ever pray c. An Account of the Convention of SCOTLAND THE Convention of Scotland met the 14 th of March 168â— in Obedience to the Prince of Orange's Letters They choice the Duke of Hamilton their President after which they had several Debates about the Duke of Gâ—rdon a Papist who keeps the Castle notwithstanding many offers of Surrender does still keep it for King Iames. They read a Letter from the King of England in which he exhorts them to lay aside all Animosities and Factions and mind the Publick Good in securing the Protestant Religion and the ancient Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom on sure and lasting Foundations particularly that they would endeavour a Union between both Kingdoms as one of the best Means for the Happiness of both especially at this time when the common Enemy is restless to procure the ruine of Britain and the Protestant Religion every-where After which a Letter was read from King Iames requiring them to support his Royal Authority by many Threats and Promises which made no Impression on them but after some time they drew up and sent a Letter to King William full of dutiful Respects promising to do that which may be acceptable to him and suitable to the Genius of the Nation After setling the Militia and other State-Matters and having resolved the Power into themselves they appointed a Committee of 24 made up of all the Estates to settle the Government Which Committee have provided for the full Meeting of the Convention Grounds and Reasons on which they have declared the Throne Vacant A SPEECH made by a Member of the Convention of the States in SCOTLAND WE are now called together by his Highness the Prince of Orange to Consult and Deliberate what Methods will be most proper to secure Our Religion Laws and Liberties in order to which the first thing that will fall under our Consideration is the setling the Sovereign Power I take for granted that you are fully convinced that King Iames the Seventh by his many Violations of the Fundamental Laws by his endeavouring to establish a Despotick and Arbitrary Power and introduce Popery tho he himself had confirmed all the Laws that were enacted in Favour of the Protestant Religion has thereby subverted the Constitution and that our Miseries might have no Redress from him has left us in a time when we needed his Protection most The Eyes of all Europe are upon us and it is in our Power to make our Selves and our Posterity either Happy or Miserable by making a choice either to call back the same King Iames and hazard once more all that Men account dear to his Mercy or to settle the Government on some other under whom we may live Quiet and Peaceable Lives without the perpetual Terror of being swallowed up by Popery and Arbitrary Government which all good Men hoped were now banished and yet behold a new Off-spring is sprung up which plead eagerly for both tho under the mistaken Names of Duty and Allegiance It 's strange that any Man can so far degenerate as to prefer Slavery
to Liberty and that they should be so much in love with Chains that when they were fairly shaken off they shouâ—d run furiously to be Fettered again as if the Ottoman and French Government were so charming in our Country that we cannot live without it tho we have so lately groaned under the dismal Burden of it And it might have been supposed that even these who had been Instrumental in Enslaving their Fellow-Brethren and were grown Fat with Sucking the Nations Blood would have taken another Method to Reconcile themselves than by persuading us to purchase their Safety at so vast an Expence as the Ruin of more than three Parts of the Nation will necessarily amount to If we do but a little reflect on the Motives which these Men blinded by Self-Interest make use of to delude the Nation into a Security that wanted very little of proving Fatal to it and compare them with the strong Reasons we have to disswade us from being so imposed on they will be found so Weak and Impertinent that we must judg it next to Impossibility to suffer our selves to be twice Deceived But if the Experience of our former Miseries so lately hanging over our Heads the very Thoughts of renewing which make all good Men to tremble has not made us Wiser and be not of Efficacy enough to deter us from venturing another Shipwrack and exposing all again to the Discretion of Roman Catholicks It 's more than probable that GOD has abandoned us and given us up to believe strong Delusions First Thay will endeavour to perswade us that Kings are eximed from Punishments here on Earth and nothing they do can be quarrelled by their Subjects which indeed might with some Reason be urged among the Turks who reserve nothing from the Power of their Sultans and where it 's Death to dispute his Commands tho never so Arbitrary and Tyrannical But with what Impudence can such Stuff be imposed on us who never admit our Kings to the Government till they swear to rule us according to Law and no otherways The Laws are the only Security we have for our Lives and Properties which if our Sovereign subvert Subjects cannot be blamed for making use of the ordinary means to preserve them and since that cannot be done without withdrawing Obedience from such a Magistrate as goes about to destroy them such an Act cannot properly be said to punish him because we take nothing from him to which he has a just Claim but do only shun the occasion of making our selves miserable The Speculative Doctrine of Passive Obedience has done too much mischief among us and what has befallen the King may be justly imputed to it for the believing that without Opposition he might do what he pleased encouraged him to take such measures as have drawn all these Misfortunes on him Secondly Others are so Fond as to believe that we may be Secure in calling the King back provided they so Limit him that it will not be in his power to hurt us These Men do not consider how small a Complement this is to a Man of the Kings Temper from an an Absolute Prince as he was pleased to fancy himself to content himself with the bare Title of a King and how insupportable the Charge must be if from being Master of all he must force himself to comply with a thousand Masters and see his Throne become his Prison But how airy is it to fancy that any Restrictions of our Contrivance can bind the King For 1 st It 's most certain they can never be Voluntary and what is constrained and done by Force is by Law declared to be Void and Null to whose Assistance the Popes Dispensing Power being joined would quickly blow off these Sampson Cords and the Royal Power would again revive with all its Vigour and Luster Thirdly The King is of a Religion that has in a famous Council decreed That no Faith is to be kept with Hereticks much less with Subjects whom he looks upon as so many Rebels and will not miss to treat them as such whenever they give him the Opportunity of doing it for his greatest Admirers do not run to that height Idolatry to imagine him so much Angel as not to take all methods to revenge so great an Affront and secure himself at our Cost from such a Treatment for the future the apprehensions of which Resentments will strike such terrour in Mens minds that nothing will be capable to divert them from offering up All for an Atonement and Popery and Slavery will be thought a good Bargain if they can but save their Lives Then we may lament our Miseries but it will not be in our power to help them for a Prince of Orange is not always ready to rescue us with such vast Expence and so great hazard to his Person and if our Madness hurry us so far we deserve rather is pity than his resentment Fourthly What Arguments has the King given since he left us to persuade us he will be more faithful in observing his Words and Oaths than hitherto he has been Does he not in a Letter lately printed here expresly say he has ruled so as to give no occasion of complaint to any of his Subjects Is not the same Letter signed by one who sacrificed both Conscience and Honour to Interest whoâ—e pernicious and headstrong Counsels has posted him to his Ruine tho' all that has been done cannot make Him sensible of it Sure the re Hereticks to the See of Rome is not less Meritorious than before nor King Iames the Seventh by breathing the French Air become less Bigot It were a Dream to fancy it For so long as the Vatican thunders Excommunications against all such as do not use their utmost endeavours to extirpate Heresie a Roman Catholick must have no Religion at all if they be not terrible to him The fourth Argument they made use of to persuade such as are and shall be chosen Members of the Convention That their Interest to call back the King is That the Peace and Happiness of the Nation cannot be otherwise secured nor Factions or Divisions extinguished But what Factions do you observe but such as they themselves do foment on purpose to disturb our Harmony all which would immediately die if the Government were once setled on those who deserved it best for then if these Fops continued still fond of Popery and Tyranny they would be chastised as Disturbers of the Publick Peace The Argument may very justly be retorted for if the King return we will burst out into a flame and England which has already declared will quickly be on our Top an Enemy too Potent and too Numerous for us tho' we were all united besides the Danger to which such a Procedure will expose us we cut off all hopes of an Union with that Nation and thereby deprive our selves of an unspeakable Advantage which would redound to all sorts of People and would be the only means to
support an impoverish'd and sinking Nation Neither is this the only Inconveniency tho' it be a very great one for if we state our selves in opposition to England by Restoring the King whom they Rejected it is not to be doubted but he will use his uttmost endeavour to recover that Kingdom the loss of which is so considerable Now seeing it were vain to suppose that the Scots alone were able to second his desires he must needs have recourse to the French and Irish whose Religion will procure a more intire Confidence than His Majesty can repose in any others These therefore must be received into our Bosom and because Scotland is the most proper place for Invading England it must be the Scene of all the Blood and Confusion that this melancholly Thought gives us a Prospect of And what treatment can such Sham-Protestants expect from these who otherwise would have become their Friends and Allies And what Figure will they pretend to make when they set up for a separate Interest from all the Confederate Protestants in the World besides The happy Success the PRINCE his Enterprize has met with has made a considerable Alteration in the Affairs of Europe for that great Enemy of the Protestants and even of Christianity it self who had propos'd nothing less to himself than an Universal Monarchy whom the Strictest Leagues and Contracts cannot bind but without regard to GOD or Man threatens all his Neighbours with utter Destruction by the Scene 's being changed among us is so far humbled that from a Proud and Insulting Enemy he is become a Supplicant for Peace well foreseeing that if Britain join with those other Princes whom his Insolence Cruelty and Avarice has so justly Armed against him his Ruine is Inevitable So that if we have not Soul enough to enjoy this great Blessing and can easily part with the Glory of being once more the Arbiters of Europe let us at least have so much Christian Love and Charity for the Neighbouring Nations of our own Perswasion as not to expose them to a necessary Participation of these Plagues which our Common Enemies are preparing for us and which will certainly Terminate in all our Destructions Lastly I beseech you to consider what Persons they are who would Instill this Poyson in you and you will find them of three kinds First those who Postponing the Common Good of the Nation are wholly acted by Self-Interest considering that in a Government where Iustice and Mercy equally Flourish Virtue and Merit not Villany will be rewarded Secondly They who are ignorant of the Nature of Government and were never at the pains to inform themselves what Measures the Law of Nature and Nations have set to mens Obedience but are angry at every thing that thwarts their wild Notions and will admit of nothing tho never so reasonable and convincing if their dull Capacities cannot reach it The third sort are such as have been instrumental in the inslaving their Country and are afraid if they be called to an Account they may be brought to suffer Condign Punishment if such cannot succeed in their Design they at least hope to be overlook'd in a General Confusion so they have nothing unessayed that may tend to their own safety and if Heaven fail them they summon Hell to their Aid not that Love to their Prince but meer Ambition and Interest drives these Criminals to such Attempts neither are they much to blame if they are at such pains to sow Divisions among us But no Person of Wit and Iudgment nor any Good Man that is truly Protestant and minds the good of his Country will suffer himself to be so grosly imposed on by such Firebands who would build their Furture Imaginary Greatness on the Ruine of Our Religion Laws and Country The Grounds upon which the Estates of Scotland Declared the Right of the Crown of Scotland FORFAULTED and the Throne become VACANT I. BBcause King Iames the Seventh is a Professed Papist II. That the said King Iames did assume the Royal Power and acted as King without ever taking the Oath required by Law. III. That he hath by the Council of evil Men invaded the Fundamental Constitution of the Kingdom and changed it from a limited Monarchy to an Absolute and Despotick Power IV. Which Power he hath imployed to the Subversion of the Protestant Religion and the Violation of the Rights of the Subject And thereby V. Hath inverted all the Ends of Government The Opinion of two eminent Parliament-Men justifying the lawfulness of taking the Oaths of Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary I. FIdelity and Allegiance sworn to the King is only a Fidelity and Obedience as it is due to him by the Law of the Lands for were that Faith and Allegiance more than what the Law requires we should swear our selves Slaves and the King Absolute whereas by the Law we are free notwithstanding these Oaths II. When therefore by the Law Fidelity and Allegiance ceaseth then our sworn Allegiance ceaseth for if Allegiance might be due by the Oath to one Person whilst by the Law it ceaseth to him and becomes due to another Person the Oath then would oblige Men to transgress the Law and become Traytors and Rebels whereas the Oath is part of the Law and therefore ought to be so interpreted as may consist with it III. Fidelity and Allegiance are due by the Law to King William and not to King Iames for the Statute of 25 of Edward 3 d which defined all Treasons against the King and is the only Statute to that purpose now that Statute by the King understands not only a King de jure but also a King de facto tho not de jure against whom those Treasons Lie whence the Lord Chief Justice Hales in his Pleas of the Crown p. 12. discoursing of that Statute tells us that a King de facto and not de jure is a King within that Act and that Treason against him is Punishable tho the Right Heir get the Crown and that this hath been the common Sense of the Law Sir R. S. upon application to him about it hath assured us And according to another Statute 11 Hen. 7. ch 1. It is declared Treason to be in Arms against a King de facto such as Richard the 3 d was tho it was in behalf of a King de jure So then by the Law of the Land all things are Treason against King William which have been Treason against former Kings therefore the same Fidelity Obedience and Allegiance which was due to them is due to him and by Consequence may be Sworn to him by the Law of the Land. Allegiance and Protection are always Mutual and therefore when King Iames ceased to Protect us we ceased to owe him Allegiance by the Law of the Land and when King William began to Protect us we began our Allegiance to him These Considerations are in our Opinion sufficient to remove the Grand Scruple about the Oaths
than all other Princes do on the like occasions and when the King after this was taken and brought back by force he was no longer then bound to consider him as one that was but as one that had been King of England and in that capacity he treated him with great Respect and Civility how much soever the King complained of it who did not enough consider what he had done to draw upon himself that usage But when all is said that can be said there may possibly be some Men to whom may be applied the Saying of Ioab Thou lovest thine Enemies and hatest thy Friends for thou hast declared this day that thou regardest neither Princes nor Servants for this Day I perceive that if Absolom had lived and all we had died this Day then it had pleased thee well Had the Protestant Religion the English Liberties the Nobility and Gentry of this Nation been all made an Holocaust to their Reputations and Humours their Scruples and School-niceties and the Prince of Orange perished or returned Ruin'd or Inglorious into Holland we should then have had the Honour of cutting up our Religion our Laws and our Civil Rights with our own Swords and we should have been the only Church under Heaven that had refused a Deliverance and Religiously and Loyally had Destroyed it self In truth the Men would have purchased Popery and Slavery so dear ought to have enjoyed both to the End of the World. The REASONS of the Suddenness of the Change in England THE true Reasons of the Swiftness of this Change may easily be assigned by shewing the Temper and Designs of Iames the Second the Temper of William the Third our Present Soveraign and the Nature of the English Nation and of the Times all concurring with Wonderful Harmony to produce this wonderful Effect For had Iames the Second undertook any thing but the subjecting England to Popery and the Exercise of Arbitrary Power to that end his vast Revenue his great Army and the Reputation he had gained at Home and Abroad by the defeat of the Monmouth-Invasion would have gone near to have effected it and after all this if he had in the beginning of October frankly granted all the Ten Proposals made by the Bishops and suffered a Parliament to have met and given up a considerable Number of his Ministers to Justice and suffered the pretended Prince of Wales his Birth to be freely debated and determin'd in Parliament It would in all probability have prevented or defeated the then intended Invasion But whilst he thought to save the Pretended Succession the Dispensing and Suspending Power and the Ecclesiastical Commission to carry on his former Design with when he had baffl'd the Prince of Orange the Nation saw through the Project and he lost all Had a Prince of less Secresy Prudence Courage and Interest than the Prince of Orange undertaken this business it might probably have miscarriâ—d but as his Cause was better so his Reputation Conduct and Patience infinitely exceeded theirs he would not stir till he saw the French Forces set down before Philipsbourgh and then he was sure France and Germany were irrevocably ingaged in a War and consequently he should have no other opposition than what the Irish and English Roman Catholicks could make against him For no English Protestant would fight his Country into Vassalage and Slavery to Popish Priests and Italian Women when a Parliament sooner or later must at last have determin'd all the things in Controversy except we resolved once for all to give up our Religion Laws Liberties and Estates to the will of our King and submit for ever to a French Government A Nation of less sense than the English might have been imposed upon of less bravery and valour might have been frighted of a more servile temper might have neglected its Liberties till it had been too late to have ever recovered them again But none but a parcel of Iesuits bred in a Cloister and unacquainted with our Temper as well as Constitution would ever have hoped to have carried two such things as Popery and Abitrary Power both at once upon so jealous a Nation as the English is which hates them above any other People in the World. The cruel slaughter they had made of the poor wretches they took after the defeat at Bridg-water ought to have made them for ever despair of gaining any credit with the Dissenters who rarely forgive but never forget any ill treatment Yet these little Politico's had so little sense as to build all their hopes on the Gratitude and Insensibility of these Men as if they should for Liberty of Conscience arbitrarily and illegally granted and consequently revocable at the will of the Granter have sold themselves to everlasting Slavery They were equally mistaken in their carriage towards the Church of England party for when some of them had pursued both Clergy and Laity with the utmost obloquy hatred oppression and contempt to the very moment they found the Dutch storm would fall upon them Then all at once they passed to the other extream the Bishops are presently sent for the Government intirely to be put into their hands and all Places Presses and Papers fill'd with the Encomiums of the Church of England's Loyalty and Fidelity who but three days before were Male-contents if not Rebels and Traytors for opposing the Kings Dispensing Power and the Ecclesiastical Commission And which was the height of folly the same Pen which had been hired to defame and blacken the Church of England the Author of the Publick Occurrences truly stated was ordered to magnify its Loyalty By which they gained nothing but the intire and absolute disobliging the whole Protestant party in the Nation so that for the future no Body would serve or trust them To compleat their folly and madness they perswaded the King to throw up the Government and retire into France pretending we would never be able to agree amongst our selveâ— but would in a short time be forced to recal him and yield to all those things we had so violently opposed or if not he might yet at least force us to submit by the Succours he might gain in France without ever considering how possible it was we might agree and how difficult it would be to force us by a French Army which was equally contrary to the Interest of England and all Europe besides and to all intents and purposes destructive of the Interest of that Prince they pretended thus to exalt and re-establish Had France been now in Peace there might yet have been same colour for this but when all Europe was under a necessity to unite against him for its own preservation then to perswade the King of Great Britain to desert his Throne and fly thither for succour upon hopes of recovering his Kingdoms again by the assistance of the French the mortal and hereditary Enemies of the English this was so silly a Project that there seems to have been something of a
Divine Infatuation in it However certainly no rational Man will think that all the Princes of Europe would sit still and suffer the French King to conquer Britain under pretence of restoring Iames the Second to that Throne which he had abandon'd because he could not bring the Prince of Orange their Allie and all his Protestant Subjects to his own Terms And yet if none of them should interpose but the Hollanders alone the English and Dutch Fleets being united would render the landing a French Army so difficult and uncertain that it would be next door to madness to trust one to their Navy which is so much inferior to either of the others singly taken So that all things considered either Iames the Second ought to have stayed at home and have made as good terms as he could with the Prince of Orange and his own Subjects Or if he would have abandon'd his Kingdoms he ought to have despaired of any restitution and have betaken himself to a private Life as Christina Queen of Sweden did But we have now certain Intelligence that Iames the Second Landed the 12 th of March at Kingsale in Ireland so that now it cannot be doubted but that he hopes to recover England and Scotland by the help of the Irish as well as the French. His succeeding in this Design laying us at the Mercy of an Irish-French Roman Catholick Army whose Civility and Kindness to our Nation we may learn from our Country-men who after having lost all but their Lives have been forced to flee over to us for Shelter and Protection I shall not add any other consideration to perswade my Country-men to defend their King Queen and the whole Protestant Succession their Lives Liberties Priviledges and Religion because this alone is sufficient The Iudgment of the Court of France concerning the Misgovernment of K. James the Second THE Author who is a Papist that wrote that smart Treatise called A Letter from Monsieur to Monsieur concerning the Transactions of the Times c. writes thus concerning the late King Iames viz. King Iames ought to learn what he has to expeâ—t from France into whose Arms he has thrown himself France already knows all his Faults and publishes them For this Composure issuing immediately from that Court owns 1. His whole Conduct was very little judicious 2. That he has followed blind Counsels and such as are very pernicious to his own Repose and Security 3. That he has unadvisedly affected to pull down the Protestant Religion which was that of the State. 4. That he has used an imprudent Rigour as well to the Bishops as to the Universities 5. That he was unwise in going about to take off the Test and Penal Laws which the English look upon as the Sanctuary of the Kingdom 6. That his Gust and Fondness for the Court of Rome and the Monks whom he meant to restore was ridiculous and whimsical 7. That his going about to give Imploys to Catholicks by taking them away from Protestants gave but two much reason to all the Members of the State to complain This is exactly the Judgment passed by the Court of France upon the late K. Iames of England I leave him to think what Succours he is like to expect from a Court that values him so little and that without any more ado speaks of him at this rate would he have more It roundly declares to him That the restoring the King of England is not an Enterprise easy to be executed by a King how great soever he may be against whom all the Powers of Europe are preparing to make War. This is a Hint broad enough o' Conscience and King Iames ought to be satisfied that he knows the French Courts mind The Emperor of Germany's Account of K. James's Misgovernment in joining with the King of France the Common Enemy of Christendom in his Letter to King James viz. LEOPOLD c. WE have received your Majesties Letters dated from St. Germans the sixth of February last by the Earl of Carlingford your Envoy in our Court By them we have understood the Condition your Majesty is reduced to and that you being deserted after the landing of the Prince of Orange by your Army and even by your Domestick Servants and by those you most confided in and almost by all your Subjects you have been forced by a sudden Flight to provide for your own safety and to seek Shelter and Protection in France Lastly that you desire Assistance from us for the recovering your Kingdoms We do assure your Majesty that as soon as we heard of this severe turn of Affairs we were moved at it not only with the common sense of Humanity but with much deeper Impressions suitable to the sincere Affection which we have always born to you And we were heartily sorry that at last that was come to pass which though we hoped for better things yet our own sad thoughts had suggested to us would ensue If your Majesty had rather given Credit to the Friendly Remonstrances that were made you by our late Envoy the Count de Kaunitz in our Name than the deceitful Insinuations of the French whose chief aim was by fomenting continual Divisions between you and your People to gain ther by an Opportunity to insult the more securely over the rest of Christendom And if your Majesty had put a stop by your Force and Authority to their many Infractions of the Peace of which by the Treaty at Nimegen you are made the Guarantee and to that end entred into Consultations with us and such others as have the like just Sentiments in this matter We are verily perswaded that by this means you should have in a great measure quieted the Minds of your People which were so much exasperated through their aversion to our Religion and the publick Peace had been preserved as well in your Kingdoms as here in the Roman Empire But now we refer it even to your Majesty to judg what condition we can be in to afford you any Assistance we being not only engaged in a War with the Turks but finding our selves at the same time unjustly and barbarously Attacked by the French contrary to and against the Faith of Treaties they then reckoning themselves secure of England And this ought not to be concealed that the greatest Injuries which have been done to our Religion have flowed from no other than the French themselves who not only esteem it lawful for them to make Presidious Leagues with the sworn Enemies of the Holy Cross tending to the destruction both of us and of the whole Christian World in order to the checking our Endeavours which were undertaken for the Glory of God and to stop those Successes which it hath pleased Almighty God to give us hitherto but further have heaped one Treachery upon another even within the Empire it self The Cities of the Empire which were surrendered upon Articles signed by the Dolphin himself have been exhausted by excessive Impositions and
after their being exhausted have been Plundered and after Plundering have been burned and razed The Palaces of Princes which in all times and even in the most destructive Wars have been preserved are now burnt down to the Ground The Churches are robbed and such as submitted themselves to them are in a most Barbarous manner carried away as Slaves In short it is become a Diversion to them to commit all manner of insolences and Cruelties in many places but chiefly in Catholick Countries exceeding the Cruelties of the Turks themselves which having imposed an absolute necessity upon us to secure our selves and the Holy Roman Empire by the best means we can think on and that no less against them than against the Turks We promise our selves from your justice ready assent to this That it ought not to be imputed to us if we endeavour to procure by a just War that security to our selves which we could not hitherto obtain by so many Treaties and that in order to the obtaining thereof We take measures for our mutual Defence and Preservation with all those who are equally concerned in the same Design with us It remains that we beg of God that he would direct all things to his Glory and that he would grant your Majesty true and solid Comforts under this your great Calamity we embrace you with tender Affections of a Brother At Vienna the 9 th of April 1689. An Account of what was done between the Time the Prince of Orange came to London till the Proclaiming him King of England 1688. IN December last the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and all the Members of the three last Parliaments of King Charles the Second with the Lord Mayor and Aldermen and several of the Common Council of London were summoned by the Prince in that extraordinary Conjuncture when the late King had deserted the Government to consult what was fit to be done And they the said Lords and Commons did desire the Prince to take upon him the Administration of Publick Affairs both Civil and Military and the disposal of the Publick Revenue for the preservation of our Râ—ligion Rights Laws Liberties and Properties and of the Peace of the Nation and that he would take into his Care the Condition of Ireland till the Meeting of a Convention of Lords and Commons which he was entreated by his Circular Letters to summon to meet on the 22 d of Ianuary The Prince accordingly accepted the Administration and issued out his Letters for a Convention to meet on the 22 d of Ianuary as aforesaid The Prince then on December the 30 th issued out his Proclamation for the Continuance of the Sheriffs Justices of the Peace and other Officers and Ministers not being Papists to act in their respective Places till the Meeting of the Convention or other Order to the contrary c. On the 2 d of Ianuary He put out a Declaration for the better collecting of the Publick Revenue On the 5 th of Ianuary he put forth an Order for all Military Officers with their respective Companies to march out of the Quarters where any Elections should be the several Garisons excepted the day before the same be made to the next adjoining Town or Towns being not appointed for any Elections and not to return to their first Quarters till the said respective Elections be made and fully compleated that so the Election of Members for the intended Convention may be free and without any colour of Force or Restraint On the 7 th of Ianuary the Scotish Nobility and Gentry waited on the Prince what was done by them see the 6 th Collection pag. 9 10 11 12. On the 8 th day his Highness put out a Declaration against Quartering of Souldiers in private Houses He found the Treasury very empty of Cash it being said to be but 40000 l. Whereupon he desired the City of London to advance a Sum for his present Occasion and on the 10 th of Ianuary they agreed to lend 100000 l. But it being raised by Subscription it amounted to above 150000 l. On the 16 th of Ianuary He put out a Declaration to assure the Mariners and Seamen of their Pay. The two Houses met on the 22 d of Ianuary 1688 9 the Lords chose the Marquess of Hallifax for their Speaker and the Commons chose Henry Powle Esq for theirs After which a Letter was read in both Houses from the Prince of Orange on the occasion of their Meeting to this Effect That he had endeavoured to perform what was desired from him for the Publick Peace and Safety during his Administration and that it now lay on them to lay a Foundation of a firm Security for their Religion Laws and Liberties That he did not doubt but that by such a full and free Representative of the Nation the Ends of his Declaration would be attained He recommended to them the dangerous Condition of Ireland and also of the States of Holland both which required large and speedy Succours and told them That since it had pleased God hitherto to bless his good Intentions with so great Success he trusted in him that he would compleat his own Work by sending a Spirit of Peace and Union to influence their Counsels that so no Interruption may be given to a happy and lasting Settlement The first Thing the two Houses took care of was by mutual Consent to make an Address to the Prince in which they acknowledged him the Glorious Instrument under God in the great Deliverance of the Kingdom from Popery and Arbitrary Power They acknowledged also his great Care in the Administration and entreated him to continue it till further Application and that he would take into his Care the State of Ireland Then the Houses ordered that Thursday Ian. 31. be a Day of Thanksgiving in the City of London and places adjacent within ten Miles and the 14 th of February throughout the whole Kingdom Then the Lords ordered that no Papist or reputed Papist should presume to come into the Lobby Painted Chamber Court of Requests or Westminster-Hall during the Sitting of the Convention And after several Days Debates in both Houses about the Abdication of the Government and the Vacancy of the â—hrone On the 12 th of February the two Houses at last fully agreed all Things in Dispute between them in the following Declaration The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons Assembled at Westminster Concerning the Misgovernment of King James and filling up the Throne Presented to King William and Queen Mary by the right Honourable the Marquess of Hallifax Speaker to the House of Lords With His Majesties most gracious Answer thereunto WHEREAS the late King Iames the Second by the Assistance of divers Evil Counsellors Judges and Ministers imploy'd by Him did endeavour to Subvert and Extirpate the Protestant Religion and the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom By Assuming and Exercising a Power of Dispensing with and Suspending of Laws and the Execution of Laws
without Consent of Parliament By Committing and Prosecuting divers Worthy Prelates for humbly Petitioning to be Excused from concurring to the said assumed Power By issuing and causing to be executed a Commission under the Great Seal for erecting a Court called The Court of Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes By Levying Mony for and to the Use of the Crown by pretence of Prerogative for other time and in other manner than the same was granted by Parliament By raising and keeping a standing Army within this Kingdom in time of Peace without Consent of Parliament and Quartering Souldiers contrary to Law. By causing several Good Subjâ—cts being Protestants to be Disarmed at the same time when Papists were both Armed and Imployed contrary to Law. By violating the Freedom of Election of Members to serve in Parliament By Prosecutions in the Court of Kings-Bench for Matters and Causes cognizable only in Parliament and by divers other Arbitrary and Illegal Courses And whereas of late Years Partial Corrupt and Unqualified Persons have been returned and served on Juries in Trials and particularly divers Jurors in Trials for High-Treason which were not Freeholders And Excessive Bail hath been required of Persons committed in Criminal Cases to elude the Benefit of the Laws made for the Liberty of the Subjects And Excessive Fines have been imposed And Illegal and Cruel Punishments inflicted And several Grants and Promises made of Fines and Forfeitures before any Conviction or Judgment against the Persons upon whom the same were to be levied All which are utterly and directly contrary to the known Laws and Statutes and Freedom of this Realm And whereas the said late K. Iames the 2 d having abdicated the Government and the Throne being thereby vacant His Highness the Prince of Orange whom it hath pleased Almighty God to make the Glorious Instrument of Delivering this Kingdom from Popery and Arbitrary Power did by the Advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and divers principal Persons of the Commons cause Letters to be written to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal being Protestants and other Letters to the several Counties Cities Universities Burroughs and Cinque-Ports for the Chusing of such Persons to represent them as were of Right to be sent to Parliament to Meet and Sit at Westminster upon the 22 d Day of Ianuary in this Year 1688 in order to such an Establishment as that their Religion Laws and Liberties might not again be in danger of being Subverted Upon which Letters Elections having been accordingly made And thereupon the said Lord's Spiritual and Temporal and Commons pursuant to their respective Letters and Elections being now Assembled in a Full and Free Representative of this Nation taking into their most serious Consideration the best Means for attaining the Ends aforesaid do in the first place as their Ancestors in like Case have usually done for the Vindicating and Asserting their Ancient Rights and Liberties Declare That the pretending Power of Suspending of Laws or the Execution of Laws by Regal Authority without Consent of Parliament is Illegal That the pretended Power of Dispensing with Laws or the Execution of Laws by Regal Authority as it hath been assumed and exercised of late is Illegal That the Commission for erecting the late Court of Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes and all other Commissions and Courts of the like Nature are Illegal and Pernicious That levying of Mony for or to the Use of the Crown by pretence of Prerogative without Grant of Parliament for longer time or in other manner than the same is or shall be granted is Illegal That it is the Right of the Subjects to Petition the King and all Commitments and Prosecutions for such Petitioning are Illegal That the raising or keeping a standing Army within the Kingdom in time of Peace unless it be with Consent of Parliament is against Law. That the Subjects which are Protestants may have Arms for their Defence suitable to their Condition and as allowed by Law. That Election of Members of Parliament ought to be Free. That the Freedom of Speech and Debates or Proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or Questioned in any Court or place out of Parliament That Excessive Bail ought not to be required nor Excessive Fines imposed nor cruel and unusual Punishments inflicted That Jurors ought to be duly empannell'd and return'd and Jurors which pass upon Men in Trials for High-Treason ought to be Freeholders That all Grants and Promises of Fines and Forfeitures of particular Persons before Conviction are Illegal and Void And that for redress of all Grievances and for the amending strengthening and preserving of the Laws Parliaments ought to be held frequently And they do claim demand and insist upon all and singular the Premises as their undoubted Rights and Liberties and that no Declarations Judgments Doings or Proceedings to the prejudice of the People in any of the said Premises ought in any wise to be drawn hereafter into Consequence or Example To which Demand of their Rights they are particularly encouraged by the Declaration of His Highness the Prince of Orange as being the only Means for obtaining a full redress and remedy therein Having therefore an intire Confidence that his said Highness the Prince of Orange will perfect the Deliverance so far advanced by Him and will still preserve them from the Violation of their Rights which they have here asserted and from all other Attempts upon their Religion Rights and Liberties The said Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons assembled at Westminster do resolve That William and Mary Prince and Princess of Orange be and be declared King and Queen of England France and Ireland and the Dominions thereunto belonging to hold the Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdoms and Dominions to them the said Prince and Princess during their Lives and the Life of the Surviver of them And that the sole and full Exercise of the Regal Power be only in and executed by the said Prince of Orange in the Names of the said Prince and Princess during their joint Lives and after their Deceases the said Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdoms and Dominions to be to the Heirs of the Body of the said Princess and for default of such Issue to the Princess Ann of Denmark and the Heirs of Her Body and for default of such Issue to the Heirs of the Body of the said Prince of Orange And the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons do pray the said Prince and Princess of Orange to accept the same accordingly And that the Oaths hereafter mentioned be taken by all Persons of whom the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy might be required by Law instead of them and that the said Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy be Abrogated I A. B. do sincerely promise and swear That I will be faithful and bear true Allegiance to their Majesties King WILLIAM and Queen MARY So help me God. I A. B. do swear That I do from my Heart Abhor
Detest and Abjure as Impious and Heretical this Damnable Doctrine and Position That Princes Excommunicated or Deprived by the Pope or any Authority of the See of Rome may be Deposed or Murthered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever And I do declare That no Foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Iurisdiction Power Superiority Preeminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm So help me God. Io. Browne Cleric ' Parl. Die Veneris 15 Feb. 1688. His Majesties Gracious Answer to the Declaration of both Houses My Lords and Gentlemen THis is certainly the greatest proof of the Trust you have in Vs that can be given which is the thing that maketh us value it the more and we thankfully Accept what you have Offered And as I had no other Intention in coming hither than to preserve your Religion Laws and Liberties so you may be sure That I shall endeavour to support them and shall be willing to concur in any thing that shall be for the Good of the Kingdom and to do all that is in my Power to advance the Welfare and Glory of the Nation Die Veneris 15 Februarii 1688. ORdered by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal Assembled at Westminster That His Majesties Gracious Answer to the Declaration of both Houses and the Declaration be forthwith Printed and Published And that his Majesties Gracious Answer this Day be added to the Engrossed Declaration in Parchment to be Enrolled in Parliament and Chancery Io. Browne Cleric ' Parliamentorum The Declaration of the Estates of Scotland concerning the Mis-government of King James the Seventh and filling up the Throne with King William and Queen Mary THat King Iames the 7 th had acted irregularly 1. By His Erecting publick Schools and Societies of the Jesuits and not only allowing Mass to be publickly said but also inverting Protestant Chappels and Churches to Publick Mass-houses contrair to the express Laws against saying and hearing of Mass. 2. By allowing Popish Books to be Printed and Dispersed by a Gift to a Popish Printer designing him Printer to his Majesties Houshold College and Chappel contrair to the Laws 3. By taking the Children of Protestant Noblemen and Gentlemen sending them abroad to be bred Papists making great Funds and Donations to Popish Schools and Colleges abroad bestowing Pensions on Priests and perverting Protestants from their Religion by Offers of Places Preferments and Pensions 4. By disarming Protestants while at the same time he employed Papists in the Places of greatest Trust Civil and Military such as Chancellour Secretaries Privy Councellors and Lords of Session thrusting out Protestants to make room for Papists and intrusting the Forts and Magazines of the Kingdom in their hands 5. By Imposing Oaths contrair to Law. 6. By giving Gifts and Grants for exacting of Money without Consent of Parliament or Convention of Estates 7. By Levying and keeping on foot a Standing Army in time of Peace without consent of Parliament which Army did exact Locality free and day Quarters 8. By Employing the Officers of the Army as Judges through the Kingdom and imposing them where there were held Offices and Jurisdictions by whom many of the Leiges were put to Death summarily without legal Tryal Jury or Record 9. By imposing exorbitant Fines to the Value of the Parties Estates exacting extravagant Bail and disposing Fines and Forfaulture before any Process or Conviction 10. By Imprisoning Persons without expressing the Reason and delaying to put them to Tryal 11. By causing pursue and forfault several Persons upon stretches of old and obsolete Laws upon frivolous and weak pretences upon lame and defective Probations as particularly the late Earl of Argyle to the scandal and reproach of the Justice of the Nation 12. By Subverting the Right of the Royal Boroughs the Third Estate of Parliament imposing upon them not only Magistrates but also the whole Town Council and Clerks contrair to the Liberties and express Charters without the pretence outher of Sentence Surrender or Consent So that the Commissioners to Parliaments being chosen by the Magistrates and Councils the King might in effect alsweel nominate that entire Estate of Parliament many of the said Magigrates put in by him were avowed Papists and the Burghs were forced to pay Mony for the Letters imposing these illegal Magistrates and Council upon them 13. By sending Letters to the Chief Courts of Justice not only ordering the Judges to stop and desist sine die to determine Causes but also ordering and commanding them how to proceed in Cases depending before them contrair to the express Laws And by changing the Nature of the Judges Gifts ad vitam aut culpam and giving them Commissions ad bene placitam to dispose them to compliance by Arbitrair Courses and turning them out of their Offices when they did not comply 14. By granting Personal Protections for Civil Debts contrair to Law. All which are utterly and directly contrair to the known Laws Freedoms and Statutes of this Realm Therefore the Estates of the Kingdom of Scotland find and declare That King Iames the Seventh being a profest Papist did assume the Regal Power and acted as King without ever taking the Oath required by Law and have by advice of Evil and Wicked Counsellors invaded the Fundamental Constitution of the Kingdom and altered it from a Legal limited Monarchy to an Arbitrair and Despotick Power and hath exercised the same to the subversion of the Protestant Religion and the violation of the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom Inverting all the Ends of Government whereby he hath forfaulted the Right to the Crown and the Throne is become vacant And whereas his Royal Highness William then Prince of Orange now King of England whom it hath pleased the Almighty God to make the Glorious Instrument of delivering these Kingdoms from Popery and Arbitrary Power did by advice of several Lords and Gentlemen of this Nation at London for the time call the Estates of this Kingdom to meet the Fourteenth of March last in order to such an Establishment as that their Religion Laws and Liberties might not be again in danger of being subverted And the said Estates being now assembled in a full and free Representative of this Nation taking to their most serious consideration the best means for attaining the Ends aforesaid Do in the first place as their Ancestors in the like cases have usually done for the vindicating and asserting their Ancient Rights and Liberties declare That by the Law of this Kingdom no Papist can be King or Queen of the Realm nor bear any Office whatsoever therein nor can any Protestant Successor exercise the Regal Power until he or she swear the Coronation Oath That all Proclamations asserting an Absolute Power to cass annul and disable Laws the erecting Schools and Colledges for Jesuits the inverting Protestant Chappels and Churches to publick Mass-houses and the â—llowing Mass to be said are contrair to Law. That the allowing Popish Books
to be printed and dispersed is contrair to Law. That the taking the Children of Noblemen Gentlemen and others sending and keeping them abroad to be bred Papists The making Funds and Donations to Popish Schools and Colledges the bestowing Pensions on Priests and the perverting Protestants from their Religion by offers of Places Preferments and Pensions are contrair to Law. That the disarming of Protestants and imploying Papists in the Places of greatest Trust both Civil and Military the thrusting out Protestants to make room for Papists and the entrusting Papists with the Forts and Magazines of the Kingdom are contrair to Law. That the imposing Oaths without Authority of Parliament is contrair to Law. That the giving Gifts or Grants for raising of Mony without the Consent of Parliament or Convention of Estates is contrair to Law. That the imploying Officers of the Army as Judges through the Kingdom or imposing them where there were several Offices and Jurisdictions and the putting the Leiges to Death summarily and without legal Trial Jury or Record are contrair to Law. That the imposing extraordinary Fines the exacting of exorbitant Bail and the disposing of Fines and Forfaultures before Sentence are contrair to Law. That the Imprisoning Persons without expressing the reason thereof and delaying to put them to Trial are contrair to Law. That the causing pursue and forfault Persons upon Stretches of old and obsolete Laws upon frivolous and weak Pretences upon â—ame and defective Probation as particularly the late Earl of Aâ—gyle are contraiâ— to Law. That the nominating and imposing Magistrates Councils and Clerks upon Burgâ—s contrair to the Liberties and express Charters is contrair to Law. That the sending Leâ—ters to the Courts of Justice ordaining the Judges to stop or desist from determining Causes or ordaining them how to proceed in Causes depending before them and the changing the Nature of the Judges Gifts ad vitam aut culpam unto Commissions Durante bene placito are contrair to Law. That the granting Personal Protections for Civil Debts is contrair to Law. That the forcing the Leiges to depone against themselves in Capital Crimes however the Punishment be restricted is contrair to Law. That the using Torture without Evidence or in ordinary Crimes is contrair to Law. That the â—ending of an Army in a Hostile manner upon any part of the Kingdom in a peaceable time and exacting of Locality and any manner of Free Quarter is contrair to Law. That the charging the Leiges with Law-burroughs at the King's instance and the imposing of Bands without the Authority of Parliament and the suspending the Advocates from their Imployments for not compearing when such Bands were offered were contrair to Law. That the putting of Garisons on private Mens Houses in a time of peace without the consent of the Authority of Parliament is contrair to Law. That the opinion of the Lords of Session in the two Causes following were contrair to Law viz. 1. That the concerting the demand of a Supply for a Forfaulted Person although not given is Treason 2. That Persons refusing to discover what are their private thoughts and Judgments in relation to points of Treason or other Mens actions are guilty of Treason That the fining Husbands for their Wives withdrawing from the Church was contrair to Law. That Prelacy and Superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters is and hath been a great and unsupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation and contrair to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People ever since the Reformation they having Reformed from Popery by Presbyters and therefore ought to be abolished That it is the Right and Privilege of the Subjects to protest for remead of Law to the King and Parliament against Sentences pronounced by the Lords of Session providing the same do not stop execution of the said Sentences That it is the Right of the Subjects to Petition the King and that all Imprisonments and Prosecutions for such Petitions are contrair to Law. That for redress of all Grievances and for the amending strengthning and Preserving of the Laws Parliaments ought to be frequently called and allowed to sit and the freedom of Speech and Debate secured to the Members And they do claim and demand and insist upon all and sundry the Premisses as their undoubted Right and Liberties and that no Declarations Doings or Proceedings to the prejudice of the People in any of the said Premisses ought in any ways to be drawn hereafter in consequence and example but that all Forfaultures Fines loss of Offices Imprisonments Banishments Pursuits Persecutions and Rigorous Executions be considered and the Parties seized be redressed To which demand of the Rights and Redressing of their Grievances they are particularly incouraged by his Majesty the King of England his Declaration for the Kingdom of Scotland of the day of October last as being the only means for obtaining a full redress and remead therein Having therefore an entire Confidence That his said Majesty the King of England will perfyte the Deliverance so far advanced by him and will still preserve them from the Violation of the Rights which they have here asserted And from all other Attempts upon their Religion Laws and Liberties The said Estates of the Kingdom of Scotland do resolve That William and Mary King and Queen of England France and Ireland Be and Be Declared King and Queen of Scotland to Hold the Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdom of Scotland to them the said King and Queen during their Lives and the longest Liver of them and that the sole and full exercise of the Royal Power be only in and exercised by him the said King in the Names of the said King and Queen during their joynt Lives And after their deceases the said Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdom to be to the Heirs of the Body of the said Queen Which sailing to the Princess Ann of Denmark and the Heirs of her Body which also sailing to the Heirs of the Body of the said William King of England And they do pray the said King and Queen of England to accept the same accordingly And that the Oath hereafter mentioned be taken by all Protestants of whom the Oath of Allegiance and any other Oaths and Declarations might be required by Law instead thereof And that the said Oath of Allegiance and other Oaths and Declarations may be Abrogated I A. B. Do sincerely Promise and Swear That I will be Faithful and bear True Allegiance to Their Majesties King WILLIAM and Queen MARY So help me God. The manner of the Proclaiming of King WILLIAM and Queen MARY at White-hall and in the City of London Feb. 13. 1688 9. ABout half an hour past Ten in the Morning the Lords and Commons came from Westminster to White-hall in their Coaches and alighted at the Gate went up into the Banqueting-House where they presented the Prince and Princess of Orange with an Instrument in Writing for declaring their Highnesses
King and Queen of England France and Ireland and the Dominions and Territories thereunto belonging desiring them to accept the Crown pursuant to the said Declaration which their Highnesses accepting accordingly the said Lords and Commons came down again to White-hall gate preceded by the Speakers of their respective Houses each attended with a Sergeant at Arms where they found the Heralds of Arms the Sergeants at Arms the Trumpets and other Officers all in readiness being assembled by Orderâ— from the Duke of Norfolk Earl-Marshal of England And Sir Thomas St. George Knight Garter Principal King of Arms having received a Proclamation and an Order from the Lord House to the Kings Heralds and Pursuivants of Arms for Publishing or Proclaiming the same forthwith The Persons concern'd disposed themselves in Order before the Court-gate for making the said Proclamation And the Trumpets having founded a Call three several Times the last of which was answer'd by a great Shout of the vast Multitudes of People there assembled The Noise ceasing the said Garter King of Arms read the said Proclamation by short Sentences or Periods which was thereupon proclaim'd aloud by Robert Devenish Esq York Herald being the Senior Herald in these words WHereas it hath pleased Almighty God in his great Mercy to this Kingdom to vouchsafe us a Miraculous Deliverance from Popery and Abitrary Power and that our Preservation is due next under God to the Resolution and Conduct of His Highness the Prince of Orange whom God hath chosen to be the Glorious Instrument of such an inestimable Happiness to us and our Posterity and being highly sensible and fully perswaded of the Great and Eminent Vertues of Her Highness the Princess of Orange whose zeal for the Protestant Religion will no doubt bring a Blessing along with Her upon this Nation And whereas the Lords and Commons now Assembled at Westminster have made a Declaration and presented the same to the said Prince and Princess of Orange and therein desired them to Accept the Crown who have accepted the same accordingly We therefore the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons Together with the Lord Mayor and Citizens of London and others of the Commons of this Realm Do with a full Consent Publish and Proclaim according to the said Declaration William and Mary Prince and Princess of Orange to be King and Queen of England France and Ireland with all the Dominions and Territories thereunto belonging who are accordingly so to be owned deemed accepted and taken by all the People of the aforesaid Realms and Dominions who are from hence-forward bound to acknowledge and pay unto them all Faith and true Allegiance Beseeching God by whom Kings Reign to bless King William and Queen Mary with long and happy Years to Reign over us God save King WILLIAM and Queen MARY Jo. Brown Cleric Parliamentorum Which being ended and the Trumpets sounding a Flourish was answer'd by several repeated Shouts of the People And Directions being given to proclaim the same within Temple-Bar in Cheap-side and at the Royal-Exchange the Proceeding marched in this manner First the several Beadles of the Liberties of Westminster Next the Constables of the said Liberties all on Foot with the High-Constable on Horse-back After them the Head-Bailiff of Westminster and his Men all with white Staves to clear the Way on Horse-back Then the Knight-Marshal's Men also on Horse-back Next to these a Class of Trumpets Nine in all viz. 2 2 2 and 3 followed by the Sergeant-Trumpeter carrying his Mace on his Shoulder all likewise on Horse-back Then a Pursuivant of Arms single Then a Pursuivant and a Sergeant at Arms Another Pursuivant and a Sergeant at Arms Then four Heralds of Arms one after another each with a Sergeant at Arms on his left Hand the Heralds and Pursuivants being all in their Rich Coats of the Royal Arms and the Sergeants at Arms each carrying his Mace on his Shoulder and all on Horse-back Then Garter King of Arms in his rich Coat of Arms carrying the Proclamation accompanied with Sir Tho. Duppa Kt. Gentleman-Usher of the Black Rod in his Crimson Mantle of the Order of the Garter and his Black Rod of Offiâ—e likewise on Horse-back These immediately preceded the Marquess of Halifax who executed the Place of Speaker in the House of Lords in his Coach attended by Sir Roger Harsnet eldest Sergeant at Arms with his Mace. Then follow'd Henry Powle Esq Speaker of the House of Commons in his Coach attended by Iohn Topham Esq Sergeant at Arms to the said House with his Mace. After the two Speakers of the Houses followed the Duke of Norfolk Earl Marshal and Primier Duke of England in his Coach with his Marshals Staff in his Hand And next to him all the Peers in order in their Coaches And last of all the Members of the House of Commons in their Coaches In this Order they proceeded towards Temple-Bar and being come as far as the Maypole in the Strand two of the Officers of Arms with a Sergeant at Arms and two Trumpets went before to Temple-Bar and the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs being by this time arrived there and having ordered the Gates to be shut the Herald at Arms knocked thereat whereupon the Sheriffs being on Horse-back came to the Gate and the said Herald acquainting them That he came by Order of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal assembled at Westminster to demand Entrance into that famous City for the Proclaiming of William and Mary King and Queen of England France and Ireland and the Dominions and Territories thereunto belonging and therefore required their speedy Answer The said Sheriffs ordered the Gates to be opened Whereupon leaving the Head-Bayliff Constables and Beadles of Westminster without the Barr the rest of the Proceeding entred where they found the Lord Mayâ—r Aldermen Recorder and Sheriffs all in their Formalities and on Horse-back except the Lord Mayor who was in his Coach attended by the Sword-bearer and other of his Officers who joyfully receiving them they made a stand between the two Temple-Gates and Proclaimed their Majesties a second time From whence they marched towards Cheap-side a Class of the City Trumpets and the Lord-Mayors Livery-men leading the Way and the said Aldermen and Lord Mayor falling into the Proceeding And near Wood-street end the place where Cheap-side-Cross formerly stood they made another stand and Proclaimed their Majesties a third time And arriving at the Royal-Exchange about Two of the Clock they Proclaimed them a fourth time and at each Proclamation the vast multitudes of Spectators who thronged the Streets Balconies and Windows filled the Air with loud and repeated Shouts and Expressions of Joy. Within Temple-Bar and all along Fleet-street the Orange Regiment of the City Militia lined both sides of the way as did the Green Regiment within Ludgate and St. Paul's Church-Yard the Blew Regiment in Cheap-side and the White in Cornhil The Coronation of their Sacred Majesties King WILLIAM and Queen MARY was performed at Westminster in
manner following April 11 1689. THeir Majesties being come from Whitehal to Westminster and the Nobility c. being put in Order by the Heralds They came down in State into Westminster-hall where the Swords and Spurs were presented to them After which the Dean and Prebendaries of Westminster having brought the Crowns and other Regalia presented them severally to their Majesties which with the Swords and Spurs were thereupon delivered to the Lords appointed to carry them Then the Procession began in this manner Drums and Trumpets Six Clerks in Chancery two abreast as all the rest of the Proceeding went Chaplains having Dignities Aldermen of London Masters in Chancery Solicitor and Attorney General Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber Judges Children of Westminster and of the King's Chappel Choir of Westminster and Gentlemen of the Chappel Prebends of Westminster Master of the Jewel-house Privy Councellors not Peers Two Pursuivants Baronesses Barons Bishops A Pursuivant a Vicountess Vicounts Two Heralds Countesses Earls A Herald a Marchioness Two Heralds Dutchesses Dukes Two Kings of Arms The Lord Privy Seal Lord President of the Council Archbishop of York His Royal Highness Prince George of Denmark Two Persons representing the Dukes of Aquitain and Normandy Next the Lords who bore their Majesties Regalia viz. The Earl of Manchester St. Edward's Staff and the Lord Grey of Ruthin the Spurs The Earl of Clare the Queens Scepter with the Cross and the Earl of Northampton the King's The Earls of Shrewsbury Derby and Pembroke the 3 Swords Next Garter King of Arms between the Usher of the Black Rod and the Lord Mayor of London The Lord Great Chamberlain Single The Earl of Oxford with the Sword of State between the Duke of Norfolk Earl Marshall and the Duke of Ormond Lord High-Constable for that Day then the Earl of Bedford with the Queens Sceptre of the Dove and the Earl of Rutland with the King 's the Duke of Bolton with the Queen's Orb and the Duke of Grafton with the King 's the Duke of Somerset with the Queen's Crown and the Earl of Devonshire Lord Steward of his Majesties Houshold who was made Lord. High Steward of England for that Day with the King 's The Bishop of London with the Bible between the Bishop of St. Asaph with the Paten and the Bishop of Rochester with the Chalice Then the King supported by the Bishop of Winchester and the Queen by the Bishop of Bristol under a Canopy born by Sixteen Barons of the Cinque Ports His Majesties Train born by the Master of the Robes assisted by the Lord Eland Lord Willoughby Lord Landsdowne and the Lord Dunblaine and Her Majesties Train by the Dutchess of Somerset assisted by the Lady Elizabeth Pawlett Lady Diana Vere Lady Elizabeth Cavendish and the Lady Henrietta Hyde After the King a Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber and two Grooms of the Bed-Chamber and after the Queen a Lady of the Bed-Chamber and two of Her Majesties Women Lastly the Captain of His Majesties Guard between the Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard and the Captain of the Band of Pensioners followed by the Officers and Band of Yeomen of the Guard. The Sergeants at Arms going on each side of the Regalia and the Gentlemen Pensioners on each side of the Canopy Thus Their Majesties in Their Robes of Crimson Velvet the King with a Cap and the Queen a Circlet on her Head All the Nobility in Crimson Velvet Robes with their Coronets in their Hands and the rest of the Proceeding in their proper Habits marched on foot upon Blew Cloth to Westminster-Abby all the Way and Houses on each side being Crouded with vast Number of Spectators expressing their great Joy and Satisfaction by loud repeated Acclamations Being Entred the Church and all duly seated the Bishop of London who performed this great Solemnity began with the Recognition which ended with a mighty Shout Then Their Majesties Offered and the Lords who bore the Regalia presented them at the Altar The Litany was sung by two Bishops and after the Epistle Gospel and Nicene Creed the Bishop of Salisbury Preach'd on this Text 2 Sam. 23. 3 4. After Sermon Their Majesties took the Oath and being Conducted to their Regal Chairs placed on the Theater that they might be more Conspicuous to the Members of the House of Commons who were seated in the North Cross were Anointed and presented with the Spurs and Sword and Invested with the Palls and Orbs and then with the Rings and Scepters and at Four of the Clock the Crowns were put on their Heads At sight whereof the People shouted the Drums and Trumpets sounded the great Guns were discharged and the Peers and Peeresses put on their Coronets Then the Bible was presented to Them and after the Benediction They vouchsafed to Kiss the Bishops Being Inthroned first the Bishops and then the Temporal Lords did their Homage and Kissed their Majesties left Cheeks while the Treasurer of the Houshold threw about the Coronation Medals Next followed the Communion And Their Majesties having made their second Oblation received the Holy Sacrament Then the Bishop Read the final Prayers and Their Majesties retiring into St. Edward's Chappel and being new Arrayed in Purple Velvet returned to Westminster-Hall wearing Their Rich Crowns of State and the Nobility their Coronets The Nobility c. being seated at their respective Tables which were all ready furnished before their coming in The first Course for Their Majesties Table was served up with the proper Ceremony being preceded by the great Officers and the High-Constable High-Steward and Earl-Marshall And before the second Course Charles Dymoke Esq Their Majesties Champion between the High-Constable and the Earl-Marshall performed the Challenge After which the Heralds proclaimed Their Majesties Styles Dinner being ended and the whole Solemnity performed with great Splendor and Magnificence About Eight in the Evening Their Majesties returned to White-hall A Proclamation declaring WILLIAM and MARY King and Queen of England to be King and Queen of Scotland Edinburgh April 11. 1689. WHereas the Estates of this Kingdom of Scotland by their Act of the Date of these Presents have Resolved That William and Mary King and Queen of England France and Ireland Be and Be declared King and Queen of Scotland to hold the Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdom of Scotland to them the said King and Queen during their Lives and the longest Liver of Them and that the Sole and Full Exercise of the Regal Power be only in and Exercised by the said King in the Names of the said King and Queen during their joynt Lives As also the Estates having Resolved and Enacted and Instrument of Government or Claim of Right to be presented with the Offer of the Crown to the said King and Queen They do Statute and Ordain that William and Mary King and Queen of England France and Ireland be accordingly forthwith Proclaimed King and Queen of Scotland at the Mercat Cross of Edinburgh by the Lyon King at Arms
or his Deputs his Brethren Heraulds Macers and Pursevants and at the Head-Burghs of all the Shires Stewarties Bailliaries and Regalities within the Kingdom by Messengers at Arms. Extracted forth of the Meeting of the Estates by me J A. DALRYMPLE Cls. God save King WILLIAM and Queen MARY The Manner of the King and Queen taking the Scotish Coronation Oath May 11. 1689. THis day being appointed for the publick Reception of the Commissioners viz. the Earl of Argyle Sir Iames Montgomery of Skelmerly and Sir Iohn Dalrymple of Stair younger who were sent by the Meeting of the Estates of Scotland with an Offer of the Crown of that Kingdom to Their Majesties they accordingly at 3 of the Clock met at the Council-Chamber and from thence were Conducted by Sir Charles Cotterel Master of the Ceremonies attended by most of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom who reside in and about this place to the Banqueting-House where the King and Queen came attended by many Persons of Quality the Sword being carried before them by the Lord Cardrosse and Their Majesties being placed on the Throne under a rich Canopy they first presented a Letter from the Estates to His Majesty then the Instrument of Government Thirdly a Paper containing the Grievances which they desired might be Redressed and Lastly an Address to His Majesty for turning the Meeting of the said Estates into a Parliament All which being Signed by his Grace the Duke of Hamilton as President of the Meeting and read to Their Majesties the King returned to the Commissioners the following Answer When I engaged in this Undertaking I had particular Regard and Consideration for Scotland and therefore I did emit a Declaration in relation to That as well as to this Kingdom which I intend to make good and effectual to them I take it very kindly that Scotland hath expressed so much Confidence in and Affection to Me They shall find Me willing to assist them in every thing that concerns the Weal and Interest of that Kingdom by making what Laws shall be necessary for the Security of their Religion Property and Liberty and to ease them of what may be justly grievous to them After which the Coronation-Oath was tendred to Their Majesties which the Earl of Argyle spoke word by word distinctly and the King and Queen repeated it after him holding Their Right Hands up after the manner of taking Oaths in Scotland The Meeting of the Estates of Scotland did Authorize their Commissioners to represent to His Majesty That that Clause in the Oath in relation to the rooting out of Hereticks did not import the destroying of Hereticks And that by the Law of Scotland no Man was to be persecuted for his private Opinion And even Obstinate and Convicted Hereticks were only to be denounced Rebels or Outlawed whereby their Moveable Estates are Confiscated His Majesty at the repeating that Clause in the Oath Did declare that He did not mean by these words That He was under any Obligation to become a Persecutor To which the Commissioners made Answer That neither the meaning of the Oath or the Law of Scotland did import it Then the King replyed That He took the Oath in that Sense and called for Witnesses the Commissioners and others present And then both Their Majesties Signed the said Coronation-Oath After which the Commissioners and several of the Scotish Nobility kissed Their Majesties Hands The Coronation-OATH of England The Arch-Bishop or Bishop shall say WIll You solemnly Promise and Swear to Govern the People of this Kingdom of England and the Dominions thereto belonging according to the Statutes in Parliament agreed on and the Laws and Customs of the same The King and Queen shall say I solemnly Promise so to do Arch-Bishop or Bishop Will You to Your Power cause Law and Justice in Mercy to be Executed in all Your Judgments King and Queen I Will. Arch-Bishop or Bishop Will You to the utmost of Your Power Maintain the Laws of God the true Profession of the Gospel and the Protestant Reformed Religion Established by Law And will You Preserve unto the Bishops and Clergy of this Realm and to the Churches committed to their Charge all such Rights and Priviledges as by Law do or shall appertain unto them or any of them King and Queen All this I Promise to do After this the King and Queen laying His and Her Hand upon the Holy Gospels shall say King and Queen The Things which I have here before Promised I will Perform and Keep. So help me God. Then the King and Queen shall kiss the Book The Coronation OATH of Scotland WE William and Mary King and Queen of Scotland Faithfully Promise and Swear by this Our solemn Oath in presence of the Eternal God that during the whole course of Our Life we will serve the same Eternal God to the uttermost of Our Power according as he has required in his most holy Word reveal'd and contain'd in the New and Old Testament and according to the same Word shall maintain the True Religion of Christ Jesus the Preaching of his Holy Word and the due and right Ministration of the Sacraments now Received and Preached within the Realm of Scotland and shall abolish and gainstand all false Religion contrary to the same and shall Rule the People committed to our Charge according to the Will and Command of God revealed in his aforesaid Word and according to the Landable Laws and Constitutions received in this Realm no ways repugnant to the said Word of the Eternal God and shall procure to the utmost of Our power to the Kirk of God and whole Christian People true and perfect Peace in all time coming That we shall preserve and keep inviolated the Rights and Rents with all just Priviledges of the Crown of Scotland neither shall we transfer nor alienate the same That we shall forbid and repress in all Estates and Degrees Reif Oppression and all kind of wrong And we shall Command and Procure that Justice and Equity in all Judgments be keeped to all Persons without exception as the Lord and Father of all Mercies shall be merciful to uâ— And we shall be careful to root out all Hereticks and Enemies to the true Worship of God that shall be Convicted by the true Kirk of God of the aforesaid Crimes out of Our Lands and Empire of Scotland And we faithfully affirm the things above written by Our Solemn Oath God save King WILLIAM and Queen MARY FINIS a a Distinct. 19. cap. a Caus. 25. q. 1. cap. 11. b b Cap. Vergent de Hereticis c c Cap. Infam 6. q. 1. p. 297. d d Suar. de Fide disp 12. §. 9. n. â— l. 2. c. 29. e e Cap. de Haer. f f Aâ—zoâ— Tom. 1. l. 8. c. 12. q. 7. g g Cap. 2. Sect. fin de Haer. in 6. h h Cap. cum secundum Legis de Haer. Inno III. cap. de Vergentis i i Vasque in Suar. disp 22. S. 4. n. 11. k k S. 1. n. 5. l l Cap. Vergent de Haer. m m Cap. ad abolendum de Haâ—r Suâ—r Dis. 23. Bul. Vrb. 4. Inno. 4. n n Jac. de Gra. decis l. 2. c. 9. n. 2. o o Bonacina Diano Castro Molanus c. Car. Allen. ad mon. to Nobl. Peop. p. 41. p p â—riess of P. G. 13. Clem. 8. q q 5. Ies. Trial p. 28. r r Col. Lr. â—o the Internâ—ncio s s Prance 's Nar. p. 4. t t Caus. Ep. p. 189. u u Five Ies. Tâ—iâ—ls p. 2â— x x Caput Offiâ—â—â—m y y Bonâ—ciâ—â—a dâ— prinâ— prat Disp. 3. q. 2. z z Parson 's Philop. p. 109. a a Becan Cont. Aug. p. 131 132. In Fowlis p. 60. b b Oats 's Nar. p. 4. N. 5 c. c c Hist. Ref. p. 110. a a Prout Regalis Officii exposcit utilitas b b Sicome le profit de Office Demaunde The Kingly or Regal Office of this Realm Mar. Sess. 3. cap. 1. Give us a King to judg us 1 Sam. 8.5 6 20. 18 Edw. III. 20 Edw. III. Cap. 1 2. 1 Iac. 1. cap. 1. 35 H. 8. cap. 1. 6 E. 6.11.1 2 3. Om. 10. 1 El. 6. 1 El. 3. Church-man
open profession of the Popish Religion so he did then promise and solemnly swear at his Coronation That he would maintain his Subjects in the free enjoiment of their Laws and Liberties and in particular that he would maintain the Church of England as it was established by Law It is likewise certain that there have been at divers and sundry times several Laws enacted for the preservation of those Rights and Liberties and of the Protestant Religion And among other Securites it has been enacted that all Persons whatsoever that are advanced to any Ecclesiastical Dignity or to bear Office in either University as likewise all other that should be put in any Imploiment Civil or Military should declare that they were not Papists but were of the Protestant Religion and that by their taking of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and the Test yet these Evil Counsellors have in effect annulled and abolished all those Laws both with relation to Ecclesiastical and Civil Emploiments In order to Ecclesiastical Dignities and Offices they have not only without any colour of Law but against most express Laws to the contrary set up a Commission of a certain Number of Persons to whom they have committed the Cognizance and Direction of all Ecclesiastical Matters In the which Commission there has been and still is one of his Majesty's Ministers of State who makes now publick profession of the Popish Religion and who at the time of his first professing it declared That for a great while before he had believed that to be the only true Religion By all this the deplorable State to which the Protestant Religion is reduced is apparent since the Affairs of the Church of England are now put into the Hands of Persons who have accepted of a Commission that is manifestly Illegal and who have executed it contrary to all Law and that now one of their chief Members has abjured â—he Proâ—estant Religion and declared himself a Papist by which he is become incapable of holding any Publick Emploiment The said Commissioners have hitherto given such proof of their submission to the Directions given them that there is no reason to doubt but they will still continue to promote all such Designs as will be most agreeable to them And those Evil Counsellors take care to raise none to any Ecclesiastical Dignities but Persons that have no Zeal for the Protestant Religion and that now hide their unconcernedness for it under the specious pretence of Moderation The said Commissioners have suspended the Bishop of London only because he refused to obey an Order that was sent him to suspend a Worthy Divine without so much as citing him before him to make his own Defence or observing the common Forms of Process They have turned out a President chosen by the Fellows of Magdalâ—ne Colledg and afterwards all the Fellows of that Colledg without so much as citing them before any Court that could take legal cognizance of that Affair or obtaining any Sentence against them by a competent Judg. And the only Reason that was given for turning them out was their refusing to chuse for their President a Person that was recommended to them by the iâ—â—â—igation of those Evil Counsellors Though the right of a free Election belonged undoubtedly to them But they were turned out of their Freeholds contrary to Law and to that express Provision in Magna Charta That no Man shall lose Life or Goods but by the Law of the Land. And now these Evil Counsellors have put the said Colledg wholly into the Hands of Papists though as is above said they are incapable of all such Imploiments both by the Law of the Land and the Statutes of the Colledg These Commissioners have also cited before them all the Chancellors and Arch-deacons of England requiring them to certify to them the Names of all such Clergy-men as have read the King's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience and of such as have not read it without considering that the reading of it was not enjoined the Clergy by the Bishops who are their Ordinaries The illegality and incompetency of the said Court of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners was so notoriously known and it did so evidently appear that it tended to the subversion of the Protestant Relâ—â—ion that the most Reverend Father in God William Arch-bishop of Canterbury Primate and Metropolitan of all England seeing that it was raised for no other end but to oppress such Persons as were of eminent Virtue Learning and Piety refused to sit or concur in it And though there are many express Laws against all Churches or Chappels for the exercise of the Popish Religion and also against all Monasteries and Convents and more particularly against the Order of the Jesuits yet those Evil Counsellors have procured Orders for the building of several Churches and Chappels for the Exercise of that Religion They have also procured divers Monasteries to be erected and in contempt of the Law they have not only set up several Colledges of Iesuits in divers places for the corrupting of the Youth but have raised up one of the Order to be a Privy Counsellor and a Minister of State. By all which they do evidently shew that they are restrained by no Rules or Law whatsoever but that they have subjected the Honours and Estates of the Subjects and the Establish'd Religion to a Despotick Power and to Arbitrary Government In all which they are served and seconded by those Ecclesiastical Commissioners They have also followed the same Methods with Relation to Civil Affairs For they have procured Orders to examine all Lords-Lieutenants Deputy-Lieutenants Sheriffs Justices of Peace and all others that were in any Publick Employment if they would concur with the King in the Repeal of the Test and Penal Laws and all such whose Consciences did not suffer them to comply with their Designs were turned out and others were put in their places who they believe would be more compliant to them in their Designs of defeating the Intent and Execution of those Laws which had been made with so much Care and Caution for the Security of the Protestant Religion And in many of these places they have put professed Papists though the Law has disabled them and warranted the Subjects not to have any regard to their Orders They have also invaded the Priviledges and seized on the Charters of most of those Towns that have a right to be represented by â—heir Burgesses in Parliament and have procured Surrenders to be made of them by which the Magistrates in them have delivered up all their Rights and Priviledges to be disposed of at the pleasure of those Evil Counsellors who have thereupon placed new Magistrates in those Towns such as they can most entirely confide in and in many of them they have put Popish Magistrates notwithstanding the Incapacities under which the Law has put them And whereas no Nation whatsoever can subsist without the Administration of good and impartial Justice upon which Mens Lives
to return to his Government under such legal Restraints as shall give security to the most jealous Persons for the preservation of their Laws Liberties and Religion iâ— horribly decryed c. yet the only Reason against it is because it is vain Now Sir that Reason is so very good that it may perhaps justily that dreadful Consequence you so shrink at for though I do not doubt but you are a wonderful Legislator yet if Twenty wiser Men than you were joined with you to frame these new Laws yet let but a Popish Prince have the Supreme Executive Power and the Legal Prerogatives and he will break through all your Restrictions with wonderful Facility as we have seen by Experience But then if you leave him the Name and take away the Power of a King you set up a Common-wealth immediately which will not end with your Popish Prince but there will be stickling to keep all things in the same State in the following Reign of what Religion soever the Prince is which was the Reason why the Limitations offered by Charles II. in 1679 were rejected And let it be remember'd also how well that Prince that was supposed to be a Protestant kept his Word and the Solemn League and Covenant which he solemnly with Hands and Eyes lifted up to Heaven swore to observe in Scotland c. Well but we would have thought our selves very secure if the King would hâ—ve called a Free Parliament Yes Sir if he would have call'd it Freely so that it had been the production of his Will without Force but Sir it is notorious he was resolved the Parliament should either not be free or not meet and if your Memory will not serve you to recall the virulent Reflection on the humble Petition presented by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal the 17th of November last in which the Author tells us That the summoning a Parliament 〈◊〉 is so far from being the only way to preseâ—ve His Majesty and the Kingdom that it will be one of the principal causes of much Misery to the Kingdom c. and nothing would do then but driving the Prince of Orange out of the Kingdom with Force and Arms. Now I say Sir If you cannot remember this you shall never be trusted to frame Laws if I can help it There is another and a better Reason to refuse a Treaty than the fearing the King should comply Suppose that he should grant all that you can ask bating White-Hall the Reveâ—â—e the Title of King and the Right of calling Parliaments and making Peace and War What Security have we that he will acquiesce in this low restrained Estate Oaths Laws and Promises we had before but what did they signify Who shall be Guarantee what shall we do if he break out again In short quis eustodiet Custodes So that the many who desire a Treaty are desired to read the Enquiry into the presenâ— State of Affairs that they may not come into the Discipline of the severe Lady who has taught the Protestants in France and Piedmont a Lesson which England too must have gone through with if God and H. W. P. O. had not saved us But if the Convention should refuse to treat and Depose the King it would act without a Legal Power § 8. Why Sir here is no occasion to talk of a Deposition the King is gone of his own accord freely and they are only to consider whether we shall perish in a State of Anarchy reâ—al him and suffer over again all that is past and all that was intended but prevented or whether they shall recognize the next immediate Heir and enquire who that is Well but the next Heir it seems shall have small joy of it his whole Authority depending on a Convention that has no Authority In good time Will the Authority of this Prince when acknowledged depend on the Authority of the Convention Did Queen Elizabeth or King Iames I owe all their Authority to the Parliaments which recognized their respective Rights But no Man will think himself bound in Conscience to obey this Heir Have you Sir the keeping of all Mens Consciences or the knowledg of their Thoughts I can assure you mine is not in your custody § 9. All those who think themselves bound still by their Oath of Allegiance to defend the King's Person his Crown and Dignity c. will be greatly discontented Why Sir then they may go over into France and be admitted into his Guards and perhaps the generous Allowance given him by the French King will maintain them if their Heresie do not over-ballance their Loyalty and turn it into a Crime as it happened to the Hâ—gonots Well but they will never own any other whilst their own King lives Assuredly this is a wonderful Man if he could but as certainly inform us of the number as he can of the Thoughts and future Actions of these Loyalist's Well but if they should happen to be Persons of known Prudence Abilities Integrity Honesty though they were never so few and never so tame it would give a terrible stroke to this Toâ—tâ—ring Government Why Sir all or the greatest part of such Men in the Nation were a dreadful Body tho they were and ever will be few but Sir there must be a considerable Body of such Men first satisfied in the Convention a number without Doors are already satisfied and more will when the States have passed their Resolves and the remainder of the Men of this High Character who will still remain Discontented if they are any thing Peaceable though not over Tame will never be able to shock the most Tâ—â—tering Government in the World by their Examples how well soever he thinks of them Yet § 10. He endeavours to shew the number will not be small because many who joyned with the Prince are ashamed of what they have done and ask God pardon for is and are ready â—o undo it as far as they can Well Sir how many such do you know besides your self A List of these Men were worth the having and may perhaps be easily taken if one knew how to separate them from the rest however I should not fear greatly the terrible Shock of these wonderful Men till I had better information of their Numbers than you can possibly give us They were not willing to part with the King tho they were horribly afraid of Popery Why Sir has the King changed his Religion in France or are those Gentlemen so fond of the King that they would now be contented to suffer all that Popery threatned so lately Or are they become as weary of their Delivery as they were before of Popery Or will they sacrifice their Laws Religion old Foundations and Free Parliaments to their Allegiance to their King If you say Yes I have done if no then you would have what was not to be had and will not be contented with what may be hâ—d and if the Number of these Men is great farewel
to the Liberties Laws Religion and Priviledges of England and its Wealth and Inhabitants too and what is left you may be pleased to divide amongst your Men of Character To all this he assures us § 10. There will be a Thousand Occasions of Discontent Juâ—â— a Thousand neither one more or less besides those springing from the sense of Loyalty and Conscience Strange that these Two should be so troublesome as to equal if not exceed the whole Thousand that went before He that had been before so liberal of his Informatiâ—n now sets us to guess in § 10. How many will be discontented in the new Court for want of Preferment Why Sir If you please to inform me how many days in February shall be clear and how many shall be cloudy I will fall a guessing how many in the new Court shall be pleased and how many shall be dissatisfied but when I have done it will not be worth the while because this ever happens and Courtiers have an old way of keeping these Malecontents in hope till they fall off or gain what they desire and so if there should happen to be a Thousand of them they will not be able to shock the Government if there is no other cause of Discontent than that Well but here Duty and Discontent will mix because they are sensible of their Mistake when it is too late For as they ought not to have fought for Popery nor against the Laws and Liberties of their Country so neither â—ught they to have deserted the defence of the King's Person and Crown but have brought the Prince to Terms as well as the King Why Sir Nemo tenetur ad impossibilia The King was never brought to Terms nor perhaps never will So that if they 〈◊〉 Fought at all it must have been for Popery and against both our Laws and Liberties Sir shew when and where the King offered us or the Prince any Terms and I will pass my word you shall be employed to frame Laws for the Convention which is certainly a good Employ for one that is so expert at it as you pretend to be Well § 13. A heavy Tax must be laid upon the Nation to defray the Charge of this Expedition Why Sir Are you of the Privy Câ—uncil to the Prince Surely he will be able to find some other Cause or not make the Tax so very heavy But Men will be very sorry to lose their King and pay so dear for it too Yes doubtless a Gracious King is a great Loss but if he will be gone and inâ—olve us in a War too Taxes must be pâ—id yea heavy Taxes to support the Charge of it or Louis will in a short time teach us what the Prince's Expedition was worth whatever it cost But this is not all we must part with our Church too the crazy Title will require the giving the Church to the Dissenters § 14. The Dissenters have or late acted very well and perhaps if a wise Man has the mannaging of them and the Popish Emissaries be carefully looked after we may compound the Quarrel better cheap than the parting with our Church Sir I am well assured a great deal less will for the present content them and the King is not Immortal and whenever he Dies the Crazy Title will be Soâ—â—red again if no Body be to blame for giving it another terrible Shock § 15. Should the King be Deposed or any other ascend the Throne it will be necessary to keep a standing Army to quell such Discontents You may be a good Law-framer for ought I know but I will swear you are no States-Man this whole Section is meer Whimsey borrowed from the Dutch Design Anatomized who had the folly to talk of Governing England by an Army of Dutch and Germans but why God knows except it were because a few were brought over to deliver us and cannot presently be returned back to Holland The Prince is both a wise and a good Prince and knows the Consequence of keeping those Forces long here better than a Thousand such Law-framers Supposâ— the King should return with a Foreign Force to recover his Kingdom how ready will the Men of Conscience be and the Men of Discontent to joyn with them nay to invite him Home again This looks so like a Roman Catholick Zeal that if I were not assured he is a Church of England-Man I could not believe but it was a Disciple of St. Omers But will the Conscientious Men invite the King home again with all his Apostolick Vicars Jesuits Ecclesiasticall Judges Dispensing Power and a round Army of French Dragoons to teach us the French Faith after the French Fashion Are these the Men of Character Prudence Ability Integrity or of Conscience either Would one of the Primitive Christians have talked thus have stood for a Licinius against a Constantine Well if the King comes in a Conqueror we shall wish we had Treated Truly I shall not I had rather be forced than deceived for then I know what I have to trust to and I would not willingly be accessary to my own Ruine Well suppose this unanswerable stuff is over-voted § 17. We are to bring good proof the Prince of Wales is an Imposture or else we hâ—d better let it alone Very good the Negative is to be proved we may guess by this what kind of Laws you Sir would frame Well but if this be not done the Discontented Men will have a plausible pretence to quarrel What the Conscientious Men will do we must guess but in all probability they will not be better qualiâ—ed What if the Princess of Orange be a Lady of that eminent Virtue that she should scruple to sit upon her Father's Throne whilst he lives Well his Majesty has deserted his Throne and Kingdom when he needed not except he had pleased and some Body must sit upon his Throne though he is yet Alive Now if it be her Right after his Death why not now Our Author is at his Prayers that God would give her Grace to resist the Temptation and I at mine That the Author may never be one of her Chaplains till he is better inform'd The rest of that Section is not unanswerable but not worth answering He has all along supposed the Prince of Orange Crown'd yet in the 19th Section he proves he can have no Right to it neither by Descent nor Gift and truly I am of the same mind for many Reasons and especially for the sake of the Three alledged by him Sect. 20 21 22. and for some others too of as great weight which may be found in the Lord Virulam 's History of Henry VII And yet our Case now before us has three Difficulties that had not 1. A King living 2. A Prince of Wales true or false 3. A Nation divided in Religion to which I might perhaps add the Excessive Power of France and the Excessive Zeal of this Generation to preserve the Descent of the Crown in the
Necessity of their own creating tho never so false For says he if the King had either not bin driven out of his Dominions or invited back upon honourable Terms they needed not have had recourse to such unusual singular Methods of proceeding And thus the Discusser rambles out of one Untruth into another For he fled from offer'd Treaty forsook the defence of his own Forces and left them to be disbanded in Arrears and without Payment slipt from his own Council by Night after he had appointed to meet them in Consultation the next Morning Nor could he justly suspect that any Violence would have been offer'd to Him in particular being so well assur'd as he could not choose but be of the Generous Inclination and profound Respect which the Prince had to his Person But if the Guilt of peculiar Miscarriages hasten'd his Departure or oversway'd him toleave the Heâ—m of Rule without any Form or Face of Goverment That could ne're be call'd an Expulsion out of his Dominions And therefore when a certain Gentleman waiting on him at Feversham besought him to return to London he gave the Person this Reply That he was an honest Gentleman but knew not what he knew And when he had once abandon'd the Kingdom all forlom without either Head or Conduct without Council or any Countenance of Authority then according to the Judgment of the Common-wealth of Venice in reference to the Succession of Henry the 4 th it belong'd to the Nobility and chief Persons of the Land as they are the chief Defence of the Royal Authority to take care of the Publick Safety whether by usual or unusual Methods of proceeding it matters not and they have both the Authority of Law and Necessity to justify their Proceedings As for his being invited back upon Honourable Terms 't is well known how he return'd back and went through the City on the Sunday Night attended by his own Guards and lodg'd in White-Hall and this most certainly in order to an Accommodation Only because the Prince was coming to Town he was sent to and for the avoiding any Disturbance that might be prejudicial to his Person was humbly desir'd to retire to Ham-House with Liberty to make choice of what Persons he thought fit to attend him Which he promised to do but recollecting himself and desiring to know whether he might not return back to Rochester word was sent him the next Morning that he might do as he pleas'd All this while here was no Constraint put upon him so that he could not be said to be driven out of his Dominions but that it was his own Choice to forsake it Notwithstanding all this The Discusser will undertake to prove That the King before his withdrawing had sufficient Grounds to make him apprehensive of Danger and therefore it could not be call'd an Abdication But through the whole Pursuit of his Argument the Discusser most wretchedly mistakes the Point quite mistaking the Effects for the Causes For says he Had not the King great Reason to retire to secure his Person and his Honour when he had met with so many unfortunate Disappointments with so many surprising and unparallel'd Accidents When part of the Army was revolted and the Remainder too apparently unserviceable When the People had such fatal and unremoveable Prejudices against his Service When there were such terrible Disorders in the Kingdom and all Places were either flaming or ready to take Fire What should a Prince do when he had scarce any thing left him to lose but himself but consult his Safety and give way to the irresisâ—able Evil These are very great Disappointments and evil Accidents indeed to befal a Prince But the Discusser forgets to tell ye That the Prince brought all these Inconveniencies upon himself The Discusser tells ye that part of the Army revolted but he omits to tell ye that it was out of a Generous Principle for that being Protestants they would not embrue their Hands in the Blood of their Fellow-Protestants and Countreymen nor be Instruments to enslave the Nation He tells ye of terrible Disorders in the Kingdom but does not tell ye it was time for the People to be in Disorder when they saw such Incroachments upon their Ancient Franchises such Inundations of Popery flowing in upon their Consciences and such a rapid Violence of French Thraldom tumbling in upon their Necks He complains that all Places were either flaming or ready to take Fire but forgets to tell you who were the Incendiaries These therefore with several others of the same Nature being the true Causes that drew the foresaid Inconveniencies upon the King it follows that tho the Secondary Constraint of his withdrawing might be occasion'd by the Effects yet the Primary Cause of his withdrawing proceeded from the First Causes which produced the Effects Consequently such a Retiring was voluntary and not forc'd because he may be justly said to fly from something of dreaded Punishment rather then pursuing Danger from which he was always at a distance â—ar enough off but dubious what would become of him as to the Former The Discusser makes many other grievous Complaints to justify the King's First withdrawing for hitherto he is altogether upon that but when he comes to sum up all In short says he when the Forts and Revenue were thus disposed of when the Papists were to be disbanded and the Protestants not to be trusted when the Nation was under such general and violent Dissatisfactions when the King in case of a Rupture had nothing upon the matter but his single Person to oppose against the Princes Arms and those of his Subjects when his Mortal Enemies were to sit Judges of his Crown and Dignity if no farther when Affairs were in this tempestuous Condition to say that a Free and Indifferent Parliament might be chosen with the Relation to the King 's Right as well as the People's and that the King had no just visible Cause to apprehend himself in Danger is to out-face the Sun and trample upon the Understandings and almost upon the Senses of the whole Nation As for the Fortified Towns it was but Reason that his then Highness the Prince of Orange who came over to rescue the Nation from Arbitrary Violence and Oppression should demand them to be put into his Power well Knowing them to be then in the Hands of Irish Papists and Cut-Throats of whom the People stood in Perpetual Fear and who were rather a Consternation then Security to the Kingdom And the same reason holds in Relation to the Revenue For all the World knows what Vast Sums had been Squander'd away by the late King when Duke to keep off the sitting of Parliaments and to buy off the Members when they Sate and when that Money was spent so much to the Detriment of the Realm what Sollicitations were made to the French King for more to carry on the Popish Cause and Interest It was as well known how the Revenue had of late
Years been Embezl'd to keep up a standing Army of Irish Ragamuffins as if England were now in its Turn to have been conquer'd by Ireland as formerly Ireland had been conquer'd by England From which fears when his present Majesty had delivered the Nation it was but reason that his Army should be pay'd out of the Publick Stock for their happy Toyl and labour For the Publick Revenue of all Kingdoms and States was ever Originally intended for the Preservation and not the Destruction of the People Upon the Disbanding of the Papists the Discusser makes a special Observation That no Test-Acts nor any Others could barr the King from Listing them as Common Souldiers This perhaps may be true that is to say that a Protestant Prince may list Papists and a Popish Prince Protestants to follow him in a lawful War. But when a Popish Prince in a Protestant Nation had made his chiefesâ— Levies of Popish Common Souldiers to over-aw his Protestant Subjects and put his sole Confidence in them for his known and open Designs and manifest Endeavors to introduce Popery into a Protestant Kingdom contrary to the Law 't was time then to think of disbanding such Vermin and ridding them out of the Land. And the reason why the Protestants could not be trusted was as certain For if the King would not trust his Protestants nay disarm'd them when Papists were both arm'd and Employ'd what reason had the Protestants to trust the King. And this was that which among other Things created and foster'd those General and Violent Dissatisfactions in the Nation For Men have naturally a general and violent Antipathy against having their Throats Cut if they can help it And therefore since the Kingdom by a Miraculous Providence had obtain'd its Redemption 't is to be wonder'd the Discusser should imagine 't was ever intended that the late K. should be in a Condition again to oppose either his own or the persons of any others against the Arms of the Prince or those of his own Subjects And whereas he says that the King 's Mortal Enemies were to be the Judges of his Crown and Dignity the Discusser should have done well before he had made his Reflection upon so many Eminent Patriots to have consulted Grotius l. 1. c. 4. Par. 8. and the Example of Pausamias King of Lâ—cedaemon there cited Certainly there was no such Impossibility but that a Free and Indifferent Parliament might have been chosen to deal equally between the King and the People For tho the King perhaps might be conscious that he could not so well rely upon the Kindness of those to whom he had always had such an inveterate Antipathy yet he might have rely'd upon the Justice of so many Great and Worthy Personages So that it is the Discusser himself who out-faces the Sun and tramples upon the Understandings and Senses of the whole Nation who makes these little Rhetorical Flourishes to palliate and obscure the Truth and to insinuate among the People as if Wrong and Injustice had been done where nothing was acted but what was a due debt to Self-Preservation And with the same Brazening the Discusser out-faces the Sun and tramples upon the Senses of the Nation to assert that a Desertion of the Government after such Proposals which were rather Assurances of his Safety was no Desertion He had been safer in the Affection of the People when all his evil Counsellers had been remov'd from about him he had been safer from the Importunities of his Priests and Jesuites He had been more secure from running himself into farther danger and safer in the Enjoyment of his Royal Dignity But he who had so Solemnly sworn to Establish Popery in England or die in the Attempt thought himself no where safe perhapps but where he might be procuring his future Bliss by the Performance of his Vow The Discusser now advances to the King 's second withdrawing and puts the Question what the King had done to incur a forfeiture by his first Retirement Indeed what had he not done If the Discusser â—orgot in his Discussing Heat the Declaration presented to their Present Majesties would have rubb'd up his Memory Among the rest there was one That he had endeavoured to Subvert and Extirpate the Protestant Religion and the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom by raising and keeping a Standing Army in the Kingdom in time of Peace without Consent of Parliament and quartering Souldiers contrary to Law and by causing sâ—veral of his good Subjects to be Disarm'd at the same time when Papists were both Arm'd and Employ'd Now to what purpose was all this but to Subject the Kingdom to the Tyranny of the Pope In such a case Barclay cited by Grotious l. 1. c. 4. per. 10. gives this for his Opinion Si Rex regnum alienet aut alij Subjiciat amitti ab eo Regnum To which Grotius himself adds Si Rex reipsa tradere regnum aut Subjicere molliatur quin ei resisti in boc posse non dubite Aliud est enim Imperium aliud habendi modus qui nâ— mutetur obstare poâ—est Populus After all this it cannot be imagin'd that the King returned the second time with an intention to govern unless he might govern at his own will and Pleasure as he did before But that would not be suffer'd him for they who had now avoided the Yoke so near putting about their Necks would never endure it should come so near their shoulders again Therefore all the Probality in the World is on this side That the King perceiving that by taking the Government upon him again he should not be able to attain those Ends which he had made the Business of his whole Reign resolv'd to relinquish it altogether At which time being at liberty to go or stay his Departure must of necessity be accounted Voluntary and consequently an Absolute Abdication Lastly it is impossible that the King could be frighted out of his Dominions by the making of two or three Addresses to his then Royal Highness the Prince of Orange for it was no more than rationally he could expect would be done more especially from the City to the Person who next under God had deliver'd them from their Continual fears of Fire and Sword. Nor by the denying him a little Gold to Heal with which looks like an improbable Story of the Discusser's own framing These are Motions so inconsiderable for a King to forsake his Dominions that the Discusser seems to have Conjur'd them up meerly to degrade the Courage of the Absenting Monarch and to mortify his own Discussion But after all the Question may be fairly put whether Withdrawing in the Construction of our Law does not rather imply a Guilt than an Apprehension of Danger unless it be that of being call'd to an Account since the Query always propounded to the Jury is Did he fly for 't Which indeed ought to be the Legal Determination of this Dispute However the Discusser goes on and tells