preceding and succeeding wrongs offered me that I am and will be Your Majesties most humble and loyall subject FR NORRIS A Patent for the Admiralty of Ireland RIght trusty and welbeloved Cousin and Councellor We greet you well Whereas we are graciously pleased as well for the increase of our Navy and Navigators as also for the better enabling and enriching of our subjects in our Realm of Scotland to give way and liecnce unto our loving subjects of Scotland and so many of them as may make a full able and compleat company for Traffick and Merchandizing into the East Indies to erect and set up among themselves a Company to be called The East Indian Company of Scotland making their first Magazin Storehouse for the said Company in some parts of our Realm of Ireland But for that our Ports and Seas upon the Coasts of our said Realm of Ireland have of late and still are likely without our speciall aid and assistance to be much troubled and annoyed with Pirats and other Sea-Robbers to the great discouragement of our loving Subjects and Merchants passing that way We for the avoyding of those inconveniences and for the better heartning of the said Company in their intended voyage and traffick have for reasons to us best known resolved notwithstanding any other imployments of our Ships there by our Letters Patents under our great Seal of England and at the humble request and Petition of our loving Subjects of the said Company to nominate and appoint A. B. our trusty servant to be imployed in those Seas and Coasts of Ireland as fully and amply as our servant Sir F.H. is now for our narrow Seas And to the end he may with more courage and less prejudice to our said servant Sir F. H. by his diligence and industry in the said imployment free those Seas from the said annoyances our pleasure is That you by your Deed Poll do give unto our said Servant such and the like power and authority for the Irish Seas and Chanell of St. George as the said Sir F. H. hath for the Narrow Seas So always as the power and authority of the said A. B. may begin where the power and authority of the said Sir F. H. doth end that is to say from our Island of Scilie in our Realm of England unto and alongst the Coast of Ireland and the Chanell of St. George So not doubting of your speedy effecting of what is here required for the furtherance of so good a work We bid you heartily farewell From our Court at c. A Commission to divers Lords c. for the delivery of Ulushing Brill c. May 14. Jac. 14. IAMES by the grace of God King of England c. To the right Reverend Father in God our right trusty and welbeloved Councellor George Lord Archbishop of Canterbury and to our right trusty and welbeloved Councellor Tho. Ellesmere Lord Chancellor of England and to our right trusty and welbeloved Cousins and Councellors Tho. Earl of Suffolk Lord Treasurer of England Edward Earl of Worcester Lord Keeper of our Privy-Seal Lodowick Duke of Lennox Lord Steward of our houshold Charls Earl of Nottingham Lord Admiral of England William Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of our houshold Tho. Earl of Exeter John Earl of Mar and Alexander Earl of Dumfermlin and to our right trusty and right welbeloved Councellors Tho. Viscount Fenton Tho. Bishop of Winton Edward Lord Zouch Lord Warden of our Cinque-Ports William Lord Knowls Treasurer of our houshold John Lord Stanhop and Tho. Lord Bannings and to our right trusty and welbeloved Councellors Sir John Digby Knight our Vice-Chamberlain Sir John Herbert Knight one of our principal Secretaries of State Sir Fulk Grevil Knight Chancellor and Under-Treasurer of our Exchequer Sir Tho. Parry Knight Chancellor of our Dutchy of Lancaster Sir Edward Coke Knight Chief Justice of our Bench and Sir Julius Cesar Knight Master of our Rolls greeting Whereas the States-Generall of the United Provinces of the Low-Countries have divers times sollicited us by their resident Ambassador Sir Noel Caron Knight that we would be pleased to render into their hands the Towns of Flushing in Zeland with the Castle of Ramakins and of Bril in Holland with the Forts and sconces thereunto belonging which we hold by way of caution untill such sums of money as they owe unto us be reimbursed upon such reasonable conditions as should be agreed on between us and them for the reimbursing and repayments of the said monies And whereas we have recommended the consideration of this so mighty and important an affair to the judgment and discretion of you the Lords of our Privy-Councel and have received from you after long and mature deliberation and examination of the circumstances an advice That as the present condition of our State now standeth and as the nature of those Towns is meer cautionary wherein we can challenge no interest of propriety it would be much better for our service upon fair and advantagious conditions to render them then longer to hold them at so heavy a charge Now forasmuch as in our Princely wisdom we have resolved to yield up our said Towns with the said Castle and Sconces belonging unto them upon such conditions as shall be most for our advantage as well in point of honour as of profit Know ye therefore that we have assigned and appointed you the said Archbishop L. Treasurer L. Privy-Seal L. Steward L. Admiral L. Chamberlain E. of Exeter E. of Mar E. of Dunfermlin Vicount Fintons L. Bishop of Winton L. Zouch L. Knowls L. Stanhop L. Banning Sir John Digby Sir John Herbert Sir Ralph Winwood Sir Tho. Lake Sir Fulk Grevil Sir Tho. Parry Sir Edw. Coke Sir Julius Cesar our Commissioners and do by these presents give full power authority unto you or the more part of you for us and in our name to treat and conclude with the said Sir Noel Caron Knight Ambassador from the States of the United Provinces being likewise for that purpose sufficiently authorized from the said States his superiors touching the rendition and yielding up of the said Town of Flushing with the Castle of Ramakins in Zeland and of the Town of Bril in Holland with the Forts and Sconces thereto belonging and of the Artillery and Munition formerly delivered by the States with the same which are now remaining in them or any of them and have not been spent and consumed And for the delivery of them into the hands of the said States on such terms as by you shall be thought fit for our most honour and profit and for the manner thereof to give instructions to our said several Governours of the said Garrisons according to such your conclusion And this our Commission or the enrollment or exemplification thereof shall be unto you and every of you a sufficient warrant and discharge in that behalf In witness c. Witness our self at Westminster the 31 day of May in the 14 year of our
the Earl of Essex when Sir Ro. Cecil was in France P. 42 Sir Fr. Bacon to the Earl of Essex concerning the Earl of Tyrone P. 43 Another to the Earl before his going to Ireland P. 45 Another to him after his enlargement P. 48 Sir Fr. Bacon to Sir Ro. Cecil after defeat of the Spaniards in Ireland ibi Considerations touching the Queens service in Ireland P. 49 Sir Fr. Bacon to the L. Treasurer touching his Speech in Parliament P. 54 Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Northampton P. 55 To the Lord Kinloss upon the entrance of King James P. 56 To King James ibid. To the Earl of Northumberland concerning a Proclamation upon the Kings entry P. 58 To the Earl of Southampton ibid. To the Earl of Northumberland P. 58 To Sir Edward Coke expostulatory P. 60 To the same after L. Chief Justice and in disgrace ibid. To Sir Vincent Skinner expostulatory P. 66 Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Chancellor P. 71 To King James P. 72 Mr. Edmond Andersons Letter to Sir Francis Bacon P. 73 Sir Thomas Bodeley to Sir Francis Bacon upon his new Philosophy P. 74 Mr. George Brook to a Lady in Court P. 79 To his Wife P. 80 King James to the Major and Aldermen of London after he was proclaimed Mar. 28. 1603. P. 81 The Roman Catholiques Petition to King James for Toleration P. 82 Sir Walter Raleigh to King James before his Trial. P. 85 Sir Walter Raleigh to Sir Robert Car after Earl of Somerset P. 86 Sir Tho Egerton Chancellor after L. Ellesmere to the E. of Essex P. 87 Lord Chancellor Ellesmere to King James ibid. Again to the same King P. 88 Sir Francis Norris to King James P. 89 A Patent for the Admiralty of Ireland P. 90 A Commission to divers Lords c. for the delivery of Flushing Brill c. May 14. Jac. 14. P. 92 A Commission to Visc Lisle Governour to deliver them up May 22. J. 14. P. 93 Countess of Nottingham to the Danish Ambassador P. 94 Sir Charls Cornwallis Lieger in Spain to the Spanish King July 23. 1608. ibid. Again to the Spanish King Jan. 16. 1608. P. 98 Again to the Spanish King P. 100 101 K James to the Vniversity of Cambridge Mar. 14. 1616. P. 105 Mr. Ruthen to the Earl of Northumberland P. 106 Sir Henry Yelvertons submission in the Star-chamber P. 107 Ferdinand the second Emperor to the Catholique King P. 109 Ferdinand Emperor to Don Balthazar de Zuniga Octob. 15. 1621. P. 110 K. James to Ferdinand Emp. concerning the Palatinate Nov. 12. 1621. P. 113 His Imperial Majesty to King James Jan. 14. 1621. P. 116 Earl of Bristol to King James P. 117 Ab ignoto to Conde Gondomar concerning the death of Philip 3. P. 125 K. James to the Earl of Bristol Ambassador in Spain Octob. 3. 1622. P. 127 Earl of Bristol to King James Octob. 21. 1622. P. 129 K. Philip the third of Spain to the Conde of Olivarez P. 133 Conde Olivarez his answer to the King ibid. K. James to the Earl of Bristol Octob. 8. 1623 P. 136 Earl of Bristol in answer to King Iames Octob. 9. 1623. P. 137 Again to King Iames Novemb. 1. 1623. P. 141 King Iames to the Palsgrave P. 143 The Palsgraves answer to King Iames P. 145 Ab Ignoto from Madrid P. 151 A Memorial to the King of Spain by Sir Walter Ashton Ambassador in Spain Aug. 29. 1624. P. 152 The Petition of Francis Philips to King Iames for the release of Sir Robert Philips prisoner in the Tower P. 155 Oliver St. John to the Major of Marlborough against the Benevolence P. 159 The Justices of Peace in Com. Devon to the Lords of the Councel P. 182 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishops concerning K. James his Directions for Preachers with the Directions Aug. 14. 1622. P. 183 King James his Instructions to the Archbishop of Canterbury concerning Orders to be observed by Bishops in their Dioceses 1622. P. 187 Bishop of Winchester to his Archdeacon to the same effect P. 189 The Bishop of Lincoln Lord Keeper to the Bishop of London concerning Preaching and Catechising P. 190 Instructions for the Ministers and Churchwardens of London P. 193 Mons Bevayr Chancellor of France discharged to the French King ibid. Mons Richere forced recants his opinions against the Papal supremacie over Kings P. 196 Car. Richlieu to the Roman Catholicks of Great Britain Aug. 25. 1624. P. 197 Mons Balsac to the Cardinal de la Valette ibid. Mons Balsac to the King Louis P. 200 Mons Toyrax to the Duke of Buckingham P. 201 Ab ignoto concerning the estate of Rochel after the surrender P. 202 The Protestants of France to Charles King of Great-Britain P. 204 The Duke of Rohan to his Majesty of Great-Britain Mar. 12. 1628. P. 208 Pope Greg. 15. to the Inquisitor-general of Spain April 19. 1623. P. 210 Pope Urban to Lewis the 13. Aug. 4. 1629. P. 211 The Duke of Buckingham Chancellor Elect to the Vniversity of Cambridge Iune 5. 1626. P. 213 King Charles to the Vniversity of Cambridge in approbation of their election Iune 6. 1626. P. 214 The Vniversity of Cambridge its answer to the Duke Iune 6. 1626. P. 215 The Vniversity of Cambridge its answer to the King P. 216 A Privy-Seal for transporting of Horse Iune 6. 1624. P. 217 The Vniversity of Cambridge to the Duke P. 218 The Dukes answer P. 219 The Vice-chancellor of Cambridge to the King upon the Dukes death ib. King Charles to the Vniversity of Cambridge for a new election P. 220 The Earl of Holland to the Vniversity P. 221 The Vnimersity of Cambridge to the King P. 222 An Order made at Whitehall betwixt the Vniversity and Town of Cambridge Decemb. 4. 1629. P. 223 The Vniversity of Cambridge to the Archbishop of York P. 224 The Vniversity of Cambridge to the Earl of Manchester P. 225 The Vniversity of Cambridge to Sir Humphrey May P. 226 Instructions by K. Charles to the Vicechancellor and Heads of Cambridge for Government c. Mar. 4. 1629. P. 127 The Vniversity of Cambridge to the Lord chief Iustice Richardson P. 228 The Bishop of Exeter to the Lower-House of Parliament P. 229 King Charles to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal P. 230 A Councel-Table Order against hearing Mass at Ambassadors houses March 10. 1629. P. 232 The King of Spain to Pope Urban Sept. 11. 1629. P. 234 The Councel of Ireland to King Charls in defence of the Lord Deputy Faulkland Aug. 28. 1629. P. 235 Ab ignoto Of the affairs of Spain France and Italy June 5. 1629. P. 239 The Lords of the Councel of England to the Lords of the Councel of Ireland Jan. 31. 1629. P. 240 The Lord Faulklands Petition to the King P. 242 The Duke of Modena to the Duke of Savoy July 30. 1629. P. 243 Sir Kenelm Digby to Sir Edward Stradling P. 244 Mr. Gargrave to the Lord Davers P. 253 A Declaration of Ferdinand
after I having not in all this time stirred out of my house under colour of being ill disposed though the truth was indeed to inform my self of some particulars which concerned your Majesties service before I would speak with the Duke He being as I have since understood something troubled that in all this time I made no means to come unto him one morning by nine of the clock very privately came to my house without advertising of his coming as the custom is here untill the Coach stayed at my gate and then he sent in a Gentleman to me telling me that the Duke was there to speak with me When I had conducted the Duke into a room where we were private he fell into th' aforesaid matter and in the manner as I shall here set down unto your Majesty without making any other pretence or intent of his coming or without using in the space of an houre any speech touching any other business After some few questions of your Majesty and the Queen he began to ask many things of the Prince as of his age his stature his health his inclination to what sports he was chiefly given And then suddenly as it were with a passionate expression of affection he desired God to bless him and to make him the means by which your Majesties might be conjoyned in a neerer alliance and your Kingdoms in a perpetual amity saying unto me that he was out of doubt of my good inclination to this business both by what had formerly passed between our selves as likewise by my proceedings in England whereof he had been fully informed by the Spanish Ambassador And therefore he would in few words deal with me with much cleerness and freeness assuring himself he should receive the like measure from me and thereupon entred into a solemn protestation how much this King desired the Match and for himself he solemnly swore there was no one thing in the world he more desired to see before he dyed then the effecting thereof But my Lord Ambassador said he you must deal as justly with me to let me understand whether you conceive the like desire to be in the King of England and his Ministers and then I shall proceed to speak further unto you I answered the Duke That I ever esteemed more the reputation of a man of truth and integrity then of skill and subtilty which I did hope he did well perceive by what I was to say for that I was much more desirous fairly to go off from this business then easily to go into it And therefore if he would have me speak my conscience I neither conceived that either in your Majesty or any of your Ministers there was any kind of inclination thereunto for that they having formerly given so resolute and distastefull an answer your Majesty had just cause never again to cast so much as your thoughts this way And though it might be alleadged that the fitness of the Prince his years and other civil regards might cause new resolutions yet the difference of Religion were still the same and the same were the truths and opinions of Divines in matter of conscience and therefore it would not but be a thing of great difficulty to perswade your Majesty and your Ministers that a Match should be hearkened unto much less desired from hence but upon the same terms the very thought and remembrance whereof is yet unpleasing in England So that to deal plainly with him I neither found in your Majesty or in the Councel any kind of thought or imagination of any possibility of having any such motion again revived But this I found not to grow from any particular dislike or want of affection in your Majesty to Spain or that many of the greatest or the principallest person in England judged not the neerness and alliance of Spain equally valuable with any other of Christendom but that out of a distastefulness of the former answer given from hence all expectation of any business of this nature was absolutely extinguished and therefore again to revive it there would need more then ordinary endeavours or ordinary assurances But in case that they might be given I know that this Match would neither want well-willers nor assistants and for my own part I would freely make profession that no man more desired it then my self nor would more willingly imploy his endeavours for the furthering thereof when by the descending to particulars I should see both in regard of the conditions and the assurances of sincere proceeding the motion worthy and fit by a discreet and good servant to be offered to his Master neither then should I be wholly out of hope of good success though I would not but esteem it a business of infinite difficulty The Duke replied That any discourse that I thought fit herein should be condescended unto for that all time was lost that was spent in generalities And therefore if I so liked he would move this King that one or two besides himself might be appointed to have conference with me for that if he should only retain it in his hands by reason of his many occupations it would have a slower progress then he wished but if I would by way of conference digest the difficulties into heads and particulars he would as often as he might be present at our meeting But for his own part he said he apprehended few but what would arise out of the difference of Religion I told the Duke that I very well approved of the descending into particulars neither should I refuse conference with any herein whom the King would appoint to speak with me But if his meaning were that these persons should be nominated or joyned by way of Commission I thought fit to let him understand that I neither had any time nor did at present speak of this business either by order or direction no nor so much as by your Majesties privity but as a Minister that desired to lay hold of all occasions for the increasing of further love neerness betwixt his Master and the Prince to whom he is imployed I should be glad to the uttermost of my power to advance and further this cause as that which I apprehended to be the greatest which the world now affordeth for the firm uniting of your Majesties and your estates The Duke told me that the King would make no scruple to declare his good inclination and desire to have this Match proceeded in and that for the accommodating of the difficulties he had already used divers diligences with the Pope as likewise with the greatest Divines of this Kingdom whereof he named some unto me whom he said he found very well inclined to the Match he told me also he would be glad they might speak with me to the end I might truly understand of them all kind of scruples that could be alleadged I answered I desired nothing more and that I could not but approve of those courses he prescribed as the most
onely without but against reason that the Commous in their severall and particulars should be made relievers or suppliers of his Majesties wants who neither know his wants nor the sums that may be this way raised to supply the same Secondly it is against reason that the particular and severall Commons distracted should oppose their judgment and discretion to the judgement and discretion of the wisdom of their Land assembled in Parliament who have there denied any such aid It argueth in us want of love and due respect of our Soveraign Lord and King which ought to be in every of us towards each other which is to stay every one which we see falling and reduce the current What prosperity can there be expected to befall either our King or Nation when the King shall haply of ignorance or 'tis I hope out of forgetfulnesse or headinesse commit so great a sin against his God as is the violating of his great and solemn oath taken at his coronation for the maintaining of his Lawes Liberties and Customes of this Noble Realm his Subjects some for fear some in pride some to please others shall joyn hands to forward so unhappy an achievement can he any way more highly offend the Divine Majesty whom he then invocated as also can he then give unto another Hen. 4. If such an one should rise up which God forbid a greater advantage let these Articles put up against R. 2. be looked on it will appear that the breach of the Laws infringing the Liberties failing in this his oath were the main blemishes wherewith he could distain and spot the honor of that good and gentle Prince who indeed was rather by others abused then of himselfe mischievously any way disposed Secondly as very irreligiously and uncharitably we help forward the Kings Majesty in that grievous sin of perjury so into what an hellish danger we plunge our selves even so many of us as contribute is to be learned out of the severall curses and sentences of excommunination given out against all such givers and namely the two following viz. the great curse given out the 36. H. 3. against all breakers of the Liberties and customes of the Realm of England with their Abettors Councellors and Executioners wherein by the sentence of Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury and the chief part of all the Bishops of this Land are ipso facto excommunicated And that of 24. Ed. I. denounced immediatly upon the Acts made against such Benevolence free Grants and Impositions had and taken without common assent which because it is not so large as that former I will set down as our Books deliver the same IN the Name of the Father Son and holy Ghost Amen Whereas our Soveraign Lord the King to the honour of God and of the Holy Church and for the common profit of the Realm hath granted for him and his heirs forever these Articles above written Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Primate of all England admonished all his Province once twice and thrice because that shortness will not suffer so much delay as to give knowledge to all the people of England of these presents in writing We therefore enjoyn all persons of what estate soever they be that they and every of them as much as in them is shal uphold and maintain those Articles granted by our Soveraign Lord the King in all points and all those that in any point do resist or break those Ordinances or in any manner hereafter procure counsel or in any ways assent to resist or break those Ordinances or go about it by word or deed openly or privatly by any maner of pretence or colour We therefore the said Archbishop by our authority in this Writing expressed do excommunicate and accurse and from the body of our Lord Jesus Christ and from all the company of Heaven and from all the Sacraments of the holy Church do sequester and exclude Sir hearing that to morrow the Justices will be here about this busie work of Benevolence wherein you have both sent unto and talked with me and thinking that it may be you would deliver up the names of the not-givers Forasmuch as I think I shal scarcely be at home to make my further answer if I should be called for I pray yon both hereby to understand my mind your self and if cause so require to let the Justices perceive as much So leaving others to their own consciences whereby in that last and dreadfull day they shal stand or fall before him who will reward every man according to his deeds I commend you to the grace of the Almighty and rest Your loving Neighbour and Friend OLIVER St. JOHN The Justices of Peace in the County of Devon to the Lords of the Councell THe Letters from his sacred Majesty unto the Justices of Peace in this County together with your Lordships have been opened and read according to the directions in your Lordships Letter to our high Sheriff expressed and the weighty business therein contained hath been maturely and speedily debated according to our most bounden duties to his excellent Majesty and the many concurring necessities which press the expedition of such a service and in those respects we can do no less then give your Lordships a timely knowledge of the vote and opinion of us all which was this day almost in the same words delivered by every of us That the sum enjoyned to be levied by the first of March is not to be so suddenly raised out of this County by any means much less by way of perswasion and hereof we had lately a certain experience in the business of the loans which notwithstanding the fear apprehended by the presence of the Pursivant hath come at least 6000. l. short of the expected sum and without him we suppose would have been much less and we are confident that nothing but extremities which had need also be back't by Law will raise his Majesty a sufficient quantity of treasure for his occasions For our selves at the time of the proposition of the forementioned Loans we did according to his Majesties proclamation and instruction then sent us engage our faithfull promise to our Countreymen that if they willingly yeilded to his Majesties necessities at this time we would never more be Instruments in the levy of aids of that kind his Majesties intentions so clearly manifested not to make that a president was the cause of that engagement and we conceive it cannot be for his honor or service for us to be the means of such a breach That his Majesties affairs and of his Allies do all want an instant supply of Royall provisions his provident and Princely Letter hath fully taught us but we have much more cause to wish then hope that these parts so lately and so many ways impoverished can yeild it Your Lordships may vouchsafe to remember how much this County hath been charged since the beginning of the war though sometimes refreshed with payment which we acknowledge
hoc Cancellariatu arbitremur Nos tantillos tibi in id Merâ—torum Gratiae culmen evecto quicquam vel testimonii ad aestimationem vel tituli ad gloriam contulisse Quod autem ipse aliter opinaris vestra illa pietas est haud ambitio major tua tum virtus tum decus est quam ut eis aut nostra a quidpiam suffragia addere aut aliorum possit Invidia detrahere stella in primo orbe quas fixas vocant altiores sunt quam ut ad eas valeaâ— terrarum umbra pertingere quanquam foelicissimae memoriae Jacobo pientissimoque Carolo non est quod hoc quicquid est nominis te debere dicas citra est misellum munus Academicum citra est quam ut tantos auctores mereatur quin vestram potius celsitudinem vestrum tutelare numen Nos illis Principibus imputabimus qui inde ex illius potissimum voto te elegimus unde non misi immortalia accipere beneficia solebamus Quod si nostrum hoc in vestram Excellentiam studium tibi ipsa uti scribis commendat tempestivitas nos illud saltem debituri sumus temporibus caeterum non nimis foelicibus quod tibi vel inde gratiores sumus quanquam suspicamur ut hoc totum quod de oportunitate insinuas merum sit nec magnis ingeniis insolens bene de suis cultoribus merendi artificium quae eo consilio singula suorum officia maxime tempestive autumant quo uberius sibi remunerandi argumentum auâ—upentur nam faciles credimus honorificis quibus nos dignaris promissis Jâ—mdiu est ex quo to animo atque opera Cancellarium sensimus nihilque tibi hoc tempore nostra potuere suffragia quam nomen adjicere Nolis tamen ut cum illustrissmis heroibus praecessoribus tuis te committamus in quo sane tua praedicanda modestia illorum honori memoriae consuluit ne tanti fulgoris claritudine offuscentur ut enim nulla re magis se jactat Cantabrigia quam praeteritorum gloria ac splendore Patronorum hodie tamen nescio quid solito augustius spirat tuis superba auspiciis quasi Buckinghamiensis aucta tutelis magnaque spe gravida intumescit Ad extremum nos ad concilium vocas quâ potissimum ratione quo digno monumento tuo in nos amoris memoriam posteritati cosecres verum enim vero Illustrissime Dux indulgentissimeque Cancellarie major est ea provincia quam ut nos eam subeundo simus quod tuo amori par sit monumentum tuum potest solummodo excogitare ingenium Nos interea alia manebit cura quibus nimirum apud Deum precibus quibus studiorum vigiliis officiorum obsequiis tantae Clientelae foelicitatem nobis propriam perpetuam despondeamus Datae frequentissimo Senatu nostro sexto Idus Junii 1626. Vestrae Excellentiae humillimi devotissimique Clientes Servique Procancellarius reliquus Senatus Cantabrigiensis The University of Cambridge Answer to the King Serenissimo invictissimoque Principi ac Domino nostro CAROLO Dei gratiae Magnae Britanniae Franciae Hiberniae Regi Fidei Defens c. SErenissime Domine noster invictissime Carole multum nos fortunae nostrae sed tuae clementiae infinitum quantum debemus satis nempe erat judicio nostro satisfecisse cum illum nobis praeficeremus quem unum certissime praefici posse constabat At tua admirabilis bonitas non patitur nos gratis nobismetipsis benefacere sed tibi imputari vis quod nobis fecimus beneficium Enimvero arduam aliquam sibi materiam obsequium nostrum poscebat cujus tenuitas sublimitatem vestram assequi non posset difficultatem se molestia commendaret Tu autem à te gratiam quod tanti Patroni beneficio usi sumus qui ita nos amat ut plurimum velit ita à te amatur ut plurimum nostra causa posset per quem vestra in nos transeat benignitas difficultates nostras disâ—utiat si quae tamen in hac divina bonitate tua existere possit difficultas superasti nempe majorum titorum Clementiam qui easdem nobis immunitates indulges id etiam prospicis ut iis rectissimo utamur Et quod unum tantae foelicitati reliquum erat ut esset perpetua id ipsum precibus nostris superesse non finis praecurris eram vota nostra spem ipsam qua nihil est importunius exuperas nam ipsa fines suos habet quos tuae bonitati nullos esse experti sumus Exhausisti votorum nostrorum materiam Serenissime Regum nec quicquam nobis deinceps optanduÌ„ est quam ut tu regnes ut vincas ut nos in perpetuum simus quod sumus Datae frequentissimo Senatu nostro sexto Idus Junii 1626. Excellentissime Majestatis vestrae humillimi servi subditi Procancellarius reliquus Senatus Academiae Cantabrigiensis A Privie Seal for transporting of Horse June 3. 1624. CHARLES by the Grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland Defender of the Faith c. To the Treasurer and under-Treasurer of our Exchequer for the time being greeting We do hereby will and command you that out of our Treasure remaining in the receipt of our said Treasury forthwith to pay or cause to be paid unto Philip Burlamack of Lond ' Merchant the sum of 30000 l. to be by him paid over to the Low-Countries by Bill of Exchange and Germany unto Our Trusty Welbelove Sir William Belfour Knight and John Dabler Esq or either of them for levying and providing a certain number of Horse with Arms for Foot and Horse to be brought over into this Kingdom for our Service viz. for the levying and transporting of 1000 Horse 15000 l. for 5000 Muskets 5000 Corslets 5000 Pikes 10500 l. for 1000 Curasiers compleat 200 Corslets and 200 Carbines 4500 l. amounting in the whole to the said sum of 30000 l. And this Our Letter shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge in this behalf Given under Our Privie Seal at Our Palace of Westm ' the 30 of Januar ' in the third yeer of Our Reign Anno Dom. 1627. The University of Cambridge to the Duke Illustrissime Princeps QUam paterno cum affectu quam divina cum charitate vestrae hujus Academiae saluâ—em utilitatemque vestra Celsitudo semper procuraverit nec nos effari possumus nec aetas ulla contacere Ingentia beneficia seculum praesens admiratione obruunt nec alio queunt quam perennis famae immortalitatis praemio compensari Vestrae Celsitudinis singulari patrociniâ— de Typographis Londinensibus triumphavimus Hostium undequaque ferociam persensimus imminutam auctamque Academiae dignitatem Nihil nos votis expetiscere nihil vestra Celsitudo conferre potuit quod a vestra benignitate non acceperimuâ— Et quid nos praeter hanc sterilem culius nostri messem rependimus At beneficia vestra quam sancte posteritas alet quibus
SCRINIA SACRA Secrets of Empire IN LETTERS Of illustrious Persons A SVPPLEMENT OF THE CABALA IN WHICH Business of the same Quality and Grandeur is contained With many famous Passages of the late Reigns of K. HENRY 8. Q. ELIZABETH K. JAMES and K. CHARLS LONDON Printed for G. Bedel and T. Collins and are to be sold at their Shop at the Middle-Temple-gate in Fleet-street 1654. THE STATIONERS To the READER WE cannot suppose here that words will be needed to raise opinion yet it may be expected we should give some account of what we have done and we will do it Not long agone we printed that excellent collection of Letters known by the name of Cabala which the world has seen and approved Since another volume of Letters hath come to our hands a volume which may justly be called a second Cabala not unworthy to keep that company a part which must add much to the other as illustrious in its titles as considerable and as weighty for the matter In which besides not a few noble monuments of the former years from the deserting of the Roman Church by our great Henry downward of his daughter the most glorious virgin Queens life and government recorded some of the same great actions are begun many continued much of the policie contrivances and workings of the same succeeding Princes and their Ministers of the carriage of the same things farther prosecuted and more fully discovered Like sister-twins of lovely faces they have both apart their native sweetness their several worths and graces yet they are not so fully taking so perfectly beautiful as where they are drawn together in one frame In the new more is discovered not only of the foreign affairs in Germany Italy France Spain and other Countries whither the interest of the late Reignes engaged the Soveraign actors but of our home-Councels Orders and provisions both for the Church and Common-wealth enough to shew the prudence judgment and foresight of those who swayed in chief then and to let us know now the Ages past have had the honour to be governed by men who did not permit all things to fortune who if they could not assure themselvs of the events yet they could command design and understand Their designs and counsels which will be admirable to some but ridiculous to others being ever directed and ruled by equity and justice ever aiming at honest ends such as may venture abroad such as will appear fair and handsom in the light whereas if we cast our eys upon the Popes in the same leafs we shall find nothing but combustions nothing but fire brimstone and alarums to war and blood If upon the French nothing but inhumane cruelty and violence upon the conscience too If upon the Imperialists and Spaniards nothing but artifice nothing but cunning perfidiousness all their plots and consultations their cheating Treaties tending meerly to the advancement of the Austrian house without any respect to piety and justice faith or honour A taste of which unworthiness we find in this second Part where the Spanish Match is first moved by the Duke of Lerma the grand Minion in Philip the 3. his reign this Duke damns himself in oaths for his sincerity and reality toward the Match which Olivarez the present Kings Favourite tels his Master here was never intended It would be too tedious but to touch in passing by upon the generals in these Letters upon the calamities and miseries of the Palatine Germans of the Hugonots the siege and taking in of Rochel c. Heresie and Superstition every where triumphing over truth To speak of the spirit and worthines of our Hero's were impossible we might cull out some Letters here of which were there no more might be said An hand or eye By Hyliard drawn is worth a History Of these Letters we may safely be believed though they come out thus late and are so little known their merit will easily weigh down the age and fame of those which have gone before Temple-Gate May 1. 1654. G. B. T. C. ERRATA Pag. 13. movendis for moventib p. 16. l. 13. dele Statue of usus l. 17. d. port-corn p. 21. d. a few days before my departure p. 20. l. 22. d. opera p. 33. l. 22. put in not p. 50. taglaes r. tailles 61. tain r. retein 75. Quadruials r. Quadrivials 77. im r. in 80. r. cartel 81. Loe r. Lee. 83. nos r. eos p. 85. l. 14. put in no less l. 17. Claudius r. Clodius 88. temeriti r. emeriti 93. Fintons r. Fenton 98. Almonte r. Ayamonte 105. d. nimis l. 13. vel quod in villa villae in incolarum c. l. 17. dislata r. dilatata tenenda r. tenendae aucupandam r. aucupanda obstrictam reverentiam r. obstricta est reverentia vetera r. veteri 124. Bristol r. Digby 130. l. ult add requires 145. r. ewig einig 15â— Inijosa r. Ynoyosa p. 202. d. Mook or 229. sacrum sacrum r. sacrum saxum eadem r. iter 241. solely r. fully A Table of the Letters contained in this COLLECTION KIng Henry 8. to the Clergie of the Province of York An. 1533. touching his title of Supreme head of the Church of England P. 1 Q. Anne of Bullen to K. Henry from the Tower May 6. 1536. P. 9 Q. Elizabeths Letter to the Lady Norris upon the death of the son P. 10 Thomas Duke of Norfolk to Queen Elizabeth P. 11 A Defiance sent by the Grand-Seignieur to Maximilian the second P. 12 Sir John Perrots Commission for Lord Deputy of Ireland P. 13 The whole Contents of the Commission for the Lord Deputy ibid. The Queens Warrant to the Lords c. of Ireland for ministring the Oath and delivery of the sword to him Jan. 31. 1583. P. 14 Another for his Entertainment there P. 15 The Queens Instructions to him ibid. Sir John Perrot to the Lords of the Councel Jan. 31. 1583. P. 16 Earl of Desmond to the Earl of Ormond June 5. 1583. P. 18 Sir Henry Wallop to the Queen Aug. 12. 1583. P. 19 The Earl of Essex to Mir. Secretary Davison P. 20 Again to Secretary Davison P. 21 Again to Secretary Davison July 11. 1589. P. 22 Again to Secretary Davison ibid. E. of Essex to K. James concerning Secretary Davison April 18. 1587. P. 23 Earl of Essex to Mr. Secretary Davison P. 24 Again to Secretary Davison upon the death of Secr. Walsingham P. 25 Earl of Essex to the Queen ibid. Again to the Queen P. 26 Sir Tho. Egerton L. Chancellor to the Earl of Essex P. 27 The Earls Answer P. 29 Two Letters framed one as from Mr. Anthony Bacon to the Earl of Essex to other as the Earls answer P. 31. 34 Lord Mountjoy to the Earl of Essex P. 35 Sir Robert Cecil after Earl of Salisbury to the Lord Burleigh his father from France Feb. 26. 1597 P. 36 Sir Francis Walsingham Secr. to Mr. Critoy Secretary of France P. 38 Sir Fr. Bacon to
Infanta of Spain July 5. 1636. P. 257 FINIS King HENRY the 8. to the Clergie of the Province of York An. 1533. Touching his Title of Supreme Head of the Church of England RIght Reverend Father in God Right trusty and welbeloved We greet you well and have received your Letters dated at York the 6. of May containing a long discourse of your mind and opinion concerning such words as hath passed the Clergie of the Province of Canterbury in the Proeme of their Grant made unto us the like whereof should now pass in that Province Albeit ye interlace such words of submission of your Judgment and discharge of your duty towards us with humble fashion and behaviour as we cannot conceive displeasure nor be miscontent with you considering what you have said to us in times past in other matters and what ye confess in your Letters your self to have heard and known noting also the effect of the same We cannot but marvail at sundry points and Articles which we shall open unto you as hereafter followeth First ye have heard as ye say ye have the said words to have passed in the Convocation of Canterbury where were present so many learned in Divinity and Law as the Bishops of Rochester London S. Assaph Abbots of Hyde S. Bennets and many other and in the Law the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Bath and in the Lower House of the Clergie so many notable and great Clerks whose persons and learning you know well enough Why do ye not in this case with your self as you willed us in our great matter conform your conscience to the conscience and opinion of a great number Such was your advice to us in the same our great matter which now we perceive ye take for no sure counsel for ye â—earch the grounds not regarding their sayings Nevertheless forasmuch as ye examine their grounds causes and reasons in doing whereof ye seem rather to seek and examine that thing which might disprove their doings then that which might maintain the same We shall answer you briefly without long discourse to the chief points of your said Letters wherein taking for a ground that words were ordained to signifie things and cannot therefore by sinister interpretation alter the truth of them but only in the wits of perverse persons that would blind or colour the same by reason whereof to good men they signifie that they mean only doing their office and to men of worse sort they serve for maintenance of such meaning as they would imagine so in using words we ought only to regard and consider the expression of the truth in convenient speech and sentences without overmuch scruple of super-perverse interpretations as the malice of men may excogitate wherein both overmuch negligence is not to be commended and too much diligence is not only by daily experience in mens writings and laws shewed frustrate and void insomuch as nothing can be so cleerly and plainly written spoken and ordered but that subtile wit hath been able to subvert the same but also the Spirit of God which in his Scripture taught us the contrary as in the places which ye bring in reherse if the Holy Ghost had had regard to that which might have been perversly construed of these words Pater major me est and the other Ego Pater unum sumus there should have been added to the first humanitas to the second substantia And wherefore doth the Scripture call Christ primogenitum whereupon and the Adverb donec was maintained the error contra perpetuam virginitatem Mariae Why have we in the Church S. Pauls Epistle which S. Peter writeth to have been the occasion of errors Why did Christ speak of many words which the Jews drew ad calumniam and yet reformed them not as when he said Solvam Templum hoc c. meaning of his body where Templum with them had another signification And such other like There is none other cause but this Omnia quae scripta sunt ad nostram doctrinam scripta sunt And by that Learning we ought to apply and draw words to the truth and so to understand them as they may signifie truth and not so to wrest them as they should maintain a lye For otherwise as Heretiques have done with the holy Scripture so shall all men do with familiar speech and if all things shall be brought into familiar disputation he that shall call us Supremum unicum Dominum by that means and as goeth your argument might be reproved For Christ is indeed unicus Dominus Supremus as we confess him in the Church daily and now it is in opinion that Sancti be not Mediators The contrary whereof ye affirm in your Letters because of the Text of S. Paul Vnus est Mediator Deum hominum And after that manner of reason which ye use in the entry if any man should say This Land is mine own and none hath right in it but I he might be reproved by the Psalm Domini est terra For why should a man call terram aliquam onely his whereof God is the chief Lord and Owner Why is it admitted in familiar speech to call a man dead of whom the soul which is the chief and best part yet liveth How is it that we say this man or that man to be founder of this Church seeing that in one respect God is only founder We say likewise that he is a good man to the Church a special benefactor of the Church and that the Church is fallen down when the stones be fallen down the people preserved and living And in all this manner of speech when we hear them it is not accustomed ne used to do as ye do that is to say to draw the word Church to that sentence wherein the speech may be a lye but to take it in that wherein it signifieth truth Which accustomed manner if ye had followed you should not have needed to have laboured so much in the declaration of the word Ecclesia in that signification wherein it is most rarely taken and cannot without maintenance of too manifest a lye be applied to any man For taking Ecclesia in that sense ye take it S. Paul wrote amiss writing to the Corinthians saying Ecclesia Dei quae est Corinthi for by your definition non circumscribitur loco Ecclesia In the Gospel where Christ said Dic Ecclesiae must needs have another interpretation and definition then ye make de Ecclesia in your said Letters or else it were hard to make complaint to all Christendom as the case in the Gospel requireth Sed est candidi pectoris verba veritati accommodare ut ipsam referre quod eorum officium est non corrumpere videantur Furthermore the Lawiers that write how Ecclesia fallit fallitur what blasphemy do they affirm if that definition should be given to Ecclesia which you write in your Letters wherein albeit ye write the truth for so
our time is there any Convocation where Laws be made for the order of our Clergy but such as by our authority is assembled And why should not we say as Iustinian said Omnia nostra facimus quibus à nobis impartitur aucthoritas Is any Bishop made but he submitteth himself to us and acknowledgeth himself as Bishop to be our subject Do not we give our Licence and assent to the election of Abbots And this is concerning the Persons and Laws spirituall As touching their goods it is in all mens opinions learned in our Laws Extra controversiam that debate and controversie of them appertaineth to our decision and Order And as for the living of the Clergy some notable offences we reserve to our correction some we remit by our sufferance to the Judges of the Clergy as murther felony and treason and such like enormities we reserve to our examination other crimes we leave to be ordered by the Clergy not because we may not intermeddle with them for there is no doubt but as well might we punish adultery and insolence in Priests as Emperours have done and other Princes ate this day do which ye know well enough so as in all those Articles concerning the persons of Priests their Laws their Acts and order of living forasmuch as they be indeed all temporall and concerning this present life only in those we as we be called be indeed in this Realm Caput and because there is no man above us here be indeed supremum Caput As to spiritual things meaning by them the sacraments being by God ordained as instruments of efficacy strength whereby grace is of his infinite goodness conferred upon his people forasmuch as they be no worldly nor temporal things they have no worldly nor temporall head but only Christ that did institute them by whose ordinance they be ministred here by mortal men elect chosen and ordered as God hath willed for that purpose who be the Clergy who for the time they do that and in that respect tanquam ministri versantur in his quae hominum potestati non subjiciuntur in quibus si male versantur sine scandalo Deum ultorem habent si cum scandalo hominum cognitio vindicta est Wherein as is before said either the Prince is chiefe doer r his authority proceeded to the execution of the same as when by sufferance or priviledge the Prelats intromit themselves therein wherefore in that which is derived from the Prince at the begining why should any obstacle or scruple be to call him Head from whom that is derived Such things as although they be amongst men yet they be indeed Divina quoniam supra nos sunt nihil ad nos And being called Head of all we be not in deed nor in name to him that would sincerely understand it head of such things being not spirituall as they be not temporall and yet to those words spoken of us adevitandam illam calumniam there is added quantum per legem Christi licet for interpretation of which Parenthesis your similitude added of homo immortalis est quantum per naturae legem licet is nothing like for naturae lex is not immortality as is lex Christi to superiority for lex naturae ne speaketh ne can mean of any immortality at all considering that the law of Nature ordaineth mortality in all things but Christs law speaketh of superiority admitteth superiority sheweth also and declareth obediendum esse Principibus as yee do alledge Wherefore if the law of God permitteth superiority and commandeth obedience to examine and measure modum obedientiae superioritatis there can to no other thing so good a relation be made For as yee understand the Scripture though it say nay to part it saith not nay to the whole whereas nature denieth utterly all immortality and so though in speaking of immortality of man it were superfluous to say quantum per naturae legem licet yet is not so speaking de superioritate modo Principatus referring the certain limits to the law or Christi ad cujus normam quicquid quadrat planum rectum est quicquid non quadrat pravum iniquum And as touching the doubt and difficulty you make to give a single answer yea or no for that the question propounded containeth two things whereof the one is true th' other false as yee say meaning as yee write that in temporalibus we be Caput and in spiritualibus we be not It seemeth that neither your example agreeth in similitude with that yee bring it in for nor is there in learning or common speech used the scrupulosity in answers yee write of Truth it is that the question in plain words containeth two parts expressly whereof the one is true th' other false our yea or nay cannot be answered for there should appear a manifest lye which Gods law detesteth and naturally is abhorred as if it should be asked Us if We were King of England and of Denmark our nay or yea should not suffice But it is farre otherwise both in matters of Learning and common speech where the words in the question may by divers interpretations or relations contain two things and yet in expression contain but one As if a man should ask Us An filius pater unum sunt We would not doubt to answer and say Yea as the Scripture saith for it is truly answered and to make a lye is but Sophistication drawing the word unum to person wherein it is a lye If one were asked the question Whether the man and wife were one he might boldly and truly say Yea and yet it is distinctione corporum naturalium a lie and to the question Vtrum Ecclesiam constet ex bonis malis Yea and yet as yee define Ecclesiam it it is a lie The reason of diversity is this for thâ—t it is not supposed men would abuse words but apply them to signifie truth and not to signifie a lie wherein the Arrians offending took occasion of heresies For that which is in Scripture written is a most certain truth and as it is there written so and no otherwise would Christ have answered if the question had been asked An Pater esset major illo he would have said yea as it is written And if the Arrians would have taken for a truth that of him that is truth and speaketh truth and from whom proceedeth but truth they would have brought a distinction with them to set forth truly and not disprove that it was truly written by sophistication of the word When S. James wrote Fides sine operibus mortua est he wrote truth and so did S. Paul Quod fides justificat absque operibus legis which it could not do if it were mortua Either of these made a single asseveration of a sentence by interpretation containing two trusting that the Reader would pio animo so understand them as their sayings might as they do indeed agree with truth It is
which it was not in me to let and amplifie and practise occasions to represent to her Majesty a necessity to bring me to the one can and will do the like to stop me from the other You say my errors were my prejudice and therefore I can mend my self It is true but they that know that I can mend my self and that if I ever recover the Queen that I will never lose her again will never suffer me to obtain interest in her favour and you say the Queen never forsook utterly where she hath inwardly favoured but know not whether the hour-glass of time hath altered her but sure I am the false glasse of others informations must alter her when I want access to plead mine own cause I know I ought doubly infinitely to be her Majesties both jure creationis for I am her creature and jure redemptionis for I know she hath saved me from overthrow But for her first love and for her last protection and all her great benefits I can but pray for her Majesty my endevour is now to make my prayers for her and my self better heard For thanks be to God that they which can make her Majesty believe I counterfeit with her cannot make God believe that I counterfeit with him and they that can let me from coming near to her cannot let me from drawing nearer to him as I hope I do daily For your brother I hold him an honest Gentleman and wish him all good much rather for your sake your self I know hath suffered more for me and with me then any friend that I have But I can but lament freely as you see I do and advise you not to do that I do which is to despair You know Letters what hurt they have done me and therefore make sure of this and yet I could not as having no other pledge of my love but communicate openly with you for the ease of my heart and yours Your loving friend R. ESSEX Lord Mountjoy to the Earle of Essex MOst noble Lord the Queen is now removing towards a Progress wherein after I have somwhat waited upon her I shall have a desire to write to your Lordship of some things more at large which I will do as safely as I can your Lordships vertue and your clear conscience must be your own brazen wall for we that are not of the Councell do see no hope to keep long together this State from assured ruine I pray God the Queen may with all prosperity out-live their negligence and your care to be a just Judge if not a rewarder thereof In the mean time you owe unto her and your own vertue extraordinary patience Your Lordships mind I do protest cannot labour more in the storm wherein you are then mine doth in this dangerous and miserable calm For it is some comfort to perish doing somewhat and yet my Lord why should we despair since there is a Providence that looks beyond and concludes contrary to the practices of the world which Providence hath shewed us ways how rugged soever they be which will bring unto true happiness and though we lose these mortall Barkes we sail in yet he will assuredly save the passengers Noble Lord in respect of that great Haven contemn these tempests and shipwracks at sea Your Lordships servant Mr. Bushel doth fear to have you impute his slow dispatch unto any want of his diligence and hath shewed his fear in exceeding sorrow that it could not be sooner and with as much care by all his best means to effect it I much thank your Lordship for your favour to Sir Charls Blunt of whom if he be not thankfull I shall not onely be deceived but also revenged I will pray continually for your Lordships prosperity and that it shall be impossible to make me otherwise then Your Lordships most honest and faithfull servant MOUNTJOY Sir Robert Cecil after Earl of Salisbury to the Lord Burleigh his Father from France Febr. 26. 1597. MY duty humbly remembred to your Lordship Having lately made dispatches from Diep and having made little way in France by reason of Sir Thomas Wilks indisposition your Lordship can expect little from me especially having joyned with my associates in a letter to your Lordship Nevertheless because love and duty will find easily occasion to express themselves I am bold to yeild your Lordship some more trouble by my private Letter I have met here with the primier President of Roan a man of great credit and reputation one that untill meer necessity did force him kept much hold here for this King he afterward retired and kept the Parliament at Caen he is learned grave of good person good discourse well affectionate to England his name is Claude Grollart he is now next the Duke Monpencier the stay of all those quarters insomuch that when the King will be merry with him he calls him one of the petty Dukes in Normandy he did visit me with great respect and fell into familiar discourse with me of your Lordship whom he had known in England many years since and hath had correspondency with your Lordship by letters in Mr. Secretary Walsinghams time And being talking thereof he desired me to tell your Lordship by occasion that when these troubles were like to grow by the League you writ him a letter of advice to stick fast to the King and not to be doubtfull though he saw difficulties for you did hold it for a true Oracle That the Kings on earth are like the Sun and that such as do seek to usurp are like falling Starres For the Sun although it be ecclipsed and obfuscated with mists and clouds at length they are dispersed where the other are but figures of stars in the eyes view and prove no more but exhalations which suddenly dissolve and fall to the earth where they are consumed Because I have little else to fill my paper I presume to trouble your Lordship thus far to whom I think it cannot be offensive to hear that for your sake I am by many the better used and that by your own wisdom you are by men of place and gravity both honored and remembred The marriage of the Duke of Tremouille to the Count Maurice his sister hath drawn the Duke of Bovillon towards Britany where I am informed by this President that he meaneth to stay and to attend the King to whom he will clear himself if he take any knowledge of any jealousie and the rather because he is there well fortified in a Countrey full of those that are of the religion It shall behove me being there to cary my self tenderly towards him The Kings prosperity in Britany hath already made his Catholikes begin to quarrel with the Accord which hath been made at the Assembly For the persons that were appointed to frame the Articles into an Edict have varied upon some principall points onely to trifle out the time thereby to discover whether the King may need their
assistance or no. But the Duke of Bovillon hearing inckling of it made more haste and hath been with the King and doth return forthwith to him as soon as he hath been at the marriage of the Lady Tremoville Your Lordship knows the circumstances of my journey are not such as can afford me any means to judge but this your Lordship may assure that by that time I have spoken to the King things will break out one way other so far as it will appear whether it be worth the tarrying to treat or no after once the King has been dealt with to which I will address my self with all speed and not tarry for the States who may be come to Paris by that time I do return for I believe they will be content to treat any where I shall have a miss of Sir Thomas Wilks were it not we were well instructed and surely he was grown very heavy of late and dull If I should stay here to attend his recovery it would comsume me to no purpose I have written a Letter to the Queen of some such gathering as I have gotten and of the speeches between me and the President because her Majesty may not be offended that I write not particularly to her selfe of something Although the Spaniards from Callis have spoyled Base-Bologne yet it is not holden here that the Cardinall will sit down before any Town speedily for he will not be able Neverthelesse the Constable is come into Picardy to give stay to the Province if that be the fruit of the Treaty we shall have less need to disswade the King I much fear Sir Tho. Wilks to be in a Lethargie Since your Lordships Letter of Feb. 15. which found me at Dover a little before my imbarking the wind hath not served to bring me any Letter out of England The Lord of heaven send me tidings of your Lordships health for whom I will daily pray I received also a Letter from the Earl of Essex of the 16. and did imbark the 17. I humbly take my leave and rest Feb. 26. 1507. Your Lordships humble and obedient Son RO. CECIL Sir Francis Walsingham Secretary to Monsieur Critoy Secretary of France SIR WHereas you desire to be advertised touching the proceedings here in Ecclesiastical causes because you seem to note in them some inconstancie and variation as if we somtimes inclined to one side somtimes to another and as if that clemencie and lenity were not used of late that was used in the beginning all which you impute to your own superficial understanding of the affairs of this State having notwithstanding her Majesties doing in singular reverence as the real pledges which she hath given unto the world of her sincerity in Religion and of her wisdom in Government well meriteth I am glad of this occasion to impart that little I know in that matter to you both for your own satisfaction and to the end you may make use thereof towards any that shall not be so modestly and so reasonably minded as you are I find therefore her Majesties proceedings to have been grounded upon two principles 1. The one That consciences are not to forced but to be won and reduced by the force of truth with the aid of time and the use of all good means of instruction and perswasion 2. The other That the Causes of Conscience wherein they exceed their bounds and grow to be matter of faction lose their nature and that Soveraign Prince ought distinctly to punish the practice in contempt though coloured with the pretence of Conscience and Religion According to these principles her Majesty at her coming to the Crown utterly disliking the tyranny of Rome which had used by terror and rigor to settle commandments of mens faiths and consciences though as a Prince of great wisdom and magnanimity she suffered but the exercise of one Religion yet her proceedings towards the Papists was with great lenity expecting the good effects which time might work in them And therefore her Majesty revived not the Laws made in the 28. and 35. of her Fathers reign whereby the Oath of Supremacie might have been offered at the Kings pleasure to any Subject though he kept his conscience never so modestly to himself and the refusal to take the same oath without further circumstance was made Treason But contrariwise her Majesty not liking to make windows into mens hearts secret thoughts except the abundance of them did overflow into overt and express acts or affirmations tempered her Laws so as it restraineth every manifest disobedience in impugning and impeaching advisedly and maliciously her Majesties supreme power maintaining and extolling a foraign jurisdiction And as for the Oath it was altered by her Majesty into a more gratefull form the hardness of the name and appellation of Supreme Head was removed and the penalty of the refusal thereof turned only into disablement to take any promotion or to exercise any charge and yet with liberty of being reinvested therein if any man should accept thereof during his life But after when Pius Quintus had excommunicated her Majesty and the Bulls of Excommunication were published in London whereby her Majesty was in a sort proscribed and that thereupon as upon a principal motive or preparative followed the Rebellion in the North yet because the ill humours of the Realm were by that Rebellion partly purged and that she feared at that time no foreign invasion and much less the attempt of any within the Realm not backed by some potent succour from without she contented herself to make a Law against that special case of bringing and publishing of any Bulls or the like Instruments whereunto was added a prohibition upon pain not of treason but of an inferior degree of punishment against the bringing in of Agnus Dei hallowed bread and such other merchandise of Rome as are well known not to be any essential part of the Romish religion but only to be used in practise as Love-tokens to inchant the peoples affections from their allegiance to their natural Soveraign In all other points her Majesty continued her former lenity but when about the 20. year of her reign she had discovered in the King of Spain an intention to invade her Dominions and that a principal point of the plot was to prepare a party within the Realm that might adhere to the Foreigner and that the Seminaries began to blossom and to send forth daily Priests and professed men who should by vow taken at Shrift reconcile her Subjects from their obedience yea bind many of them to attempt against her Majesties sacred person and that by the poyson which they spread the humours of most Papists were altered and that they were no more Papists in conscience and of softness but Papists in faction then were there new Laws made for the punishment of such as should submit themselves to such reconcilements or renunciations of obedience And because it was a Treason carried in the clouds and in
morall honesty of life or innated instinct of nature or for fear of some temporall punishment pretend obedience unto your Highness Laws yet certainly the onely Catholiques for conscience sake observe them For they defending that Princes Precepts and Statutes oblige no subject under the penalty of sin will have little care in conscience to transgress them which principally are tormented with the guilt of fin But Catholiques professing merit in obeying and immerit in transgressing cannot but in Soul be grievously tortured for the least prevarication thereof Wherefore most mercifull Soveraign we your loving afflicted subjects in all dutifull subjection protest before the Majesty of God and all his holy Angels as loyal obedience and immaculate allegiance unto your Grace as ever did faithfull subjects in England or Scotland unto your Highness Progenitors and intend as sincerely with our goods and lives to serve you as ever did the loyallest Israelites King David or the trustiest Legions the Roman Emperours And thus expecting your Majesties customary favour and gracious bounty we rest your devoted suppliants to him whose hands do manage the hearts of Kings and with reciprocate mercy will requite the mercifull Your Majesties most devoted servants the Catholiques of England Sir Walter Raleigh to King James before his triall IT is one part of the Office of a just and worthy Prince to hear the complaints of his vassals especially such as are in great misery I know not amongst many other presumptions gathered against me how your Majesty hath been perswaded that I was one of them who were greatly discontented and therefore the more likely to prove disloyall But the great God so relieve me in both worlds as I was the contrary and I took as great comfort to behold your Majesty and always learning some good and bettering my knowledge by hearing your Majesties discourse I do most humbly beseech your Soveraign Majesty not to believe any of those in my particular who under pretence of offences to Kings do easily work their particular revenge I trust no man under the colour of making examples should perswade your Majesty to leave the word Mercifull out of your Stile for it wil be no less profit to your Majesty become your greatness then the word Invincible It is true that the Laws of England are no less jealous of the Kings then Caesar was of Pompey's wife for notwithstanding she was cleared for having company with Claudius yet for being suspected he condemned her For my self I protest before Almighty God and I speak it to my Master and Soveraign that I never invented treason against him and yet I know I shall fall in manibus corum a quibus non possum evadere unless by your Majesties gracious compassion I be sustained Our Law therefore most mercifull Prince knowing her own cruelty and knowing that she is wont to compound treason out of presumptions and circumstances doth give this charitable advice to the King her Supream Non solum sapiens esse sed misericors c. cum tutius sit reddere rationem misericordiae quam judicii I do therefore on the knees of my heart beseech your Majesty from your own sweet and comfortable disposition to remember that I have served your Majesty twenty years for which your Majesty hath yet given me no reward and it is fitter I should be indebted unto my Soveraign Lord then the King to his poor Vassal Save me therefore most mercifull Prince that I may ow your Majesty my life it self then which there cannot be a greater debt Limit me at least my Soveraign Lord that I may pay it for your service when your Majesty shall please If the Law destroy me your Majesty shall put me out of your power and I shall have none to fear but the King of Kings WALTER RALEIGH Sir Walter Raleigh to Sir Robert Car after Earl of Somerset SIR AFter many losses and many years sorrows of both which I have cause to fear I was mistaken in their ends It is come to my knowledge that your self whom I know not but by an honorable favour hath been perswaded to give me and mine my last fatal blow by obtaining from his Majesty the Inheritance of my Children and Nephews lost in Law for want of a word This done there remaineth nothing with me but the name of life His Majesty whom I never offended for I hold it unnatural and unmanlike to hate goodness staid me at the graves brink not that I thought his Majesty thought me worthy of many deaths and to behold mine cast out of the world with my self but as a King that knoweth the poor in truth hath received a promise from God that his Throne shall be established And for you Sir seeing your fair day is but in the dawn mine drawn to the setting your own vertues and the Kings grace assuring you of many fortunes and much honour I beseech you begin not your first building upon the ruines of the innocent and let not mine and their sorrows attend your first plantation I have ever been bound to your Nation as well for many other graces as for the true report of my trial to the Kings Majesty against whom had I been malignant the hearing of my cause would not have changed enemies into friends malice into compassion and the minds of the greatest number then present into the commiseration of mine estate It is not the nature of foul Treason to beget such fair passions neither could it agree with the duty and love of faithfull Subjects especially of your Nation to bewail his overthrow that had conspired against their most natural and liberal Lord. I therefore trust that you will not be the first that shall kill us outright cut down the tree with the fruit and undergo the curse of them that enter the fields of the fatherless which if it please you to know the truth is far lesâ— in value then in saâ—ne But that so worthy a Gentleman as your self will rather bind us to you being sixe Gentlemen not base in birth and allâ—ance which have interest therein Aâ—d my self with my uttermost thankfulness will remain ready to obey your commandments WALTER RALEIGH Sir Thomas Egerton Chancellor after Lord Ellesmere to the Earl of Essex SIR HOw things proceed here touching your self you shall partly understand by these inclosed Her Majesty is gracious towards you and you want not friends to remember and commend your former services Of these particulars you shall know more when we meet In the mean time by way of caution take this from me There are sharp eyes upon you your actions publique and private are observed It behoveth you therefore to carry your self with all integrity and sincerity both of hands and heart lest you overthrow your own fortunes and discredit your friends that aâ—â— tender and carefull of your reputation and well-doing So in haste I commit you to God with my very hearty commendations and rest At the Court at Richmond 21 Octob. 1599.
I know hold it evil beseemmg so rare a greatness to come behind any King how pious vertuous soever either in the observance of the laws of mutual charity and friendship or in love or zeal to justice which to all Kingdoms and Governments gives the assuredst foundation and in defect whereof by the Spirit of God himself Kingdoms are said to be translated from one Nation to another The first King that God gave unto his people he elected of higher stature then the rest by the shoulders upwards signifying thereby how much Kings are to strive to exceed and excell in the height and measure of vertue and justice also how fit it is for them to over-look with their authorities and providences the highest head of their Ministers and to observe how they guide themselves By the contents of this paper inclosed your Majesty shall perceive the Christian and Kingly care the King my Master hath had not onely of the observances of the Articles of Peace since the same between your Majesties were concluded but of the punctuall accomplishment of the true Laws of amity and friendship which are more surely and expressively imprinted in Royall and Noble hearts then possibly they can be written or charactered by any pen in paper In your Majesties Kingdoms pardon I humbly beseech you if I speak plainly much contrary to that example the King my Masters subjects suffer all manner of spoils oppressions and miseries and are as well I may term them made a very prey to the hungry and greedy your Viceroyes and others enter their ships under cover and colour of Peace and Justice finding them rich they lay crimes to their charge whereof there appears neither proof nor probability yet serve their pretences to possess them of their goods to put the poor Merchants to a demand in Law wherein were truth alone the ballance they should be weighed by though that form of redress were far short of the immediate remedy provided by the King my Soveraign for your Majesties subjects yet were it much more allowable and to be endured but having here complained two whole years without any course at all taken for redress as in the cause with the Duke of Feria three intire years as in that with the Viceroy of Sardinia one year and more as in that of his Majesties servant Adrian Thibaut taken and spoiled by your Majesties Generall Don Luis as in that of Estry and Bispich imprisoned and bereaved of their goods by Iuan de Vendorza Alcalde of Madrid we are after so long a time spent in misery and charge countervailing a great part of the value of the goods taken from us inforced still to all punctualities and extremities of forms of law and to abide the uttermost perill of all advantages that by the inventions wits tongues of Lawyers can be devised to obscure and hide the light and right of truth The false colour given by every of these and the barbarous cruelty used to the parties would require too long and tedious a declaration It satisfieth that none of their pretences are proved nay which is more they are so false and fabulous as to no indifferent underderstanding they appear so much as probable My humble desire is your Majesty would be pleased to pass your own Royal eyes upon this paper and therefore to affect all possible brevity I will pass unto your Majesties other inferior ministers of your Ports of which few there are those in Biscay and some in Portugal only excepted where we have not divers oppressions imprisonments and unjust imbargements in Sivil especially whereof forty several suits and as many false sentences given raised and pursued by a man now dead and therefore in charity left unnamed We have hitherto in your Majesties Councel of war where before those noble Lords all passed by the equal line of Justice not failed in my remembrance in the overthrowing of any save one mistaken that passed in a wrong name and another concerning merchandise that had their manufacture in Embden whereof I suppose those Lords were not rightly informed only excepted In that Court I must acknowledge we have had redress but yet with your Majesties favour a miserable one our gain being whether we shall be owners of our own or not our expences and charges certain and the time without measure large whereby many have been undone some dead in prison in England for want of what was unjustly detained from them here Yet neither the false Judges in Sivil nor Promoters ever chastised or for any thing that I yet have understood so much as ever reprehended or found fault with I haste to a conclusion fearing lest I should dwell too long in a matter so unsavoury and unpleasing to your Majesties pittifull ears and Christian heart so much of it self disposed to all clemency and piety I will for the next resort to the ships cordage corn and other victuals and provisions taken from the King my Soveraigns subjects for your Majesties own services and the relief of the extreme necessity in your Gallies and Garrisons of the Navy of whom some have been enforced for want of payment of their monies to send their ships home unfreighted a loss extreme to poor Merchants that live by trade and time to repair to this Court and here remain some of them 14 moneths and others two years and more till their very charges had eaten out a great part of what was due unto them and in the end recover only their own without any relief or recompence either for their expences times lost or damages I will only instance two because their causes are most strange and pittifull and yet unsatisfied the one named Thomas Harrison and the other Richard Morris The first served your Majesty with his ship till the same with one of his sons and all of his men were swallowed with the seas and hath been here more then four years suing for his recompence and salary recommended by the King my Soveraign by Letters from your Majesties Ambassadors in England and by my self all that long time furthered with my earnest sollicitation which hath begot infinite promises but to this day no manner of payment or performance The other who sometimes hath been a man of wealth and reputation and falling into great poverty served your Majesty with all that in the world he was worth and all that in value above 6000 Ryals I blush I protest to think of it and my heart is grieved to mention it to so great a King of whose liberality and magnificence the world taketh so much notice His right and his necessity being well known unto your Officers he hath been more then three years and a half fed with hopes and put off with schedules and sending from one Port to another for the receipt of his mony till he hath indebted himself the most part of the sum and at present wanteth wherewith both to feed and cover him Now at last he is promised payment
over-tedious to your Majesty and being well assured how well your Majesty stands inclined to either of these points Ferdinand the Emperour to Don Balthazar de Zuniga October 15. 1621. To the Honorable and sincerely beloved Don Balthazar de Zuniga Cousin and Councellour of State to the most excellent and Catholique King of Spain Honorable and sincerely beloved WHat my mind and purpose is touching the translating of the Electorship to the Duke of Bavaria according to the promise I made him and wherefore I think that business so necessary and profitable as for Germany in generall so particularly for securing our House from all attempts of Heretiques as his Holiness exhorts me not to be further delayed You shall understand as well by conference with Father Jacinthus whom his Holiness hath for that purpose addressed unto me his Majesty of Spain my Nephew and other Catholiqne Princes of Germany as by these ensuing reasons whereof the principall are That when I repeat from the beginning the whole course of my Reign and the difficulties through which I have attained my Kingdoms and Provinces I behold with reverence the admirable providence of God over me which makes me the more bound to repose my trust in him and not to omit any occasion which may tend to the advancement of his glory and the honor of so admirable tried providence and therfore that I should use that most notable victory to the honor of God and extirpation of all seditions factions which are nourished chiefly among the Calvinists and that I should withdraw my self from that judgement that the Prophet threatens to the King of Israel Because thou hast dismissed a man worthy of death thy Son shall be for his soule The Palatine keeps now in Holland exiled not onely from the Kingdom which he rashly attempted but despoiled almost of all his own Territories expecting as it were the last cast of Fortune whom if by an impious kind of commiseration and subtile Petitions I be perswaded to restore to his Electorall dignity and nourish in my bosome as a troden half living snake what can I expect less then a deadly stinging For it is in vain for me to think that he should be able to discern the greatness of such a benefit For the Polititians saying is true Vltionem quaesivi gratiam oneri habere especially since the injuries he did me are so heynous his projects so subtile that although I should overcome him with Christian charity yet I should never be able to take him from the guilt of his offences and make him soundly faithfull unto me but he will always gape at all occasions whereby he may free himself from fear of his ill deservings and cover his own prostituted honor with new attempts Add hereunto the Calvinists institution of whose Sect the proper genius is to hold nothing either fraud or wickedness which is undertaken for the Religion no sanctity of oath nor fear of dishonour hinders them From such an one what caution can either the house of Austria or other Catholique Princes with whom he is no less in enmity because for Religion as because they are interessed in the war receive The King of England will be engaged but of the same Religion nor is there any thing more easie then when there is occasion of perpetrating any wickedness to palliate it with a pretext of a breach of the League Histories are fraughted with examples in some there are no cautions sufficient in such a business then to drive him where he cannot hurt all other means are frail and he which once believed is despised It is likewise a consideration of no less moment that the Palatine being restored will draw all his power and policie as hitherto so hereafter where he thinks he can do most hurt and that most easily to wit to Bethlem-Gabor and the Turks whom he hath already incited to hostility against me and will never cease hereafter to instigate the Galvinists intire hopes in them These untill they recover breath and recollect their forces they endeavour to disarm and exhaust me of monies ranging in my territories as they have done hitherto by fire and sword But if with them also whom notwithstanding I cannot trust alike I should make peace what conditions will Gabor who remains yet unconquered require if I should restore the Palatine already conquered to his Electoral dignity Therefore since long before God granted me that famous victory I firmly forecast with my self that the Palatine could not be restored to his Electoral dignity without the extreme danger of the Catholiques and my house I offered freely on my own motion but being directed questionless by God the Electorship to the Duke of Bavaria a most eager Defender of the Catholique cause whose territories on the other side lie as a Rampire between me and other Princes of Germany and since I made so good use of his help and so profitable in the recovery of my Kingdoms and Provinces and continue yet to this day time it self more then the said Duke doth cry out that I should accomplish my promise without further delay and by translation of the Electorship take away quite all hopes from the Palatine and them that sollicite us so importunately for a restitution that we may be freed from all molestation which thing since it needs the help of his Majesty of Spain although I know his Majesty be propense enough of himself to all things which appertain to the honor of God and the security of our House yet I thought good to admonish you of this occasion lest this opportunity of establishing of our Religion and Family escape which I conceive might conveniently be done by you Neither do I suppose his Majesty to be ignorant that it was alwayes judged of our Ancestors that the House of Austria which by Gods permission doth now signiorize far and neer upon the earth to have its chief foundation here in Germany which is the more to be defended the nearer its mine depends thereupon In times past this House hath had proof of many adversaries to its greatness as the Histories under Maximilian the first Charles the fift Ferdinand the second and Rodulf the second do shew the perfidiousness of Holland against his Majesties Grandfather Philip the second fetcht her food from the Palatinate neither can his Majesty ever reduce the rebellious Hollanders to obedience unlesse his root be pluckt up which onely motive besides these which I alledged before might justly induce him not to suffer a fallen enemy to rise and resume as his stomack will never fail him strength again But albeit it is not to be dissembled that the Lutheran Princes especially the Elector of Saxony will not approve haply of this translation because they fear it conduceth too much to the corroborating of the Catholique Cause Nevertheless since he cannot accuse that act of Charls the fifth who for a far lighter cause deprived John Frederick of the Electorship and confer'd it on Maurice this Dukes
year before had received so unpleasing and unequal an answer should now be perswaded that there was here so great a change as that a match was really desired there would now need more then ordinary assurance But the Duke of Lerma continuing severall times the same profession and telling me besides that the greatest Cases might be altered by circumstances and that the Age of this Prince was much more proper then that of his brother I freely let the Duke know that in case I might see that it was really desired here and that I might be able to propound unto my Master conditions of so much advantage and certainty as might put him and his ministers out of doubt that this overture was not again revived from hence either for diversion or winning of time I would then willingly intimate unto your Majesty the inclination and desire I found here of having a proposition for this match once again set on foot The Duke told me he would have a further conference with me and that he then no ways doubted to give such satisfaction as might well assure your Majesty and your Ministers that they sincerly desired the match in generall and would omit nothing on their side for the accomodating of particulars that might give furtherance unto it But the very night before the Duke had appointed a meeting with me there came a Post dispatcht out of England from the Spanish Ambassador upon the arrivall of Sir Thomas Edmonds into England who brought word that the match with France was absolutely concluded and that within few days it was to be published Whereupon the Duke at our meeting the next morning told me that it would be needless now to descend to any particulars in the business whereof we are to treat since that they had newly received advertisement that the match with France was fully concluded And thus for the present the matter rested untill some five or six weeks after about which time my self was to go into England and so taking leave of the Duke he asked me whether I had not received advertisement that the match with France was published I told him no but I had certainly heard that it was not as yet fully concluded Whreupon he intreated me that in case I found not the French match in such forwardness as it could not be stayed I would let him know of it and that if I should see any kind of possibility that the business we had spoken of might be set on foot I would advertise him and that thereupon he would proceed to those particulars which he formerly intended for my satisfaction Herewith I acquainted your Majesty and finding the Spanish Ambassador in England had notice from the Duke of our former proceedings and order to further them by all possible means he could especially if he should understand that your Majesty were not fully resolved of the French match I thought it fit by this means to let the Duke understand in what estate I found those businesses in England and thereupon with your Majesties permission I wrote a letter unto him to this effect That although it were true that the Match with France had been treated of with much earnestness on both sides and with great likelihood of being concluded yet there daily arose so many difficulties and new cases of delay that I judged it far from any perfect conclusion neither did I see cause absolutely to despair of the businesses which our selves pretended unless the difficulty of the Conditions should make it desperate But if those things should be expected by Spain which in the Treaty for the late Princess were demanded it were better by much not to renew the business then by impossible or unfitting propositions on either side to give distaste or lessen the friendship which now was betwixt your Majesties And therefore except that in Spain they would be contented with such conditions as your Majesty most fittingly and conveniently might yield unto and all other Catholique Princes were willing to content themselves with I neither saw cause to hope for good success or reason to set the treaty on foot But in case I might know that the conditions in point of Religion might be such as I should see a possibility of your Majesties condescending unto them I should be far from despairing of some good effect for that I knew that divers not of the meanest nor least power with your Majesty were hereunto well inclined and would give their helping hands Hereupon the Spanish Ambassador dispatcht his Secretary into Spain and received answer from the Duke that he should give me all assurance that there was a great desire and inclination to the making of the Match and that at my return into Spain they no way doubted but that I should receive such satisfaction as should make it appear on their part there should be nothing wanting for the effecting of it It now remaineth what hath passed herein since my last coming to this Court. I arrived here in Madrid only a day or two before Christmass and having some six dayes after my audience appointed by the King whilst I was in a withdrawing chamber expecting the Kings coming forth the Duke of Lerma came thither to bear me company and after many respectfull demands of your Majesty and the Queens and the Princes health and some few complements unto my self concerning my welcom again unto this Court he fell to speak of the false Alarms we had in England concerning a Spanish Armado seeming much to be displeased that any credit should be given to any thing to his Majesties dishonour and want of fidelity as he termed it But your Majesty he said did never believe it And it seems he heard of some pleasant answer your Majesty should make to some one of your Ministers that in great haste came unto your Majesty when you were a hunting and told you that the Spanish Fleet was in the Channel From this he entred into great protestations of the sincerity of this Kings affection and intention towards your Majesty telling me that I should now see how much they desired to work a greater neerness and uniting between your Majesties And that of the principal business of which we had in former time spoken meaning the Marriage he desired to speak with me but it must be at more leisure I answered that I would not fail shortly to wait upon him and that he should find me answerable to the professions I had made which was that being induced thereunto by such sufficient and good grounds as might satisfie my Master both for the convenience and fittingness of having such a Treaty set on foot and likewise might take away all objections of their intents of entertaining and diverting your Majesty hereby I would be as ready to do all good offices and give furtherance to the business as any Minister the King of Spain had And this was all that at our first meeting passed in this business About some eight days
probable to produce a good effect and that I hoped God would give happy success unto the business But I should be bold in one thing to deliver my opinion which was No wayes to interess our Masters herein unless by the understanding and cleering the difficulties on both sides there should be great appearances and probabilities that the business would take effect For if their names should be herein used and after their Treaty should not be successfull it would but exasperate and breed a greater distaste betwixt your Majesties The Duke told me he himself misliked not my opinion though he said that howsoever that business succeeded yet your Majesty should have reason to accept kindly this Kings good intention for that if it miscarried it should appear not to be their default but that they had stretched as far as honor and conscience would give them leave And thus much he said I might write unto your Majesty if I thought fit or to my confident friends in England upon his word and assurance and so telling me that he would presently appoint those that should confer with me in this business we then parted Within two days after I went to the Duke and after that I had spoken with him about the business of Cleves according to my instruction whereof I gave an account unto Mr. Secretary in a dispatch directed unto him we fell again into the speech of the match The Duke told me had well considered of that which I had said unto him and much approved it not to interest our Matters in the business until we should see some likelihood of good success And for that he supposed the difference of Religion like to prove the onely difficulty of consideration he thought it fit that it should be first cleared and therefore he would break the matter with the Cardinall of Toledo the Kings Confessor and with them he joyned another learned man one Father Frederick who since I understand is a Jesuite but truly hath the report of a moderate man These the Duke said should have order to confer with me as far as might be reserving safe the grounds and sincerity of their Religion I answered the Duke that I was well satisfied herewith and that if their demands were such as might content any other Catholique Prince I should have hope of good success if otherwise I should judge it a happiness to be put out of doubt and suspence and so we passed from this subject I presume to set down to your Majesty all the passages of this business with so much length and fulness for that I no way dare adventure to offer unto your Majesty any opinion or belief of my own either for the fitness of the match or the sincerity of their intention or the possibility of accommodating differences of Religion But your Majesty seeing undisguised all that hath hitherto passed with every circumstance may be pleased out of the consideration and knowledg of those particulars to frame unto your self both such a beliefe of their direct meaning and such a resolution of the further proceeding herein as shall be most suitable to your Majesties wisdom onely I think it fit to set down further unto your Majesty the particular ends which may be conceived they aim at by setting this business afoot at this present in case they should not intend really to perform it The first may be to stagger and divert your Majesties Treaty with France The second for entertaining your Majesty with fair hopes and promises thereby to keep you from declaring your self opposite unto them in the present business of Juliers and Cleves which remaineth still uncompounded But this being so your Majesty may be pleased to understand that they serve themselves with this occasion not that there could be any such thing primarily in their intention for that the expression of their desire to the match was the last year long before these differences happened Further the Duke of Lerma should be the most fals and dishonorable man living without Christianity or soul if he should voluntarily damn himself with oathes and protestations of a thing that he sincerely meant not and truly he should deal contrarily to the wisdom of his other proceedings wherein he layeth all occasions of distaste or discourtesie upon other inferior Ministers labouring still to clear himself of the imputation of them if in this he should make himself the author and instrument of so unjust and indirect proceeding between Princes But the course of most security and caution is that your Majesty suffer none of your other resolutions to be interrupted by this overture onely if your Majesty be pleased for a while to entertain and suspend the conclusion of the match with France I conceive it can be little to your Majesties disadvantage It lastly now remaineth that I become an humble suiter unto your Majesty for your clear and full directions in this business desiring if your Majesty will have it further entertained that I may have ample instructions from your Majesty both that I may intimate what may be expected in point of Dowry and in all other things to be required by your Majesty as likewise how far I may proceed in satisfying in point or Religion For it is not to be supposed that they wil proceed with that freeness and directness which is to be wished unless in a fitting measure they shall see me likewise able and willing to declare my self in such points wherein they may expect satisfaction I intend not hereby to move for a formall Commission to treat but onely a private instruction for my direction and warrant how to behave my self as may be most advantagious to the cause and your Majesties ends So humbly desiring your Majesty to command this Bearer to be dispatched back with all convenient speed I commend your Majesty to the holy protection of God Your Majesties faithfull subject and servant BRISTOL Abignoto to Conde Gondomar concerning the death of Philip the third VPon the last day of February being Sunday 1620. his Catholique Majesty after he had heard Mass and the Sermon in the Chappel was taken with a Feaver which continued with him eight dayes with a ruddiness and pimples which appeared plainly in his face which afterwards began to diminish but he was suddenly taken with a vomiting and a great feaver which continued with him till the 21. day and the Physitians were of opinion to have him rise out of his bed which was accordingly done both that day and the next but about dinner-time happened unto him a great swouning which much astonisht him and the 23. day in the night his feaver did redouble upon him with a vomiting and a flux in the belly and a great melancholy and an opinion that he should die which feaver continued with divers reduplications the Physitians having an ill opinion of him till on Saturday night the 27. when his reduplications were more violent his water bad and the King persevered in saying how
Sir COnsidering in what estate we find the Treaty of marriage between Spain and Emgland and knowing certainly how the Ministers did understanding this business that treated it in the time of Philip the third who is now in heaven that their meaning was never to effect it but by enlarging the treaties and points of the said marriage to make use of the friendship of the King of Great Britain as well in the matter of Germany as those of Flanders and suspecting likewise that your Majesty is of the same opinion although the demonstrations do not shew so joining to those suspitions that it is certain that the Infanta Donna Maria is resolved to put her self into the Monastery the same day that your Majesty shall press her to make the marriage I have thought fit to present to your Majesty that which my good zeal hath afforded me in this occasion thinking it a good time to acquaint your Majesty withal to the end you may resolve of that which you shall find most convenient with the advice of those Ministers that you shall think fit The King of Great Britain doth find himself at this time equally in the two businesses the one is the marriage to the which he is moved by the conveniences which he finds in your Majesties friendship with making an agreement with those Catholiques that he thinks are secretly in his Kingdom and by this to assure himself of them as likewise to marry his son to one of the house of Austria knowing that the Infanta Donna Maria is the best born Lady in the world Th' other businesse is the restitution of the Palatinate in which he is yet more ingaged For besides that his reputation is at stake there is added the love and interest of his Grandchildren sons of his onely daughter So that both by the law of Nature and reason of State he ought to put them before whatsoever conveniences might follow by dissembling what they suffer I do not dispute whether the King of Great Britainy be governed in this business of the Palatinate by Art or friendship I think a man may say he hath used both but as a thing not precisely necessary to this discourse I omit it I hold it for a maxime that these two Ingagements in which he finds himself are unseparable for although the marriage be made we must fail in that which in any way of understanding is most necessary which is the restitution of the Palatinate This being supposed having made the marriage in the form as it is treated your Majesty may find your self together with the King of Great Brirain engaged in a war against the Emperour and the Catholique league so that your Majesty shall be forced to delare your self with your Arms against the Emperour and the Catholique league a thing which to hear will offend your Majesties godly ears or declaring your self for the Emperour and the Catholique league as certainly you will your Majesty will find your self ingaged in a war against the King of England and your sister married with his son with the which all whatsoever conveniences that was thought upon with this marriage do cease if your Majesty shall shew your self Newtrall as it may be some will expound The first will cause very great scandall and with just reason since in matters of lesse opposition then of Catholiques against Heretiques the Armes of this Crown hath taken the godly against the contrary part And at this time the French men have taken part with the Hollanders against your Majesty your piety hath been such that you have sent your Arms against the Rebels of that Crown leaving all the great considerations of State only because those men are enemies of the faith and the Church It wil oblige your Majesty and good occasion to those of the League to make use of the King of France and other Catholique Princes ill affected to this Crown for it will be a thing necessary for them to do so and those even against their own Religion will foment and assist the Heretâ—ques for hatred to us without doubt they will follow the contrary part onely to leave your Majesty with that blemish that never hath befaln any King of these Dominions By the second the King of England will remain offended and disobliged seeing that neither interesses nor hopes do follow the Allyance with this Crown as likewise the pretext of particular resentment for having suffered his daughter and grand-children to be ruined for respect of the said Allyance The Emperour though he be well-affected and obliged to us in making the translation at this time as businesses now stand the Duke of Bavaria being now possessed of all the Dominions although he would dispose all according to our conveniences yet it will not be in his power to do it as you and every body may see And the memoriall that the Emperours Ambassador gave your Majesty yesterday makes it certain since in the List of the Souldiers that every on of the League is to pay he shews your Majesty that Bavier for himself alone will pay more then all the rest joyned together the which doth shew his power and his intention which is not to accommodate matters but to keep to himself the superiority of all in this broken time The Emperour is now in the Dyet and the translation is to be made in it The opposition in this estate is by conserving the means for conference which your Majesties Ministers will do with their capacities zeal and wisdom and it is certain they wil all have enough to do for the difficulty consists to find a way to make the present estate of affairs straight again which with lingring as it is said both the power and time will be lost I suppose that the Emperour as your Majesty knows by his Ambassador desires to marry his daughter with the King of Englands son I doubt not but he will be likewise glad to marry his second daughter with the Palatines son Then I propound that these two marriages be made and that they be set on foot presently giving the King of England full satisfaction in all his propositions for the more strict union and correspondency that he may agree to it I hold for certain that all the conveniences that would have followed the allyance with us wil be as full in this it doth accommodate the matter of the Palatinate and the succession of his grand-children with his honor without drawing a sword or wasting treasure After I would reduce the Prince Elector that was an enemy to the obedience of the Church by breeding his sons in the Emperours Court with Catholique Doctrine The business is great the difficulty greater then perchance have been in any other case I have found my self obliged to represent to your Majesty and to shew if you please to command me what I think fit for the disposing of the things and of the great Ministers that your Majesty hath I hope with the particular notice of these
of the match and my instructions under your Majesties hands were to insist upon the restoring the Prince Palatine but not to annex it to the treaty of the match as that therby the match should be hazarded for that your Majesty seemed confident that here it would never grow to a perfect conclusion without a setled resolution to give your Majesty satisfaction in the business of the Palatinate The same course I observed in the carriage of the business by his Highness and my Lord Duke at their being here who though they insisted on the business of the Palatinate yet they held it fit to treat of them distinctly and that the marriage should proceed as a good pawn for the other Since their departure my Lord Ambassador Sir Walter Ashton and my self have been pressed to have this Kings resolution in writing concerning the Palatinate and the dispatches which your Majesty will receive herewith concerning that business were writ before the receit of your Majesties Letters and doubtless it is now a great part of their care that that business may be well entred before the Infanta's coming into England And his Highness will well often remember that the Conde dé Olivarez often protested a necessity of having this business compounded and setled before the marriage saying otherwise they might give a Daughter and a War within three moneths after if this ground and subject of quarrell should still be left on foot The same language he hath ever held with Sir Walter Ashton and my self and that it was a firm peace and amity as much as an allyance which they sought with his Majesty So that it is not to be doubted but that this King concluding the match resolveth to imploy his uttermost power for your satisfaction in the restitution of the Prince Palatine The question now will be whether the business of the Prince Palatine having relation to many great Princes that are interessed therein living at distance and being indeed for the condition and nature of the business it self impossible to be ended but by a formall treaty which of necessity will require great length whether the conclusion of the match shall any way depend upon the issue of this business which I conceive to be far from your Majesties intention for so the Prince might be long kept unbestowed by any aversness of those which might have particular interest in the Princes remaining unmarried or dislike with his matching with Spain But that which I understand to be your Majesties aim is onely to have the conclusion of this match accompanied with a strong engagement as can be procured from this King for the joyning with your Majesty not onely in all good Offices for the entire restitution of the Palatinate but otherwise if need require of his Majesties assistance herein These days past I have laboured with all earnestness and procured this Kings publique answer which I am told is resolved of and I shall within these few days have it to send to your Majesty as also a private Proposition which will be put into your hands and shall not fail further to pursue your Majesties present directions of procuring this Kings Declaration in what sort your Maiesty may rely upon this Kings assistance in case the Emperour or the Duke of Bavaria hinder the entire restitution of the Prince Palatine Bu I conceive if it be your intention that I should first here procure this Kings peremptory answer in the whole business and how he will be assistant unto your Maiesty in case of the Emperours or the Duke of Bavaria's aversness And that I should send it to your Maiesty and receive again your answer before I deliver the Powers for the Deposorios the match would thereby if not be hazarded yet I conceive the Infanta's going at Spring would be rendred altogether impossible For if upon the arrival of the Approbation I cannot refuse them but upon some grounds if I alleadge your Majesties desire of having the Deposories deferred untill Christmass they know as well as my self that his Highness Proxy is then out of date besides the infringing of the Capitulations and they will judge it is a great scorn put upon this King who ever since the Princes granting of the powers hath called himself the Infanta's Desposado and to that effect the Prince hath writ unto him in some of his Letters Besides it will be held here a point of great dishonour unto the Infanta if the powers called for by her friends should be detained by the Prince his part and whosover else may have deserved it she certainly hath not deserved disrespect nor discomfort Further upon my refusal to deliver the powers all preparations which now go on cheerfully and apace will be stayed and there will enter in so much distrust and so many troubles and jealousies that if the main business run not hazard by them at least much time will be spent to cleer them I must therefore in discharge of my duty tell your Majesty that all your Majesties businesses here are in a fair way the Match and all that is capitulated therein they profess punctually to perform In the business of the Palatinate I continue my earnest and faithful endeavours and they protest they infinitely desire and will to the utmost of their powers endeavour to procure your Majesties satisfaction The Prince is like to have a most worthy and vertuous Lady and who much loveth him and all things else depending upon this match are in good and hopefull way This is now the present estate of your Majesties affairs as it appeareth unto me and to Sir Walter Ashton with whom I have communicated this Dispatch as I do all things else concerning your Majesties service And I must cleerly let your Majesty understand that I conceive by the retaining of the powers when this King shall call for them and offering to defer the Deposories untill Christmass that your Majesties business will run a hazard what by the distaste and disgust that will be raised here and what by the art and industry of those which are enemies to the match whereof every Court hath plenty in Christendom That therefore which I presume with all humility is That you would he pleased to give me order with all possible speed that when the busines shall come cleered from Rome and that the powers of the marriage shall be demanded of me in the behalf of this King that I may deliver them and no ways seek to interrupt or suspend the Deposorios but assist and help to a perfect conclusion of the match And for the business of the Palatinate I continue my earnest and faithfull endeavours to engage this King as far as shall be possible both for the doing of all good offices for the Palatines entire restitution herein I will not fail as likewise fo this Kings declaration of assisance in case the Emperor or Duke of Bavaria shall oppose the said restitution to use all possible means and I conceive the dispatch of
full of circumspection and unwilling to enter into play alone answereth unto all instances which are made unto him to that end That as the other Princes have their eyes upon him so hath he his upon your Majesty It is not for me to judge but since you have commanded me I will weigh them by the ballance of common judgment That the felicity wherewith God hath blessed the person of your Majesty having conjoyned the three Crowns of England Scotland and Ireland upon one head the power of the one of the three alone having done great matters in the affairs of Europe on this side the sea yea when it was counterballanced by the other gives demonstration what your Majesty may do with the joynt forces of the three together when you shall be pleased to take a resolution therein chiefly the question being for the interest of your own Children and by the voluntary contribution which we have already had in our support from your Majesty we may easily comprehend what may be promised of them when the publike authority of your Majesty shall be conjoyned with their particular affections there being no Prince in the world more loved and reverenced of his subjects nor more soveraign over their affections and means for the service of your person and Royal house Touching the Allies it is to my great grief that the unhappiness of this time hath separated a great part of them the united Provinces of Germany who make profession of the same Religion whereof they acknowledge your Majesty for Defendor and Protector But the same affection remaineth still in them entire and firm though they have been constrained to yield to the present necessity of their affairs and the occasion presenting it self your Majesty may accompt of them The rest the Estates of the united Provinces to whom we have recourse in our afflictions who support themselves by the help of God and the situation of their Country and Forces of their people alone untill this time against the puissance of Spain seconded by the Imperialists And in stead of fainting under such a burthen or of giving ear unto the overtures and submissions which from day to day are presented unto them they now put themselves to the offensive by a good Fleet prepared and ready to set sail to the West-Indies to the end they may at least interrupt the peaceable and annual return of the gold and silver of those parts by which the house of Austria doth continually advance their greatness This is commended by all good men and lovers of the publike liberty as the sole and only means to cast to the ground the fearfull power of Spain even as a great tree of large extent cut up by the root but is held too great for such a little extent of Country as this is and yet practically and to be done by forces answerable to the importance of such an enterprize And if your Majesty would be pleased to use the Forces of this estate by sea and land to the opposition of their enemies and by consequence of mine their profession of a loyall and sincere affection with the hazard of their lives and goods for the service of your Majesty grounded upon the experience of things past their present interest and the judgement which may be made of the future makes me assured that your Majesty may absolutely dispose of them and by their means being firmly conjoyned with your Majesty give the Law to Europe It is in obedience to your Majesties commandment that I have enlarged my self so far into this discourse which I will send with my most humble thanks for the continuance of your most gracious and paternall bounty particularly shewed in the care you have of the education of my eldest son in your Court who with all the rest are at your Majesties disposing and we hope to live notwithstanding our hard and dolefull condition to yeild unto your Majesty the fruits of a devout and filiall gratitude and I will remain untill the last day of my life From the Hague Decemb. 30. 1623 new stile Your Majesties most c. FREDERICK Postscript I am advertised from a good part that the Elector of Mentz and the other Princes of the Popish league are very instant with the Elector of Saxony and Brandenburgh to perswade them to acknowledge the Duke of Bavaria as an Elector of the Empire which if they obtain it were easie to judge how much it would prejudice my affairs and the common cause of the Empire I therefore most humbly beseech your Majesty that you will be pleased to prevent and hinder such an evil by the interposition of good offices and exhortations to the said secular Electors be it by some Ambassador by serious Letters or such other way as you shall hold meet and suitable to the importance of the matter which above all requireth singular celerity Your Majesty shall increase more and more my obligations and that of the publique of Germany c. Abignoto from Madrid THe Spaniard begins now to be sensible of the great disobligation and gross oversight he committed in suffering the Prince to go away without his Infanta For it hath given occasion of advantage to the English who now seem indifferent whether they match with him or no to proceed more stoutly and to add to the former Articles which the Prince had sworn at his being here certain new Propositions about the Palatinate which was thought to be unfit to motion at his being here by reason of the engagement of his person And there is a Commission sent to the Earl Bristol to treat of these two businesses joyntly and if the King of Spain give not a satisfactory answer therein then he is to return home Buckingham hath little obligation no Spain therefore for his own particular he hath good reason it he cannot prop himhimfelf this way to find other means for his support unkindnesses passed between him and Olivarez and a hot heart-burning between him and Bristol who told him here before the Prince that being so far his superior inhonor and might he might haply contemn him but he could never hate him Ever since his departure he hath attempted to crush Bristol to pieces who is out of purse two thousand pound of his own since his coming hither he is so crossed that he cannot get a peny from England If he cannot get a surrender of the Palatinate to the Kings mind he is in a poor case for he must hence presently he is much favoured of the King here and Olivarez therefore they will do much for him before Buckingham work his revenge upon him he hath received lately more comfortable dispatches from England and in the last the King sent him he requires his advice in certain things The Proxie the King of Spain had to marry the Infanta in the Princes name is proroged till March There is great resentment of the delayes in the Court here and the Infanta hath given over studing of
Indeavours to appease the Bohemian tumults 113 Offers Conditions to the Emperour on the behalfe of the Palatine 114. his Propositions to the Palatine 143 144. acknowledged Protectour of the Germane Protestants 149. his directions concerning Preachers 183. makes Romano Martyrs 199 Janin President of the Parliament of Paris 195 Infantasque Duke 98 Inquisition of Spaine 97 Instructions to Sir John Perot Deputy of Ireland 15 16 By King Charles for the Vniversity of Cambridg 227 Ireland in what condition in Sir John Perots time 16 17 18 In the beginning of King Charles 235 236 237 238 239 Irish delight in change 17. barbarous 46. murder theft c. legall with them 51. renegadoes in Spaine 100 101 Isabella Clara Eugenia Infanta of Spain 127 128 Isabella Infanta of Savoy 243 Isidore Spanish Saint 125 126 Italians dangerous to France 195 196 Justinian made Lawes concerning the Clergy 5 K Kings no man above them 6. like the Sun 36. of France and Spaine 198 L Lady of Antiochia 125 Lawes of England most jealous for the safety of her Kings 85 Leicester Earle out of favour turns religious 31 Lecturers dangerous 186 Lerma Duke in the life of Phil. the third moves the Spanish Match 117 c. 121 Lincoln Bishop Lord Keeper 190 Lisle Viscount after Earle of Leicester governour of Vlushing c. 93 Loanes denyed the King 182 London sometime the chamber of her Kings 81 Louis the thirteenth in his minority 123 c. enters Rochel 203. see Urbane Pope Louvre of France the prison of her King 194 Low Countries 149 Luenza Don John 126 M Mac Frogh Phelim 237 Magick 75 Magog a renegado Irishman guilty of thirteen murders 101 Manchester Earle 225 Manheim besieged 127 Mansfield Count 116 131 Maried men seven yeares older the first day 71 Mantua Duke 204 234. defended by the French and Venetians 239 Maria Donna Infanta of Spaine 126 133 134. deserved well of the Prince of Wales 140 Gives over learning English 151 Match with France 117 118. with Spaine 117 118 119 120 121 122 123. never intended by the Spaniards 133 Mathews Sir Toby 67 May Sir Humphrey 226 Merchants in Spaine see Spaniards Merit is worthier them fame 47 Monmorencie Duke 195 Monpensier Duke 36 Montauban in rebellion 204 Monteri Spanish Embassadour 210 Mountjoye Lord after Earle of Devon 35 36 Munster in Ireland marked for the Spanish invasions 17 N Nevers Duke see Mantua Duke Newburgh Duke 147 Norfolk Duke sues to the Queen for his life 11 Norris Sir Thomas 17. Sir John 42. Sir Francis 89 Northumberland Earl 58 59 Nottingham Countess 95 O Oath of Supremacy why urged 39 Odonnel 44 Ognate Spanish Embassadour at Rome 240 Oleron Iland 203 Olivarez Conde 130 131 139 Contrives to compose the Palatine differences without the Match 135 Order submitting the Town of Cambridge to the Vniversity 223 See Charles King Ordination of Priests c. how to be 187 Ormond Earl 42 44 45 Ossuna Duke 125 126 P Palatinate a motive of the Spanish match 129 134. Without which the Kings of England will do nothing 136 138 141 143 151. Dismembred 147 Parliaments tumultuous 229 230 Pastrana Duke 142 Patent for the Admiralty of Ireland 90 Perez Don Antonio Secretary to Philip the Second of Spain 100 Perrot Sir John Deputy of Ireland 13. His care of that Kingdome 17 Philip the Second of Spain transplants whole Families of the Portugese 51 Philip the Third of Spain upon his death-bed 125 c. Philips Sir Robert 155. Francis his brother ibid. Physick modern 75 Pius Quintus his Excommunication of the Queen because of the Rebellion in the North 39 Polander defeats the Turks 198 Pope not more holy then S. Peter 8 Tyranny of Popes 29 Powder plot 67 Pretence of conscience 38 Preachers Licences to preach 183 Directions for preaching 184 Presbytery as mischievous to private men as to Princes 41. See Puritans Priesthood how to be honoured 4 5 Princes to be obeyed and by whom ibid. by Christs Law 7. Supreme Heads 5. Driven out must not give their Vsurpers too long time to establish themselves 147 Privy Seal for transporting of Horse 217 Puritans in the time of Queen Elizabeth 40. Would bring Democracie into the Church promise impossible wonders of the Discipline 41. Fiery Rebellious contemn the Magistrate ibid. Feared not without cause by King James 193 Q Quadrivials 75 R Ranelagh in Ireland 237 Rawleigh Sir Walter 85 86 Ree Iland 203 Rich Baronness sister to Essex writes to the dishonour of the Queen and advantage of the Earl 32 Richardson Chief Justice of the Bench 228 Richer forced by Richlieu recants his opinions against the Papal Supremacy over Kings 196 Richlieu Cardinal greatly solicitous for the English Romane Catholicks 197 Rochel 200. in what condition at the surrender 202 203. Fifteen thousand dye of the famine ibid. Rohan Dutchess in Rochel during the siege 202. Duke 204 206 208 210 Romish Priests seduce the subjects from their obidience their practices against the Queens sacred person 39 40 Roman Catholickâ—â— sue to King James at his entrance for toleration 82 83. great lovers of him the only good subjects witness the Mine then plotted 82 their Religion upon their own words 83 84 Russel Sir William 237 Ruthuen after Lord Ruthuen unhandsomely used by the Earl of Northumberland 106 107 S St. John Oliver against Taxes contrary to Magna Charta c. would not have Oathes violated in which the divine Majesty is invocated fearful of the Arch-Bishops Excommunication 160 Saxonie Elector 114 Scandal what 97 Scriptures how to be expounded 2 3 Seminaries blossom 39 in Ireland seditious appear in their habits 240 241 Serita Don John 125 Sin immortal to respect any of the English Church 101 Southampton Earl 58 Spaniards designe upon Ireland 17 spoil base Bologne 37. lose their Apostles 47. wrong and oppress the English Merchants 97 98 99 102 103. suits in Spain immortal ibid. give pensions to the Irish renegadoes 100 101. unreasonable in the businesse of the Match 127 137 146. swear and damn themselves yet never intended it 132 c. their unworthy sleights to make K James jealous of the Prince and others 152 153. oppose the rights and succession of the Duke of Nevers to Mantua and Montferrat 234 lose their silver Fleet poor 240 Spencer Edmund see Fairy Queen his worth and Learning 45 252 Spinola Marquess 198 199 Spiritualia how to be taken 5 6 Stanley Sir William 18 Superstition worse then Atheisme 160 Supreme Head the Kings Title 1 2 c. 39 T Tilly Count 131 Toirax Governor of the Fort in the I le of Ree 201 Toledo Cardinal 123 Toleration of Religion in Ireland necessary 52 Treason of the Papists in the clouds 40 cannot beget fâ—ir passions 86 Treaty with Tyrone 43 44. of Bruxels 127 128 Trimouille Duke 37 Turks against the Pander 198 Tyrone 43 44 101 V Valette Cardinal 197 Venetians side with the Mantouan 239 240 Villeroye Secretary of France 195 Urban the Eight encourages Louis the Thirteenth to fall upon the Hugonots 211 212. against the Spaniards 240 Usurpers exhalations 37 W Wallop Sir Henry has ill Offices done him to the Queen 19 Walsingham Sir Francis his reasons why the Queene sometimes restrains and punishes the Puritans 38 Warham Archbishop of Canterbury 98 Warrants of the Queen to the Lords of Ireland at the going over of Sir John Perot 14 15 Weston Sir Ridhard Chancellour of the Exchequer after L. Treasurer and Earl of Portland 128 Wilks Sir Thomas 36 37 Willoughby Lord 90 Winchester Bishop 189 Words are to be construed to make truth 8 Y Yelverton Sir Henry censured in the Starchamber 107 108 109 Ynoiosa Marquesse 152. his base carriage to King James 153 Z. Zunige Don Balthazar 109 112 c. 130 FINIS