within the Compasse of any Moderation But theâ—e Things being with us to have an orderly passage under a King who hath a Royall power and approved Judgement And knoweth as well the Measure of Things as the Nature of them It is surely a needlesse Fear For they need not doubt but your Majesty with the advise of your Councell will discern what Things are intermingled like the Tares amongst the wheat which have their Roots so enwrapped and entangled as the one cannot be pulled up without endangering the other And what are mingled but as the Chaffe and the Corn which need but a Fanne to sift and sever them So much therefore for the first Point of no Reformation to be admitted at all For the Second Point that there should be but one form oâ— Discipline in all Churches And that imposed by necessity of a Commandement and prescript out of the word of God It is a Matter Volumes have been compiled of and therefore cannot receive a brief Redargution I for my part do confesse that in Revolving the Scriptures I could never find any such Thing But that God had left the like Liberty to the Church Government as he had done to the Civill Government To be varied according to Time and Place and Accidents which neverthelesse his high and Divine Providence doth order and dispose For all Civil Governments are restrained from God unto the general Grounds of Justice and Manners But the Policies and Forms of them are left Free So that Monarchies and Kingdoms Senates and Seignories Popular States and Communalties are lawfull And where they are planted ought to be maintained inviolate So likewise in Church Matters the Substance of Doctrine is Immutable And so are the generall Rules of Government But for Rites and Ceremonies And for the particular Hierarchies Policies and Disciplines of Churches they be left at large And therefore it is good we return unto the ancient Bounds of Vnity in the Church of God which was One Faith One Baptisme And not one Hierarchy one Discipline And that we observe the League of Christians as it is penned by our Saviour which is in substance of Doctrine this He that is not with us is against us But in Things indifferent and but of circumstance this He that is not against us is with us In these things so as the generall Rules be observed That Christs Flock be fed That there be a Succession in Bishops and Ministers which are the Prophets of the new Testament That â—here be a due and reverent use of tâ—e power of the Keyes That those that preach the Gospel live of the Gospel That all things tend to edification That all things be done in order and with decency And the like The rest is left to the Holy wiâ—dome and Spirituall Discretion of the Master Builders and inâ—eriour Builders in Christs Church As it is excellently alluded by that Father that noted That Christs Garment was without Seam and yet the Churches Gâ—rment was of divers Colours And thereupon setteth down for a Rule In veste varietas sit scissura non fit In which Variety neverthelesse it is a safe and wise Course to follow good Examples and Presidents But then by the Rule of Imitation and Example to consider not onely which are Best but which are the Likeliest as namely the Goverâ—ment of the Church in the purest Times of the first Good Emperours that embraced the Faith For the Times of Persecution before Temporall Princes received our Faith As they were excellent Times for Doctrine and Manners so they be unproper and unlike Examples of outward Government and Policie And so much for this Point Now to the particular Points of Controversies or rather of Reformation Circumstances in the Government of Bishops FIrst therefore for the Government of Bishops I for my part not prejudging the Presidents of other Reformed Churches do hold it warranted by the Word of God and by the Practise of the Ancient Church in the better Times And much more convenient for Kingdoms then Parity of Ministers and Government by Synods But then further it is to be considered that the Church is not now to plant or Build But onely to be proiâ—ed from Corruption And to be repaired and restored in some decayes For it is worth the Noting that the Scripture saith Translato Sacerdotio necesse est ut Legis fiat Translatio It is not possible in respect of the great and neer Sympathy between the State Civill and the State Ecclesiasticall to make so main an alteration in the Church but it would have a perillous operation upon the Kingdoms And therefore it is fit that Controversie be in Peace and Silence But there be two Circumstances in the Administration of Bishops Wherein I confesse I could never be satisfied The one the sole Exercise of their Authority The other the Deputation of their Authority For the First the Bishop giveth Orders alone Excommunicateth alone Iudgeth alone This seemeth to be a Thing almost without Example in good Government and therefore not unlikely to have crept in in the degenerate and corrupt Times We see the greatest Kings and Monarchs have their Councells There is no Temporall Court in England of the Higher sort where the Authority doth rest in one person The Kings Bench Common Pleas and the Exchequer are Benches of a certain Number of Judges The Chancellour of England hath an Assistance of twelve Masters of the Chancery The Master of the Wards hath a Councell of the Court So hath the Chancellour of the Dutchy In the Exchecquer Chamber the Lord Treasurer is joyned with the Chancellour and the Barons The Masters of the Requests are ever more then One. The Iustices of Assise are two The Lord Presidents in the North and in Wales have Councells of divers The Star-Chamber is an Assembly of the Kings Privy Counâ—ell aspersed with the Lords Spirituall and Temporall So as in Courts the principall Person hath ever eitheâ— Colleagues or Assessours The like is to be found in other well governed Common-Wealths abroad where the Iurisdiction is yet more dispersed As in the Court of Parliament of France And in other places No man will deny but the Acts that passe the Bishops Iurisdiction are of as great Importance as those that passe the Civil Courts For Mens Souls are more precious then their Bodies or Goods And so are their Good Names Bishops have their Infirmities have no Exception from that generall Malediction which is pronounced against all Men Living Vae Soli nam si ceciderit c. Nay we see that the fiâ—st Warrant in Spirituall Causes is directed to a Number Dic Ecclesiae which is not so in Temporall Matters And we see that in generall Causes of Church Government there are as well Assemblies of all the Clergy in Councells as of all the States in Parliament Whence should this sole exercise of Jurisdiction come Surely I do suppose and I think â—pon good Ground That Ab Initio non fuit ita
Ordinary Accesses at Court And to come frequeâ—tly into the Queens Eye who would often grace him with private and free Communication Not onely about Matters of his Profession or Businesse in Law But also about the Arduous Affairs of Estate From whom she received from time to time great Satisfaction Neverthelesse though she cheered him much with the Bounty of her Countenance yet she never cheered him with the Bounty of her Hand Having never conferred upon him any Ordinary Place or Means of Honour or Profit Save onely one dry Reversion of the Registers Office in the Star-Chamber worth about 1600 l. per Annum For which he waited in Expectation either fully or near 20. years Of which his Lordship would say in Queen Elizabeths Time That it was like another Mans Ground buttalling upon his House which might mend his Prospect but it did not fill his Barn Neverthelesse in the time of King James it fell unto him Which might be imputed Not so much to her Majesties Aversenesse or Disaffection towards him As to the Arts and Policy of a Great Statesman â—hen who laboured by all Industrious and secret Means to suppresse and keep him down Lest if he had riseâ— he might have obscured his Glory But though he stood long at a stay in the Dayes of his Mistresse Queen Elizabeth Yet after the change and Comming in of his New Master King James he made a great Progresse By whom he was much comforted in Places of Trust Honour and Revenue I have seen a Letter of his Lordships to King James wherein he makes Acknowledgement That He was that Master to him that had raysed and advanced him nine times Thrice in Dignity and Sixe times in Office His Offices as I conceive were Counsell Learned Extraordinary to his Majesty as he had been to Queen Elizabeth Kings Solliciter Generall His Majesties Atturney Generall Counseller of Estate being yet but Atturney Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Lastly Lord Chanceller Which two last Places though they be the same in Auâ—hority and Power yet they differ in Patent Heigth and Favour of the Prince Since whose time none of his Successours did ever bear the Title of Lord Chanceller His Dignities were first Knight Then Baron of Verulam Lastly Viscount Saint Alban Besides other good Gifts and Bounties of the Hand which his Majesty gave him Both out of the Broad Seal And out of the Alienation Office Towards his Rising years not before he entred into a married Estate And took to Wife Alice one of the Daughters and Co-Heires of Benedict Barnham Esquire and Alderman of London with whom He received a sufficiently ample and liberall Portion in Marriage Children he had none which though they be the Means to perpetuate our Names after our Deaths yet he had other Issues to perpetuate his Name The Issues of his Brain In which he was ever happy and admired As Jupiter was in the production of Pallas Neither did the want of Children detract from his good usage of his Consort during the Intermarriage whom he prosecuted with much Conjugall Love and Respect with many Rich Gifts and Enâ—owments Besides a Roab of Honour which he invested her withall which she wore untill her Dying Day Being twenty years and more after his Death The last five years of his Life being with-drawn from Civill Affaires and from an Active Life he employed wholy in Contemplation and Studies A Thing whereof his Lordshâ—p would often speak during his Active Life As if he affected to dye in the Shadow and not in the Light which also may be found in severall Passages of his Works In which time he composed the greatest Part of his Books and Writings Both in English and Latin Which I will enumerate as near as I can in the just Order wherein they were written The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh Abecedarium Naturae or A Metaphysicall Piece which is lost Historia Ventorum Historia vitae Mortis Historia Densi Rari not yet Printed Historia Gravis Levis which is also lost A Discourse of a War with Spain A Dialogue touching an Holy War The Fable of the New Atlantis A Preface to a Digest of the Lawes of England The Beginning of the History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth De Augmentis Scientiarum Or the Advanccment of Learning put into Latin with severall Enrichments and Enlargements Counsells Civill and Morall Or his Book of Essayes likewise Enriched and enlarged The Conversion of certain Psalms into English Verse The Translation into Latin of the History of King Henry the Seventh of the Counsells Civill and Morall of the Dialogue of the Holy War of the Fable of the New Atlantis For the Benefit of other Nations His Revising of his Book De Sapientià Veterum Inquisitio de Magnete Topica Inquisitionis de Luce Lumine Both these not yet Printed Lastly Sylva Sylvarum or the Naturall History These were the â—ruits and Productions of his last five years His Lordship also designed upon the Motion and Invitation of his late Majesty To have written the Reign of King Henry the Eighth But that Work Perished in the Designationâ— meerly God not lending him Life to proceed further upon it then onely in one Mornings Work Whereof there is Extant An Ex Ungue Leonem already Printed in his Lordships Miscellany Works There is a Commemoration due As well to his Abilities and Vertues as to the Course of his Life Those Abilities which commonly goe single in other Men though of prime and Observable Parts were all conjoyned and met in Him Those are Sharpnesâ— of Wit Memory Judgement and Elocution For the Former Three his Books doe abundantly speak them which with what Sufficiency he wrote let the World judge But with what Celerity he wrote them I can best testifie But for the Fourth his Elocution I will onely set down what I heard Sir Walter Rauleigh once speak of him by way of Comparison whose Iudgement may well be trusted That the Earl of Salisbury was an excellent Speaker but no good Pen-man That the Earl of Northampton the Lord Henry Howard was an excellent Pen-man but no good Speaker But that Sir Francis Bacon was Eminent in Both. I have been enduced to think That if there were a Beame of Knowledge derived from God upon any Man in these Modern Times it was upon Him For though he was a great Reader of Books yet he had not his Knowledge from Books But from some Grounds and Notions from within Himself Which notwithstanding he vented with great Caution and Circumspection His Book of Instauratio Magna which in his own Account was the chiefest of his works was no Slight Imagination or Fancy of his Brain But a Setled and Concocted Notion The Production of many years Labour and Travell I my Self have seen at the least Twelve Coppies of the Instauration Revised year by year one after another And every year altred and amended in the Frame thereof Till
do acknowledge my Soveraign Liege Lord King James to be lawfull and undoubted King of all the Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland And I will bear true faith and Allegeance to his Highness during my life NOw my Lords upon these words I charge William Talbot to have committed a great Offence And such an one as if he had entred into a voluntary and malicious Publication of the like writing It would have been too great an Offence for the Capacity of this Court But because it grew from a Question askt by a Councell of â—state And so rather seemeth in a favourable Construction to proceed from a kind of Submission to answer then from any malicious or insolent Will it was fit according to the Clemency of these Times to proceed in this maner before your Lordships And yet let the Hearers take these things right For certainly if a Man be required by the Lords oâ— the Councell to deliver his Opinion whether King Iames be King or no And He deliver his Opinion that He is not This is High Treason But I do not say that these words amount to thatâ— And therefore let me open them truly to your Lordships And thereiâ— open also it may be the Eyes of the Offender Himself how far they reach My Lords a Mans Allegeance must be Independant not provisionall and conditionall Elizabeth Barton that was called the Holy Maid of Kent affirmed That if K. H. 8. Did not take Katherine of Spain again to his Wife within a twelve moneth he should be no King And this was judged Treason For though this Act be Contingent and Future yet Treason of compassing and imagining the Kings Destruction is present And in like manner if a Man should voluntarily publish or maintain That whensoever a Bull or Deprivation shall come forth against the King that from thenceforth he is no longer King This is of like Nature But with this I do not charge you neither But this is the true Latitude of your Words That if the Doctrine touching the Killing of Kings be Matter of Faith that you submit your self to the Judgement of the Catholick Roman Church So as now to do you right your Allegeance doth not depend simply upon a Sentence of the Popes Deprivation against the King But upon another point also If these Doctrines be already or shall be declared to be Matter of Faith But my Lords there is little won in this There may be some Difference to the guiltinesse of the Party But there is little to the Danger of the King For the same Pope of Rome may with the same breath declare boâ—h So as still upon the matter the King is made but Tennant at will of his Life and Kingdomes And the Allegiance of his Subjects is pinn'd upon the Popes Act. And Certainly it is Time to stop the Current of this Opinion of Acknowledgement of the Popes power in Temporalibus Or elâ—e it will supplant the Seat of Kings And let it not be mistaken that Mr. Talbots Offence should be no more then the Refusing the Oath of Allegiance For it is one thing to be silent and another thing to affiâ—m As for the Point of Matter of Faith or not of Faith To tell your Lordships plain it would astonish a Man to see the Gulf of this implyed â—eliefe Is nothing excepted from it If a Man should ask Mr. Talbot whether he do condemn Murther or Adultery or Rape or the Doctrine of Mahomet or of Arius in stead of Zuarius Must the Answer be with this exception that if the Question concern matter of Faith as no question it doth for the Moral Law is matter of Faith That therein he wil submit himself to what the Church shall determine And no doubt the Murther of Princes is more then Simple Murther But to conclude Talbot I will do you this Right and I will noâ— be reserved in this but to declare that that is true That you came afterwards to a better mind Wherein if you had been constant the King out of his great goodnesse was resolved not to have proceeded with you in Course of Justice But then again you Started aside like a Broken Bow So that by your Variety and Vacillation you lost the acceptable time of the first Grace which was Not to have convented you Nay I will go farther with you Your last Submission I conceive to be Satisfactory and Compleat But then it was too late The Kings Honour was upon it It was published and the Day appointed for Hearing Yet what preparation that may be to the Second Grace of Pardon that I know not But I know my Lords out of their accustomed favour will admit you not only to your Defence concerning that that hath been Charged But to extenuate your Fault by any Submission that now God shall put into your mind to make The Charge given by Sr. Francis Bacon his Majesties Atturney Generall against Mr. I.S. for Scandalizing and Traducing in the publick Sessions Letters sent from the Lords of the Councell touching the Benevolence MY Lords I shall inform you ore tenus against this Gentleman Mr. I. S. A Gentleman as it seems of an ancient House and Name But for the present I can think of him by no other Name then the Name of a great Offender The Nature and Qualityâ— of his Offence in sum is this This Gentleman hath upon advice not suddenly by his Pen Nor by the Slip of his Tongue Not privatly or in a Corner but publickly As it were to the face of the Kings Ministers and Iustices Slandered and Traduced The King our Soveraign The Law of the Land The Parliament And infinite Particulars of his Majesties worthy and loving Subjects Nay the Slander is of that Nature that it may seem to interest the People in Grief and Discontent against the State whence mought have ensued Matter of Murmur and Sedition So that it is not a Simple Slander but a Seditious Slander like to that the Poet speaketh of Calamosque armare Veneno A Venemous Dart that hath both Iron and Poysonâ— To open to your Lordships the true State of this Offence I will set before you First the Occasion whereupon Mr. I. S. wrought Thâ—n the Offence it self in his own words And lastly the Points of his Charge My Lords you may remember that there was the last Parliament an Expectation to have had the King supplied with Treasure although the Event failed Herein it is not fit for me to give opinion of an House of Parliament But I will give testimony of Truth in all places I served in the Lower House and I observed somewhat This I do affirm That I never could perceive but that there was in that House a generall Disposition to give And to give largely The Clocks in the House perchance might differ Some went too fast some went too slow But the Disposition to give was generall So that I think I may truly say Solo tempore lapsus Amor. This Accident happening
thereupon takes Pen in hand and in stead of excusing himself sets down and contriveth a seditious and libellouâ— Accusation against the King and State which your Lordships shall now hear And sends it to the Majour And witâ—all because the Feather of his Quill might fly abroad he gives authority to the Majour to impart it to the Iustices if he so thought good And now my Lords because I will not mistake or mis-repeat you shall hear the Seditious Libell in the proper termes and words thereof Here the Papers were read MY Lords I know this Paper offends your Ears much and the Eares of any good Subject And sorry I am that the Times should produce Offences of this nature But since they do I would be more sorry they should be passed without severe punishment Non tradite factum as the Verse sayes altered a little Aut si tradatis Facti quoque tradite poenam If any man have a mind to discourse of the Fact let him likewise discourse of the punishment of the Fact In this Writing my Lords there appears a Monster with four Heads Of the progeny of him that is the Father of Lies and takes his Name from Slander The first is a wicked and seditious Slander Or if I shall use the Scripture phrase a Blasphemingâ— of the King himself Setting him forth for a Prince perjured in the great and solemne Oath of his Coronation which is as it were the Knot of the Diademe A Prince that should be a Violatour and Infringer of the Liberties Lawes and Customes of the Kingdome A mark for an H. the 4th A Match for a R. the 2d. The Second is a Slander and Falsification and wresting of the Law of the Land grosse and palpable It is truly said by a Civilian Tortura Legum pessima The Torture of Lawes is worse then the Torture of Men. The Third is a slander and false charge of the Parliament That they had denied to give to the King A Point of notorious untruth And the last is a Slander and Taunting of an infinite Number of the Kings loving Subjects that have given towards this Benevolence and free Contribution Charging them as Accessary and Coadjutours to the Kings Perjury Nay you leave us not there But you take upon you a Pontificall Habite And couple your Slander with a Curse But thanks be to God we have learned sufficiently out of the Scripture That as the Bird flies away so the causelesse Curse shall not come For the first of these which concerns the King I have taken to my self the opening and Aggravation thereof The other three I have distributed to my Fellows My Lords â— cannot but enter into this part with some Wonder and Astonishment How it should come into the Heart of a Subject of England to vapour forth such a wicked and venemous slander against the King whose Goodness Grace is comparable if not incomparable unto any the Kings his Progenitors This therefore gives me a Just necessary occasion to do two things The one to make some Representation of his Majesty Such as truly he is found to be in his Government which Mr. I. S. chargeth with Violation of Lawes and Liberties The other to search and open the Depth of Mr. I.S. his Offence Both which I will do briefly Because the one I cannot expresse sufficiently And the other I will not presse too far My Lords I mean to make no Panegyrick or Laudative The Kings delights not in it neither am I fit for it But if it were but a Councellor or Noble-man whose Name had suffered and were to receive some kind of Reparation in this High Court I would do him that Duty as not to pass his Merits and just Attributes especially such as are limitted with the present Case in silence For it is fit to burn Incense where evill Odours have been cast and raised Is it so that King Iames shall be said to be a Violater of the Liberties Lawes and Customes of his Kingdomes Or is he not rather a noble and Constant Protector and Conservator of them all I conceive this consisteth in maintaining Religion and the true Church In maintaining the Lawes of the Kingdom which is the Subjects Birth-right In temperate use of the Prerogative In due and free Administration of Iustice And Conservation of the Peace of the Land For Religion we must ever acknowledge in first place that we have a King that is the Principall Conservator of true Relâ—gion through the Christian World He hath maintained it not only with Scepter and Sword But likewise by his Pen wherein also he is Potent He hath Awaked and Reauthorized the whole Party of the Reformed Religion throughout Europe which through the Insolency and diverse Artifices and Inchantments of the advers part was grown a little Dull and Dejected He hath summoned the Fraternity of Kings to infranchise Themselves from the Usurpation of the see of Rome He hath made himself a Mark of Contradiction for it Neither can I omit when I speak of Religion to remember that excellent Act of his Majesty which though it were done in a Forraign Country yet the Church of God is one And the Contagion of these things will soon pass Seas and Lands I mean in his constant and holy proceeding against the Heretick Vorstius whom being ready to enter into the Chair and there to have authorized one of the most pestilent and Heathenish Heresies that ever was begun His Majesty by his constant opposition dismounted and pulled down And I am perswaded there sits in this Court one whom God doth the rather blesse for being his Majesties Instrument in that Service I cannot remember Religion and the Church but I must think of the seed-plots of the same which are the Vniversities His Majesty as for Learning amongst Kings he is incomparable in his Person So likewise hath he been in his Government a benigâ— or benevolent planet towards Learning By whose influence those Nurseries and Gardens of Learning the Vniversities were never morâ— in Flower nor Fruit. For the Maintaining of the Lawes which is the Hedge and Fence about the Liberty of the Subject I may truly affirm it was never in better repair He doth concur with the Votes of the Nobles Nolumus Leges Angliae mutare He is an Enemy of Innovation Neither doth the Universality of his own Knowledge carry him to neglect or pass over the very Formes of the Lawes of the Land Neither was there ever King I am perswaded that did consult so oft with his Iudges As my Lords that sit here know well The Iudges are a kind of Councell of the Kings by Oath and ancient Institution But he useth them so indeed He confers regularly with them upon their Retâ—rnes from their Visitations and Circuits He gives them Liberty both to enform him and to debate matters with him And in the Fall and Conclusion commonly relyeth on their Opinions As for the use of the Prerogative it runs within the ancient Channels
and Banks Some Things that were conceived to be in some Proclamations Commissions and Pattents as Overflowes have been by his Wisedom and Care reduced whereby no doubt the Main Channell of his Prerogative is so much the stronger For evermore Overflowes do hurt the Channell As for Administration of Iustice between Party and Party I pray observe these points There is no Newes of Great Seal or Signet that flies abroad for Countenance or Delay of Causes Protections rarely granted and only upon great Ground or by Consent My Lords here of the Councell and the King himself meddle not as hath been used in former times with Matters of Meum and Tuum except they have apparent mixture with Matters of Estate but leave them to the Kings Courts of Law or Equity And for Mercy and Grace without which there is no standing before Iustice we see the King now hath raigned 12. years in his White Robe without almost any Aspâ—rsionâ— of the Crimsâ—n Die of â—lood There sits my Lord Hobâ—rt â—hat served Atâ—urney seven years I served with him We were so happy as there passed not through our hands any one Arraignment for Treason And but one for any Capitall Offence which was that of the Lord Sanquier The Noblest piece of Iustice one of them that ever came â—orth in any Kings Times As for Penall Lawes which lie as Snares upon the Subjects And which were as a Nemo seit to King Henry 7. It yeelds a Revenue that will scarce pay for the Parchment of the Kings Records at Wâ—stminster And lastly for Peace we see manifestly his Majesty bears some Resemblance of that great Name A Prince of Peace He haâ—h preserved his Subjects during his Raign in Peace both within and wiâ—hout For the Peace with States abroad We have it usque ad Satietatem And for Peace in the Lawyers phrase which count Trespasses and Forces and Riots to be Contra pacem Leâ— me give your Lordships this Token or Tast That this Court where they should appear had never lesse to do And certainly there is no better Sign of Omnia benè then when this Court is in a Still But my Lords this is a Sea of Matter And therefore I must give it over and conclude That there was never King raigned in this Nation that did better keep Covenant in preserving the Liberties and procuring the Good of his People So that I must needs say for the Subjects of England O Fortunatos nimium sua si bona nôrint As no doubt they do both know and acknowledge it Whatsoever a few turbulent Discoursers may through the Lenity of the time take Boldness to speak And as for this particular touching the Benevolence wherein Mr. I.S. doth assign this breach of Covenant I leave it to others to tell you what the King may do Or what other Kings have done But I have told you what our King and my Lords have done Which I say and say again is so far from introducing a new President As it doth rather correct and mollifie and qualifie former presidents Now Mr. I. S. let me tell you your fault in few words For that I am perswaded you see it already Though I wooe no Mans Repentance But I shall as much as in me is cherish it where I find it Your Offence hath three parts knit together Your Slander Your Menace and Your Comparison For your Slander it is no lesse then that the King is perjured in his Coronation Oath No greater Offence then Perjury No greater Oath then that of a Coronation I leave it It is too great to aggravate Your Menace that if there were a Bulling-broke or I cannot tell what there were Matter for him is a very seditious Passage You know well that howsoever Henry the fourths Act by a secret Providence of God prevailed yet it was but an Vsurpation And if it were possible for such a one to be this day wherewith it seemes your Dreames are troubled I do not doubt his End would be upon the Block And that he would sooner have the Ravens sit upon his Head at London Bridge then the Crown at Westminster And it is not your interlacing of your God forbid that will salve these seditious Speeches Neither could it be a Fore-warning because the Matter was past and not revocable But a very Stirring up and Incensing of the People If I should say to you for Example if these times were like some former times of King H. 8 Or some other times which God forbid Mr. I. S it would cost you your life I am sure you would not think this to be a gentle warning but rather that I incensed the Court against you And for your Comparison with R. the 2. I see you follow the Example of them that brought him upon the Stage and into Print in Queen Elizabeths time A most prudent and admirable Queen But let me entreat you that when â—ou will speak of Queen Elizabeth or King Iames you would compare them to K. H. the 7th or K. Ed. 1. Or some other Paralels to which they are like And this I would wish both you and all to take heed of How you speak seditious Matterâ— in Parables or by Tropes or Examples There is a thing in an Indictment called an Innuendo You must beware how you becken or make Signs upon the King in a Dangerous sense But I will contain my self and Press this no further I may hold you for Turbulent or Presumptuous but I hope you are not Disloyall You are graciously and mercifully dealt with And therefore having now oâ—ened to my Lords and as I think to your own Heart and Conscience the principall part of your Offence which concerns the King I leave the rest which concerns the Law Parliament and the Subjects that have given to Mr. Serjeants and Mr. Sollicitour The Charge of Owen indicted of High Treason in the Kings Bench by Sir Francis Bacon Knight his Majesties Atturney Generall THe Treason wherewiâ—h this Man standeth Charged is for the Kind and Nature of it Ancient As Ancient as there is any Law of England But in the particular Late and Upstart And again in the Manner and Boldness of the present Case New and almost unheard of till this Man Of what mind he is now I know not but I take him as he was and as he standeth charged For High Treason is not written in Ice That when the Body relenteth the Impression should go away In this Cause the Evidence it self will spend little Time Time therefore will be best spent in opening fully the Nature of thiâ— Treason with the Circumstances thereof Because the Example is more then the Man I think good therefore by way of Inducement and Declaration in this Cause to open unto the Court Iury and Hearers five Things The first is the Clemency of the King Because it is Newes and a kind of Rarety to have a proceeding in this place upon Treason And perhaps it may be marvelled by some why after
Better Commissioners to examine it The Term â—ath been almost turned into a Iustitium or Vacancy The People themselves being more willing to be Lookers on in this Business then to follow their own There hath been no Care of Discovery omitted no Moment of Time lost And therefore I will conclude this Part with the Saying of Salomon Gloria Dei celare rem gloria Regis Scrutari rem And his Majesties Honour is much the greater for that he hath shewed to the World in this Businesse as it hath Relation to my Lord of Sommerset whose Case in no sort I do prejudge being ignorant of the Secrets of the Cause but taking him as the Law takes him hitherto for a Suspect I say the King hath to his great Honour shewed That were any Man in such a Case of Bloud as the Signet upon his Right Hand as the Scripture sayes yet would He put him off Now will I come to the particular Charge of these Gentlemen whose Qualities and Persons I respect and love For they are all my particular Friends But now I can only do this Duty of a Friend to them to make them know their Fault to the full And therefore first I will by way of Narrative declare to your Lordships the Fact with the occasion of it Then you shall have their Confessions read upon which you are to proceed Together with some Collaterall Testimonies by way of Aggravation And lastly I will note and observe to your Lordships the Materiall points which I do insist upon for their Charge And so leave them to their Answer And this I will doe very briefly for the Case is not perplexed That wretched Man Weston who was the Actor or Mechanicall Party in this Impoysonment at the first day being indicted by a very substantiall Iury of Selected Cittizens to the number of 19. who foâ—nd â—illa vera yet neverthelesse at the first stood mute But after some dayes Intermission it pleased God to cast out the Dumb Devill And that he did put himself upon his Tryall And was by a Jury also of great Value upon his Confession and other Testimonies found guilty So as 31. sufficient Iurours have passed upon him whereupon Judgement and Execution was awaâ—ded against him After this being in preparation for another World he sent for Sr. Thomas Overburies Father and falling down upon his knees with great Remorce and Compunction asked him forgivenesse Aftâ—rwards againe of his own Motion desired to have his like prayer of forgivenesseâ— recommended to his Mother who was abâ—ent And at boâ—h times out of the abundance of his Heart Confâ—ssâ—d that he was to die justly and that he was woâ—thy of Deâ—th And after again at his Execution which is a kind of sealing tâ—me of Confessions evâ—n at the point of Death Although there were Tempters about him as you shall hear by and by yet he did again confirm publickly that his Examinations weâ—e â—rue And that he had been justly and honourably dealt with Here is the Narrative which enduceth the Charge The Chaâ—ge it self is this M. L. Whose Offence stands alone single the Offence of the other two being in consort And yet all three meetingâ— in their End and Center which was to interrupt or deface this Excellent piece of Iustice M. L. I say mean while between Westons standing mute and his Tryall Takes upon him to mâ—ke a most False Odious and Libellous Relation Containing as many Untruths as Lines And sets it down in writing with his own Hand And deliveâ—s it to Mr. Henry Gibb of the Bed-chamber to be put into the Kings Hand In which writing he doth falsifie and pervert all that was done the first day at the Arraignment of Weston Turning the Pike and Point of his Imputations principally upon my Lord Chief Iustice of England Whose Name thus occurring I cannot pass by And yet I can not skill to flatter But this I will say of him and I would say as much to Ages if I should write a Story That never Mans Person and his place were better met in a Businesse then my Lord Cooke and my Lord Chief Iustice in the Cause of Overbury Now My Lords in this Offence of M. L For the particulars of these slanderous Articles I will observe them unto you when the Writings and Examinations are read For I do not love to set the Gloss before the Text. But in generalâ— I noâ—e to your Lordships First the Person of M. L. I know he is a Scottish Gentleman and thereby more ignorant of our Lawes and Formes But I cannot tell whither this doth extenuate his Fault in râ—spect of Ignorance Or aggravate it much in respect of Presumptiou That he would meddle in that that he understood not But I doubt it came not out of his Quiver Some other Mans Cunning wrought upon this Mans Boldnesse Secondly I may note unto you the Greatnesse of the Cause Wherein he being a private mean Gentleman did presume to deal M. L could not but know to what great and grave Commissioners the King had committed this Cause And that his Majesâ—y in his Wiâ—edom would expect return of all things from them to whose trust he had committed this Businesse For it is the part of Commissioners as well to report the Businesse as to mannage the Businâ—sse And then his Majesty mought have been sure to have had all thingâ— well weighed and truly informed And therefore it should have been far from M. L. to have presumed to have put fâ—rth his Hand to so high and tender a Businesse which was not to be touched but by Employed Hands Thirdly I note to your Lordships that this Infusion of a Slander into a Kings Ear is of all Formes of Libells and Slanders the worst It is true that Kingâ— may keep secret their Informations and then no Man ought to enquire after them while they are shrined in their Breast But where a King is pleased that a Man shall answer for his false Information There I say the false Information to a King â—xceeds in Offence the false Information of any other kind Being a kind since we are in matter of Poyson of Impoysonment of a Kings Ear. And thus much for the Offence of M. L. For the Offence of S. W. and H. I. which I said was in consort it was shortly this At the â—ime and Place of the Execution of Weston To â—upplant his Christian Resolution and to Scandalâ—zeâ—he â—he Iustice already past perhapâ— to cut off the thred of thâ—tâ— which is to come These Gentlemen with others came mounted on Horseback And in a Ruffling and Facing manner put themselves forward to re-examine Weston upon Questions And what Questions Directly crosse to that that had been tryed and judged For what was the point tried That Weston had poysoned Overbury What was S. W. Question Whether Weston did poyson Ovâ—rbury or no A Contradictory directly Weston answered only that he did him wrong And turning to the Sheriffe said You promised me I
his Book Procure reverence to the King and the Law Inform my people truly of me which we know is hard to do according to the Excellency of his Merit but yet Endeavour it How zealous I am for Religion How I desire Law may be maintained and flourish That every Court should have his Iurisdiction That every Subject should submit himselâ— to the Law And of this you have had of lâ—te no small Occasion of Notice and Remembrance by the great and strait Charge that the King haâ—h given me as Keeper of his Seal for the Governing of the Chancery without Tumour or Excesse Again è re natae you at this present ought to make the People know and consider â—he Kings Blâ—ssed Care and Pâ—ovidence in goveâ—ning this Realm in his Absence So thâ—t sitting at the Helm of another Kingdom Nâ—t without gâ—eat Affairs and Business yet he governs all things here by his Letters and Directions as punctually and perfectly as if he were present I assure you my Lords of the Counsell and I do much admire the Extention and Latitude of his Care in all Things In the High Commission he did conceive a Sinnâ—w of Government was a little shrunk He recommended the care of it He hath called for the Accounts of the last Circuit from the Judges to be transmitted unto him into Scotland Touching the Infestation of Pyrates he hath been carefull and is and hath put things in way All things that concern the Reformation or the Plantation of Ireland He hath given in them punctuall and resolute Diâ—ections All this in Absence I give but a few Instances of a publique Nature The Secrets of Counsell I may not enter into Though his Dispatches into France Spain and the Low-Countries now in his absence are also Notorious as to the outward sending So that I must conclude that his Majesty wants but more Kingdomes For I see he could suffice to all As for the other Glasse I told you of Of representing to the King the Griefs of his People without doubt it is properly your Part For the King ought to be informed of any thing amisse in the state of his Countries from the Observations and Relations of the Iudges That indeed know the Pulse of the Country Rather then from Discourse But for this Glasse thanks be to God I do hear from you all That there was never greater Peace Obedience and Contentment in the Country Though the best Governments be alwayes like the fairest Crystals wherin every little Isicle or Grain is seen which in a Fouler Stone is never perceived Now to some Particulars and not Many Of all other things I must begin as the King begins That is with the Cause of Religion And especially the Hollow Church Papist Saint Aug. hath a good Comparison of such Men affirming That â—hey are like the Roots of Nettles which themselves sting not but yet â—hey bear all the Stinging Leaves Let me know of such Roots and I will root them out of the Country Next for the Matter of Religion In the principall place I recommend both to you and the Iustices the Countenancing of Godly and Zealous Preachers I mean not Sectaries or Novellists But those which are sound and conform But yet pious and Reverend For there will be a perpetuall Defection except you keep Men in by Preaching as well as Law doth by punishing And commonly Spirituall Diseases are not Cured but by Spirituall Remedies Next let me commend unto you the Repressing as much as may be of Faction in the Countrys of which ensue infinite Inconveniences and perturbations of all good Order And Crossing of all good Service in Court or Country or wheresoever Cicero when he was Consul had devised a fine Remedy A Milde one but an effectuall and an apt one For he saith Eos qui otium perturbant reddam otiosos Those that trouble others Quiet I will give them Quiet They shall have nothing to do Nor no Authority shall be put into their Hands If I may know from you of any who are in the Country that are Heads or Hands of Faction Or Men of turbulent Spirits I shall give them Cicero's Reward as much as in me is To conclude study the Kings Book And study your selves how you profit by it And all shall be well And you the Iustices of Peace in particular Let me say this to you Never King of this Realm did you so much Honour as the King hath done you in his Speeeh By being your immediâ—te Directors And by sorting you and your seâ—vice with the Service of Ambassadours and of his nearest Attendants Nay more it seems his Majesty is willing to do the state of Iustice of Peace Honour actively also By bringing in with time the like Form of Commission into the Government of Scotland As that Glorious King Edward the third did plant this Commission here in this Kingdome And therefore you are not fit to be Coppies except you be Fair Written without Blots or Blurs or any thing unworthy your Authority And so I will trouble you no longer for this time The Speech used by Sir Francis Bacon Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England to Sir William Jones upon his calling to be Lord Chief Justice of Ireland 1617. Sir WILLIAM IONES THe Kings most Excellent Majesty being duly informed of your sufficiency every way Hath called you by his Writ now returned to the State and Degree of a Serjeant at Law But not to stay there but being so qualified to serve him as his Chief Iustice of his Kings Bench in his Realm of Ireland And therefore that which I shall say to you must be applied not to your Sâ—rjeants place which you take but in passage But to that great place where you are to settle And because I will not spend Time to the Delay of the Businesse of Causes of the Court I will lead you the short Iourney by Examples and not the Long by Precepts The Place that you shall now serve in hath been fortunate to be well served in four successions before you Do but take unto you the Constancy and integrity of Sir Robert Gardiner The Gravity Temper and Direction of Sir Iames Lea The Quicknesâ—e Industry and Dispatch of Sir Humphry Winch The Care and Affection to the Common-wealth and the Prudent and Politick Administration of Sir Iohn Denham And you shall need no other Lessons They were all Lincolns Inn Men as you are You have known them as well in their Beginnings as in their Advancement But because you are to be there not only Chief Iustice but a Counseller of Estate I will put you in mind of the great Work now in hand that you may raise your thoughtes according unto it Ireland is the last Ex Filiis Europae which hath been reclaimed from Desolation and a Desert in many parts to Population and Plantation And from Savage and Barbarous Customes to Humanity and Civility This is the Kings Work in chief It is his Garland of Heroicall Vertue
for the Nobility Touching the Oppression of the People he mentioneth four points 1. The Conâ—umption of People in the Wars 2. The Interruption of Traffick 3. The Corruption of Iustice. 4. The Multitude of Taxations Unto all which points there needeth no long Speech For the first thanks be to God the Benediction of Crescite and Multiplicamini is not so weak upon this Realm of â—ngland but The Population thereof may afford such Losse of Men as were sufficient for the Making our late Wars and were in a perpetuity without being seen either in City or Countrey We â—ead that when the Romans did take Cense of their People whereby the Citizens were numbred by the Poll in the beginning of a great War and afterwards again at the ending there sometimes wanted a Third Part of the Number But let our Muster Books be perused those I say that certifie the Number of all Fighting Men in every Shire of vicesimo of the Queen At what time except a Handfull of Souldiers in the Low Countries we expended no Men in the VVars And now again at this present time there will appear small Diminution There be many Tokens in this Realm rather of Presse and Surcharge of People then of Want and Depopulation which were before recited Besides it is a better Condition of Inward Peace to be accompanied with some Exercise of no Dangerous Warr in Forrain parts then to be utterly without Apprentisage of Warr whereby People grow Effeminate and unpractised when Occasion shall be And it is no small strength unto the Realm that in these Warrs of Exercise and not of Perill so many of our People are trained And so many of our Nobility and Gentlemen have been made Excellent Leaders both by Sea and Land As for that he objecteth we have no Provision for Souldiers at their Return Though that Point hath not been altogether neglected yet I wish with all my Heart that it were more Ample then it is Though I have read and heard that in all Estates upon Casheering and Disbanding of Souldiers many have endured Necessity For the Stopping of Traffique as I referred my Self to the Muster-Books for the First So I refer my Self to the Custome-Books upon this which will not lye And do make Demonstration of no Abatement at all in these last years but rather of Rising and Encrease We know of many in London and other places that are within a small time greatly come up and made Rich by Merchandizing And a Man may speak within his Compasse and affirm That our Prizes by Sea have countervailed any Prizes upon us And as to the Iustice of this Realm it is true that Cunning and Wealâ—h have bred many Sutes and Debates in Law But let those Points be considered The Integrity and Sufficiency of those which supply the Iudiciall places in the Queens Courts The good Laweâ— that have been made in her Majesties time against Informers and Promoters And for the bettering of Trialls The Example of Severity which is used in the Star-chamber in oppressing Forces and Fraâ—des The Diligence and Stoutness that is used by Iustices of Assises in Encountring all Countenancing and Bearing of Causes in the Countrey by their Authorities and Wisedome The great Favours that have been used towards Coppy-holders and Customary Tenants which were in ancient times meerly at the Discretion and Mercy of the Lord And are now continually relieved from hard Dealing in Chancery and other Courts of Equity I say let these and many other Points be considered and Men will worthily conceive an Honourable Opinion of the Iustice of England Now to the Points of Levies and Distributions of Money which he calleth Exactions First very coldly he is not abashed to bring in the Gathering for Paules Steeple and the Lottery Trifles Whereof the former being but a Voluntary Collection of that Men were freely disposed to give never grew to so great a Sum as was sufficient to finish the Work for which it was appointed And so I imagine it was converted into some other use like to that Gathering which was for the Fortifications of Paris save that the Gathering for Paris came to a much greater though as I have heard no competent Sum. And for the Lottery it was but a Novelty devised and followed by some particular persons and onely allowed by the State being as a Gain of Hazzard Wherein if any Gain was it was because many Men thought Scorn after they had fallen from their greater hopes to fetch their odd Money Then he mentioneth Loanes and Privy Seales Wherein he sheweth great Ignorance and Indiscretion considering the Payments back again have been very Good and Certain And much for her Majesties Honour Indeed in other Princes Times it was not wont to be so And therefore though the Name be not so pleasant yet the Vse of them in our Times have been with small Grievance He reckoneth also new Customes upon Cloathes and new Impost upon Wines In that of Cloathes he is deceived For the ancient Rate of Custome upon Cloathes was not raised by her Majesty but by Queen Mary a Catholique Queen And hath been commonly continued by her Majesty Except he mean the Computation of the odd yards which in strict Duty was ever answerable Though the Error were but lately looked into or rather the Tolleration taken away And to that of Wines being a Forrain Merchandize and but a Delicacy and of those which might be forborn there hath been some Encrease of Imposition which can rather make the Price of Wine Higher â—hen the Merchant poorer Lastly touching the Number of Subsidies it is true that her Majesty in respect of her great Charges of her Warrs both by Sea and Land against such a Lord of Treasure as is the King of Spain Having for her part no Indies nor Mines And the Revenues of the Crown of England being such as they lesse grate upon the People then the Revenues of any Crown or State in Europe Hath by the Assent of Parliament according to the ancient Customes of this Realm received divers Subsidies of her People which as they have been employed upon the Defence and preservation of the Subject Not upon Excessive Buildings nor upon Immoderate Donatives Nor upon Triumphs and Pleasures Or any the like veines of Dissipation of Treasure which have been Familiar to many Kings So have they been yielded with great good will and cheerfulness As may appear by other kinds of Benevolence presented to her likewise in Parliament which her Majesty neverthelesse hath not put in Ure They have been Taxed also and Asseissed with a very Light and Gentle Hand And they have been spared as much as may be As may appear in that her Majesty now twice to spare the Subject hath sold of her own Lands But he that shall look into other Countries and conâ—ider the Taxes and Tallages and Impositions and Assises and the like that are every where in use Will find that the English Man is the most
and Countenance and Reputation to the World besides And have for that cause been commonly and necessarily used and practised In the Message of Viscount Montacute it was also contained that he should crave the Kings Counsell and Assistance accorâ—ing to Amity and good Intelligence upon a Discovery of certain pernicious Plots of the House of Guise to annoy this Realm by the way of Scotland whereunto the Kings Answer was so Dark and so cold as Nothing could be made of it Till he had made an Exposition of it himself by effects in the expresse Restraint of Munition to be carried out of the Low-Countries unto the Siege of Leith Because our Nation was to have supply thereof from thence So as in all the Negotiations that passed with that King still her Majesty received no satisfaction but more and more suspiâ—ious and Bad Tokens of evill affection Soon after when upon that Project which was disclosed before the King had resolved to disannull the Liberties and Priviledges unto his Subjects the Netherlands anciently belonging And to establish amongst them a Marshall Government which the People being very Wealthy And inhabiting Townes very strong and Defensible by Fortifications both of Nature and the Hand could not endure there followed the Defection and revolt of those Countries In which Action being the greatest of all those which have passed between Spain and England the Proceeding of her Majesty hath been so Just and mingled with so many Honourable Regards as Nothing doth so much clear and acquite her Majesty not only from Passion bâ—t also from all Dishonourable Pollicy For first at the beginning of the Troubles she did impart unto Him faithfull and sincere Advise of the Course that was to be taken for the quietting and appeasing them And expresly forewarned both himself and such as were in principall Charge in those Countries during the Warsâ— of the danger like to ensue if he held so heavy a Hand over that People leâ—â— they should cast themselves into the Arms of a Stranger But finding the Kings Mind so exulcerate as he rejâ—cted all Counsell that tended to Mild and Gracious proceeding her Majesty neverthelesse gave not over her Honourable Resolution which was if it were possible to reduce and reconcile those Countries unto the obedience of their Naturall Soveraign the King of Spain And if that mought not be yet to preserve them from alienating themselves to a Ferrain Lord As namely unto the French with whom they much treated And amongst whom the Enterprise of Flanders was ever propounded as a Mene to unite their own Civill Dissensions Bâ—t patiently temporizing expected the good effect which Time mought breed And whensoever the States grew into Extremitieâ— of Despair and thereby ready to embrace the Offer of any Forrainer Then would her Majesty yield them some Relief of Moneyâ— or permit some Supply of Forces to go over unto them To the end to interrupt such violent Resolution And still continued to mediate unto the King some Just and Honourable Capitulations of Grace and Accord Such as whereby alwayes should have been preserved unto him such Interest and Authority as He in Iustice â—ould claim Or a Prince moderately minded would seek to have And this Course she held interchangeably seeking to mitigate the Wrath of the King and the Despair of the Countries Till such Time as after the Death of the Duke of Anjou Into whose Hands according to her Majesties prediction but against her good liking they had put themselves The Enemy pressing them the united Provinces were received into her Majesties Protection which was after such Time as the King of Spain had discovered himself not onely an Implacable Lord to them but also a proâ—essed Enemy unto her Majesty having actually invaded Ireland â—nd designed the Invasion of England For it is to be noted thaâ— the like Offers which were then made unto her Majesty had been made to her long before but as long as her Majesty conceived any Hope either of Making their Peace Or entertaining her own with Spain she would never hearken thereunto And yet now even at last her Majesty retained a singular and evident Proof to the World of her Justice and Moderation In that she refused the Inheritance and Soveraignty of those Goodly â—rovinces which by the States with much Instance was pressed upon her and being accepted would hâ—ve wrought greater Contentment and Satisfaction both to her People and theirs Being Countries for the Scite Wealth Commodity of Traffick Affection to our Nation Obedience of the Subjects well used most convenient to have been annexed to the Crown of England And withall one Charge Danger and Offence of Spain onely took upon her the Defence and Protection of their Liberties Which Liberties and Priviledges are of that Nature as they may justly esteem themselves but Conditionall Subjects to the King of Spain More justly then Aragon And may make her Majesty as justly esteem the ancient Confederacies and Treaties with Burgundy to be of Force rather with the People and Nation then with the Line of the Duke because it was never an Absolute Monarchy So as to summe up her Majesties Proceedings in this great Action they have but this That they have sought first to restore them to Spain Then to keep them from Strangers And never to purchase them to Her Self But during all that time the King of Spain kept one tenour in his Proceedings towards her Majesty Breaking forth more and more into Injuries and Contempts Her Subjects trading into Spain have been many of them Burned Some cast into the Gallies Others have died in Prison without any other Crimes committed but upon Quarrells pickt upon them for ther Religion here at home Her Merchants at the Sack of Antwerpe were diverse of them spoyled and put to their Ransomesâ— though they could not be charged with any Part-taking Neither upon the Complaint of Doctor Wilson and Sir Edward Horsey could any Redresse be had A generall Arrest was made by the Duke of Alva of English mens both Goods and Persons upon pretence that certain Ships stayed in this Realm laden with Goods and Money of certain Merchants of Genoa belonged to that King which Money and Goods was afterwards to the uttermost value restored and payed back Whereas our Men were far from receiving the like Iustice on their side Doctor Man her Majesties Embassadour received during his Legation sundry Indignities himself being Removed out of Madrid and Lodged in a Village As they are accustomed to use the Embassadours of Moores His Sonn and Steward forced to assist at a Mass with Tapers in their Hands Besides sundry other Contumelies and Reproaches But the Spoyling or Damnifying of a Merchant Vexation of a Common Subject Dishonour of an Embassadour Were rather but Demonstrations of ill Disposition then Effects If they be compared with Actions of State Wherein He and his Ministers have sought the Overthrow of this Government As in the year 1569. when the Rebellion in the North part of
Honmê° Franciscê° Baconê° Baro de Verulam Vice-Comes S cti Albani Mortuus 9º Aprilis Anno DnÌ„i 1626. Annoque Aetat 66. Resuscitatio Or Bringing into PUBLICK LIGHT SEVERALL PIECES OF THE WORKS Civil Historical Philosophical Theological HITHERTO SLEEPING Of the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban According to the best Corrected COPPIES Together With his Lordships LIFE By WILLIAM RAWLEY Doctor in Divinity His Lordships First and Last CHAPLEINE Afterwards CHAPLEINE to His late MAIESTY LONDON Printed by Sarah Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A GENERALL TABLE OF THE TRACTATES Contained in this BOOK 1. SPeeches in Parliament Sâ—aâ—-chamber Kings Bench Chancery and other where Fol. 1 2. Observations upon a Libell published in Anno 1592. 103 3. A true Report of Doctor Lopez his Treason 151 4. An Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of England 162 5. A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth 181 6. A brief Discourse of the Union of England and Scotland 197 6. Articles and Considerations touching the Union aforesaid 206 7. A Beginning of the History of Great Britain 221 8. A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers 225 9. Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England 233 10. Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland 255 11. Advice to the King touching Mr. Suttons Estate 265 12. A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England 271 13. A Fragment of an Essay of Fame 281 14. Letters to Queen Elizabeth King James divers Lords and others 1 15. Other Letters 89 16. A Confession of the Faith 115 TO THE READER HAving been employed as an Amanuensis or dayly instrument to this Honourable Authour And acquainted with his Lordships Conceits in the composing of his Works for many yeâ—rs together Especially in his writing â—ime I conceived that no Man could pretend a better Interest or Claim to the ordering of them after his Death then myself For which cause I have compiled in one whatsoever bears the true Stamp of his Lordships excellent Genius And hath hitherto slept and been suppressed In this present Volume Not leaving any Thing to a future Hand which I found to be of moment and communicable to the Publick Save onely some few Latine Works Which by Gods Favour and sufferance shall soon after follow It is true that for some of the Pieces herein contained his Lordship did not aim at the Publication of them but at the Preservation onely And Prohibiting them from Perishing So as to have been reposed in some Private shrine or Library But now for that through the loose keeping of his Lordships Papers whilest he lived divers Surreptitious Copies have been taken which have since employed the Presse with â—undry Corrupt and Mangled Editions whereby Nothing hath been more difficult than to find the Lord Saint Alban in the Lord Saint Alban And which have presented some of them rather a Fardle of Non-sâ—nse then any true Expressions of his Lordships Happy Vein I thought my self in a sort tied to vindicate these Injuriâ—s and wrongs done to the Monuments of his Lordships Penne And at once by setting forth the true and Geâ—uine writings themselves to prevent the like Invasions for the time to come And the rather in regard of the Distance of the time since his Lordsâ—ips Dayes whereby I shall not tread too near upon the Heels of Truth Or of the Passages and Persons then concerned I was induced hereunto Which considering the Lubricity of Life And for that I account my self to be Not now in Vergentibus but in Praecipitantibus Annis I was desirous to hasten Wherein I shall crave leave to open my Counsels and Purposes as concerning this present Edition in these five Particulars First I have ranked the severall Tractates Either according to the Dignity of the Work as Demosthenes or Cicero's Orations do precede Demosthenes or Cicero's Epistles Or else according to the Series of the Times wherein they were written or to which they refer By which Means they may give the better Light the one Part to the other Secondly I thought it fitting to intimate That the Discourse within contained Entituled A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth was written by his Lordship in Latine onely whereof though his Lordship had his particular Ends then yet in regard that I held it a Duty That her own Nation over which she so happily reigned for many years should be acquainted and possessed with the Vertues of that excellent Queen as well as Forrein Nations I was induced many years agoe to put the same into the English Tongue Not Ad Verbum For that had been â—ut Flat and Injudicious But as far as my slender Ability could reach according to the Expressions which I conceived his Lordship would have rendred it in if he had written the same in English Yet ever acknowledging that Zeuxis or Apelles Pencill could not be attained but by Zeuxis or Apelles Himself This Work in the Latine his Lordship so much affected That He had ordained by his last Will and Testament to have had it published many years since But that singular Person entrusted therewith soon after deceased And therefore it must now expect a Time to come forth amongst his Lordships other Latin Works Thirdly in the Collection of Letters which is as the Fourth Part of this Volume there are inserted some few which were written by other Pennes and not by his Lordships own Like as we find in the Epistolar Authours Cicero Plinius secundus and the rest which because I found them immixed amongst his Lordships Papers And that they are written with some similitude of Stile I was loath they should bâ— left to a Grave at that time when his Lordships own Conceptions were brought to life Fourthly for that Treatise of his Lordships Inscribed A Confession of the Faith I have ranked that in the Close of this whole Volume Thereby to demonstrate to the World That he was a Master in Divinity as well as in Philosophy or Politicks And that he was Versed no lesse in the saving Knowledge Than in the Vniversall and Adorning Knowledges For though he composed the same many years before his Death yet I thought that to be the fittest place As the most acceptable Incense unto God of the Faith wherein he resigned his Breath The Crowning of all his other Perfections and Abilities And the best Perfume of his Name to the World after his Death Lastly if it be objected that some few of the Pieces whereof this whole consisteth had visited the Publick Light before It is true that they had been obtruded to the World by unknown Hands But with such Skars and Blemishes upon their Faces That they could passe but for a Spurious and Adulterine Brood and not for his
right we know in their Capacity and understanding they are a people Ingenious In Labour Industrious In Courage Valiant In Body Hard Active and Comely More might be said but in commending them we do but in effect commend our selves For they are of one Piece and Continent with us And Truth is we are participant both of their Vertues and Vices For if they have been noted to be a people not so tractable in Gâ—vernment we cannot without flatteâ—ing our selves free our selves altogether from that Fault Being indeed a thing incident to all Martiall People As we see it evident by the Example of the Romans and others Even like unto Fierce Horses that though they be of better service then others yet are they harder to guid and to mannage But for this Objection Mr. Speaker I purpose to answer it Not by Authority of Scripture which saith Beatius est dare quam accipere But by an Authority framed and derived from the Judgement of our selves and our Ancestors in the same case as to this point For Mr. Speaker in all the Line of our Kings none useth to carry greater Commendation then his Majesties Noble Progenitour King Edward the First of that Name And amongst his other Commendations both of War and Pollicy none is more celebrated then his purpose and Enterprise for the Conquest of Scotland As not bending his Designes to glorious Acquests abroad but to solid strength at home which nevertheless if it had succeeded well could not but have brought in all those Inconveniences of the Commixture of a more Opulent Kingdome with a less that are now alledged For it is not the Yoke either of our Arms or of our Lawes that can alter the nature of the Climate or the Nature of the Soyl Neither is it the Manner of the Commixture that can alter the Matter of the Commixture And therefore Mr. Speaker if it were good for us then it is good for us now And not to be prised the less because we paid not so dear for it But a more full Answer to this Objection I refer over to that which will come after to be spoken touching Surety and Greatness The fourth Objection Mr. Speaker is not properly an Objection but rather a preoccupation of an Objection of the other side For it may be said and very materially whereabout do we contend The Benefit of Naturalization is by the Law in as many as have been or shall be born since his Majesties Comming to the Crown already setled and invested There is no more then but to bring the Ante-Nati into the Degree of the Post-Nati that Men grown that have well deserved may be in no worse case then children which have not deserved And Elder Brothers in no worse case then yonger Brothers So as we stand upon Quiddam not Quantum Being but a little difference of Time of one Generation from another To this Mr. Speaker it is said by some That the Law is not so but that the Post-Nati are Aliens as well as the rest A point that I mean not much to argue Both because it hath been well spoken to by the Gentleman that spake last before me And because I do desire in this Case and in this place to speak rather of Convenience then of Law Onely this will I say That that Opinion seems to me Contrary to reason of Law Contrary to form of pleading in Law And Contrary to Authority and Experience of Law For Reason of Law when I meditate of it Methinks the wisdom of the Common Laws of England well observed is Admirable in the Distribution of the Benefit and protection of the Laws According to the severall Conditions of Persons in an excellent Proportion The Degrees are four but bipartite Two of Aliens and Two of Subjects The first Degree is of an Alien born under a King or State that is an Enemy If such an one come into this Kingdom without safe Conduct it is at his perill The Law giveth him no protection neither for Body Lands nor Goods So as if he be slain there is no Remedy by any Appeal at the parties sute although his wife were an English Woman Marry at the Kings sute the Case may be otherwise in regard of the offence to the Peace The Second Degree is of an Alien that is born under the faith and Allegiance of a King or State that is a friend Unto such a Person the Law doth impart a greater Benefit and protection That is concerning things personall Transitory and Moveable As Goods and Chattels Contracts and the like But not concerning Freehold and Inheritance And the reason is because he may be an Enemy though he be not For the State under the Obeisance of which he is may enter intoy Quarrell and Hostility And therefore as the Law hath but a Transitory Assurance of him so it rewards him but with Transitory Benefits The third Degree is of a Subject who having been an Alien is by Charter made Denizen To such an one the Law doth impart yet a more ample Benefit For it gives him power to purchase Free-Hold and Inheritance to his Own use And likewise enables the Children born after his Denization to inherit But yet nevertheless he cannot make Title or convey Pedegree from any Ancestour Paramount For the Law thinks not good to make him in the same Degree with a Subject born Because he was once an Alien and so mought once have been an Enemy And Nemo subitò fingitur Mens Affections cannot be so setled by any Benefit as when from their Nativity they are inbred and inherent And the fourth Degree which is the perfect Degree is of such a Person that neither is Enemy nor can be Enemy in time to come Nor could have been Enemy at any time past And therefore the Law gives unto him the full Benefit of Naturalization Now Mr. Speaker if these be the true Steps and Paces of the Law no Man can deny but whosoever is born under the Kings Obedience never could in Aliquo puncto temporis be an Enemy A Rebell he mought be but no Enemy And therefore in Reason of Law is naturalized Nay contrary-wise he is bound Iure Nativitatis to defend this Kingdome of England against all Invaders or Rebels And therefore as he is obliged to the protection of Arms And that perpetually and universally so he is to have the perpetuall and universall Benefit and protection of Law which is Naturalization For Form of Pleading it is true that hath been said That if a Man would plead another to be an Alien He must not onely set forth negatively and privatively that he was born out of the Obedience of our Soveraign Lord the King But affirmatively under the Obedience of a forrain King or State in particular which never can be done in this case As for Authority I will not press it you know all what hath been published by the Kings Proclamation And for Experience of Law we see it in the Subjects of Ireland
not wel whether in that which he had already saidâ— out of an extreme Desire to give us satisfaction He had not communicated more particulars then perhaps was requisite Neverthelesse he confessedâ— that sometimes Parliaments have been made acquainted with Matter of Warr and Peace in a generallity But it was upon one of â—hese Two Motives When the King and Counsell conceived That either it was Materiall to have some Declaration of the zeal and Affection of the People Or else when the King needed to demand Moneys and Aides for the Charge of the Warrs Wherin if Things did sort to Warre we were sure enough to hear of it His Lordship hoping that his Majesty would find in us no lesse readiness to support it then to perswade it Now Mr. Speaker for the last part Wherein his Lordship considered the Petition As it was recommended from us to the upper House His Lordship delivered thus much from their Lorâ—ships That they would make a good Construction of our Desires As those which they conceived did rather spring out of a Feeling of the Kings Strength And out of a Feeling of the Subjects Wrongs Nay more out of a Wisdome and Depth to declare our forwardness if need were to assist his Majesties future Resolutions which Declaration might be of good use â—or his Majesties Service when it should be blown abroad Rather I say then that we did in any sort determine by this their Overture to do that wrong to his Highness Supreme Power Which happily might be inferred by those that were rather apt to make evill then good Illations of our proceeding And yet that their Lordships for the reasons before made most plainly tell us That they neither could nor would concur with us nor approve the course And therefore concluded That it would not be amiss for us for our better Contentment to behold the Conditions of the last Peace with Spain which were of a strange nature to him that duely observes them No Forces recalled out of the Low-Conntries No new Forces as to Voluntaries restrained to go thither So as the King may be in peace and never a Subject in England but may be in War And then to think thus with our selves That that King which would give no ground in making his Peace will not loose any Ground upon just pâ—ovocation to enter into an Honourable War And that in the meane time we should know thus much that there could not be more forcible Negotiation on the Kings part but Blowes to procure Remedy of those wrongs Nor more fair promises on the King of Spaines part to give contentment concerning the same And therefore that the Event must be expected And thus Mr. Speaker have I passed over the Speech of this worthy Lord whose Speeches as I have often said in regard of his place and Judgement are extraordinary Lights to this House And have both the properties of Light That is Conducting and Comforting And although Mr. Speaker a Man would have thought nothing had been left to be said Yet I shall now give you account of another Speech full of excellent Matter and Ornaments And without Iteration Which neverthelesse I shall report more compendiously Because I will not offer the Speech that wrong as to report it at large when your minds per-case and Attentions are already wearied The other Earl who usually doth bear a principall part upon all important Occasions used a Speech first of Preface then of Argument In his Preface he did deliver that he was perswaded that both Houses did differ rather in Credulity and Belief then in Intention and Desire For it mought be their Lorships did not believe the Information so far but yet desired the Reformation as much His Lordship said furtherâ— that the Merchant was a State and Degree of persons Not only to be respected but to be prayed for And graced them with the best Additions That they were the Convoyes of our supplies The Vents of our Abundance Neptunes Almesmen and Fortunes Adventurers His Lordship proceeded and said This Question was new to us but antient to them Assuring us that the King did not beare in vaine the Devise of the Thistle with the word Nemo me lasceâ—cit impunè And that as the Multiplying of his Kingdomes maketh him feel his own Power So the Multiplying of our Loves and Affections made him to feel our Griefs For the Arguments or Reasons they were Five in number which his Lordship used for satisfying us why their Lordships might not concur with usâ— in this Petition The first was the Composition of our House which he took in the first foundation thereof to be meerly Democraticall Consisting of Knights of Shires and Burgesses of Townes And intended to be of those that have their Residence Vocation and Employment in the places for which they serve And therefore to have a private and locall wisedom according to that Compasse And so not fit to examine or determine Secrets of Estateâ— which depend upon such Variety of Circumstances And therefore added to the President formerly vouched of the 17. of King Richard the 2d When the Commons disclaimed to intermeddle in matter of War and Peace That their Answer was that they would not presume to treat of so high and variable a Matter And although his Lordship acknowledged That there be divers Gentlemen in the Mixture of our House That are of good Capacity and Insight in Matters of Estate yet that was the Accident of the Person and not the Intentention of the place And Things were to be taken in the Institution not in the Practice His Lordships second Reason was That both by Philosophy and Civill Law Ordinatio Belli pacis est absoluti Imperij A principall Flower of the Crown Which Flowers ought to be so dear unto us as we ought if need were to water them with our Blood For if those Flowers should by neglect or upon facility and good affection wither and fall the Garland would not be worth the wearing His Lordships third Reason was That Kings did so love to imitate Trimum Mobile as that they do not like to move in borrowed Motions So that in those things that they do most willingly intend yet they indure not to be prevented by Request Whereof he did alledge a notable Example in King Edward the 3d. who would not hearken to the Petition of his Commons that besought him to make the Black Prince Prince of Wales But yet after that Repulse of their Petition out of his own meer Motion he created him His Lordships fourth Reason was That it mought be some scandall to step between the King and his own Vertue And that it was the Duty of Subjects Rather to take honours from Kings Servants and give them to Kings then to take honours from Kings and give them to their Servants Which he did very elegantly set forth in the Example of Ioab who lying at the Siege of Rabbah And finding it could not hold out writ to David to
a particular Examination of it Thirdly whether we shall content our selves with some Entry or Protestation amongst our selves And Fourthly whether we shall proceed to a Message to the King And what Thus I have told you mine Opinion I know it had been more safe and politick to have been silent But it is perhaps more honest and lovingâ— to speak The old Verse is Nam nulli tacuisse nocet nocet esse locutum But by your leave David saiâ—h Silui à bonis Dolor meus renovatus est When a Man speaketh He may be wounded by Others but if He holds his peace from Good Things he wounds Himself So I have done my part and leave it to you to do that which you shall judge to be the best The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon Knight his Majesties Atturney Generall against William Talbot a Counsellor at Law of Ireland upon an Information in the Star-Chamber Ore tenus For a writing under his Hand whereby the said William Talbot being demanded whether the Doctrine of Suarez touching Deposing and Killing of Kings Excommunicated were true or no He answered that he referred himself unto that which the Catholick Roman Church should determine thereof Ultimo die Termini Hilarij undecimo Iacobi Regis My Lords I Brought before you the first sitting of this Term the Cause of Duels But now this last sitting I shall bring before you a Cause concerning the greatest Duell which is in the Christian World The Duels and Conflicts between the lawfull Authority of Soveraign Kings which is Gods Ordinance for the comfort of Humane Society And the swelling pride and usurpation of the See of Rome in Temporalibus Tending altogether to Anarchy and Confusion Wherein if this pretence by the Pope of Rome by Cartels to make Soveraign Princes as the Banditi And to proscribe their Lives and to expose their Kingdomes to prey If these pretences I say and all Persons that submit themselves to that part of the Popes Power be not by all possible Severity repressed and punished The State of Christian Kings will be no other then the ancient Torment described by the Poets in the Hell of the Heathen A man sitting richly roabed solemnly attended delicious fare c. With a Sword hanging over his Head hanging by a small thread ready every moment to be cut down by an accursing and accursed hand Surely I had thought they had been the Prerogatives of God alone and of his secret Judgements Solvam Cingula Regum I will loosen the Girdles of Kings Or again He powreth contempt upon Princes Or I will give a King in my wrath and take him away again in my displeasure And the like but if these be the Claims of a Mortall Man certainly they are but the Mysteries of that Person which exalts himself above all that is called God Supra omne quod dicitur Deus Note it well Not above God though that in a sense be true in respect of the Authority they claim over the Scriptures But Above all that is called God That is Lawfull Kings and Magistrates But my Lords in this uel I find this Talbot that is now before you but a Coward For he hath given ground He hath gone backward and forward But in such a fashion and with such Interchange of Repenting and Relapsing as I cannot tell whether it doth extenuate or aggravate his Offence If he shall more publikely in the face of the Court fall and settle upon a right mind I shall be glad of it And he that would be against the Kings Mercy I would he might need the Kings Mercy But neverthelesse the Court will proceed by Rules of Justice The Offence wherewith I charge this Talbot Prisoner at the Bar is this in brief and in Effect That he hath maintained and maintaineth under his hand a power in the Pope for the Deposing and Murthering of Kings In what sort he doth this when I come to the proper and particular charge I will deliver it in his own words without Pressing or Straining Buâ— before I come to the particular charge of this Man I cannot proceed so coldly but I must expresse unto your Lordships the extreme and imminent Danger wherein our Dear and Dread Soveraign is And in him we all Nay and wherein all Princes of both Religions For it is a common Cause do stand at this day By the spreading and Enforcing of this furious and pernicious Opinion of the Popes Temporall Power which though the modest Sort would blanch with the Distinction of In ordine ad Spiritualia yet that is but an Elusion For he that maketh the Distinction will also make the Case This perill though it be in it self notorious yet because there is a kind of Dulness and almost a Lethargy in this Age Give me leave to set before you two Glasses Such as certainly the like never met in one Age The Glasses of France and the Glasse of England In that of France the Tragedies acted and executed in two Immediate Kings In the Glasse of England the same or more horrible attempted likewise in a Queen and King immediate But ending in a happy Deliverance In France H. 3. in the face of his Army before the walls of Paris stabbed by a wretched Iacobine Fryer H. 4. a Prince that the French do surname the Great One that had been a Saviour and Redeemer of his Country from infinite Calamities And a Restorer of that Monarchy to the ancient State and Splendour And a Prince almost Heroicall except it be in the Point of Revolt from Religion At a time when he was as it were to mount on Horse-back for the Commanding of the greatest Forces that of long time had been levied in France This King likewise stilletted by a Rascal votary which had been enchanted and conjured for the purpose In England Queen Elizabeth of blessed memory A Queen comparable and to be rankt with the greatest Kings Oftentimes attempted by like votaries Sommervile Parry Savage and others But still protected by the Watch-man that Slumbreth not Again our excellent Soveraign King Iames The Sweetness and Clemency of whose nature were enough to quench and mortifie all Malignity And a King shielded and supported by Posterity Yet this King in the Chair of Majesty his Vine and Olive Branches about him Attended by his Nobles and Third Estate in Parliament Ready in the Twinckling of an Eye As if it had been a particular Doomesday To have been brought to Ashes dispersed to the four Winds I noted the last day my Lord Chief Iustice when he spake of this Powder Treason he laboured for words Though they came from him with great Efficacy yet he truly confessed and so must all Men That that Treason is above the Charge and Report of any Words whatsoever Now my Lords I cannot let passe but in these Glasses which I spake of besides the Facts themselves and Danger to shew you two Things The one the Wayes of God Almighty which turneth the Sword of Rome
strait-way think with himself Doth this Man beleeve what he saith Or not beleeving it doth he think it possible to make us beleeve it Surely in my conceit neither of both But his End no doubt was to round the Pope and the King of Spain in the Eare by seeming to tell a Tale to the People of England For such Bookes are ever wont to be translated into diverse Languages And no doubt the Man was not so simple as to think he could perswade the People of England the Contrary of what they tast and feele But he thought he might better abuse the States abroad if he directed his Speech to them who could best convict him and disprove him if he said untrue So that as Livy saith in the like case AEtolos magis coram quibus verba facerent quam ad quos pensi habere That the Aaetolians in their Tale did more respect those which did over-hear them then those to whom they directed their Speech So in this matter this Fellow cared not to be counted a Lier by all English upon Price of Deceiving of Spain and Italy For it must be understood that it hath been the generall Practise of this kind of Men many years of the one side to abuse the forraine Estates by making them believe that all is out of Joynt and Ruinous here in England And that there is a great part ready to joyn with the Invader And on the other side to make the Evill Subjects of England believe of great Preparations abroad and in great readinesse to be put in Act And so to deceive on both sides And this I take to be his Principall Drift So again it is an extravagant and incredible Conceit to Imagine that all the Conclusions and Actions of Estate which have passed during her Majesties Raign should be ascribed to one Counseller alone And to such an one as was never noted for an Imperious or Over-ruling Man And to say that though He carried them not by Violence yet he compassed them by Devise There is no Man of Iudgement that looketh into the Nature of these Times but will easily descry that the Wits of these Dayes are too much refined for any Man to walk Invisible Or to make all the World his Instruments And therefore no not in this point assuredly the Libeller spake as he thought But this he foresaw That the Imputation of Cunning doth breed Suspicion And the Imputation of Greatnesse and Sway doth breed Envy And therefore finding where he was most wrung and by whose pollicyâ— and Experience their plots were most crossed the mark he shot at was to see whether he could heave at his Lordships Authority by making him suspected to the Queen or generally odious to the Realm Knowing well enough for the one point that there are not only Iealousies but certain Revolutions in Princes Minds So that it is a rare Vertue in the Rarest Princes to continue constant to the End in their Favours and Employments And knowing for the other point that Envy ever accompanieth Greatness though never so well deserved And that his Lordship hath alwaies marched a Round and a Reall Course in service And as he hath not moved Envy by Pomp and Ostentation so hath he never extinguished it by any Popular or Insinuâ—tive Carriage of Himself And this no doubt was his Second Driâ—t A Third Drift was to assay if he could supplant and weaken by this violent kind of Libelling and turning the whole Imputation upon his Lordship his Resolution and Courage And to make him proceedâ— more cautelously and not so throughly and strongly against them Knowing his Lordship to be a Politick Man and one that hath a great Stake to leese Lastly least while I discover Cunning and Art of this Fellow I should make him wiser then he was I think a great part of this Book was Passion Difficile est tacere cùm doleas The Humours of these Men being of themselves eager and Fierce have by the Abort and Blasting of their Hopes been blinded and enraged And surely this Book is of all that Sort that have been written of the meanest work-man-ship Being fraughted with sundry base Scoffs and cold Amplifications and other Characters of Despite But void of all Iudgement or Ornament 2. Of the presents Estate of this Realm of England whether it may be truly avouched to be prosperous or Afflicted THe Benefits of Almighty God upon this Land since the time that in his singular providence he led as it were by the hand and placed in the Kingdome his Servant our Queen Elizabeth are such as not in Boasting or in Confidence of our selves but in praise of his Holy Name are worthy to be both considered and confessed yea and registred in perpetuall Memory Notwithstanding I mean not after the manner of a Panegyrique to Extoll the present Time It shall suffice onely that those Men that through the Gall and Bitterness of their own Heart have lost their Tast and Iudgement And would deprive God of his Glory and us of our sences in affirming our Condition to be Miserable and â—ull of Tokens of the Wrath and Indignation of God be reproved If then it be true that Nemo est Miser aut Felix nisi comparatus Whether we shall keeping our selves within the Compasse of our own Island look into the Memories of Times past Or at this present time take a view of other States abroad in Europe We shall â—ind that we need not give place to the Happinesse either of Ancestours or Neighboursâ— For if a Man weigh well all the Parts of State and Religion Lawes Aministration of Iustice Pollicy of Government Manners Civility Learning and Liberall Sciences Industry and Manuall Arts Armes and Provisions of Wars for Sea and Land Treasure Traffique Improvement of the Soyle Population Honour and Reputation It will appear that taking one part with Another the State of this Nation was never more Flourishing It is easie to call to Remembrance out of Histories the Kings of England which have in more ancient times enjoyed greatest Happinesse Besides her Majesties Father and Grand father that raigned in rare Felicity as is fresh in Memory They have been K. Henry 1. K Hen 2. K. Hen. 3. King Edw the 1. K. Edw. the 3. K. Henry the 5. All which have been Princes of Royall Vertue Great Felicity and Famous Memory But it may be truly affirmed without derogation to any of these worthy Princes that whatsoever we find in Libels there is not to be found in the English Chronicles a King that hath in all respects laid together raigned with such Felicity as her Majesty hath done For as for the First 3. Henries The First came in too soon after a Conquest The Second too soon after an Vsurpation And the Third too soon after a League or Barons War To raign with Security and Contentation King H. 1. also had unnaturall Wars with his Brother Robert wherein much Nobility was consumed He had therewithall tedious Wars in Wales
And was not without some other Seditions and Troubles As namely the great Contestation of his Prelates King Henry 2. his Happinesse was much deformed by the Revolt of his son Henry after he had associated him and of his other Sonnes King Hen. 3 besides his continuall Wars in Wales was after 44. years raign unquieted with Intricate Commotions of his Barons As may appear by the Mad Parliament held at Oxford and the Acts thereupon ensuing His Son King Ed. 1. had a more flourishing Time then any of the other Came to his Kingdom at ripe years and with great Reputation after his voyage into the Holy Land And was much loved and obeyed contrived his Wars with great Judgement First having reclaimed Wales to a setled Allegeance And being upon the point of Vniting Scotland But yet I suppose it was more honour for her Majesty to have so important a piece of Scotland in her hand And the same with such Justice to render up Then it was for that worthy King to have advanced in such Forwardnesse the Conquest of that Nation And for King Edward 3. his Raign was visited with much Sicknesse and Mortality So as they reckoned in his dayes 3. severall Mortalities One in the 22. year Another in tâ—e 35. year And the last in the 43. year of his Raign And being otherwise Victorious and in Prosperity was by that onely Crosse more afflicted then he was by the other Prosperities comforted Besides he entred hardly And again according to the Verse Cedebant ultima primis His Latter Times were not so prosperous And for King Henry 5. as his Successe was wonderfull so he wanted Continuance Being extinguished after 10. years Raign in the Prime of his Fortunes Now for her Majesty we will first speak of the Blessing of Continuance as that which wanted in the Happiest of these Kings And is not only a great favour of God unto the Prince but also a singular Benefit unto the People For that Sentence of the Scripture Misera Natio cùm multi sunt principes eius is interpreted not only to extend to Divisions and Distractions in Government but also to Frequent Changes in Succession Considering that the Change of a Prince bringeth in many Charges which are Harsh and Vnpleasant to a great part of Subjects It appeareth then that of the Line of Five hundred and fourescore years and more containing the Number of 22. Kings God hath already prolonged her Majesties Raign to exceed sixteen of the said Two and Twenty And by the end of this present year which God prosper she shall attain to be equall with two more During which time there have deceased four Emperours As many French Kings Twice so many Bishops of Rome Yea every State in Christendome except Spain have received sundry Successions And for the King of Spain he is waxed so infirm and thereby so Retired as the Report of his Death serveth for every years News whereas her Majesty Thanks be given to God being nothing decayed in vigor of Health and strength was never more able to supply and sustain the weight of her Affairs And is as far as standeth with the Dignity of her Majesties Royall State continually to be Seen to the great comfort and Hearty Ease of her People Secondly we will mention the Blessing of Health I mean generally of the People which was wanting in the Raign of another of these Kings which else deserved to have the second place in Happinesse which is one of the great Favours of God towards any Nation For as there be three Scourges of God War Famine and Pestilence so are there three Benedictions Peace Plenty and Health Whereas therefore this Realm hath been visited in times past with sundry kinds of Mortalities as Pestilences Sweats and other Contagious Diseases it is so that in her Majesties Times being of the continuance aforesaid there was only towards the Beginning of her Raign some Sicknesse between Iune and February in the Citty but not dispersed into any other paâ—t of the Realm as was noted which we call yet the Great Plague Because that though it was nothing so Grievous and so Sweeping as it hath been sundry times heretofore yet it was great in respect of the Health which hath followed since Which hath been such especially of late years as we began to dispute and move Questions of the Causes whereunto it should be ascribed Untill such time as it pleased God to teach us that we ought to ascribe it onely to his Mercy By touching us a little this present year but with a very Gentle Hand And such as it hath pleased him since to remove But certain it is for so many years together notwithstanding the great Pestering of people in Houses The great Multitude of Strangers and the sundry Voiages by Seas All which have been noted to be Causes of Pestilence The Health Vniversall of the People was never so good The third Blessing is that which all the Politick and Fortunate Kings before recited have wanted That is Peace For there was never Forreiner since her Majesties Raign by Invasion or Incursion of Moment that took any footing within the Realm of England One Rebellion there hath been onely but such an one as was repressed within the space of seven weeks And did not wast the Realm so much as by the Destruction or Depopulation of one poor Town And for wars abroad taking in those of Leeth those of New-Haven the second Expedition into Scotland the wars of Spain which I reckon from the year 86 or 87 before which time neither had the King of Spain withdrawn his Embassadours here residing neither had her Majesty received into protection the united Provinces of the Low Countries And the Aid of France They have not occupied in time a third part of her Majesties Râ—ign Nor consumed past two of â—y Noble House whereof France took one and Flanders another And very few besides of Quality or Appearance They have scarce mowed down the overcharge of the People within the Realm It is therefore true that the Kings aforesaid and others her Maiâ—sties Progenitours have been Victorious in their Wars And have made many Famous and Memorable Voyages and Expediâ—tions into sundry parts And that her Majesty contrarywise from the bginning put on a firm Resolution to content her self within those Limits of her Dominions which she received And to entertain Peace with her Neighbour princes which Resolution she hath ever since notwithstanding she hath haâ— Rare Opportunities Iust Claims and pretences and great and mighty Means sought to continue But if this be objected to be the lesse Honourable Fortune I answer that ever amongst the Heathen who held not the Expence of Blood so precious as Christians ought to do The peaceable Government of Augustus Caesar was ever as highly esteemed as the Victories of Iuliuâ— his Uncle and that the Name of Pater Patriae was ever as Honourable as that of propagator Imperii And this I
the rest of their Body The Kingdome of Portugall which of late times through their Merchandizing and places in the East Indies was grown to be an Opulent Kingdome is now at the last after the unfortunate journey of Affrick in that State as a Countrey is like to be that is reduced under a Forreiner by Conquest And such a Forreiner as hath his Competitour in Title being a Naturall Portugall and no Stranger And having been once in possession yet in Life wherby his Iealousie must necessarily be encreased and through his Jealousie their Oppression which is apparent by the Carrying of many Noble Families out of their Naturall Countries to live in Exile And by putting to Death a great Number of Noble-Men naturally born to have been principall Governers of their Countries These are three Afflicted parts of Christendome The Rest of the States enjoy either Prosperity or tolerable Condition The Kingdome of Scotland though at this present by the good Regiment and wise proceeding of the King they enjoy good quiet yet â—ince our Peace it hath passed through no small Troubles And remaineth full of Boyling and Swelling Humours But like by the Maturity of the said King every day encreasing to be repressed The Kingdome of Poland is newly recovered out of great Wars about an Ambiguous Election And besides is a State of that Composition that their King being Elective they do commonly chuse rather a Stranger then one of their own Countrey A great Exception to the Flourishing Estate of any Kingdome The Kingdome of Swedeland besides their Forrain Warrs upon their Cousins the Muscovites and the Danes Hath been also subject to divers Intestine Tumults and Mutations as their Stories do record The Kingdome of Denmark hath had good Times specially by the good Government of the late King who maintained the profession of the Gospell But yet greatly giveth place to the Kingdome of England in Climate Wealth Fertility and many other Points both of Honour and Strength The Estates of Italy which are not under the Dominion of Spain have had peace equall in continuance with ours Except in regard of that which hath passed between them and the Turk Which hath sorted to their Honour and Commendation But yet they are so brideled and over-awed by the Spaniard that possesseth the two principall Members thereof And that in the two extream parts as they be like Quillets of Freehold being intermixed in the midst of a great Honour or Lordship So as their Quiet is intermingled not with Iealousie alone but with Restraint The States of Germany have had for the most part peaceable Times But yet they yeeld to the State of England Not only in the great Honour of a great Kingdome they being of a mean Stile and Dignity but also in many other Respects both of Wealth and Pollicy The State of Savoy having been in the old Dukes Time governed in good Prosperity hath since notwithstanding their new great Alliance with Spain whereupon they waxed insolent to design to snatch up some piece of France After the dishonourable Repulse from the Seige of Geneva deen often distresâ—ed by a particular Gentleman of Daulphâ—ny And at this presenâ— day the Duke feeleth even in Piedmont beyond the Mountaines of the weight of the same Enemy Who hath lately shut up his Gates and common Entries between Savoy and Piedmont So as hitherto I do not see but that we are as much bound to the Mercies of God as any other Nation Considering that the Fires of Dissention and Oppression in some Parts of Christendom may serve us for Lights to shew us our Happinesse And the good â—states of other places which we do congratulate with them for is such neverthelesse as doth not stain and exceed ours But rather doth still leave somewhat wherein we may acknowledge an ordinary Benediction of God Lastly we do not much emulate the Greaâ—nesse and Glory of the Spaniards Who having not only Excluded the Purity of Religion but also Fortified against it by their Devise of the Inquisition which is a Bulwark against the Entrance of the Truth of God Having in recompence of their new Purchase of Porâ—ugal lost a great part of their ancient Patrimonies of the Low-Countries Being of far greater Commodity and Valew or at the least holding part thereof in such sort as most of their other Revenewes are spent there upon their own Having lately with much Difficulty rather smoothed and skinned over then Healed and extinguished the Commotions of Arragon Having rather sowed Troubles in France then reaped Assured Fruit thereof unto themselves Having from the Attempt of England received Scorn and Disreputation Being at this time with the States of Italy rather suspected then either Loved or Feared Having in Germany and else where rather much practise then any Sound intelligence or Amity Having no such clear succession as they need object and Reproach the Incertainty thereof unto another Nation Have in the end won a Reputation rather of Ambition then Iustice And in the pursuit of their Ambition rather of Much Enterprising then of Fortunate Atchieving And in their Entâ—rprising rather of Doing Things by Treasure and Expence then by Forces and Valour Now that I have given the Reader a Tast of England respectively and in Comparison of the Times past and of the States abroad I will descend to examine the Libellers own Divisions Whereupon let the World judge how easily and clean this Inke which he hath cast in our faces is washed off The First Branch of the pretended Calamities of England is the great and wonderfull Confusion which he saith is in the State of the Church which is subdivided again into two parts The one the Prosecutions againg the Catholicks The other the Discords and Controversies amongst our selves The former of which 2. parts I have made an Article by it self Wherein I have set down a clear and simple Narration of the proceedings of State against that sort of Subjects Adding this by the way That there are 2. Extremities in State concerning the Causes of â—aith and Religion That is to say the Permission of the Exercises of more Râ—ligions then one which is a dangerous Indulgence and Toleration the other is the Entring and Sifting into Mens Consciences when no Overt Scandall is given which is Rigorous and Straineable Inquisition And I avouch the proceedings towards the intended Catholicks to have been a Mean between these two Extremities Referring the Demonstration thereof unto the aforesaid Narraâ—ion in the Articles following Touching the Divisions in our Church the Libeller affirmeth â—hat the Protestanticall Caluinism For so it pleaseth him with very good grace to term the Religion with us established is grown Contempâ—ible and Detected of Idolatry Heresie and many other superstitious Abuses by a Purified sort of Professors of the same Gospell And this Conâ—ention is yet grown to be more intricate by reason of a Third Kind of Gospellers called Brownists Who being directed
many wayes And namely to make a Breach between Scotland and England her Majesties Forces were again in the year 1582. by the Kings best and truest Servants sought and required And with the Forces of her Maâ—esty prevailed so far as to be possessed of the Castle of Edenborough the principall part of that Kingdome which neverthelesse her Majesty incontinently with all Honour and Sincerity restored After she had put the King into good and faithfull Hands And so ever since in all the Occasions of Intestine Troubles whereunto that Nation hath been ever subject she hath performed unto the King all possible good Offices and such as he doth with all good Affection acknowledge The same House of Cuise under Colour of Alliance during the Raign of Francis the second and by the Support and practâ—â—â— of the Queen Mother who desiring to retain the Regency under her own Hands during the Minority of Charles the ninth used those of â—uise as a Counterpoise to the Princes of the Bloud obtained also great Authority in the Kingdome of France whereupon having raised and moved Civill Warrs under preâ—ence of Religion But indeed to enfeeble and depresse the Ancient Nobility of that Realm The contrary Part being compounded of the Bloud Royall and the Greatest Officers of the â—rown opposed themselves onely against their Insolency And to their Aides called in her Majesties Forces giving them for security the Town of New-Haven which neverthelesse when as afterwards having by the Reputation of her Majesties Confederation made their Peace in Effect as they would themselves They would without observing any Conditions that had passed have had it back again Then indeed it was held by force and so had been long but for the great Mortality which it pleased God to send amongst our Men. After which time so far was her Majesty from seeking to sowe or kindle New Troubles As continually by the Sollicitation of her Embassadours she still perswaded with the Kings both Charles the 9th and Hen. the 3d to keep and observe their Edicts of Pacification and to preserve their Authority by the Union of their Subjects which Counsell if it had been as happily followed as it was prudently and sincerely given France had been at this day a most Flourishing Kingdome which is now a Theater of Misery And now in the end after that the Ambitious Practises of the same House of Guise had grown to that Ripeness that gathering further strength upon the weakness and Misgovernment of the said King Hen. 3d He was fain to execute the Duke of Guise without Ceremony at Bloys And yet neverthelesse so many Men were embarqued and engaged in that Conspiracy as the Flame thereof was nothing asswaged But contrarywise that King Hen. grew distressed so as he was enforced to implore the Succours of England from her Majesty Though no way interessed in that Quarrell Nor any way obliged for any good offices she had received of that King yet she accorded the same Before the Arrivall of which Forces the King being by a sacrilegious Iacobine murthered in his Camp near Paris yet they went on and came in good time for the Assistance of the King which now raigneth The Justice of whose Quarrell together with the long continued Amity and good Intelligence which her Majesty had with him hath moved her Majesty from time to time to supply with great Aides And yet she never by any Demand urged upon him the putting into her Hands of any Town or Place So as upon this that hath been said let the Reader judge whether hath been the more Just and Honourable Proceeding And the more free from Ambition and Passion towards other States That of Spain or that of England Now let us examine the proceedings reciproque between themselves Her Majesty at her Comming to the Crown found her Realm entangled with the Wars of France and Scotland her nearest Neighbours which Wars were grounded onely upon the Spaniards Quarrell But in the pursuit of them had lost England the Town of Calice Which from the 21. year of King Edward 3 had been possessed by the Kings of England There was a meeting near Burdeaux towards the end of Queen Maries Raign between the Commissioners of France Spain and England and some Overture of Peace was made But broke off upon the Article of the Resâ—itution of Callice After Queen Maries Death the King of Spain thinking himself dischaâ—ged of that Difficulty though in hoâ—our he was no lesse bound to it then before renewed the like Treaty wherein her Majesty concurred so as the Commissioners for the said Princes met at Chasteau Cambraâ—ssi near Cambray In the proceedings of which Treaty it is true that at the first the Commissioners of Spain for form and in Demonstration onely pretended to stand firm upon the Demand of Calliceâ— but it was discerned indeed that the Kings Meaning was after â—ome Ceremonies and perfunctory Insisting thereupon to grow apart to a â—eace with the French excluding her Majesty And so to leave her to make her own Peace after her People Had made his Wars Which Covert Dealing being politickly looked into her Majesty had reason being newly invested in her Kingdom And of her own Inclination being affected to Peace To conclude the same with such Conditions as she mought And yet the King of Spain in his Dissimulation had so much Advantage as she was fain to do it in a Treaty apart with the Frâ—nch whereby to one that is not informed of the Counsels and Treaties of State as they passed it should seem to be a voluntary Agreement of her Majesty whereto the King of Spain would not be party whereas indeed he left her no other choice And this was the first Assay or Earnest penny of that Kings good affection to her Majesty About the same time when the King was sollicited to renew such Treaties and Leagues as had passed between the two Crowns of Spain and England by the Lord Cobham sent unto him to acquaint him with the Death of Queen Mary And afterwards by Sir Thomas Challenor and Sir Thomas Chamberlain successively Embassadours Resident in his Low Countries Who had order divers times during their Charge to make Overtures thereof both unto the King and certain principall persons about him And lastly those former Motions taking no effect By Viscount Montacute and Sir Thomas Chamberlain sent unto Spain in the year 1560 no other Answer could be had or obtained of the King but that the Treaties did stand in as good Force to all Intents as new Ratification could make them An Answer strange at that time but very conformable to his Proceedings since which belike even then were closely smothered in his own Breast For had he not at that time some hidden Alienation of Mind and Design of an Enemy towards her Majesty So wise a King could not be ignorant That the Renewing and Ratifying of Treaties between Princes and States do adde great Life and Force both of Assurance to the parties themselves
England brake forth Who but the Duke of Alva then the Kings Lievetenant in the Low-Countries and Don Guerres of Espes then his Embassador Lieger here were discovered to be chief Instruments and Practisers Having complotted with the Duke of Norfolk at the same time As was proved at the same Dukes Condemnation that an Army of 20000. Men should have landed at Harwich in aid of that Part which the said Duke had made within the Realm And the said Duke having spent and imployed 150000. Crownes in that Preparation Not contented thus to have consorted and assisted her Majesties Rebells in England He procured a Rebellion in Ireland Arming and Sending thither in the year 1579 an Arch-Rebell of that Country Iames Fitz Morrice which before was fled And truly to speak the whole course of Molestation which her Majesty hath received in that Realm by the Rising and Keeping on of the Irish hath been nourished and fomented from Spainâ— but afterwards most apparently in the year 1580 he invaded the same Ireland with Spaâ—ish Forces under an Italian Colonell By Name San Iesopho being but the Fore-runners of a greater Power Which by Treaty between Him and the Pope should have followed But that by the speedy Defeat of those former they were discouraged to pursue the Action Which Invasion was proved to be done by the Kings own Orders both by the Letters of Secretary Escouedo and of Guerres to the King And also by divers other Letters wherein the particular Conferences were set down concerning this Enterprise between Cardinall Riario the Popes Legate and the Kings Deputy in Spain Touching the Generall the Number of Men the Contribution of Money and the Manner of the Prosecuting of the Action And by the Confession of some of the Chiefest of those that were taken Prisoners at the Fort Which Act being an Act of Appaâ—rent â—ostility added unto all the Injuries aforesaid And accompanied with a continuall Receit Comfort and Countenance by Audâ—ences Pensions and Employments which he gave to Traytours and Fugitives both English and Irish As Westmerlâ—nd Paget Englâ—field Baltinglasse and Numbers of others Did sufficiently jusâ—ifie and warrant that pursuit of Revenge which either in the Spâ—yl of Carthagena and San Domingo in the Indies by Mr Drakâ— Or in the undertaking the protection of the Low-Counâ—reysâ— whâ—n the Earl of Leicester was sent over afterwards follâ—wed For befoâ—e that time her Majesty though she stood upon her Guard in respect of the just Cause of Jealousie which tâ—e Sundry Injuries of that King gave her yet had entred into no Oâ—â—ensiâ—e Acâ—ion against Him For â—oth the Voluntary Forces which Don Antonio had collected in this Realm were by express commandâ—ment restrained And Offer was made of Restitution to the Spanish Embassadour of such Treasure as had been bâ—ought into this Realm upon Proof that it had been taken by â—rong And the Duke of Anjou was as much as could stand with the near Treaty of a Marriage which then was very foâ—waâ—d between her Majesty and the said Duke Diverted from the Enterprise of â—landers But to conclude this Point when that some yeares after the Invasion and Conquest of thâ—s Land Intended long before but through many Crosses aâ—d Impediments which the King oâ— Spain found in his Plots deferred Was in the year 1588 attempted Her Majesty not forgetting her own Nature was content at the same Instant to Treat of a Peace Not ignorantly as a Prince that knew not in what forwardness his preparations were For she had discovered them long before Nor fearfully as may appear by the Articles whereupon her Majesty in that Treaty stood which were not the Demands of a Prince afraid But onely to spare the shedding of Christian Bloud And to shew her constant Desire to make her Raign Renowned rather by Peace then victories which Peace was on her part treated sincerely But on his part as it should seem was but an Abuse Thinking thereby to have taken us more unprovided So that the Duke of Parma not liking to be used as an Instrument in such a Case in regard of his particular Honour would sometimes in Treating interlace That the King his Master ment to make his Peace With his Sword in his Hand Let it then be tried upon an indifferent view of the proceedings of England and Spain Who it is that Fisheth in Troubled Waters And hath disturbed the Peace of Christendome And hath written and described all his Plots in Bloud There follow the Articles of an Vniversall Peace which the Libeller as a Commissioner for the Estate of England hath propounded and are these First that the King of Spain should recall such Forces as of great compassion to the Naturall People of France he hath sent thither to defend them against a Relapsed Huguonott Secondly that he suffer his Rebells of Holland and Zeland quietly to possesse the places they hold And to take unto them all the Rest of the Low-Countries also Conditionally that the English may still keep the possession of such Port-Towns as they have and have some half a dozen more annexed unto them Thirdly thâ—t the English Rovers mought peaceably go to his Indies And there take away his Treasure and his Indies also And thâ—se Articles being accorded he saith might follow that Peace which passeth all understanding As he calleth it in a scurrile and prophane Mockery of the Peace which Christians enjoy with God by the Attonement which is made by the Bloud of Christ whereof the Apostle saith That it passeth all understanding But these his Articles are sure mistaken And indeed corrected are briefly these 1. That the King of France be not impeached in Reducing his Rebels to obedience 2. That the Netherlands be suffered to enjoy their Ancient Liberties and Priviledges And so Forces of Strangers to be with-drawn both English and Spanish 3. That all Nations may trade into the East and West Indies yea discover and occupy such parts as the Spaniard doth not actually possesse And are not under Civill Government notwithstanding any Donation of the Pope 5. Of the Cunning of the Libeller in Palliation of his malicious Invectives against her Majesty and the State with pretence of Taxing onely the Actions of the Lord Burghley I Cannot rightly call this Point Cunning in the Libeller but rather good will to be Cunning without skill indeed or Judgement For finding that it had been the Usuall and Ready practise of Seditious Subjects to plant and bend their Invectives and Clamours Not against the Soveraigns themselves but against some such as had Grace with them and Authorities under them He put in ure his Learning in a wrong and unproper Case For this hath some Appearance to cover undutifull Invectives when it is used against Favourites or New Vpstarts and suddain-risen Counsellours But when it shall be practised against One that hath been Counsellour before her Majesties Time And hath continued longer Counsellour then any other Couâ—sâ—llâ—ur in Europe One that must needs have been Great
he mean it because the Turk seemeth to affect us for the Abolishing of Images Let him consider then what a Scandall the Matter of Images hath been in the Church As having been one of the principall Branches whereby Mahumetisme entred Page 65. he saith Cardinall Allen was of late very near to have been elected Pope Whereby he would put the Catholicks here in some hope that once within Five or Six years For a Pope commonly sitteth no longer he may obtaâ—n that which he mâ—ssed narrowly This is a direct Abuse For it is certain in all the Conclaves since Sixtus Quintus who gave him his Hat he was never in possibility Nay the King of Spain that hath patronized the Church of Rome so long as he is become a right Patron of it In that he seeketh to present to that See whom he liketh yet never durst strain his Credit to so desperate a Point as once to make a Canvass for him No he never nominated him in his Inclusive Narration And those that know any Thing of the Respects of Conclaves know that he is not Papable First because he is an Vltramontane of which sort there hath been none these Fifty years Next because he is a Cardinall of Almes of Spain and wholly at the Devotion of that King Thirdly because he is like to employ the Treasure and Favours of the Popedom upon the Enterprises of England And the Relief and Advancement of English Fugitives his Necessitous Countryâ—men So as he presumed much upon the Simplicity of the Reader in this point as in many more Page 55. and again Page 70. he saith His Lordship Meaning the Lord Burleigh Intendeth to match his Grandchild Mr. William Cecill with the Lady Arbella Which being a meer Imagination without any Circumstance at all to enduce it More then that they are both unmarried And that their years agree well Needeth no Answer It is true that his Lordship being no Stoicall Vnnaturall Man but loving towards his Children For Charitas Reip. incipit à Familiâ Hath been glad to match them into Honourable and Good Bloud And yet not so but that a private Gentleman of Northampton shire that lived altogether in the Country was able to bestow his Daughters higher then his Lord. hath done But yet it is not seen by any Thing past that his Lordship ever thought or affected to match his Children in the Bloud Royall His Lordships Wisedom which hath been so long of Gathering teacheth him to leave to his Posterity rather Surety then Danger And I marvaile where be the Combinations which have been with Great Men And the Popular and Plausible Courses which ever accompany such designes as the Libeller speaketh of And therefore this Match is but like unto that which the same Fellow concluded between the same Lady Arbella and the Earl of Leicesters Son when he was but a Twelve-Moneth old Pag. 70 he saith He laboureth incessantly with the Queen to make his Eldest Son Deputy of Ireland As if that were such a Catch Considering all the Deputiâ—â— since her Majesties times except the Earl of Sussex and the Lord Grey have been persons of meaner Degree then Sir Thomas Cecillis And the most that is gotten by that place is but the Saving and putting up of a Man 's own Revenue's during those years that he serveth their And this perhaps to be saved with some Displeasure at his Return Pag. eadem he saith He hath brought in his Second Son Sir Robert Cecill to be of the Counsell who hath neither Wit nor Experience Which Speech is as notorious an untruth as is in all the Libell For it is confessed by all Men that know the Gentleman that he hath one of the Rarest and most Excellent Wits of England with a singular Delivery and Application 〈◊〉 the same whether it be to use a Continued Speech Or to Negotiate Or to touch in Writing or to make Report Or discreetly to consider of the Circumstances And aptly to draw Things to a Point And all this joyned with a very good Nature and a great Respect to all Men as is daily more and more revealed And for his Experience it is easie to think that his Trayning and Helps hath made it already such as many that have served long prentishood for it have not attained the like So as if that be true Qui Beneficium Digno dat omnes obligat Not his Father onely but the State is bound unto her Majesty for the choice and Employment of so sufficient and worthy a Gentleman There be many other Follies and Absurdities in the Book which if an Eloquent Scholler had it in Hand he would take Advantage thereof and justly make the Authour not onely Odious but Ridiculous and Contemptible to the World But I passe them over and even this which hath been said hath been vouchsafed to the vallue and Worth of the Matter and not the worth of the Writer who hath handled a Theam above his Compasse 8. Of the Height of Impudency that these Men are grown unto in publishing and Avouching untruths with a particular Recitall of some of them for an Assay THese Men are grown to a singular Spirit and Faculty in Lying and Abusing the world such as it seemeth although they are to purchase a particular Dispensation for all other Sins yet they have a Dispensation Dormant to lie for the Catholique Cause which moveth me to give the Reader a Tast of their Vntruths such as are written and are not meerly grosse and palpable Desiring him out of their own Writings when any shall fall into his Hands to encrease the Rowle at least in his own Memory We retain in our Calenders no other Holy-dayes but such as have their Memorials in the Scriptures And therefore in the Honour of the Blessed Virgin we onely receive the Feasts of the Annunciation and the Purification Omitting the other of the Conception and the Nativity Which Nativity was used to be celebrated upon the 8th of Septemb the Vigill whereof hapned to be the Nativity of our Queen which though we keep not Holy yet we use therein certain Civill Customes of Ioy and Gratulation As Ringing of Bells Bonfires and such like And likewise make a Memoriall of the same Day in our Calender whereupon they have published That we have expunged the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin and put in stead thereof the Nativity of our Queen And further that we sing certain Hymnes unto her used to be sung unto our Lady It hapned that upon some Bloud-shed in the Church of Paules according to the Canon Law yet with us in force the said Church was interdicted and so the Gates shut up for some few Dayes whereupon they published that because the same Church is a place where People use to meet to walk and confer the Queens Majestie after the manner of the Ancient Tyrants had forbidden all Assemblies and Meetings of People together And for that Reason upon extreme Jealousie did cause Paules Gates to be shut up The
Gate of London called Lud-Gate being in decay was pulled down And built anew And on the one side was set up the Image of King Lud and his two Sons who according to the Names was thought to be the First Founder of that Gate And on the other side the Image of her Majesty in whose time it was reedified whereupon they published that her Majesty after all the Images of the Saints were long beaten down had now at last set up her own Image upon the Principall Gate of London to be adored And that all Men were forced to do reverence to it as they passed by And a watch there placed for that purpose Mr. Iewell the Bishop of Salisbury who according to his Life died most godly and patiently At the Point of Death used the Versicle of the Hymne Te Deum Oh Lord in thee have I trusted let me never be confounded Whereupon suppressing the rest they published that the principall Champion of the Hereticks in his very last words cryed he was confounded In the Act of Recognition of primo whereby the Right of the Crown is acknowledged by Parliament to be in her Majesty The like whereof was used in Queen Maries time The words of Limitation are In the Queens Majesty and the Naturall Heires of her Body and her lawfull Successours Upon which word Naturall they do maliciously and indeed villanously gâ—osse That it was the Intention of the Parliament in a Cloud to convey the Crown to any Issue oâ— her Majesties that were Illegitimate Whereas â—he word Heire doth with us so necessarily and pregnantly import Lawfulness As it had been Indecorum and uncivill speaking of the Issues of a Prince to have expressed it They set forth in the year a Book with Tables and Pictures of the Persecutions against Catholiques Wherein they have not onely stories of 50. years old to supply their Pages But also taken all the persecutions of the Primitive Church under the Heathen and translated them to the practise of England As that of Worrowing Priests under the Skins of Bears by Doggs and the like I conclude then that I know not what to make of this Excesse in Avouching untruths save this That they may truly Chaunt in their Quires Linguam nostram magnificabimus Labia nostra nobis sunt And that they that have long ago forsaken the Truth of God which is the Toucâ—-stone must now hold by the Whet-stone And that their Ancient Pillar of Lying wonders being decayed they must now hold by Lying Slaunders And make their Libells Successours to their Legend A TRUE REPORT Of the detestable TREASON INTENDED By Doctor RODERIGO LOPEZ A Physician attending upon the Person of the QVEENES MAIESTY Whom He for a Sum of Money promised to be paid him by the King of Spain did undertake to have destroyed by Poyson with certain Circumstances both of the Plotting and Detecting of the same TREASON Penned during the Queens Life THe King of Spain having found by the Enterprise of 88 the Difficulty of an Invasion of England And having also since that time embraced the Matters of France Being a Dessigne of a more easie nature and better prepared to his Hand Hath of necessity for a timeâ— layed aside the Prosecution of his Attempts against this Realm by open Forces As knowing his Meanes unable to wield both Actions at once As well that of England as that of France And therefore casting at the Fairest hath in a manner bent his whole strength upon France making in the mean time onely a Defensive War upon the Low-Countries But finding again that the Supports and Aides which her Majesty hath continued to the French King are a principall Impediment Retardation to his prevailing there according to his Ends He hath now of late by all means projectâ—ed to trouble the Waters here to cut us out some work at home That by practise without Diverting and Employing any greâ—â— â—orceâ— he mought neverthelesse divert our Succours from France According to which purpose he first proved to move some Innovation in Scotland Not so much in hope to alienate the King from the Amity of her Majesty as practizing to make a Party there against the King himself Whereby he should be compelled to use her Majesties Forces for his Aâ—â—istance Thenâ— he sollicited a Subject within this Realm being a Person of great Nobility to rise in Arms and levy War against her Majesty which practise was by the same Nobleman loyally and prudently revealed And lastly rather as it is to be thought by the Instigation of our Traiterous Fugitives in Forrain paâ—ts And the corrupter Sort of his Counsellours and Ministers then of his own nature and Inclination either of himself or his said Counsellours and Ministers using his name have descenâ—ed to to a course against all Honour All Society and Humanity Odious to God and Man Detested by the Heathen themselves which is to take away the Life of her Majesty which God have in his pâ—ecious Custody by violence or poyson A Matter which mought be proved to be not onely against all Christianity and Religion but against Nature the Law of Nations the Honour of Arms The Civil Law The Rules of Morality and Pollicy Finally to be the most Condemned Barbarous and Ferine Act that can be imagined yea supposing the Quarrells and Hostility between the Princes to be never so Declared and so Mortal yet were it not that it would be a very Reproach unto the Age that the Matter should be once disputed or called in question it could never be defended And therefore I leave it to the Censure which Titus Livius giveth in the like case upon Perseus the last King of the Macedons afterwards overthrown taken with his Children led in Triumph by the Romans Quem non justuÌ„ Bellum gerere Regio Animo sed per omnia clandestina grassari scelera LatrocinioruÌ„ ac veneficiorum cernebant But to proceed certain it is that even about this present time there have been suborned and sent into this Realm divers persons some English some Irish corrupted by Money and Promises And resolved and Conjured by Priests in Confesâ—ion to have executed that most wretched and horrible Fact Of which Number certain have been Taken and some have sufâ—fered and some are spared because they have with great sorrow confessed these Attempts and detested their Suborneâ—s And if I should conjecture what the reason is why this cursed enterprise was at this time so hotly and with such diligence pursued I take it to be chiefly because the Matters of France waxe ripe And the King of Spain made himself ready to unmask himself and to reap that in France which he had been long in sowing In regard that there being like to be a Divulsion in the League by the Reconciliation of some of the Heads to the King the more passionate Sort being destiâ—uted by their Associates were like to cast themselves wholly into the King of Spains Arms And to dismember some important Piece
as was said to do some service to Don Antonio But in truth to continue Lopez Negotiation and Intelligences with the King of Spain which he handled so well as at his Return hither for the comforting of the said Lopez he brought to him from the King besides thanks and words of encouragement and an Abrazo which is the Complement of Favour a very good Jewell garnished with sundry stones of good value This Jewell when Lopez had accepted he cunningly cast with himself That if he should offer it to her Majesty first He was assured she would not take it Next that thereby he should lay her asleep and make her Secure of him for greater Matters According to the saying Fraus sibi fidem in parvis praestruit ut in magnis opprimat which accordingly he did with Protestations of his Fidelity And her Majesty as a Princesse of Magnanimity not apt to fear or suspicion returned it to him with Gracious words After Lopez had thus abused her Majesty and had these Trialls of the Fidelity of Andrada they fell in conference the matter being first moved by Andrada as he that came freshly out of Spain touching the empoysoning of the Queen Which Lopez who saw that Matter of Intelligence without some such particular service would draw no great Reward from the King oâ— Spain such as a Man that was not Needy but wealthy as hâ— was coulâ— find any Tast in assented unto And to that purpose procured again this Andrada to be sent over As well to â—dvertise and asâ—ure this Matter to the King of Spain and hiâ— Ministers Namely to the Count de Fuentes Assistant to the Generall of the King of Spains Forces in the Low Countries as also to capitulate and â—ontract with him about the Certainty of hiâ— Rewardâ— Andrada having received those Instructions and beâ—ing furnished with money by Lopez procurement from Don Antonio about whose service his Employment was believed to be Went over to Calais Where he remained to be near unto England and Flandeâ—s Having a Boy that ordinarily passed to and fro between him and Lopez By whom he did also the better to colour his Employment write to Lopez Intelligence as it was agreed he should between him and Lopez Whâ— bad him send such Nâ—ws as he should take up in the Streets From Calais he writeth to Count de Fuentes of Lopez Promise and Demands Upon the Receipt of which Letters after some Time taken to advertise this Proposition into Spain And to receive direction thereupon The Count de Fuentes associated with Stâ—â—phano Ibarra Secretary of the Councell of the Wars in the Low Countries calleth to â—im one Manuel Louys Tinoco a Portugese who had also followed King Antonio and of whose good Devotion he had had Experience in that he had conveyed unto him two severall Packets wherewith he was trusted by the King Antonio for France Of this Louys they first received a Corporall Oath wiâ—h solemn Ceremony taking his Hands between their Hands that he should keep secret that which should be imparted to him And never reveal the same though he should be apprehended and questioned here This done they acquâ—int him with the Letters of Andrada with whom they charge him to conferre at Calais in his way and to passe to Lopez into England Addressing him further to Stephano Ferrera de Gama And signifying unto the said Lopez withall as from the King that he gave no great credence to Andrada as a person too sleight to be usâ—d in a Cause of so great weight And therefore marvelled much that he heard nothing from Ferrera of this Matter From whom he had in former time been advertised in generality of Lopez good affection to do him service This Ferrera had been sometimes a Man of great Livelyhood and wealth in Portugall which he did forego in adhering to Don Antonio And appeareth to be a Man of a Capacity and practise But hath some years since been secretly won to the service of the King of Spain not travelling neverthelesse too and fro but residing as his Leiger in England Manuel Louys dispatched with these Instructions and with all affectionate commendations from the Count to Lopez And with Letters to Ferrera Took his Journey first to Calais where he conferred with Andrada Of whom receiving more ample Information together with a short Ticket of Credence to Lopez that he was a Person whom he mought trust without scruple came over into England And first repaired to Ferrera and acquainted him with the State of the Businesse who had before that time given some Light unto Lopez that he was not a stranger unto the Practise between him and Andrada wherewith indeed Andrada had in a sort acquainted him And now upon this new Dispatch and Knowledge given to Lopez of the choise of Ferrera to continue that which Andrada had begun He to conform himself the better to the satisfaction of the King of Spain and his Ministers abroad was content more fully to communicate with Ferrera with whom from that time forward he meant singly and apertly to deal And therefore cunningly forbare to speak with Manuel Louys himself but concluded that Ferrera should be his only â—runk and all his Dealings should pass through his Hands thinking thereby to have gone Invisible Whereupon he cast with Himself that it was not safe to use the Mediation of Manuel Louys who had been made privy to the matter as some base carrier of Letters which Letters also should be written in a Cyphar Not of Alphabet but of Words Such as mought if they were opened import no vehement suspicion And therefore Manuel Louys was sent back with a short Answerâ— And Lopez purveied himself of a base Fellow a â—ortugeze called Gomes d' Avila dwelling hard by Lopez House â—o convey his Letters After this Messenger provided it was agreed between Lopez and Ferrera that Letters should be sent to the Count de Fuentes and Secretary Iuarra written and signed by Ferrera â—or Lopez cautelously did forbear to write himself but directed and indeed dictated word by word by Lopez himself The Contents thereof were That Lopez was ready to execute that Service to the King which before had been treated but required for his Recompence the sum of 50000. Crowns and assurance for the same These Letters were written obscurely as was touched in Termes of Merchandise To which Obscurity when Ferrera excepted Lopez answered They knew his meaning by that which â—ad passed before Ferrera wrote also to Manuel Louys but charged this Gomez to deliver the same Letters unto him in the presence of Iuarra As also the Letter to Iuarra in the presence of Manuel Louys And these Letters were delivered to Gomez d' Avila to be carried to Bruxells And a Pasport procured and his charges defrayed by Lopez And Ferrera the more to approve his Industry writ Letters two severall times The one conveyed by Emanuel Palacios with the privity of Lopez to Christofero Moro a principall Counseller of the King of
that all those which had any Authority or bare Office in the State had subscribed to it yet for that she saw it was not agreeable to the Word of God nor to the Primitive Purity nor to her own Conscience she did with a great deal of Courage and with the assistance of a very few Persons quite expell and abolish it Neither did she this by precipitate and Heady Courses but Timing it wisely and soberly And this may well be conjectured as from the Thing it self so also by an Answer of hers which she made upon occasion For within a very few dayes of her Comming to the Crown when many Prisoners were released out of Prison as the Custome is at the Inauguration of a Prince There came to her one day as she was going to Chappell a certain Courtier that had the Liberty of a Buffone And either out of his own Motion or by the Instigation of a wiser Man presenâ—ed her with a Petition And before a great number of Courtiers said to her with a loud voice That there were yet four or five Prisoners unjustly detained in Prison He came to be a Suter to have them set at Liberty Those were the four Evangelists and the Apostle Saint Paul who had been long shut up in an unknown tongue as it were in Prison so as they could not converse with the common People The Queen answered very gravely That it was best first to enquire of them whether they would be set at liberty or no Thus she silenced an unseasonable Motion with a doubtfull Answer As reserving the Matter wholly in her own Power Neither did she bring in this Alteration timorously or by pieces but in a grave and mature Manner after a Conference betwixt both Sides and the Calling and Conclusion of a Parliament And thus within the Compasse of one year she did so establish and settle all Matters belonging to the Church as she departed not one Haires Breadth from them to the end of her Life Nay and her usuall Custom was in the beginning of every Parliament to forewarn the Houses not to question or innovate any thing already established in the Discipline or Rites of the Church And thus much of her Religion Now if there be any Severer Nature that shall tax her for that she suffered her self and was very willing to be courted wooed and to have Sonnets made in her Commendation And that she continued this longer then was decent for her years Notwithstanding if you will take this Matter at the best it is not without singular Admiration Being much like unto that which we find in Fabulous Narrations of a certain Queen in the Fortunate Islands and of her Court and Fashions where Faire purpose and Love-making was allowed but Lasciviâ—usnesse banished But if you will take it at the worst even so it amounteth to a more high Admiration Considering that these Courtships did not much eclipse her Fame and not at all her Majesty Neither did they make her lesse Apt for Government or check with the affaires and businesses of the Publick For such passages as these do often entertain the time even with the greatest Princes But to make an end of this Discourse Certainly this Princesse was Good and Morall And such she would be acknowledged She Detested Vice And desired to purchase Fame only by honourable Courses And indeed whilest I mention her Morall Parts there comes a certain pasâ—age into my mind which I will insert Once giving order to write to her Embassadour about certain Instructions to be delivered apart to the Queen Mother of the House of Valois And that her Secretary had inserted a certain Clause that the Embassadour should say as it were to endear her to the Queen Mother That they two were the only paire of Female Princes from whom for experience and Arts of Government there was no lesse expected then from the greatest Kings She utterly disliked the Comparison and commanded it to be put out saying That she practised other principles and Arts of â—overnment then the Queen Mother did Besides she was not a little pleased if any one should fortune to tell her that suppose she had lived in a private Fortune yet she could not have escaped without some Note of Excellency and Singularity in her Sex So little did she desire to borrow or be beholding to her Fortune for her Praise But if I should wade further into this Queenes Praises Morall or Politick either I must slide into certain Common places and Heads of Vertue which were not worthy of so great a Princesse Or if I should desire to give her Vertues the true Grace and Lustre I must fall into a History of her Life Which requireth both better Leisure and a better Pen then mine is Thus much in brief according to my ability But to say the Truth The only Commender of this Ladies vertues is Time Which for as many Ages as it hath runn hath not yet shewed us one of the Female Sex equall to Her in the Administration of a Kingdom SEVERALL DISCOURSES VVritten in the Dayes OF KING JAMES Whereof some of them PRESENTED TO His Maiesty BEING A brief Discourse of the Vnion of England and Scotland Articles and Considerations touching the Vnion aforesaid A Beginning of the History of Great Britain A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland Advice to the King touching Suttons Estate A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England A Fragment of an Essay of Fame By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by S. Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A BRIEFE DISCOURSE Of the Happy UNION OF THE KINGDOMES OF ENGLAND and SCOTLAND Dedicated in Private TO HIS MAJESTY I Do not find it strange excelleâ—t King that when Heraclitus he that was surnamedâ— the Obscure had set forth a certain Book which is not now extant many Men took it for a Discourse of Nature And many others took it for a Treatise of Pollicy For there is a great Affinity and Consent between the Rules of Nature and the true Rules of Pollicy The one being nothing else but an Order in the Government of the World And the other an Order in the Government of an Estate And therefore the Education and Erudition of the Kings of Persia was in a Science which was termed by a Name then of great Reverence but now degenerate and taken in the ill part For the Persian Magick which was the secret Literature of their â—ings was an Application of the Contemplations and Observatâ—ons of Nature unto a sense Politick Taking the Fundamentall Lawes of Nature and the Branches and Passages of them as an Origiâ—all or fiâ—st
Modell whence to take and describe a Coppy and Imitation for Government After this manner the foresaid Instructours set before their Kings the Examples of the Celestiall Bodies The Sun the Moon and the rest which have great Glory and veneration but no Restâ— or Intermission Being in a perpetuall Office of Motion for the Cherishing in turn and in Courseâ— of Inferiour Bodies Expressing lâ—kewise the true manner of the Motions of Government which though they ought to be Swift and Rapide in respect of Dispatch and Occasions yet are they to be Constant and Regular without Waveâ—ing or Confusion So did they râ—presâ—nt unto them how the Heavens do not enâ—ich themselves by the Earth and the Seas Nor keep no dead Stock nor untouched Treasures of that they draw to themâ— from below But whatsoever Moisture they do levy and take from both â—lements in Vapours they do spend and turn back again in Showers Onely holding and storing them up for a time to the End to isâ—ue and distribute them in Season But chiefly they did expresse and expound unto them that Fundamentall Law of Nature whereby all things do subsist and are preserved which is that every Thing in Nature although it hath his private and paâ—ticular Affection and Appetite And doth follow and pursue the same in small Moments And when it is free and delivered from more generall and common Respects yet neverthelesse when there is Question or Case for Sustaining of the more General they foâ—sake their own Particularities and attend and conspire to uphold the publick So we see the Iron in small Quantity will ascend and approach to the Load-stone upon a particular Sympathy But if it be any Quantity of moment it leaveth his Appetite of Amity to the Loadstone and like a good Patriott falleth to the Earth which is the Place and Region of Massy Bodies So again the Waâ—er and other like Bodies do fall towards the Center of the Earth which is as was said their Region or Countrey And yet we see nothing more usuall in all Water Works and Engines then that the Water rather then to suffer any Distraction or Disunion in Nature will ascend Forsaking the Love to his own Region or Countrey and applying it self to the Body next adjoyning But it were too long a Digression to proceed to more Examples of this Kind Your Majesty your self did fall upon a Passage of this Nature in your gracious speech of Thanks unto your Counsell when acknowledging Princely their Vigilancies and well Deservings it pleased you to note that it was a successe and Event above the Course of Nature to have so great Change with so great a Quiet Forasmuch as sudden Mutations as well in State as in Nature are rarely without violence and perturbation So as still I conclude there is as was said a Congruity between the Principles of Nature and Policy And lest that Instance may seem to oppone to this Asseâ—tion I may even in â—hat particular with your Majesties favour ofâ—er unto you a Type or Pattern in Nature much resembling this Event in your State Namely Earthquakes which many of them bring ever much Terrour and wonder but no Actuall Hurt The Earth trembling for a Moment and suddenly stablishing in perfect Quiet as it was before This Knowledge then of making the Government of the World a Mirrour for the Government of a State being a Wisdome almost lost Whereof the Reason I take to be because of the Difficulty for one Man to embrace both Philosophies I have thought good to make some proof as far as my weaknesse and the Straights of Time will suffer to revive in the Handling of one particular wherewith now I most humbly present your Majesty For surely as hath been said it is a Form of Discourse anciently used towards Kings And to what King should it be more proper then to a King that is stvdious to conjoyn contemplative Vertue and Active Vertue â—ogether Your Majesty is the first King that had the Honour to be Lapis Angularis to unite these two Mighty and warlike Nations of England and Scotland under one Soveraignty and Monarchy It doth not appear by the Records and Memories of any true History Or scarcely by the Fiction and Pleasure of any Fabulous Narration or Tradition That ever of any Antiquity this Island of Great Brittain was united under one King before this day And yet there be no Mountains nor Races of Hills There be no Seas or great Rivers There is no Diversity of Tongue or Language that hath invited or provoked this ancient separation or Divorce The Lot of Spain was to have the severall Kingdoms of that Continent Portugall onely except to be united in an Age not long past And now in our Age that of Portugall also which was the last that held out to be incorporate with the rest The Lot of France hath been much about the same time likewise to have reannexed unto that Crown the severall Dutchies and Portions which were in former times dismembred The Lot of this Island is the last reserved for your Majesties happy times by the speciall Providence and Favour of God who hath brought your Majesty to this happy Conjunction with great Consent of Hearts and in the strength of your years and in the Maturity of your Experience It resteth but that as I promised I set before your Majesties Princely Consideration the Grounds of Nature touching the Vnion and Commixture of Bodies And the Correspondence which they have with the Grounds of Policy in the Conjunction of States and Kingdomsâ— First therefore that Position Vis unita fortior Being one of the common Notions of the Mind needeth not much to be â—nduced or illustrate We see the Sunne when he entreth and while he continueth under the sign of Leo causeth more vehement Heats then when he is in Cancer what time his Beams are neverthelesse more perpendicular The Reason whereof in great part hath been truly ascribed to the Conjunction and Cor-Radi-ation in that place of Heaven of the Sunne with the four Stars of the first Magnitude Syrius Canicula Cor Leonis and Cauda Leonis So the Moon likewise by ancient Tradition while she is in the same Sign of Leo is said to be at the Heart which is not for any Affinity which that place of Heaven can have with that part of Mans Body But onely because the Moon is then by reason of the Conjunction and Nearness with the Stars aforenamed in greatest strength of Influence And so worketh upon that part in Inferiour Bodies which is most Vitall and â—rincipall So we see Waters and Liquours in small Quantity do easily putrifie and corrupt but in large Quantity subsist long by reason of the Strength they receive by Vnion So in Earthquakes the more generall do little hurt by reason of the united weight which they offer to subvert but narrow and particular Earthquakes have many times overturned whole Towns and Cities So then this Point touching the Force of Vnion
here and not to proceed to any â—urther Vnion Contenting your Self with the two former Articles or Points For it will be said That we are now well thanks be to God And your Majesty and the State of neither Kingdome is to be repented of And that it is true which Hippocrates saith That Sana Corpora difficilè medicationes serunt It is better to make Alterationsâ— in sick Bodies then in sound The Consideration of which Point will rest upon these two Branches What Inconveniencies will ensue with time if the Realmes stand as they are divided which are yet not found nor sprung up For it may be the sweetnesse of your Majesties first Entrance and the great Benefit that both Nations have felt thereby hath covered many Inconveniencies Which neverthelesse be your Majesties Government never so gracious and Pollitick Continuance of Time and the Accidents of Time may breed and discover if the Kingdomes stand divided The Second Branch is Allow no manifest or important Perill or Inconvenience should ensue of the Continuing oâ— the Kingdomes Divided yet on the other Side whether that upon the further Vniting of them there be not like to follow that Addition and Encrease of Wealth and Reputation as is worthy your Majesties Vertues and Fortune to be the Authour and Founder of for the Advancement and Exaltation of Your Majesties Royall Posterity in time to come But admitting that your Majesty should proceed to this more perfect and entire Vnion Wherein your Majesty may say Majus Opus moveo To enter into the Parts and Degrees thereof I think fit first to set down as in a brief Table in whâ—t Points the Nations stand now at this present time already united And in what Points yet still severed and divided that your Majesty may the better see what is done and what is to be done And how that which is to be done is to be inferred upon that which is done The Points wherein the Nations stand already united are In Soveraignty In the Relative thereof which is Subjection In Religion In Continent In Language And now lastly by the Peace by your Majesty concluded with Spain In Leagues and Confederacies For now both Nations have the same Friends and the same Enemies Yet notwithstanding there is none of the six Points wherein the Vnion is perfect and Consummate But every of them hath some scruple or rather Grain of separation enwrapped and included in them For the Soveraignty the Vnion is absolute in your Majesty and your Generation But if it should so be which God of his infinite Mercy defend that your Issue should fail then the Descent of both Realmes doth resort to the severall Lines of the Severall Blouds Royall For Subjection I take the Law of England to be clear what the Law of Scotland is I know not That all Scottishmen from the very Instant of your Majesties Raign begun are become Denizons And the Post-Nati are naturaliz'd Subjects of England for the time forwards For by our Lawes none can be an Alien but he that is of another Allegeance then our Soveraign Lord the Kings For there be but two Sorts of Aliens whereof we find mention in our Law An Alien Ami and an Alien Enâ—my Whereof the former is a Subject of a State in Amity with the King And the latter a Subject of a State in Hostility But whether he be one or other it is an Essentiall Difference unto the Definition of an Alien if he be not of the Kings Allegeance As we see it evidently in the precedent of Ireland who since they were Subjects to the Crown of England have ever been Inheritable and capable as Naturall Subjects And yet not by any Statute or Act of Parliament but meerly by the Common Law and the Reason thereof So as there is no doubt that every Subject of Scotland wasâ— and is in like Plight and Degree since your Majesties Comming in as if your Majesty had granted particularly your Letters of Denization or Naturalization To every of them And the Post-Nati wholly Naturall But then on the other Side for the time Back-wards and â—or those that were Ante-Nati the Bloud is not by Law naturalized So as they cannot take it by Descentâ— from their Ancestours without Act of Parliament And therefore in this Point there is a Defect in the Vnâ—on of Subjection For Matter of Religion the Vnion is perfect in points of Doctrine but in Matter of Discipline and Government it is imperfect For the Continent It is true there are no Naturall Boundaries of Mountains or Seas or Navigable Rivers But yet theâ—e are Badges and Memorialls of Borders Of which Point I have spoken before For the Language It is true the Nations are unius Labii and and have not the first Curse of Disunion which was Confusion of Tongues whereby one understood not another But yet the Dialect is differing and it remaineth a kind of Mark of Distinction But for that Tempori permittendum it is to be left to Time For considering that both Languages do concur in the principall Office and Duty of a Language which is to make a Mans self understood For the rest it is rather to be accounted as was said a Diversity of Dialect then of Language and as I said in my first Writing it is like to bring forth the enriching of one Language by compounding and taking in the proper and significant Words of either Tongue rather then a Coutinuance of two Languages For Leagues and Confederacies It is true that neither Nation is now in Hostility with any State wherewith the other Nation is in Amity but yet so as the Leagues and Treaties have been concluded with either Nation respectively and not with both jointly which may contain some Diversity of Articles of straiâ—ness of Amity with one more then with the other But many of these Matters may perhaps be of that kind as may fall within that Rule In veste varietas sit scissura non sit Now to descend to the particular Points wherein the Realms stand severed and divided over and besides the former six Points of separation which I have noted and placed as defects or Abatements of the six Points of the Vnion And therfore shall not need to be repeated The Points I say yet remaining I will divide into Externall and into Internal The Externall Points therefore of the Separation are four 1. The severall Crowns I mean the Ceremoniall and Materiall Crowns 2. The second is the severall Names Stiles or Appellations 3. The third is the severall Prints of the Seals 4. The fourth is the severall Stamps or Marks of the Coins or Monies It is true that the Externall are in some respect and parts much mingled and interlaced with Considerations Internall And that they may be as effectuall to the rue Vnion which must be the work of Time as the Inâ—ernall Because they are Operative upon the Conceits and Opinions of the People The
Vnitâ—g of whose Hearts and Affectâ—ons is the Life and true End of this Work For the Ceremoniall Crowns the Question will be whether there shall be framed one new Imperiall Crown of Britain to be used for the times to come Also admitting that to be thought Convenient whether in the Frame thereof there shall not be some Reference to the Crowns of Ireland and France Also whether your Majesty should repeat or iterate your own Coronation and your Queens or onely ordain that such new Crown shall be used by your Posterity hereafter The Difficulties will be in the Conceit of sâ—me Inequaliâ—y whereby the Realm of Scotland may be thought to be made an Accession unto the Realm of England But that resteth in some Circumstances for the Compounding of the two Crowns is equall The Calling of the new Crown the Crown of Brittain is equall Onely the Place of Coronation if it shall be at Westminster which is the Ancient August and Sacred place for the Kings of England may seem to make an Inequality And again if the Crown of Scotland be discontinued then that Ceremony which I hear is used in the Parliament of Scotland in the absence of the Kings to have the Crowns carried in solemnity must likewise cease For the Name the main Question is whether the Contracted Name of Brittain shall be by your Majesty used or the Divided Names of England and Scotland Admitting there shall be an Alteration then the Case will require these Inferiour Questions First whether the Name of Brittain shall not onely be used in your Majesties Stile where the entire Stile is recited And in all other Forms the Divided Names to remain both of the Realms and of the People Or otherwise that the very Divided Nameâ— of Realms and People shall likwise be changed or turned into special or subdivided Names of the Generall Name That is to say for Example whether your Majesty in your Stile shall denominate your self King of Brittain France and Ireland c. And yet neverthâ—lesse in any Commission Writ or otherwise where your Majesty mentioneth England or Scotland you shall retain the ancient Names as Secundum Conâ—uetudinem Regni nostri Angliae or whether those Divided Names shall be for ever lost and taken away and turned into the subdivisions of South-Britain and North-Britain and the People to be South-Brittains and North-Brittains And so in the Example aforesaid the Tenour of the like clause to run Secundum Consuetudinem Britanniae Australis Also if the former of these shall be thought convenient whether it were not better for your Majesty to â—ake that Alteration of Stile upon you by Proclamation as Edward the third did the Stile of France then to have it enacted by Parliament Also in the Alteration of the Stile whether it were not better to transpose the Kingdom of Ireland and put it immediatly after Britain and so place the Islands together And the Kingdom of France being upon the Continent last In regard that these Islands of the Western Ocean seem by Nature and Providence an entire Empire in themselves And also that there was never King of England so entirely possest of Ireland as your Majesty is So as your Stile to run King of Britain Ireland and the Islands Adjacent and of France c. The Difficulties in this have been already throughly beaten over but they gather but to two Heads The one Point of Honour and Love to the former Names The other Doubt lest the Alteration of the Name may induce and involve an Alteration of the Lawes and Pollicies of the Kingdom Both which if your Majesty shall assume the Stile by Proclamation and not by Parliament are in themselves satisfied For then the usuall Names must needs remain in Writs and Records The Formes whereof cannot be altered but by Act of Parliament And so the point of Honour satisfied And again your Proclamation altereth no Law And so the Scruple of a tacite or implyed Alteration of Lawes likewise satisfied But then it may be considered whether it were not a Form of the greatest Honour if the Parliament though they did not enact it yet should become Suiters and Petitioners to your Majesty to assume it For the Seales That there should be but one Great Seal of Britain and one Chanceller And that their should only be a Seal in Scotland for Processes and ordinary Iustice And that all Patents of Graunts of Lands or otherwise as well in Scotland as in England should passe under the Great Seal here kept about your Person It is an Alteration internall whereof â— do not now speak But the Question in this Place is whether the Great Seales of England and Scotland should not be changed into one and the same Form of Image and Superscription of Britain which Neverthelesse is requisite should be with some one plain or manifest Alteration lest there be a Buz and suspect that Grants of Things in England may be passed by the Seal of Scotland Or è converso Also whether this Alteration of Form may not be done without Act of Parliament as the Great Seales have used to be heretofore changed as to their Impressions For the Moneys as to the Reall and Internall Consideration thereof the Question will be whether your Majesty should not continue two Mints which the Distance of Territory considered I suppose will be of Necessity Secondly how the Standards if it be not already done as I hear some doubt made of it in popular Rumour may be reduced into an Exact proportion for the time to come And likewise the Compuâ—ation Tale or Valuation to be made exact for the Moneys already beaten That done the last Question is which is onely proper to this place whether the Stamp or the Image and Superscription of Britain for the time forwards should not be made the self same in both places without any Difference at all A Matter also which may be done as our Law is by your Majesties Prerogative without Act of Parliament These Points are Points of Demonstration Ad faciendum populum But so much the more they go to the Root of your Majesties Intention which is to imprint and inculcate into the Hearts and Heads of the People that they are one People and one Nation In this kind also I have heard it passe abroad in Speech of the Erection of some new Order of Knighthood with a Reference to the Vnion and an Oath appropriate thereunto which is a Point likewise deserveth a Consideration So much for the Externall Points The Internall Points of Separation are as followeth 1. Severall Parliaments 2. Severall Councels of Estate 3. Severall Officers of the Crown 4. Severall Nobilities 5. Severall Lawes 6. Severall Courts of Iustice Trialls and Processes 7. Severall Receipts and Finances 8. Severall Admiralties and Merchandizings 9. Severall Freedomes and Liberties 10. Severall Taxes and Imposts As touching the Severall States Ecclesiasticall and the severall Mints and Standards and the severall Articles
Merchants should pay Strangers Custome in England that resteth upon the Point of Naturalization which I touched before Thus have I made your Majesty a brief and naked Memoriall of the Articles and Points of this great Cause which may serve onely to excite and stir up your Majesties Royall Iudgement and the Iudgement of Wiser Men whom you will be pleased to call to it Wherein I will not presume to perswade or disswade any thing Nor to interpose mine own Opinion But do expect light from your Majesties Royall Directions Unto the which I shall ever submit my Iudgement and apply my Travailes And I most humbly pray your Majesty in this which is done to pardon my Errours and to cover them with my good Intention and Meaning and Desire I have to do your Majesty Service And to acquiâ—e the Trust that was reposed in me And chiefly in your Majesties benign and gracious Acceptation FINIS THE BEGINNING OF THE HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN BY the Decease of Elizabeth Queen of England the Issues of King Henry the 8th failed Being spent in one Generation and three Successions For that King though he were one of the goodliest Persons of his time yet he left onely by his Six Wives three Children who Raigning successively and Dying Childelesse made place to the Line of Margaret his eldest Sister Married to Iames the 4th King of Scotland There succeeded therefore to the Kingdome of England Iames the 6th then King of Scotland descended of the same Margaret both by Father and Mother So that by a rare Event in the Pedegrees of Kings it seemed as if the Divine Providence to extinguish and take away all Note of a Stranger had doubledâ— upon his Person within the Circle of one Age the Royall Bloud of England by both Parents This sucâ—ession drew towards it the Eyes of all Men Being one of the most memorable Accidents that had hapned a long time in the Christian World For the Kingdome of France having been re-united in the Age before in all the Provinces thereof formerly dismembred And the Kingdome of Spain being of more fresh memory united and made entire by the Annexing of Portugall in the Person of Philip the second There remained but this Third and last Vnion for the counterpoizing of the Power of these three great Monarchies And the disposing of the Affaires of Europe thereby to a more assured and universall Peace and Concord And this Event did hold Mens Observations and Discourses the more Because the Island of Great Britain divided from the Rest of the World was never before united in it self under one King Notwithstanding the People be of one Language and not separate by Mountains or great Waters And notwithstanding also that the uniting of them had been in former times industriously attempted both by Warre and Treaty Therefore it seemed a manifest work of Providence and Case of Reservation for these times Insomuch as the vulgar conceived that now there was an End given and a Consummation to superstitious Prophecies The Belief of Fooles but the Talk sometimes of Wise Men And to an ancient tacite Expectation which had by Tradition been infused and inveterated into Mens Minds But as the best Divinations and Predictions are the Politick and probable Foresight and Conjectures of wise Men So in this Matter the Providence of King Hen. the 7th was in all Mens Mouths Who being one of the Deepest and most prudent Princes of the World upon the Deliberation concerning the Marriage of his Eldest Daughter into Scotland had by some Speech uttered by him shewed himself sensible and almost Prescient of this Event Neither did there want a Concurrence of divers Rare externall Circumstances besides the Vertues and Conditions of the Person which gave great Reputation to this Succession Aâ— King in the strength of his years supported with great Alliances abroad established with Royall Issue at home at Peace with all the World practised in the Regiment of such a Kingdome as mought rather enable a King by variety of Accidents then corrupt him with Affluence or vain glory And One that besides his universall Capacity and Judgement was notably exercised and practised in Matters of Religion and the Church Which in these times by the confused use of both Swords are become so intermixed with Considerations of Estate as most of the Counsailes of Soveraign Princes or Republiques depend upon them But nothing did more fill Forraign Nations with Admiration and Expectation of his Succession then the wonderfull and by them unexpected Consent of all Estates and Subjects of England for the receiving of the King without the least scruple Pause or Question For it had been generally dispersed by the Fugitives beyond the Seas who partly to apply themselves to the Ambition of Forreiners And partly to give Estimation and value to their own Employments used to represent the state of England in a false light That after Queen Elizabeths Decease there must follow in England nothing but Confusions Interregâ—s and perturbations of Estate likely for to exceed the Ancient Calamities of the Civill Wars between the Houses of Lancaster and York By how much more the Dissentions were like to be more Mortall and Bloudy when Forraign Competition should be added to Domesticall And Divisions for Religion to Matter of â—itle to the Crown And in speciall Parsons the Iesuite under a disguised Name had not long before published an expresse Treatise Wherein whether his Malice made hâ—m believe his own Fancies Or whether he thought it the fittest way to move Sedition Like evill Spirits which seem to foretell the Tempest they mean to move He laboured to display and give colour to all the vain Pretences and Dreams of Succession which he could imagine And thereby had possessed Many abroad that knew not the Affaires here with those his Vanities Neither wanted there here within this Realm divers Persons both Wise and well affected who though they doubted not of the undoubted Right yet setting befoâ—e themselves the waves of peoples Hearts Guided no lesse by suddain and temporary Winds then by the naturall Course and Motion of the Waters Were not without fear what mought be the Event For Queen Elizabeth being a Prince of extream Caution and yet One that loved Admiration above Safety And knowing The Declaration of a Successour mought in point of Safety be disputable But in point of Admiration and Respect assuredly to her Disadvantage Had from the beginning set it down for a Maxime of Estate to impose a Silence touching Succession Neither was it onely Reserved as a Secret of Estate but Restrained by severe Lawes That no Man should presume to give Opinion or maintain Argument touching the same So though the Evidence of Right drew all the Subjects of the Land to think one Thing yet the Fear of Danger of Law made no Man privy to others Thought And therefore it rejoyced all Men to see so fair a Morning of a Kingdome and to be throughly secured of former Apprehensions As
a Man that awaketh out of a Fearfull Dream But so it was that not onely the Consent but the Applause and Joy was infinite and not to be expressed thronghout the Realm of England upon this Succession Whereof the Consent no doubt may be truly ascribed to the Clearnesse of the Right But the generall Joy Alacrity and Gratulation were the Effects of differing Causes For Queen Elizabeth although she had the use of many both Vertues and Demonstrations that mought draw and knit unto her the Hearts of her People Yet neverthelesse carrying a Hand Restrained in Gift and strained in Points of Prerogative could not answer the Votes either of Servants or Subjects to a full Contentment especially in her latter Dayes when the Continuance of her Raign which extended to Five and Forty years mought discover in People their Naturall Desire and Inclination towards Change So that a new Court and a new Raign were not to many unwelcome Many were glad and especially those of Setled â—state and Fortunes that the Feares and Incertainties were Over-blown and that the Dye was cast Others that had made their way with the King or offered their Service in the Time of the former Queen thought now the Time was come for which they had prepared And generally all such as had any dependance upon the late Earl of Essex Who had mingled the Secrecyâ— of his own Ends with the Popular pretence of advancing the Kings Title Made account theiâ— Cause was amended Again such as â—ought misdoubt they had given the King any occasion of Distast did continue by their Forwardnesse and Confidence to shew it was but their Fastness to the Former Government And that those Affections ended with the Time The Papists nourished their hopes by collating the Case of the Papists in England and under Queen Elizabeth and the Case of the Papists in Scotland under the King Interpreting that the Condition of them in Scotland was the lesse Grievous And divining of the Kings Government here accordingly Besides the Comforâ— they ministred themselves from the Memory of the Queen his Moâ—her The Ministers and those which stood for the Presbytery thought their Cause had more Sympathy with the Discipline of Scotland then the Hierarchy of England And so took themselves to be a Degree nearer their Desires Thus had every Condition of Persons some Contemplation of Benefit which they promised themselves Over-reaching perhaps according to the Nature of Hope But yet not without some probable Ground of Conjecture At which time also there came sorth in Print the Kings Book entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Containing Matter of Instruction to the Prince his Son touching the Ofâ—ice of a King Which Booke falling into every Mans Hand filled the whole Realm as with a good Perfume or Incense before the Kings comming in For being excellently written and having nothing of Affectation it did not only satisfie better then particular Reports touching the Kings Disposition But far exceeded any formall or curious Edict or Declaration which could have been devised of that Nature wherewith Princes in the beginning of their Raignes do use to grace themselves or at least expresse themselves gracious in the Eyes of their People And this was for the generall the State and Constitution of Mens Minds upon this Change The Actions themselves passed in this Manner c. The Rest is wanting A LETTER AND DISCOURSE TO Sir HENRY SAVILL TOUCHING HELPS FOR THE INTELLECTVAL POWERS SIR COming back from your Invitation at Eton where I had refreshed my Self with Company which I loved I fell into a Consideration of that Part of Policy whereof Philosophy speaketh too muchâ— and Lawes too little And that is of Education of Youth Whereupon fixing my mindâ— a while I found strait wayes and noted even in the Discourses of Philosophers which are so large in this Argument a strange Silence concerning one principall Part of that Subject For as touching the Framing and Seasoning of Youth to Morall Vertue As Tolerance of Labours Continency from Pleasures Obedience Honour and the like They handle it But touching the Improvement and Helping of the Intellectuall Powers As of Conceit Mâ—mory and Iudgement they say nothing Whether it were that they thought it to be a Matter wherein Nature onely prevailed Or that they intended it as referred to the severall and Proper Arts which teach the use of Reason and Speech But â—or â—he former of these two Reasons howsoeveâ— it pleaseth them to distinguish of Habits and Powers The Experience is manifest â—nough that the Motions and Faculties of the Wit and Memory may be not onely governed and guided but also confiâ—med and â—nlarged bâ— Custome and Exercise duly applyed As if a Man exercise shootiâ—g he shall not onely shoot nearer the Mark but also draw a stronger Bow And as for the Latter of Comprehending these precepts within the Arts of Logick Rhetorick If it be rightly considered their Office is distinct altogether from this Point For it is no part of the Doctrine of the Use or Handling of an Instrument to teâ—ch how to Whet or grinde the Instrument to give it a sharp edge Or how to quench it or otherwise whereby to give it a stronger Temper Wherefore finding this part of Knowledge not broken I have but tanquam aliud agens entred into it and salute you with it Dedicating it afâ—er the ancient manner first as to a dear Friend And then as to an Apt Person For as much as you have both place to practise it and Judgement and Leysure to look deeper into it then I have done Herein you must call to mind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Though the Argument be not of great Heigth and Dignity neverthelesse it is of great and universall use And yet I do not see why to consider it rightly That should not be a Learning of Heigth which teacheth to raise the Highest and Worthiest Part of the Mind But howsoever that be if the World take any Light and Useâ— by this Writing I will the Gratulation be to the good Friendship and Acquaintance between us two And so I commend you to Gods Divine Protection A DISCOURSE touching HELPS for the INTELLECTUALL POWERS I did ever hold it for an Insolent and unlucky Saying Faber quisque Fortunae suae except it be uttered onely as an Hortative or Spur to correct Sloth For otherwise if it be believed as it soundeth And that a Man entreth into an high Imagination that he can compass and fathom all Accidents And ascribeth all Successes to his Drifts and Reaches And the contrary to his Errours and Sleepings It is commonly seen that the Evening Fortune of that Man is not so prosperous as of him â—hat without slackning of his Industry attributeth much to Felicity and Providence above him But if the Sentence were turned to this Faber quisque Ingenii sui it were somewhat more True and much more Profitable Because it would teach Men to bend themselves to Reform those Imperfections in themselves which now
and Duties for the most part were common to my Self with him though by design as between Brethren dissembled And therefore most high and mighty King my most dear and dread Soveraign Lord since now the Corner Stone is laid of the mightiest Monarchy in Europe And that God above who hath ever a Hand in brideling the Flouds and Motions of the Seas and of Peoples Hearts hath by the miraculous and universal consent the more strange because it proceedeth from such Diversity of Causes in your comming in Given a Sign and Token of great Happinnesse in the Continuance of your Reign I think there is no Subject of your Majesties which loveth this Island and is not hollow or unworthy whose Heart is not set on fire Not onely to bring you Peace-Offrings to make you propitious But to sacrifice himself a Burnt-Offring or Holocaust to your Majesties Service Amongst which number no Mans Fire shall be more pure and fervent than mine But how farr forth it shall blaze out that resteth in your Majesties Imployment So thirsting after the Happinesse of Kissing your Royal Hand I continue ever To Mr. Faules in Scotland upon the Entrance of his Majesties Reign SIR The Occasion awaketh in me the Remembrance of the constant and mutual good Offices which passed between my good Brother and your Self wherunto as you know I was not altogether a Stranger Though the Time and Design as between Brethren made me more reserved But well doe I bear in minde the great opinion which my Brother whose Judgement I much reverence would often expresse to me of your Extraordinary Sufficiency Dexterity and Temper which he had found in you in the Business and Service of the King our Soveraign Lord This latter bred in me an Election as the former gave an Inducement for me to address my Self to you And to make this Signification of my Desire towards a mutual Entertainment of good Affection and Correspondence between us Hoping that both some good Effect may result of it towards the Kings Service And that for our particulars though Occasion give you the precedence of furthering my being known by good note unto the King So no long time will intercede before I on my part shall have some means given to requite your Favours and to verify your Commendation And so with my loving Commendations good Mr. Faules I leave you to Gods Goodness From Graies Inne the 25th of March. A Letter commending his Love and Occasions to Sir Thomas Challoner then in Scotland upon his Majesties Entrance SIR For our Money matters I am assured you received no Insatisfaction For you know my Minde And you know my Means which now the Openness of the time caused by this blessed Consent and Peace will encrease And so our Agreement according to your time be observed For the present according to the Roman Adage That one Cluster of Grapes ripeneth best besides another I know you hold me not unworhty whose muâ—ual Friendship you should cherish And I for my part conceive good hope that you are likely to become an acceptable Servant to the King our Master Not so much for any way made heretofore which in my Judgementâ— will make no great difference as for the Stuff and Sufficiency which I know to be in you And whereof I know his Majesty may reap great Service And therefore my general Request is that according to that industrious Vivacity which you use towards your Friends you will further his Majesties good Conceit and Inclination towards me To whom words can not make me known Neither mine own nor others but Time will to no Disadvantage of any that shall fore-runn his Majesties Experience by your Testimony and Commendation And though Occasion give you the Precedence of Doing me this special good Oâ—fice yet I hope no long time will intercede before I shall have some means to requite your Favour and acquit your Report More particularly having thought good to make Oblation of my most humble Service to his Majesty by a few Lines I doe desire your loving care and help by your Self or such Means as I referr to your Discretion to deliver and present the same to his Majesties Hands Of which Letter I send you a Copy that you may know what you carry And may take of Mr. Matthew the Letter it Self if you be pleased to undertake the Delivery Lastly I doe commend to your Self and such your Curtesies as Occasion may require this Gentleman Mr. Matthew eldest Sonne to my Lord Bishop of Duresm and my very good Friend Assuring you that any Curtesy you shall use towards him you shall use to a very worthy young Gentleman and one I know whose Acquaintance you will much esteem And so I ever continue A Letter to Mr. Davis then gone to the King at his first Entrance MR. Davis Though you went on the sudden yet you could not goe before you had spoken with your Self to the purpose which I will now write And therefore I know it shall be altogether needless save that I meant to shew you that I was not asleep Briefly I commend my Self to your Love and the well using my Name As well in repressing and answering for me if there be any Biting or Nibling at it in that Place As by imprinting a good Conceit and Opinion of me chiefly in the King of whose favour I make my Self comfortable Assurance As otherwise in that Court And not onely so but generally to perform to me all the good Offices which the Vivacity of your Wit can suggest to your minde to be performed to one with whose Affection you have so great Sympathy And in whose Fortune you have so great Interest So desiring you to be good to concealed Poets I continue A Letter to Mr. Faules 28 Martii 1603. MR. Faules I did write unto you yesterday by Mr. Lake who was dispatched hence from their Lordships a Letter of Revivour of those Sparks of former Acquaintance between us in my Brothers time And now upon the same Confidence finding so fit a Messenger I would not fail to salute you Hoping it will fall out so happily as that you shall be one of the Kings Servants which his Majesty will first employ here with us where I hope to have some means not to be barren in Friendship towards you We all thirst after the Kings Comming accounting all this but as the Dawning of the Day before the Rising of the Sun till we have his Presence And though now his Majestie must be Ianus Bifrons to have a Face to Scotland as well as to England yet Quod nunc instat agendum The Expectation is here that he will come in State and not in Strength So for this time I commend you to Gods Goodness A Letter to Mr. Robert Kempe upon the Death of Queen Elizabeth MR. Kempe This Alteration is so great as you might justly conceive some Coldness of my Affection towards you if you should hear nothing from me I living in this Place It
Stiles Esquire of the Inner Temple 120. The Saints Comfort in Evil times 120. Gods Revenge against Murther in thirty Tragical Histories by I. Reynolds in Fol. the third Edition Whereunto is newly added the Sculptures Pictures of the Chief Persons â—entioned in every Histoâ—y graven in Copper-plates and fixed before each History With a Satisfactory Epistle of the Stationer Sylva Sylvarum or a Natural History in ten Centuries Whereunto is newly added The History of Life and Death or the Prolongation of Life Both written by the Right Honorable Francis Lord Verulam In Foâ—io 1651. The Magnetique cure of Wounds The Nativity of Tartar in Wine The Image of God in Man Also another Treatise of the Errors oâ— Physicians concerning Defluxions both published in Englishâ— 40. 1650. With The Darkness of Aâ—heism dispelled by the light of Nature All published by Dr. Charleton Physician to the late King 40. 165â— A Discourse conceâ—ning the King of Spâ—ins surprizing of the Valtoline Translated by the Renowned Sir Thomas Râ—e many times Embassador in Forein parts 40 The Roman Foot and Denaries from whence as from two principles the measure and weights may be deduced by Iohn Greaves of Oxford â—0 1647. A Treatise of the Court Written in French by that great Counâ—ellour De Refuges many times Embassador for the two laâ—t French Kings Englished by Iohn Râ—â—â—â—ld â—0 The Hebrew Commonwealth Translated out of Petrus Cunâ—us in 120. 1653. Hugo Grotius his two Treatises Of God and his Providence and Of Christ and his Miracles together with the said Authors judgement of sundry Points controverted in 120. Both Translated by Clem. Barksdal Certamen Relâ—giosum or a Conference between the late King of England and the late Lord Marquess of Worcester concerning Religion 40â— 1652. The Battel of Agencourt fought by Henry the 5th The Miseries of Queen Margareâ— with other Poems by Mic. Drayton Esq 80. The Odes of Horace Selected and Translated by Sir Thomas Hawkins in 120. The Spanish Gallant instructing men in their Carriage to be beloved of the People Youths Behaviour or Decency in Conversation amongst men with new Additions of a Discourse of Powdring of Hair of black Patches and naked Breasts 80. 1651. The Tillage of Light A Treatise of The Philosophers Stone 80. The Right of Peace and Warr in 3. Books written in Latine by the Illustrious Hugo Grotius together with the Life of the said Author in English 80. large 1654. A Sermon of the Nature of Faith by Barten Holyday Doctor of Divinity 1654. The Innocent Lady or the Illustrious Innocent written Originally in French by the learned Father de Ceriziers of the Company of Jesus rendred into English by Sir William Lower Knight 1654. A Disputation at Winchcomb in Glocestershire wherein much satisfaction given in many Fundamental Points of Religion in the presence of many Eminent Persons 1654. A brief Discourse of changing Ministers Tithes into Stipends or into another thing 1654. Plutarch's Lives in English with a New Addition of Twenty Lives never before published in English in Fol. 1657. FINIS 1. Part. 2. Part. 3. Part. 4. Part. 1 Contiâ—uance 2 Health 3 Peace 4 Plenâ—y and Wealth 5 Increase oâ— People 6 Reformation in Religion The speciall 〈◊〉 esâ—â—â—lished among uâ— by â—he puâ—ity of Religion Finenesse oâ— Money The Might oâ— the Navâ— Compaâ—ison of the state of England with the stateâ— abroad Afflicted in France Low-Countries Portugall Prosperouâ— as Scotland Poland Sweden Denmark Italy Germany Savoy Spâ—iâ— Câ—â—câ—rning the Conâ—ro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in our Church Concerning the Forrain Enemies of this State Concerning the State of the Nobility Concerning the State oâ— the Common subâ—ect Statutes concerning Scotland and the Scotish Nation Lawes Customes Commissions Offiâ—ersâ— of the Borders or Marches Further Union besides the Removing of Inconvenient and dissenting Lawes and Usages Points wherein the Nations stand already united Soveraignty Line Royall Suâ—jection Obedience Alien Naturalization Religion Church-Government Continent Borders Language Diâ—lect Leagues Confederacies Treaties Externall points of the Separation and Union The Ceremoniall or Mateâ—iall Crowns The Stiles and Names The Seales The Standards and Stamps Moneys Internall Points of Union 1 Parliament 2 Cousellâ— oâ— Estate 3 Offâ—cers of the Crown 4 Nobilities 5 Lawâ—â— 6 Courts of Justice and Administration of Lawes 7 Receits Finances and Patrimonies of the Crown 8 Admiralty Navy and Merchandizing 9 Freedomes and Liberties 〈…〉 These that follow are but indisgested Notes This Constitution of Reporters I obtained of the King after I was Chancellour and there are two appointed with a 100. l. a year a peece sâ—ipend * Thuanus These Letters following I find not in his Lordships Register-Book of Letters But I am enduced by the Stile and other Characters to own them to be his VVritten by Mr. Bacon for my Lord of Essex
hath proved Concluded as the Spaniards are great Waiters upon Time ground their Plots deep upon two Points The one to profess an extraordinary Patronage Defence of the Roman Religion making account thereby to have Factions in both Kingdoms In England a Faction directly against the State In France a Faction that did consent indeed in Religion with the King and therefore at first shew should seem unproper to make a Party for a Forreiner But he foresaw well enough that the King of France should be forced to the end to retain Peace and Obedience to yeeld in some things to those of the Religion which would undoubtedly alienate the Fiery and more violent sort of Papists Which Preparation in the People added to the Ambition of the Family of Guise which he nourished â—or an Instrument would in the end make a Party for him against the State as since it proved and mought well have done long before As may well appear by the Mention of League and Associations which is above 25. years old in France The other Point he concluded upon was That his Low-Countries was the aptest place both for Ports and Shipping in respect of England And for Sciâ—uation in respect of France having goodly Frontier Townes upon that Realm And joyning also upon Germany whereby they might receive in at Peasure any Forces of Almaines To annoy and offend either Kingdom The Impediment was the Inclination of the People which receiving a wonderfull Commodity of Trades out of both Realmes especially of England And having been in ancient League and Confederacy with our Nation And having been also Homagers unto â—rance He knew would be in no wise disposed to either War Whereupon he resolved to reduce them to a Martiall Government Like unto that which he had established in Naples and Millain upon which suppression of their Liberties ensued the Defection of those Provinces And about the same time the Reformed Religion found entâ—ance in the same Countries So as the King enflamed with the Resistance he found in the first Part of his Plots And also because he mought not dispense with his other Principle in yielding to any Toleration of Religion And withall expecting a shorter work of it then he found Became passionatly bent to Reconquer those Countries Wherein he hath consumed infinite Treasure and Forces And this is the true Cause if a Man will look into it that hath made the King of Spain so good a Neigbbour Namely that he was so entangled with the Wars of the Low-Countries as he could not intend any other Enterprise Besides in Enterprizing upon Italy he doubted first the Displeasure of the See of Rome with whom he meant to run a Course of strait Conjunction Also he doubted it might invite the Turk to return And for Germany he had a fresh Example of his Father who when he had annexed unto the Dominions which he now possesseth the Empire of Almaign neverthelesse sunck in that Enterprize whereby he perceived that the Nation was of too strong a Composition for him to deal withall Though not long since by practise he could have been contented to snatch up in the East the Countrey of Emden For Portugal first the Kings thereof were good Sons to the See of Rome Next he had no Colour of Quarrel or pretence Thirdly they were Officious unto him yet iâ— you will believe the Genuese who otherwise writeth much to the Honour and Advantage of the Kings of Spain It seemeth he had a good mind to make himself a way into that Kingdom seeing that for that purpose as he reporteth he did artificially nourish the yong King Sâ—bastian in the Voyage of Affrick expecting that overthrow which followed As for his Intention to warr upon the Inâ—idels and Turks it maketh me think what Francis Guicciardiue a wise writer of History speaketh of his great Grandâ— Father Making a Judgement of him as Historiographers use That he did alwayes mask and vail his Appetites with a Demonstration of a Devout and Holy Intention to the Advancement of the Church and the Publick Good His Father also when he received Advertisement of the taking of the French King prohibited all Ringings and Bonfires and other Tokens of Joy and said Those were to be reserved for Victories upon Infidels On whom he meant never to warre Many a Cruzada hath the Bishop of Rome granted to him and his Predecessours upon that Colour Which all have been spent upon the Effusion of Christian Bloud And now this year the Levies of Germans which should have been made under hand for France were coloured with the pretence of Warr upon the Turk Which the Princes of Germany descrying not onely brake the Levies but threatned the Commissioners to hang the next that should offer the like Abuse So that this Form of Dissembling is Familiar and as it were Hereditary to the King of Spain And as for his Succours given to the French King against the Protestants he could not chuse but accompany the Pernicious Counsels which still he gave to the French Kings of breaking their Edicts and admitting of no Pacification but pursuing their Subjects with Mortall Warre with some Offer of Aides which having promised he could not but in some small Degree perform whereby also the Subject of France namely the violent Papist was enured to depend upon Spain And so much for the King of Spaines proceedings towards other States Now for ours And first touching the Point wherein he charâ—â—th us to be the Authours of Troubles in Scotland and France It will appear to any that have been well enformed of the Memoâ—iâ—s of these Affaires That the Troubles of those Kingdomes were indeed chiefly kindled by one and the same Family of the Guise A Family as was partly touched before as particularly dâ—voted now for many years together to Spain as the Order of the Iâ—suiâ—es is This House of Guise â—aving of late years extraordinarily flourished in the eminent Verâ—ue of a few Persons whose Ambition neverthelesse was nothing inferiour to their vertue But being of a House notwithstanding which the Princes of the Bloud of France reckoned but as strangers Aspired to a Greatness more then Civill and proportionable to their Cause wheresoever they had Authority And accordingly under Colour of Consanguinity and Religion they brought into Scotland in the year 1559 and in the Absence of the King and Queen French Forces in great numbers whereupon the Ancient Nobility of that Realm seeing the imminent danger of Reducing that Kingdome under the Tyranny of Strangers did pray according to the good Intelligence between the two Crowns hâ—r Majesties Neigh â—ourly â—orces And so it is true that the Action being very Just Honourable her Majesty undertook it expelled the Strangers and restored the Nobility to their Degrees and the State to Peace After when Certain Noble-Men of Scotland of the same Faction of â—uâ—se had during the Minority of the King possessed themselves of his Person to the end to abuse his Authority