marched not like a New King but like one who had been so Long welcom'd wherever he passed with Shouts of Joy His taking up the Olive-branch and laying aside the Palm did enhearten the People who did now promise themselves that quiet which since Henry the Fourth's time till that present they had enjoyed but by Fits being subject to so many Alterations as had not those Evils ensued which did ensue the very Expectation and Apprehension of them was an intermitting Feaver for the space of Fourscore six yeers In like manner made he his entrance into London for though he was met by the Maior Magistrates and Citizens besides the Nobility and Gentlemen which accompanied them notwithstanding dispensing with the Pomp usually observed at the first entrance of Kings into that City he made his entry in a Coach undisplayed to the end it might not be thought that having reinvested himself into his Countrey by the favour of Armes and gotten the Crown by the Kings death he had any intention to Triumph over the People His entry was upon a Saturday the day of his Victory which day he solemnized all his life-time as being always the happiest day to him of all the days of the week He alighted out of his Coach at Pauls Church where he made Te Deum be sung and caused the Colours taken from the Enemy to be there hung up He pretended to no other Trophies neither did he own this as the Effects of his Own Valour or from Fortune but as from God the onely Fortune whereunto Sacrifices ought to be made He lodged in the Bishops Palace which joyns unto the Church as not being far from the Tower from whence he was to come to his Coronation And because it was said he had given his word to marry Anne the daughter and heir to the Duke of Britanny which in respect of the favours he had received from that Duke was believed to be true he in an Assembly of the chiefest Lords of the Kingdom which was called for that purpose did ratific his promise to marry the Princesse Elizabeth by which he stopped the Whispers and Fears that were had of him yet did he defer the Consummating of it without any manner of scandal till being Crowned and in Possession by his Own Title he might avoid being call'd King in the right of his Wife He made his entrance into the Tower on Simon and Iude's eeve and on the Feast-day made Twelve Knights Bannerets He created his Uncle Iasper Earl of Pembroke Duke of Bedford he who having brought him up of a Childe saved him from Edward the Fourth by carrying him into Britanny He created his Father-in-law the Lord Stanley Earl of Darby and Edward Courtney Earl of Devonshire He was Crowned in the Church at Westminster on the Thirtieth day of October with the accustomed Solemnities and joyful Acclamations both of the Nobility and People Cardinal Bourchier Archbishop of Canterbury executed that Office He held a Parliament Seven days after wherein he annulled all the Decrees for the Confiscations of the Lives and Livelihood of such as took part with him and made the like Decree against the chiefest of the Other side and to take away all suspition from the rest he granted out a General Pardon which freed such of fear who had cause to fear for his having condemned those whom he would not pardon did secure These and was a sure signe he would pardon the rest so as quitting the Sanctuaries and places where they had hid themselves they swore Fealty to him and did their Homage answerable to the tenure of the Declaration and reentred into their Possessions Afterwards as concerning his Title which was the chiefest Concernment he govern'd himself with such cautelousnesse as that the Princesse Elizabeth not being named therein he would have the Act that was made to contain a Double sense that the inheritance of the Crown should remain in Him and in his Children lawfully to be begotten not declaring whether it were his by Nature or by Conquest it sufficing him that whatsoever interpretation was made of it it must make for his advantage He would not prescribe any Succession in case he and those that should lawfully descend from him should fail because it should not be thought to be done of purpose to exclude the House of York he therefore left the decision thereof to the Laws He in the same Parliament conferr'd more Honours he created Monsieur de Chandos a Gentleman of Britanny who during his being there had been his familiar friend and would needs accompany him in his Expedition for England Earl of Bath he made Sir Giles Aubeny and Sir Robert Willoughby Barons he restored Edward Stafford eldest son to the Duke of Buckingham to his Blood Dignity and Goods and though his Confiscation were great yet his Father having been the First Promoter of his greatnesse and having thereupon lost his Life he restored all unto his Son which won him the reputation of being Grateful And though Kings do seldom call Parliaments without demanding some Aids by Moneys and doing some Acts of Grace unto the People he thought it not fitting to make any such demand at This time as not having any Grace to confer fitting to the time for though the General Pardon was an Act of Grace yet would not he pretend it to be such but rather a Correspondency to the satisfaction they had given him in receiving him to be King by his Own Title Besides he not having War with any one and having many great Confiscations faln unto him the which he so moderated as might become a favourable Confiscator and be expected in a good Government he was willing to spare his Subjects purses And though his intention was to govern in such sort as his People should have no reason to hate Him nor He to fear Them yet knowing he had Enemies he instituted a Guard of Fifty Archers under the Command of a Captain which was a New thing in England where their Kings are onely guarded by the Laws and their Subjects affections So as to take away all Jealousie he declared the Institution to be Perpetual moved thereunto by what he in the time of his Exile had observed others to do and for that the want of a Guard doth misbecome the Majestie of a King and is requisite to be had if not for Necessity for Decency The Parliament being dissolved he forgot not that he had left the Marquesse Dorset and Sir Iohn Bourchier as pledges in France for the Moneys wherewith he payed the Forces he brought with him into England Willing therefore upon this occasion to try the inclination of the Citizens he commanded the Lord Treasurer to desire the Lord Maior of London that the City might lend him Six thousand Marks and after sundry consultations the businesse was decided by the loan of Two thousand pounds sterling the which though it came short of the sum that was desired he took in good part supplying
that the people would be herewithall contented for by this meanes they should be freed from the warres wherewith they were threatned from France Scotland and Wales The Duke of Exceter propounded a Tilting at Christmas wherein he with twenty Gentlemen would chalenge the Earle of Salisbury with as many more to the which the King should bee invited and there together with his children slaine A businesse likely to succeed they being all armed and under the pretence of pompe well attended and he void of suspition unarmed his ordinary guard being more for shew then service This being done they resolved forth-with to re-inthrone Richard wherein they expected no opposition for of the house of Lancaster there remained none save brothers by another mother of the which the Earle of Sommerset the eldest was distasted and none of them comprehended within the Act of Parliament touching the succession of the crowne Richards lawfull heires loved him well and if any alteration should happen it would not bee of much consideration he being once re-established and they so well provided as that they might preserve themselves free from danger till the arrivall of aid from France to doubt whereof would bee sacriledge the daughter of France being too pretious a pawne to be by the French abandoned This Proposition being approved and all of them having vowed fidelity six of the chiefest among them made six writings be drawne up all of the same tenure the which they all subscribed and sealed every man keeping one of them which was the break-necke of the businesse for if any one of them should prove false to what Tribunall could the others cite him And if it should happen that through treachery or want of good take-heed any one of the Copies should come to light there was no way left to save themselves Exceter having acquainted the King with the appointed titling between him and Salisbury besought him to honour them with his presence and that he would be pleased to bee their Judge in case any difference should arise The which hee graciously accepted of and promised to doe This meane while every man providing himselfe of what number of men he could get under the pretence of magnificencie they came at the time appointed to Oxford where the King and Court was the next day expected The Duke of Aumerle was onely wanting hee having sent his men before went to visit his father who lived in a Countrey house upon that road and stayed dinner with him Fortune would so have it as that the old man spied a peece of paper in his sonnes bosome and not imagining what it might be snatcht it from him When he had seen the contents the six seales and among the rest his sonnes for one he grew so incensed as rising immediately from the Table hee gave order for his horses to bee made ready reproaching his sonne for that having been false to Richard he would now be a traytor to Henry that he was witty in finding out inventions to undoe his father but that now his father would undoe him That he should remember how the last Parliament he was bound for him body for body and goods for goods That therefore since hee made so little account of his fathers head his father would make as little account of his This being said hee went to Windsor Aumerle considering that the old man was not to bee with-drawne from his resolution that the businesse was discovered and his life in question having none with whom to advise resolved to prevent his father hee got on horse-backe and riding as fast as he could drive he got to Windsor before him where as soone as he was come he clapt to the doore behinde him telling him that looked to the door that so it behooved for the Kings service Hee threw himselfe downe at the Kings feet and craved his pardon the King astonished at such a novelty demanded his offence which when hee understood being somewhat amazed at the first he promised him mercy so as the businesse were as he had related it but if otherwise woe bee to him This meane time the Duke of Yorke came to the Castle doore and finding it shut bade it bee opened He entred and without further circumstances put the conspirators contract into the Kings hand who finding thereby all to be true that Aumerle had said put off his journey to Oxford resolving to expect at Windsor the conspirators new resolutions hee sent newes hereof by expresse Carriers to Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland Lord high Constable of England to Ralph Nevill Earle of Westmerland Lord Marshall who had married Iane his sister by the fathers side and to all his other friends to the end that they might make what haste they could to the Court and bring with them what forces they could raise Exceter was one of the first that came to Oxford more set upon the resolution taken then were the rest but he could not so order affaires but that by the extraordinary provision of Armes Souldiers his wife the Kings sister perceived that all this was done to undoe and kill her brother whereat in height of Agonie she was much distracted between the love to her brother and affection to her husband the ruine of one of them being certain whether the one or the other equally to her grievous whereat her husband who loved her as much as he hated her brother being moved said unto her that fortune might make both her and him equally content one onely thing excepted That their interests were in all things else common and individuall in this alone divers and particular For as shee could not but rejoyce at her brothers preferment to the crowne so hee could not but grieve to see his brother deposed that now in the change of fortune which by the preparations that were made she was towards if shee found cause of affliction she should doe well to consider that he had just cause of joy for if she being Henry's sister esteemed her greatnesse the more in respect of his he being brother to Richard had reason to hope the like in the Rise of Richard without the which whilst her brother reigned hee was like to live in perpetuall misery and daily to expect death That she was not to suffer in the fates of either of them For if Henry should reigne shee was to continue the same shee was though having lost her husband and if Richard reigned both of them were to preserve their lives honours and fortunes so that come what would come she had cause to rejoyce but not he For that hee might not through so many dangers dye daily it behoved him to expose himselfe to all danger that hee might once dye or for ever be free of feare Hereupon giving her his last kisse he left her weeping and went to Oxford where all the rest were come saving only Aumerle where having expected him to the very last houre his not appearing the not preparing for the King and
Kings of France of Iohn in England and Francis the first in Spaine The ransome of the two brothers sonnes to Charles of Blois were reserved for Richard the second and though it were afterwards by act of Parliament granted to Vere Duke of Ireland it was not done to prejudicate the right we speake of but to the end that by his being absent from the court the King might the better governe himselfe And for what concernes prisoners of lesser condition yet re-donable the example of the victory at Lepanto which happened in our fathers times may suffice in the which the confederates divided the Turkish prisoners and made them tug at one Oare in their fleet The King persisting in his resolution of having them they thought to make him desist therein by demanding of him things of greater consequence The Earle of Worster a wicked and turbulent man was hee who did forward this resolution an advice worst to the adviser and mortall to those who did embrace it The King was then at Windsor whither the Earle of Worster being come hee represented unto him the miserable imprisonment of Edmund Earle of Marsh their kinsman kept in fetters by Glendor and fallen into this misfortune for doing service unto his Majesty and the State He desired him to be the means of his freedome either by ransome or otherwise the King finding whither this request tended after having a-while bethought himselfe made answer that the Earle of Marsh was not taken prisoner in his service but by his owne consent as not willing to bee inforced to professe himselfe an enemy to Glendor and this answer he willed to be published to the terror of all such as had any inclination to him-ward Worster being returned and having acquainted his brother nephew with what had past the Nephew would not endure it who being a violent young man did wrongfully exaggerate the injustice saying That Henry not contented to bereave Edmund of the Kingdome did now deny him that succour which his service done unto him did chalenge That if he should have ransomed him it should not be done by his owne moneyes but by the inheritance which he usurped from Edmund and that in stead of praise through too much ingratitude he loaded him with undeserved calumnies wherein hee said truth for Edmunds wit was not proper for such inventions and if it had been true Glendor would not have treated him as he did But the King who had by evill meanes usurped the State from him could not by good meanes maintaine it not onely the losse of his liberty but the losse of his life would have re Lord Percy who came with intention to win the City failing in his intentions and the aids hee expected not appearing resolved to give battell of himselfe incouraged in that his souldiers were resolved to dye for their liberty and for the good of the Kingdome governed as he gave out by a Tyrant He sent the forenamed writing to the King by two Squires the which acquainted him with the reasons of his revolt and did likewise denounce the battell The King was there only named Duke of Lancaster it was written subcrib'd and seal'd by the names hands and seales of Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland Lord high Constable of England Lord Warden of the West Marches of Henry Percy Warden of the East Marches and of Thomas Percy Earle of Woster The contents thereof was that having sworne at his returne from France that he did pretend to nothing but the inheritance due unto him by his father and wife and that he would suffer the King peacefully to enjoy his Crowne he had done otherwise for after having through famine thirst and could caused King Richards death hee had usurped the Kingdome which did of right belong to Edmond Mortimer the lawfull heire causing the Burgesses of Parliament to bee chosen contrary to the forme of Law and priviledge of the subject so to suborn votes for his own advantage that he had denied to ransome Mortimer who being by them set at liberty hee had proclaimed them traytors that therefore they did defie him as a perjured and false man as an usurper of the crowne which did properly appertaine to the true heire and together with him they defied all his complices and such as sided with him as traytors acd destroyers of the State If true faults objected but in jest doe sting much more did these doe so accompanied with such upbraidings and threats But the King not woonted to discompose himselfe when hee had read the letter said merrily to the messengers that his sword should answer that scandalous writing and that he was confident God would assist his just quarrell against such forsworne disloyall traytors as were the Percies But his moderation in these occurrances is worthy a particular observation for lacking neither generosity nor courage if his usurpation and injustice did not bereave him thernof which did not appeare hee received all these injuries not onely untransported but with a setled judgement weighed that as to hazard his estate life and honour upon the fortune of one day would be an act of rashnesse if he could avoid it so to preferre his safetie before their offences would bee a point of wisedome For that injuries were passions of the minde which might breathe away in a standing fortune but the ruinous effects of a lost battell were irrepairable in a falling fortune so as cashiering all punctualities not caring what others would say of him he resolved to see whether he could in some sort fairly accommodate this businesse rather then trust to the inconstancy of fortune which was not to be tried till the last push And that in such a case he would shew that manlihood which men hasty and void of judgement might now tax in him He appeared the next day and ordering his troopes as the others did he sent the Abbot of Shrewesbury unto them accompanied with one of the officers of his privie Seale with an offer of pardon if they would yeeld to reasonable conditions The Lord Percie though naturally violent examining the businesse in the same sort as the King had done accepted the proposition Hee sent unto him his Uncle the Earle of Worster to require of him an effectuall reformation of those things which had caused them take Armes But the Earle though fully satisfied by the King in all his demands and in a more submisse sort then did become his degree made a cleane contrary relation to his Nephew envie and confidence for he judged the Kings humility to be cowardize and feare leading him by meanes of this deadly lye to his fatall end The young Percie thinking himselfe under-valued caused the signe of battell immediately to be given by sound of Trumpet the two Armies were about fourty thousand fighting men the rebels Vantguard was led by the Scots who after a great showre of Darts which slew many of both sides advanced themselves against the Vantguard Royall which rigorously withstood the first
dead were left for food to the fowles of the aire for no man offered to bury them they being by Pope Vrbans Bull excommunicated The Duke now thinking he had no more enemies to molest him and that consequently he stood in no more need of the English he discharged them to the much amazement of King Henry who beleeved him to be a man of greater judgement then this action shewed him to be for he ought to have detained them had it onely been to have obliged Henry unto him and to have diverted him from joining with his enemies as he afterwards did which he had not done had he not beene free of him The Orleanists had lost many strengths so as being reduced to extremities not able to subsist of themselves they threw themselves into the protection of the King of England who willingly embraced their offers which very advantagious to him the articles of what they offered and of his protection were these The Dukes of Berry Orleans and Burbon the Counts of Alanson and Arminiacke the Lord Albret and their adherents did offer for ever hereafter to expose their persons goods and forces to the service of their King of England of his heires and successors in all his just clames as oft as they should berequired by those words his just claimes they intended his claime unto the Dutchie of Guenne and the appertenances thereof and that the said Dutchy did by right of inheritance and naturall succession belong unto him declaring that they did not staine their loyalty by assisting of him in that affaire They offered their sonnes and daughters nephewes and neeces parents allies and subjects to bee married according to the good will and pleasure of the forenamed King They offered their Cities Castles and Treasures and all their goods in the aide of him his heires and successors in his pretentions and claimes their loyalty alwaies preserved as was afterwards declared in letters written and signed apart They offered to serve him with all their friends kindred and adherents in his pretentions unto and in the restitution of the said Dutchy of Guenne They did acknowledge that the said Dutchy did belong unto the King of England and that he ought to enjoy it with the same prerogatives as any of his predecessors had done They acknowledge that as many Cities Castles and Strengths as they were masters of in the said Dutchy they held them all of the King of England as being the true Duke of Guienne offering to doe him homage in most obsequious manner They promised to give and surrender up into the hands of the King of England as much as in them lay all the Cities and Castles which belonged to the Crowne to the number of twenty as in other letters drawn to this purpose was declared For the other Cities and Forts which were not in their hands they promised to buy them out at their owne proper cost and charges and to assist the King of England and his heires with a sufficient number of men It was declared to be the King of Englands pleasure as in other letters signed apart that the Duke of Berry his loyall Uncle subject and vassall the Duke of Orleans his subject and vassall and Count Arminiacke should hold of him in fee and homage the underwritten Townes and Lordships The Duke of Berry the County of Poictou during his life The Duke of Orleans the County of Angolesme during his life and Perigord for ever Count Arminiacke the foure Castles named in the aforesaid letters upon condition and security therein declared That moreover the King of England and Duke of Guienne should succour and defend them all against all as their true Soveraigne Lord and in particular that he should helpe them to get due justice done upon the Duke of Burgundy That he should not make any confederacy or accord with the Duke of Burgundy his sonnes brothers kindred and confederates without the consent of the said Lords That he should assist them as his vassalls in any just quarrells especially in receiving satisfaction for the losse and injuries received by the Duke of Burgundy and his confederates That for the present hee should send 8000. men to assist them against the said Duke who did all he could to incite the King of France and his forces against them These Articles were signed with a caution that they were to pay the souldiers which the King should send the which being taken into pay he gave the charge of them to Thomas his second sonne who was formerly created Duke together with his other two sonnes and his brother the Earle of Dorset Thomas was made Duke of Clarence Iohn of Bedford Humfrey of Gloster and Dorset of Exceter He gave likewise order to those who governed under him in Picardy to wage warre there the which they did Whereupon the King of France who was then at Sens ready to passe into the Dutchy of Berry with an army gave order to the Count Saint Paul to make thitherward with as many people as he could get the which he did not more out of obedience then out of the mortall hatred he bore to Henry but little good came hereof fortune being alwaies averse unto him in those expeditions At his first arrivall the English retired to Bullin The Count resolved to set upon Guines and to free himselfe from further troubles the Towne was onely strong by reason of the Castle It s greatest strength was the Palissadoe and the ditch he hoped to take it by keeping it from being relieved from Caleis He planted himselfe by night betweene the two Forts with 600. horse giving an assault upon breake of day the battell was very sharpe neither side failing in their duties but their forces not sufficing the assaliants thought to helpe themselves by fire in one instant 40. houses were seene to blaze The defendants set upon both by sword and fire got into the Castle from whence they powred downe darts and stones so as the winning of the Towne not sufficient to compleat the victory and the Castle not being to be wonne by assault they retired many of them being hurt but few slaine as saith Monstrelet The King in this interim was gone from Sens and having taken some Townes which lay in his way went to encampe himselfe under Burges where the confederates were In his campe of all sorts and for all services were 100000. horse The Duke of Berry the more to incommodate the assaliants had caused all houses and Churches which were neere the wall to be beaten down and if some few remained unpulled downe they were not priviledged for the insolences of souldiers servants and freebooters is not to be termed military but rather voide of humanity and religion a lamentable thing to any one who is not blinded with passion as was the Duke of Burgony The Dolphin duly considered all these discords it greeved him that a City of such consequence the Metropolitan of two Provinces Auvergne and Berry should bee ruinated
King Charles nor the Crowne of France with so ignominious an act The truce betweene these two Kingdomes ended the second of August whereupon such English as were in the garrison of Calleis and other frontiers of Picardy were the first who began the warre sallying forth the very next day sacking the frontiers of Bolonia and places next adjacent Five thousand souldiers under the command of Monsieur de Rambures generall of the crossebow-men were sent to defend the Country But King Henry did not weigh anchor till some daies after and came to Normandy the Eve of the Annunciation His fleet consisted of 1500. ships his army of 6000. men of armes and 24000. Bowmen furnished with all such artillery and provisions as humane diligence and the power of so great a King could assemble for such a designe He cast anchor at Cape Caux and landed without resistance having by publique proclamation commanded that neither Church Monastery women children nor any other person whosoever that had no armes should be molested upon paine of life The next day hee went to sit downe before Harfleur a Towne situated upon the mouth of the River Sens. The chiefe Lords of his army were the Dukes of Clarence Gloster Exceter and Yorke the Earle Marshall Arundell Oxford Suffolke Warwicke and others The Town was commanded by Monsieur de Etouteville afsisted by Messieurs de Blanville Bacheville Ermanville Gallart Bos Clere Bestu Adsanches Briote Gocurt Illeadam and many other Knights and Gentlemen to boote with which were 400. men of armes besides the inhabitants who all made what resistance possibly might be The King of France dispatcht away the Constable Albret the Marshall Boniquot Henaut Ligni and others to fortifie the sea Townes with men and artillery The garrison of Harfleur assoone as they understood of the enemy comming dug up the way which leades from Monteviller to the Town so to make the enemies march more difficult and sallying forth to skirmish with them they had much adoe to get backe into the City so many were their opposers and in such number the arrowes which shoured downe upon them But notwithstanding all impediments the English pitched their campe and planted their artillery upon the most advantagious places The place was well fortified with walls and turrets together with a broad and deep diâ—…ch the defendants resolve to maintaine it whilst there was any the least hope Those who were sent to secure the maritime places did what in them lay to hinder the booties which notwithstanding all their diligence the besiegers did every where take All the good they did was to preserve the neighbouring Townes from being taken The victualls in the English army being almost wholly corrupted by the sea they must have suffered much scarcity had they not made great booties of men and cattell The King of France was come to Vernone between Paris and Roen levying men from all parts to succour Harfleur The which being furiously assailed the gates walls and turrets almost all beaten down their mines ready to play and the powder which the King had sent unto the town surprised by the enemy they of the town brought to such a passe as they were not able to withstand a generall assault a great many of them being slaine or sicke they agreed to yeeld themselves their lives saved leaving all other things to the discretion of the besiegers if they were not succoured within five daies Bacheville brought these newes to Charles who finding himselfe weake permitted them to doe what they were by necessity inforced unto so as the five daies being past they threw open the gates after a siege of 37. daies wherein they suffered very much Harfleur was the chiefest Port Towne of all Normandy The Towne was sackt quarter was given to the souldiers and Citizens who demeaned themselves well The women children and religious persons were all put out of the Town the poorest sort of them having six pence a peece given them The great and rich spoile was sent into England as a witnesse of good successe Whereupon people of all conditions flockt from England thither who besides other priviledges had a house of inheritance allotted to every family so as the City was in an instant peopled by the English The King made his entry without any solemnity walking a foote to Saint Martins Church to thanke God for that victory He made the Duke of Exeter governour thereof who chose for his Lievtenant Iohn Falstofe and for his Councellors the Lord Carew and Sir Hughe Luterell and put therein a garrison of 1500. souldiers besides horsemen A great many sicke people were sent backe to England amongst which the Duke of Clarence the Earle Marshall and Earle Arundell the Earle of Stafford the Bishop of Norwich Lord Molins and Lord Brunell died of a fluxe in the siege That which imported more then all the rest remained yet to be resolved on The King undertooke this businesse about the end of summer who came not to Normandy till the 14. of August so as to continue the warre as was requisite was impossible and so much the more for that winter came early and more egerly in then it had done some yeares before To passe the sea againe if it were not a kinde of running away would at least be proclaimed such by the enemy To keepe in Normandy within the small precincts of Harfleur was impossible the incommodity of victualls being considered That which was resolved upon was to march to Calleis through the heart of the Country and through the enemies forces a resolution no waies necessary as for lacke of other meanes but most necessary for what concerned the honour and reputation of armes of 30000. fighting men who had past the seas from England there remained but 15000. 2000. men at armes and 13000. bowmen The rest were either dead of fevers or fluxe or sent backe into England or left in garrison at Harfleur so soone then as the ruines of the Towne were repaired that things necessary were provided for and that such prisoners as had not paid their ransomes had sworne to come unto the King to Calleis on Saint Martins day he commanded that those who were to follow him should carry along victualls for eight daies And crossing the Country of Caux and En he marched apace that he might get to the bridges of Soane which he necessarily was to passe before they should be broken A bold resolution and which not seconded by good fortune might have beene esteemed a rash one for the Dolphin tooke from the Country all manner of provisions and placed great troopes of armed men in all parts to annoy him and caused the bridges to be broken hoping that wanting wherwithall to live he would be forced either to yeeld himselfe or fight whereas according to the common maxime in case they had beene wanting hee should have built him bridges of silver to passe over King Henry finding the bridges broken turned towards Beauquene to the same Foord betweene
incommodity had alienated the which if the English had in any sort imitated they had not lost France for Philip was their onely Piller whereupon their Fabricke was to relie but trusting more upon their owne forces then was convenient and being more jealous of him then they ought to have beene they seconded their hatred whilst anger harmefull in government for want of requisite dissimulation causeth irreperable ruine wherein if any one shall thinke that I contradict my selfe since I have else-where beene of another opinion he will be of another mind if hee consider when I treated thereof it was touching the legallity thereof where now 't is touching the expediency by which humane actions ought chiefly to bee regulated Philip sent a King at Armes to give an account of this peace in England changing the wonted stile in his letter which hee sent to Henry for whereas before he stiled the King of France and England his Lord and master in these he termed him onely King of England his welbeloved Cousin The contents thereof was that being overcome by entreaties of the Pope of the Fathers of the Counsell of Bazille of all the Princes of Christendome hee had made peace with Charles to shun the being thought cruell and implacable he desired him likewise to do the like to the end he might be numbred amongst the authors of publike tranquillitie offering to serve him therein The Embassadour was not permitted to see the King but sent backe without any letters what could be said to the greatest enemy was said to him by word of mouth wherein they forbeared not to call Philip perjured traitour and this newes being divulged in the Citie the people not able to revenge themselves of Philip vented their fury upon his subjects who for traffique sake had their abodes in London they slew many of them and would have slaine them all had not the Kings Proclamations withheld them But those who were most rationall and who had not imbrued their hands in the blood of these innocents accused by Philip of hipocrisie in that hee made a scruple to make the peace as having sworne to obey Henry as his King but yet did it when he had received absolution from the Legat which was a tacite kind of judgement which ought not to be made when both parties are not heard An oath is not subject to absolution if there bee nothing of evill therein no evill was in his oath since Henry was not declared nor was not to be declared an usurper save by the reall evidence of a Salique Law They did not accuse the Legats authoritie but his act the which though it were excusable the end thereof being good yet give it for granted that the evill thereof were pardonable in respect of the good that was thence expected what good was there to be hoped for whilst the Swords of such Princes were yet wreaking with blood for France and Burgondy being accorded and England excluded out of the agreement shee was thereby endangered as inferiour in Forces in other too lately united to her destructions But none understood this businesse better then Philip nor did better make it conduce to his owne ends for being scandalized with his fathers death he sided with the English violated the pretended salique Law bereft Charles of his Crowne and Inheritance and gave it to England hoping that the government should be conditionall in her absolute in him and if it be sayd that if he had had any such designe hee would not have refused the Regency when it was offered him I answer that he refused it out of singular wisedome for that being come newly to his estate and finding the people of Flanders contumatious hee would have increased their forwardnesse by living farre from them besides the danger that his command was likely either to cause a breach betweene him and the English who would not be satisfied with his superioritie or else coolenesse in the administration of succour which would not fall out under the authoritie of one of their owne Princes of fortune for that distracted by the regency of France hee could not have made those accusations which hee did finding himselfe afterwards deceived in his first hopes that the English would have beene governed at his pleasure Bedford having alwayes commanded by his owne particuler authority and having so farre revenged himselfe of Charles as that his anger grew now to be somewhat appeased distasted by Bedford and growne greater else-where hee changed his purpose hee chose that King which hee had rejected and rejected that King which hee had chosen So as after the death of 300000. men who all dyed in this quarrell after the destruction of so many Cities hee made peace gaining thereby that which he could never have pretended to much lesse have had from the English one onely thing did not succeed unto him neither did it much import him that as by the degrading of Charles and promoting of Henry the fifth hee added nothing to the claime of England whose pretensions were not grounded upon such foundations so by revoking what hee had done and gainesaying himselfe he brought no prejudice at all thereunto for what remaines he was a Prince worthy of the Cognomen that was given him of God if you will pardon this present affaire and that of his cosen Giacholina Countesse of Bavaria Philip did like unto Rivers overgorged with raine which when floods of waters cease returne to their former channell when his desire of revenge ceased hee forsooke the English and returned unto his owne proper nation and blood and as hee might have done better had hee not violated his plighted faith so if he had not plighted it his vertue had beene the greater but to commit errours being a thing common since there is none that doth not doe amisse not to out doe others in mischiefe is almost a species of vertue The Duke of Bedford dyed 7. dayes before the peace concluded by Philip the one happening the 14. the other subscribed the 21. of September but by him foreseene long before I will not say that his foreseene peace was his death but that it was in part a cause thereof may probably bee conjectured Generous hearts use to bee undaunted in danger but in the change of fortune if they bee not accumulated by adversity they are macerated by vexation his death is to bee numbred amongst the chiefest causes of the losse of France hee was a wise and prudent Prince of long experience in armes and governement inferiour to no Commander in his time hee was obeyed by his owne feared by his enemies in so much as Lewis the eleventh being many yeares after in the Church of Nostre-Dame at Roan where Bedford is buried and being told by some as hee was looking upon his Tombe that that sumptuous memoriall was a great shame to France since it had bin by him so much endamaged that therefore it should bee defaced and his bones throwne out hee nobly answered that
honour made him his deputy to celebrate the formality of espousall and to bring his bride over into England He went then and had with him his wife and a great many of Ladies and Gentlemen carriages and letters for her father who was rich in titles of imaginary kingdomes as of Scicily and Ierusalem had not meanes to send her to her husband so as all the charge which was very vast fell to Henries share being come to Tours hee married her in the name of his master in the presence of the King of France The Queene and a great number of Princes and Lords amongst which were the Dukes of Orleans Calabria Alanson and Brittany the marriage was solemnized with feasts and tilting after which with the like or better shee was married by Henry in England and crowned Queene Normandy lay openly exposed by the surrendring of the two Provinces Count Armignac was scandalized and shortly likely to revenge himselfe the kingdome was fallen into an Abisse from whence it was not to be raised but by the death of the King the ruine of the Queene the desolation of the house of Lancaster the destruction of the Nobility the rebellion of the people and the alteration of the State This seperation of Armes caused the Duke of Yorke and many other Commanders returne to England that they might consult of what provisions were to be made before the expiration of the truce to the end that Normandy being well fortified Charles might be brought to a well conditioned peace and if not that they might be able to make a powerfull warre But England did in this an evill mannager who having a house covered with Lead sells the Lead and then covers it againe with straw to the end that a sparke of Fire by reason of this new covering may be sufficient to set it on fire the given Provinces were the Lead sould and prodigally squandred the provisions for Normandy the thatching over with straw the two Provinces might have entertained the warre and being lost have advanced time which is the father of the changes of fortune for losse in warre doth seldom happen in one action and at one instant To this purpose a Parliament was called subsidies paid Souldiers raised and the Duke of Sommerset made a Regent of France in stead of the Duke of Yorke the Marquesse of Suffolke were it either to boast of his favours or that hee foresaw the future danger made a long speech in the upper house relating his ownemerits in the making of this truce and this match and advertising the Lords that since the truce expired the next Aprill and peace did not ensue they should doe well to take such order as that Normandy might not be endamaged for it was to be beleeved that the French finding it ill provided would make use of their advantage that having advertised the King thereof he did now the like to them to the end that if any evill did happen it should not be said to have beene for want of any good admonition he desired them in discharge of his innocency to thinke on this the same thing was done the next day in the lower house the Messengers whereof entreated the Lords of the upper house that by joynt consent of both houses this present action might be registred amongst the acts of Parliament hee obtained what he desired the favours of favorites being like to little Rivolets which easily glide into the current waters even of the greatest rivers they sent their Speaker to the upper house where the Lords who did likewise waver with the wind did on their knees beseech the King that in respect of great services done by the Marquesse he would vouchsafe him this and whatsoever other favour for that he could not bestow his graces upon a more worthy subject and the King who of himselfe was wonderfull prodigall of his favours to him and loved to be entreated thereunto as not willing to seeme to doe it of his owne inclination answered them in such a manner as every one might see he made him the haven of his favours and the object of other mens respects the action was registred but not with that successe as was hoped for to witnesse that the peoples and Princes favours are of short duration and oftentimes unfortunate hee shortly after created him Duke he gave him two rich wardships that of the countesse of Warwick and of Margaret the daughter of Iohn Duke of Summerset who was afterwards the mother of Henry the seventh hee likewise at his request created Iohn de Fois Count de Longaville and Captaine de Bus Count de Candale both of them Guascons all these favours served onely to make his downe-fall the more sudden which usually doth not faile being caused either by the hatred of private men or of the Prince for such mens insolencies encreasing with their authorities and their authorities growing greater by their favour they become insupportable and having once offended cannot support themselves but by new offences whereby begetting hatred and envie amongst private men and societie in Princes they must needs fall and be overthrowne either by the one or the other According to Articles of marriage all places belonging to Aniou and Mayne were already surrendred except Manns the which being of more importance then the rest Charles did beleeve they had no intention to deliver it up so as having raised a convenient Army he prepared to have it by force which when Henry understood he gave order that it should be forthwith surrendered unto him not so much for that he should not have just cause to breake the truce as that by justice he was to doe it But Chartier and Monstrellet say that the English held it till the yeare 1449. at which time Charles besieged it and that the Lord Privy Seale being chosen Bishop of Winchester caused it to be yeelded up unto him but how ever it were this cessation from Armes wrought the like effects in England as in a healthfull body the forbearing of moderate exercises doth which by filling it with bad humours bringeth infirmities upon it The natures of the late married couple were if not opposite sufficiently differing the husband was of a womanish inclination the wife of a manlike spirit the King was humbled evout spiritually given caring onely for his soules health the Queene was proud ambitious worldly given and not to be quieted till having brought the kingdome to be governed as shee pleased shee might see her selfe free from Rivals in the government The Duke of Glocester was no wayes pleasing to her as well for that he had opposed her marriage an injury not to be forgotten as likewise that her husband being long since out of his minority was still governed by him as formerly when he was under age the which being observed by such as did not love the Duke they let slip no occasion whereby they might worke his ruine The Marquesse of Suffolke for that he could not rise to
more neerely concerne him that nothing could be more acceptable to subjects than to take a wife from amongst them since children must issue from the same blood that for portion he valued it not having more than he knew what to doe withall that for all other inconveniences contentment in a wife with whom one was to live and die did out-weigh them all His mother finding her perswasions to be of no force bethought herselfe of another means which proved alike vaine The King upon promise of marriage had wrought to his desire a Lady of great birth named Elizabeth Lucy She alledged that since before God this Lady was his legitimate wife he could not marry any other An impediment which delayed his satisfaction in the other for the Bishops required proofe thereof But the Lady Lucy examined upon oath in opposition to the instigation of the Dutchesse and her owne honour and interest did depose that the King did never passe unto her any direct promise but that hee had said such things unto her as had shee not thought them thereunto equivalent shee had never condescended to his will Upon this deposition the King did privately marry the other the marriage being afterwards published by her Coronation None were pleased herewithall the Nobility lesse than the Communalty their greatnesse being obscured by the sudden splendor of the Queenes kindred Her father was created Earle Rivers and shortly after made Lord High-constable of England Her brother Anthony was enricht by the marriage of the daughter and heire of the Lord Scales which Title was likewise conferred upon him Her sonne Thomas Gray which she had by her former husband did afterwards marry the daughter of William Bonneville Lord Harrington and was created Marquis Dorser Historians observe many mischiefes that ensued from this marriage besides the death of so many that was caused thereby Edward did thereby lose his Kingdome his children were declared to be bastards and strangled the Queenes house extirpated the Earle of Warwicke and his brother slaine But they name not the death of King Henry and his sonne which had not hapned had not the Earle of Warwicke for this cause taken up Armes King Lewis though thus abused did not suffer himselfe to be transported by passion but making use of his naturall dissembling expected a time for revenge And to pacifie the two sisters hee not long after married Bona to Galiazzo Maria Sforza Duke of Milan sonne to Francis but not with so good successe as Hall reports for her husband being slaine she within a few yeeres became a widdow and by her ill government afforded occasion to his cousin Lodowicke Sforza to take from her the government and the government life and Dukedome from her sonne Iohn Galeazzo The Earle of Warwicke this meane while wounded in his reputation parted from France more sensible thereof than he made shew for he could not though so farre cloake his anger but that Lewis was aware of it Being returned to England he so behaved himselfe with the King as that he seemed not to be at all distasted whilst this present injury did call to mind many other formerly received which would not though have hurried him to his ruine had it not been for this He saw how the King did apprehend his greatnesse and grew jealous thereof that his designe was to suppresse him when himselfe should be better established that he thought not himselfe King whilst men thought him as necessary to the conservation of the State as he was to the obtaining thereof That the services hee had done him were of such a nature as to shunne the tie of obligation ingratefull people doe oft times desire to rid themselves of the obliger That the state of businesse was such as would not suffer him to be debarred the communication thereof though Edward thought hee did thereby communicate unto him his government and made him Colleague of his Kingdome That he had sought after all occasions to bereave him of mens good opinion All which made him believe that he was sent into France to this purpose To this may be added and which boyled in him more than all the rest that Edward would have dishonoured his house by tempting the honesty of I know not whether his daughter or his neece wherein though he did not succeed the offering at it ceaseth not to be mischievous and wicked as a thing whereby he endeavoured to dishonour the family of his kinsman servant and benefactor All these things put together begat in him such an hatred as hee resolved to depose him and re-inthrone Henry as soone as a fit occasion should present it selfe And though hee retired himselfe to Warwicke under a pretence of an indisposition of health yet did the King spie his discontents though not so much as it behoved him to have done for hee thought him not so sufficient to depose him as he was to raise him up and that out of two reasons First that Princes doe seldome mistrust their owne power especially with their subjects secondly for that they doe believe the injuries they do are written in Brasse by those who receive them whilst they who doe them write them in Sand. The Queene was this yeere delivered of a daughter named Elizabeth who put a period to the Civill warres by marrying with Henry the VII Edward did this meane while peaceably possesse his Kingdome his enemies were all or slaine undone or frightned He had none to feare save France and her but a little for Lewis was more inclined to wage warre at home than abroad Hee forbare not though to joyne friendship with Iohn King of Arragon who upon occasion might by way of diversion assist him in Languedocke a good though deceitfull foresight for it often happens that many yeeres are spent in the cultivating of a friendship which proveth faulty in the harvest Yet wisdome it is to manure such as put us not to too great charge for the opinion of having friends weighes with our enemies This friendship occasioned the transportation of a great many sheepe into Spaine whereby England was as much impoverished as Spaine was inriched He likewise for the same respect concluded a Truce with Scotland for 15 yeeres But the friendship of the Duke of Burgundy was that which most availed him and which re-established him in his Kingdome when he had lost it Philip the Duke of Burgundy did yet live and his sonne Count Caralois who by two wives had one onely daughter afterwards the sole heire of all those Territories the Duke was minded to marry him the third time hoping to secure the succession by issue male He bethought himselfe of Margaret sister to Edward a Princesse of great beauty and indued with a spirit not usuall to her sex but her being of the house of Yorke made him stagger in his resolutions For that the Queene of Portugall his wives mother was a daughter of the house of Lancaster by reason whereof her sonne Charles did love that house and
of Yorke were left alive That by endeavouring to ruine his brother he wrought his owne overthrow by quitting the right unto the Crown to the which he was so nigh himselfe For Edward though he were young had yet no sonne and but one daughter who might very well miscarry and such were his disorders as there was little likelihood he should have any more That being therefore to be presumed heire he much injured himselfe by giving the Crown away from himselfe to his enemies who could never thinke themselves safe as long as he lived These reasons and others which the discreet woman knew how to make use of prevailed so farre with Clarence as that he gave her his word to joyne with his brother as soone as hee should be come into England Which sheweth of what little efficacy oathes and alliance are when a powerfull interest comes in place Clarence for some sleight domestique distasts failed his brother even to the endangering the losse of his Kingdome You shall see him faile his father in Law even to the making him lose his life Whence wee are taught that in great affaires wee ought onely to trust such to whom profit and danger are univocall together with us Many of the King of France his ships were making ready in Harfleur for the Earle of Warwickes service and some of his owne likewise where he received sundry dispatches from many Lords of England They desired him not to delay his returne though hee were to come all alone for being looked for by so many that were desirous to spend their lives in his service hee needed no foraine forces and that his delay might endanger his friends and overthrow the enterprize He acquainted the Queene and his companions herewithall whose opinions were that hee should forth with be gone with such ships as hee should finde in readinesse and that as soon as the Queenes ships should be in due equipage her father the King of Sicily had sent her as many as hee could to this effect she and her sonne would imbarque themselves upon the first newes of any hopes of good successe in England so as having taken leave of the King and thanked him for so many and so great favours hee went into the Fleet whither by command from the King the Admirall of France and divers other ships were come to guard him from Charles his Fleet which lay expecting him in the mouth of the River Seine and which was much greater than the Kings Warwicks and the Admirals all joyned together Doubtlesse had not fortune plaied one of her wonted trickes the English had not returned to England for the Burgonians were many strong and resolute to doe all that was possible to take the Earle But the night before the Earles departure the Dukes ships were by a great tempest scattered many of them were sunke the rest driven into sundry places not any two of them being found together So as the Earle putting to Sea the next day with a faire wind as if the tempest had risen and were allayed to doe him service came to Anchor in Dartsmouth haven in Devonshire the same place where six moneths before he tooke shipping for Calleis Edward was at this time busied in sports and revellings not thinking on foraine affaires relying upon Charles his mighty Fleet which lay in wait to fight with him and hinder his passage into England When he heard he was landed he past from his first confidence to a second and worser thinking hee had him now in a noose Hee advertised Charles and desired him to take order hee should not returne againe to France and then hee needed trouble himselfe no further for that he was sufficient of himselfe to hinder all his designes within his Kingdome and to chastise him But Charls who was a wise and vigilant Prince was not of this opinion he would have had him to have hindred his landing without the adventuring of his Person and Kingdome upon the uncertainty of battell and the inconstancy of his people and fortune The first thing Warwicke did was to make Proclamations be made every where in Henries name that all men from sixteene to threescore yeere old upon grievous punishment should come and present themselves armed before him to serve Henry the lawfull King against Edward Duke of Yorke the unlawfull usurper of the Kingdome He was forthwith obeyed great numbers of people flockt unto him even those who the yeere before were wholly devoted to Edwards service A change though strange yet not to be wondred at Old things cause satiety new businesses provoke fresh appetite Edward being in this straight resolved to doe the same which the Earle had done Hee summoned all the Peeres of the Land was obeyed but by a few and by those more out of feare than out of any good will Hee went to Nottingham accompanied by his brother the Duke of Gloucester the Lord Scales the Queenes brother and the Lord Hastings his Chamberlaine presuming there to raise an Army answerable to his need The Rebels this meane while increased and the Ministers in their Pulpits did approve of Henries right The bastard Faulconbridge and the Earle of Pembrooke the one in the West the other in Wales did proclaime him King That which most troubled Edward was that Marquesse Montaigne having gathered together 6000. fighting men and brought them almost unto Nottingham hee returned backe either for that he thought Edwards affaires were now desperate and that the ayreevery where resounding Long live Henry Long live Warwicke he thought it foolishnesse not to share of his brothers good fortune or else for that hee had now a just occasion to revenge himselfe of Edwards ingratitude as hee tearmed it who for his service done unto him and his blood shed for him in so many battels and dangers had onely requited him with the bare Title of Marquesse He declared himselfe against him and brought those 6000 along with him proclaiming Henry King as the others had done I know not whether he had reason to accuse Edward of ingratitude or no. Voluptuous people who like him are given to their pleasures are naturally prodigall in their owne dissolutenesse and backward enough in paying what they owe. I am very certain his other brothers could not complaine thereof though Warwicke injuriously did The Archbishop of Yorke wore the second Mitre of England and the Earle of Warwicke if wee may believe Comines to boote with his owne Revenues which were very great had 80000 Crowns a yeer comming in in Lordships Confiscations and Places meerely conferred upon him by the Kings grace which was much more in those daies than 300000 would be now But it is hatefull and dangerous to Princes when pretensions grow to that height as there is no meanes of recompence and that the onely pretence of the pretenders seeming to upbraid doth tacitely demand and seeme to plead the participation of their Princes dignity and estate Edward knew not what to say to these alterations which hourely
what is anothers The Victories of Charles the Seventh against Henry the Sixth were of the later sort for he preserved his Crown and won what Henry possest in France but Lewis who in his overcoming could not pretend to other advantage then the driving out an enemy who hazarded nothing while he hazarded all was not to put himself upon Fortune without a proportionable recompence to his expence and losse so as if he bought Peace 't was in respect of his danger at so cheap a rate as the Seventy five thousand Crowns he paid down ready money and the Fifty thousand for Nine yeers would not have served him for One bare yeers expence to boot with a Thousand dangers and damages so as he did what wisedom bad him do not attending the opinion of others who did not arrive at this Physical knowledge That real Victory is properly his who giving way to dangers that he may withstand them doth without danger obtain his end as he did all this notwithstanding I should not praise him had he no other enemies beside Edward for 't were to propose to Princes a Maxime of Cowardize His men believed that Edward seemed to make an agreement that he might the better deceive him but he thought not so for Edwards occasions did not square with such dissimulation He had the Winter at hand wanted Towns was distasted by Charles deceived by the Constable was naturally a lover of his Pastimes so as Lewis his chiefest care was how to be rid of him not valuing Moneys or what others thought of him and that he might the sooner be gone he borrowed of every one he would willingly have paid more but would not part with any Towns or Provinces he would rather have hazarded all Edward gave him to understand he would by writing give him notice of some that betrayed him I know not whether the Constable knew thus much or no but he had many reasons to doubt it and remembring that at a Diet held the yeer before at Bovines Lewis and Charles had secretly proscribed him to the end that he might pay for his so many Treacheries though by somes means he used Lewis afterward hindred the execution thereof he doubted the like in this Agreement his conscience accused him of his past frauds used with the other two and now with Edward so as he feared lest their agreement might be his ruine this caused him day by day to send new Messengers to Lewis with advertisements and counsels drawn from the Forge of his unfortunate Inventions making himself so much the more suspected by how much the affected ostentation of his fidelity bereft him of belief He thought that since Lewis hated no Prince alive more then Charles to hold him in hand with hateful Reports was the means to continue him still his enemy and that the War continuing the thred that was woven for his destruction might either be lost or else grow knotty He sent unto him his Secretary and together with him a Gentleman called Lewis Greville who being first referred to Monsieur de Bouchage and to Commines Lewis being informed of the businesse sent for Monsieur de Contai one of Charles his servants who though he were his prisoner did notwithstanding passe with Messages between them he placed this man in a Cupboard which was in his Chamber to the end that hearing what he was to say to these men he might report the same to Charles and placing himself neer to the Cupboard he sent for them in Their Message was That they were sent from Charles to the Constable to alienate him from friendship with England and that finding him distasted by the King of England they had wel-nigh perswaded him not onely to abandon his friendship but to lend his helping hand to rifle him in his return This was spoken by Creville who believing to be better credited by humouring him imitated Charles his action stamping with his foot swearing and giving Edward injurious terms Lewis feigning as if he had been deaf made him say the same thing over again to the end that Contai might the better hear him who mad to hear his Prince thus abused longed to acquaint him with it This mock-mask ended with an advice of the Constables who knew not that the Agreement was fully made with Edward that Lewis to shun the danger which hung over him should make a Truce with Charles whereunto he obliged himself to make Charles stand and that he should give unto the English a Town or two to hold them in hopes this Winter who could not be so wicked as not to be content therewith The designes of these his Counsels were that the English by this means tarrying in France and the Truce with Charles being to expire the next Spring Lewis might be subject to the fear of War and he might gain time by these two Towns to pacifie Edward for his abuse at S. Quintines and to sowe Dissention between the other two so as all three having need of him he might by diversly deceiving them save himself and seem to oblige them whilest he did betray them Assoon as Creville was gone Contai came forth from the Cupboard as much incensed as Lewis was gladded that Charles should know what sport the Constable made with him I have this particular from Commines as all the rest concerning the businesse now treated on which though it be not simply requisite to our Story yet it is most necessary for knitting up the businesse and to make known the natures of the above-named together with the true causes which did fore-ripen the Constables death A Parley and Interview was this mean while agreed upon between the two Kings with agreement that Edward should return for England assoon as he should have received his Seventy five thousand Crowns and that in pledge of his return he should leave as Hostages the Lord Howard and Sir Iohn Cheynes Master of his Horse who were to be set at liberty upon the certain News of his arrival in England Lewis assigned Sixteen thousand Crowns annual Pension to be given to some of the chief English Lords and was very bountiful in his gifts to Edwards servants When Charles heard of this Accord he hasted to finde out Edward from whom understanding what had been done and how that he had comprehended him in the Truce he answered That he had not brought him out of England for any thing that concerned himself but for Edwards own affairs to the end that he might have occasion to imitate the glorious actions of his Predecessors in France by recovering what of right belonged unto him That since he was agreed not to do it he was no ways concerned therein and as touching the Truce to the end he might see how little he esteemed it he would not accept thereof till Three Moneths after he should be landed in England The King would have convinced him with reason shewing him that all the inconvenience had risen from him but he not listening
reasons seemed good unto the Queene who discovered not the venome thereof Whereupon shee wrote to her Brother exhorting him to cashire all the armed extraordinary attendants and that he should come along onely with her sonnes Houshold servants thereby to shunne the raising of suspition in such who having had reason formerly to hate him would now have cause to accuse him as one Seditious and of small Trust. These admonitions wrought the effect which Glocester desired and so much the rather for that hee having written with all manner of Submission to the King and in most affectionate termes of Friendship to Rivers it wrought so as they tooke their journey without Armes or extraordinary Retinew directing their course towards Northampton where they were met by Himselfe Buckingham and a great many Lords and pretending they should be incommodated for scarcity of Lodgings if they should keepe all together there they made the King go twelve miles farther towards London to Stony-Stratford but the two Dukes stayâ—…d behinde and under pretence of Honour kept with them Earle Rivers and Feasted him with such demonstrations of Joy as not being usuall hee might easily have discovered the deceipt had hee not beene betrayed by the blind folded good opinion hee had of Himselfe When he was gone to his Lodging to rest all night the two Dukes caused the Keyes of the City to be brought to them to the end that no man might get out They slept little spending the greatest part of the Night in counsell and advise they rose early and sent to all the Villages thereabouts where their servants were billeted willing them to be ready on Horseback and sending some to keepe on the way betwixt that and Stony-Stratford with order to send backe all passengers that should goe that way A strange diligence which yet wrought no impression in such as observed it for they believed it to be done that none might come to the King before Themselves But Rivers was of an other opinion for if there had beene any reason for it they should have communicated it to him after many severall conjectures hee resolved to go Himselfe and finde out the bottome of the businesse but no sooner did hee appeare before them then that picking a quarrell that hee had an intention to keepe them from the King and ruine them the which hee should not be able to effect not suffering him to reply but tumultuously interrupting him when hee was about to speake they committed him to the custody of some of their owne Servants and hasted to Stony-Stratford and got thither just as the King was putting foote in stirrup kneeling downe before him who cheerefully received them not knowing their designes they addressed themselves to Richard Gray Brother to the Marquesse Dorset objecting to him that hee together with his Brother and his Unkle had aspired to the Government of the King and Kingdome by raising of Divisions and by bringing under some of the Nobility that they might destroy the Rest that the Marquesse to make his insolencies the more feasible had taken out of the Tower of London all the Royall Treasure and had sent men to Sea to the end that none might oppose him Both which were true but in a contrary sense it being so ordered by the Counsell for the Kingdomes service not his owne The King having heard the Accusation shewed how judicious a Prince hee would have beene had it beene his fortune to have lived for not knowing how to excuse the Marquesse being ignorant by reason of his long absence of what hee had done hee thought hee might excuse the rest since they had beene continually about him So as not giving Richard leave to reply hee sayd for what concern'd the Marquesse hee knew not what to say since hee might be deceived but as for his Unckle Rivers and his Brother Richard he was very certaine they could have no hand in any such businesse for that they had alwayes beene in His company To the which Buckingham replyed His Majesty was deceived that their designes were not knowne to His Majesty and that they did not deserve to be excused by so good a Prince Immediately in his presence was the said Richard seiz'd upon as likewise Sir Thomas Vaughan and Sir Richard Hawte and the King in stead of going forwards was brought back to Northampton such of his attendance as Glocester durst not assy in were removed and others put in their place whereat the yong King did complaine and was much greived having onely the Name of a King and not being of age to defend Himselfe much lesse his Kinred and Servants And that Dissimulation might not be wanting though now 't was needlesse the Duke of Gloucester the next day sent a made dish from his Owne Table to the Earle Rivers with a message that hee should not be troubled at his restraint willing him to be of good courage for very sodainely all things would be to his good liking How much of this Rivers believed may easily be imagined but baulking the injury and apprehending worse he returned thankes for the honour done unto him desiring the Messenger that hee would carry it to his Nephew Richard for that being young and not accustomed to such accidents as these he needed the more this favour This feigned courtesy was like the lightening which fore-runnes Thunder for after many change of Prisons they were brought to Pomfrect and there beheaded as in its proper place shall bee told The next night with great diligence this newes came to the Queene who presently guessed at the Dukes designe shee too late repented the counsell given to her brother to disband his forces shee apparantly saw her owne danger but much more the danger of the Duke of Yorke and her Daughters Shee at the very same houre fled from her Pallace and tooke Sanctuary in Westminster and lodged in the Abbey to the great compassion of such who at that time of the night saw Trunkes Beds and other things carried up and downe in the streetes in such haste and feare as the servants hindered one another in their service not knowing what would become either of their Master or Themselves The Lord Hastings had received the like advertisement but with a contrary resentment he rejoyced at the Queenes sufferings all which were answerable to his wish but imagined not that Glocester would proceed any farther for hee having loved King Edward loved his Children nor would he for all the World that any harme should have befalne them Being thus satisfied in his Owne beliefe he at the same instant it being past midnight dispatcht away a Gentleman to the Archbishop of Yorke Lord Chancellour of England who found him in his first sleepe hee would not suffer him to be awaked but the servants not obeying him he was brought in and acquainted him with what had been done to the King Rivers Gray and the Kings house-hold he concealed not the Queenes betaking her selfe to Sanctuary adding that hee should not
rather then to live in the miseries they hitherto had done They cal'd upon Alinighty God the King of Kings to inspire him with his light and to continue unto him in his Regall dignity those praise-worthy parts by meanes whereof he deserved to be King though he were not And that though his right needed not any publique Acts of Parliament he being King and heire unto the Crowne without them yet in regard the people might be ignorant of the cause of the deposing the one and assuming the other for this cause and to remove all doubts that might arise the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons assembled in Parliament had in full Parliament pronounced decreed and declared that Richard the third their Soveraigne Lord was whilest hee should live the undoubted King of England and of all that within or without belonged thereunto and after him his heires That the high and mighty Prince Edward his sonne was his heire apparant and after him those who should discend from him This decree being registred among the Acts of Parliament and approved of by King Richard with order to be held authenticall in all the parts thereof made it be understood that the Kings of England have power to doe what they will when they are either loved for their vertues or feared for their force For what concernes love there is no proof in this present case but of feare sufficient feare being the prinium mobile of this businesse Richard having by the assistance of the Duke of Buckingham and their adherent raised a powerfull faction the lawfull King being a Child and prisoner the Tyrant a man of braines wel-spoken and of reputation in armes not likely to undertake such a businesse unlesse certaine to effect it all men doubting themselves since their forces being cut off and those put to death which might have re-united them they were exposed to the violence of so cruell a man as Richard who had given proofe of his cruelty by his detaining the King by his taking the Duke of York from the Sanctuary by his impudence in declaring them to be Bustards and by his shamelesnesse in publishing his mother to be a whore to boote with the death of so many Peeres This feare was that which gave a maske to the flatteries of Parliament and which furnisht it with some colour of pretence drawne from Doctor Shaw's Sermon and the speeches made by the Duke of 〈◊〉 in the City-Hall Richard being thus confirmed and believing to settle his tyranny by resting it upon un-accustomed circumstances hee went into Westminster-hall sate him downe in the Kings Bench where in doubtfull cases the Kings of England had wont antiently to sit and where hee avowed his accepting of the Crowne the which hee exprest in a formall Oration and in a manner so well composed as those who had not knowne him would have thought England had never beene blest with so good a King and to colour with the shew of clemency his innate cruelty hee caused one Fogge who had taken Sancturary and whom he had alwayes mortally hated to be brought before him hee tooke him by the hand in fight of all the people and made professions of loving him now as much as he had formerly hated Him by which act he made a great impression in the simpler sort but those who were better advised knew that this was but a Bait wherewith to catch better fish In his returne to his Palace Hee courteously saluted such as Hee knew loved Him not thinking by this servile flattery to infatuate their mindes and to establish his government Yet for all this he durst not rely upon his present fortune He ascertained His Coronation by unaccustomed forces causing five thousand men to come from the Northerne parts of the Kingdome in whom hee trusted aswell for that they tooke part with the House of Yorke as likewise that living in remote parts they were not acquainted with his actions as were the Londoners who having him alwayes in their eye abhorred Him These Northern men appeared ill clad and worse arm'd which made them be but laught at for t was thought that if He should have occasion to make use of them they would not serve His turne and that t was neither these forces not yet greater but a meere Fatality which had precipitated England into so dire and miserable a subjection The last act of His possessing the Crowne was His Coronation all things thereunto belonging being ready as prepared for His Nephews Coronation Hee went with his Wife and His Sonne to the Tower where the next day Hee created the Lord Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke Thomas Howard Sonne to the same man Hee created Earle of Surrey Hee made William Barckley Earle of Nottingham and the Lord Francis Lovell Viscount and Lord Chamberlaine and Hee made seventeene Knights of the Bath The Archbishop of Yorke the Lord Stanley and the Bishop of Ely had beene prisoners in the Tower ever since the Chamberlaine lost his Head Hee set the first at liberty finding himselfe peaceably possest of the Kingdome otherwise Hee would not have done it for being an honest man hee would never have given his consent to the deposing of the true King Hee freed the second out of feare for His Sonne the Lord Strange was raysing great forces in Lancashire a place wherein Hee had great Power and was mightily followed it behooved him to appease Him but Hee did not set the Bishop of Ely at liberty who was a faithfull servant to King Edward for Hee was certaine Hee would never condescend to his Childrens deprivation nor to the unjust wayes whereby Hee usurped the Kingdome whereof Hee had made tryall in the Councells held in the Tower whilest by oblique meanes He set the businesse on foot The Bishop was of no great birth but having lived a long time in good repute in Oxford hee was taken from thence being but bare Doctor by Henry the sixt and made a Privy-Counsellour Edward knowing his integrity kept him still in that condition and chose Him at His death to be one of his Executors Richard therefore fearing Him would have kept Him still in Prison though Hee set the others at liberty had not the Vniversity of Oxford which Hee did alwayes very much favour interceded for Him so that desirous in part to satisfy the Vniversity Hee was content to take him from the Tower as being too publick a place but that Hee might not have His free liberty Hee committed him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham who sent Him to a Castle of His in Brecknockshire where they joyntly laid the first ground-worke of Richards ruine Hee together with his Wife was Crowned in great pompe the sixteenth of Iuly his Wife was daughter to the great Earle of Warwicke who had made and unmade the two preceding Kings and Widow to Edward Sonne to Henry the Sixt Prince of Wales to whom she was give in marriage when Edward the Fourths ruine was agreed upon in
Sanctuary her husband not many months after returning home Victorious and Triumphing she likewise returned with him and during his life lived in her former Greatnesse and Felicity when he died she fell upon the like necessity as formerly of taking Sanctuary her Brother-in-law having usurped the Kingdom from her Sons declared them to be Bastards and cruelly put them to Death for her yet greater grief her Brother and one of her sons had by her Former husband died under the Hangmans hands in lesse then Three months space she was wounded with the death of Three Sons and a Brother her eldest Daughter being married to the new King moved by her womanish anger to practise uneffectible Chimaera's she lost her Honour Goods and Liberty and shortly after died unhappie not visited by any whilst she lived abandoned by her friends She was endued with Rare Qualities but her ruine proceeded from her abuse in the Choice of them Wisedom and Wylinesse being of the like Habit and Aspect are easily mistaken One for Another she took the Later for the Former which she would not have done had she well considered them for they are of Differing Liveries the one's is border'd about with Vertue the other 's with Deceipt Queens Colledge in Cambridge is her foundation and so call'd from her at this hour The Earl of Lincoln fled at this same time into Flanders he was son to Iohn de la Poole Duke of Suffolk and Elizabeth Eldest sister to the Two Brothers Edward and Richard Richard had declared him to be his Successor in case he should die without Children for having published King Edward and the Duke of Clarence to be born in Adultery he could not if he would maintain the pretended justice of his Own cause to the Crown but reject their issue especially having injured them so heinously The Earl upon these hopes flew High in his conceipts he was a man so well conditioned as had his Title been just he deserved to have attain'd at what he aim'd His designes which were born to the ground by Henry who by his Uncles death had gotten the Crown began to renew again at this Irish news for knowing the pretended Plantagenet's falshood he thought the troubles that were thereupon like to arise would bring him to what he desired for Henry being once overcome it would be easie for Him to bear down the Impostor The King had oft-times had him in his thoughts for being a Bird fit for the Cage to let him fly loose Abroad might prove pernicious to Himself and to the State but the Earl of Warwick's imprisonment at which the People were offended was the cause why he imprisoned not Him which should he do they would take yet greater offence and he hoped though He were at Liberty he could not hurt him so long as the Other was in Prison Warwick's pretension was Just and according to the Laws Lincoln's was Illegal obtained from one who had no Power to give it and the more it was Questionable the lesse was it to be Feared for it was not likely that by the difference of Two disagreeing Pretendants any One of the parties might by Concord be established In which if he was deceived it was not to his Prejudice For Lincoln being fled not without the knowledge and appointment of Sir Thomas Broughton he went to his Aunt the Dutchesse who after divers consultations sent him into Ireland accompanied by the Lord Lovel and other Fugitives with a Regiment of Two thousand choice Dutchmen commanded by Martin Swart a Valiant Captain She thought this ready succour would produce many good effects as the Confirming of the Rebels in their Obstinacy the Securing the Counterfeit King in Possession and the Encouraging of his Party in England by making them Ready at their arrival to set upon Henry to fight with him and to put him to flight for the Feigned Edward the Sixth was to be Held up as long as need required and not Yet to be cashiered and the True Edward which was in the Tower put in his place She had no thought at all of Lincoln in this businesse knowing he had no Right of Pretence unlesse she would have Seconded her brother Richard in his Declarations to the Shame of her House which she was very far from The King when he understood of his flight was much perplext he saw that the Dutchesse having declared her self in the behalf of the Rebels he must defend his Crown with the Sword The first provisions he made was to make the Sea-coasts on that side be well guarded to the end that Others might not follow Lincoln's example He raised a Great Army and divided it under Two Generals the Duke of Bedford and the Earl of Oxford believing to be set upon at one and the same time both from Ireland and Flanders And though he expected not this before the Spring yet forbore he not to make a journey almost in the midst of Winter into Suffolk and Norfolk to take order for necessary provisions And understanding by the way that Marquesse Dorset was coming to him to clear himself of some imputation which was falsly laid upon him he dispatched away the Earl of Oxford to meet him by the way with order to carry him to the Tower and to tell him That this was not done for that he had Deserved it or that the King had any Ill opinion of him but to Free him from the Danger of being Perswaded to undertake any thing which might redound to his Prejudice so as though he could not chuse but think such a provision very Hard he wished him to take it Patiently promising him he should have Honourable and Satisfactory reparation The King kept his Christmasse at Norwich and went from thence by way of Devotion to our Lady of Walsingham and from thence returned by Cambridge to London The Earl of Lincoln's arrival in Ireland with so many good men with him added to the Rebels hopes they were very proud to see themselves favoured by the Dutchesse by her sending of such ready Helps and Two so great Lords as were Lincoln and Lovel At their coming King Lambert was Crowned being formerly but Proclaimed King Being in Council they differ'd in Opinions whether the war were to be made in Ireland or England Those who would have it made in Ireland alleadged for their reasons That Henry being necessitated to passe over thither in Person lest he might lose that Kingdom he would meet with many disadvantages amongst which the most Considerable would be his giving way for the Faction of York to Spread it Self the which being already Great would Encrease and grow Greater in the Absence of the King and such Forces as he must carry along with him so as the Faction of Lancaster consequently growing Weaker it would run danger of being Destroy'd and divers would be encouraged to Abandon it who Already were prettily well Enclined so to do which if it should fall out he would be able to do but
Thomas Holland Earle of Kent Henry who dyed young Iohn first Duke of Sommerset who maried Margerite daughter to Sr. Iohn Beauchamp Margerite married to Edward Adham earl of Richmond Henry the 7. who married Elizabeth daughter to Henry the 4. Edmund Duke of Sommerset slaine in the â—…attell at S. Albans who married Elenor daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Henry Duke of Sommerset beheaded an 1462. Charls Sommerset Earle of Worcester bastard Edmund Duke of Sommerset beheaded Anno 1471. dying without heyrs Iohn slaine at the battell of Teuksbury Thomas Ioane married to Iames the first King of Scotland Margerite married to Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Thomas E. of Devonsh beheaded Henry beheaded Iohn slaine at Teuksbury Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester Cardinall of St. Eusebius and Chancellor of England Thomas Beaufort Earle of Dorset Duke of Exeter and Chancellor of England Ioane Beaufort for whose issue looke the next lease Iane Beaufort married to Ralph Nevill Earle of Westmerland Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury beheaded who married Elenor daughter to Thomas Montigue Earle of Salisbury William Lord of Faulkenbridge Edward Earle of Abergaveny George Lord Latimer Robert Bishop of Durham Cuthbert Henry Thomas Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke surnamed The great he married Anne daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Isabel wife of George Plantagenet Duke of Clarence brother to Edward the fourth drowned in a But of Malmâ—…y Edward Earl of Warwicke last heyre male of the Plantagenet he was beheaded Margerite Countesse of Salisbury wife to Richard Poole beheaded the 13. yeare of Henry the 8. she was mother to Cardinall Poole Anne wife to Edward Prince of Wales son to Henry 6. he was slaine by the Duke of Glocester who after married the said Anne Edward Prince of Wales who died before his Father Iohn Marquis Montigue who maried the daughter of Sr Edward Engelthorpe George Archbishop of York and Chancellour of England George Nevil Duke of Bedford degraded together with his father for not having left sufficient meanes to maintaine their honour Luce first married to Sir Thomas Fitz-Williams then to Sir Anthony Browne by whom William Earle of Southampton St Anthony Browne Iane married to Will. Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Thomas Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel William Earle of Arundel Elenor wife to Thomas Stanley Earle of Darby George Baron Strange Thomas Earle of Darby Edward Lord Mounteagle Iames Bishop of Ely Catherine wife to Iohn Moubray second duke of Norfolke Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elenor daughter of the Lord Bourchier Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elizabeth daughter to Geo. Talbot 1. earle of Shrewsb Anne wife to Richard Duke of York second son of Edward the fourth Elenor wife to Henry Pearcy second Earle of Northumberland slaine in the service of Henry 6. in the first battell at Saint Albans Henry the third earle of Northumberland slaine in the like service who married Elenor daughter to Richard Lord Poinings Henry the fourth Earle of Northumberland slaine by the people for leavying a taxe imposed by Henry the seventh and the Parliament he married Maudlin daughter to the earle of Pembrocke Henry the fifth earle of Northumberland William Allen a Bishop Iocelin Elenor married to Edward Stafford duke of Buckingham Anne wife to William Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Anne wife to Humfrey Staffoâ—…d first Duke of Buckingham slaine in the first battel at Northhampton Humfrey Earle of Stafford slaine in the first battell of St Albans he married Margerite sister to Edward Beaufort Duke of Sommerset Henry second Duke of Sommerset beheaded by Richard 3. he married Catherine sister to Richard Woodville Earle Rivers Edward Duke of Buckingham Henry of Wiltshire both beheaded by Henry the 8. Iohn Stafford Earle of Wiltshire married to Constance daughter to Sir Henry Greene. Edward Stafford Earle of Wiltshire Catherine wife to George Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury George E. of Shrewsbury married to Anne daughter to the Lord Hastings Francis Earle of Shrewsbury Margerite married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland Sicely of whose issue see the next leafe Sicely married to Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who waged warre with Henry the 6. as lawfull pretender to the Crowne hee was slaine in the battell of Wakefield King Edward the 4. who married Elizabeth daughter of Richard Woodville Earle Rivers King Edward the 5. Richard duke of York Both slaine in the Toweâ—… by their uncle Richard 3 Elizabeth married to Henry the 7. Arthur prince of Wales Henry the 8. Catherine married to William Courtney earle of Devonshire Henry Earle of Devonshire and Marquis of Exeter beheaded by Henry the 8. Edmund who died in the battell with his Father George Duke of Clarence drowned in a But of Malmsey in the Tower he married Isabel daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Warwicke Edward Earle of Warwicke beheaded under Henry the 7. Margerite Countesse of Salisbury married to Sr Richard Poole beheaded under Henry the 8. Henry Lord Montigue beheaded under Henry the 8. Reginald Poole Cardinall Vrsula married to Henry Lord Stafford sonne and heyre to Edward last Duke of Buckingham Richard Duke of Glocester by tyrannicall usurpation called afterward Richard the 3. who married Anne daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke Edward Prince of Wales who died during his fathers life THE INTRODVCTION MY intention is to write the story of England for as much as concernes the Câ—…vill Wars of that Kingdome from their first rise to their happy period Events which the lesse they be known forth of those Climats the more worthy are they of others knowledge Civill knowledge accounts not him wise who applies himselfe only to what concernes his owne Country but who enlargeth his understanding to the universall knowledge of all Nations Such as are unexperienced and too passionatly gâ—…ven to the love of their owne Country doe vsually misprise forraine occurrences whilst alteration in governments doth vary those vertues in them by which they acquired a name above others The Assyrians Medes and Persians the Macedonians Greeks and Romans doe witnesse this unto us people ought not to boast of what they were but if there be any occasion of ostentation of what they for the present are Barbarisme is not so generall in the now present times as in times past of as many Nations as are there is not any one who at this day can vaunt her selfe to be the law-giver unto others What is wanting in some one is peeced up by the advantages which some others have not This discipline of warre learning the liberall sciences arts mechanicall and civill comportment are so diffused as those who last embraced them are like to cisternes which doe more abound with water then doe the house tops and gutters from which they did at first fall There was a time when the Grecians had presumption enough to repute the Romans barbarous their condition shewes us how much they were deceived The Vandalls Lombards and Gothes were civilized at the cost of the
Roman Empire Where luxury and vice increase their dominion decreaseth and together with the rigor of the mind civility it selfe which is not defined by ceremoniall complements but by the strong effect of a judicious understanding England then Albion and now Britaine a Country not fully knowne before Caeâ—…ars time from the entry of the Romans fell to be one of the most noted and most glorious Monarcnies of the world She did not send multitudes of people abroad for abounding in whatsoever is requisite to nature and that in some perfection she haa no need of other Colonies nay her owne abundance and fertility was such as invited her being oppugned whilst divided and under the command of many she remayned a prey to them that did assaile her I intend not to speake of her beginning so long a work sutes not with so short a life as is mine I will take my rise from her Civill warres which will shew unto us what evill effects states divided within themselves doe produce and how that nature to render this people valiant tooke from them the apprehension of death the onely thing which makes men base and cowards not that an inclination to peace bee not to bee numbred amongst the greatest hapinesses of mankind but for that the world being what it then was and what it will be to the end humblenesse and meeknesse ought only to be accounted amongst individuall vertues So as if people be not of themselves fierce they shall alwaies be subject to the neglect and injuries of such as esteeme a pleasing behaviour no vertue but a weaknesse of nature The praise of mansuetude in one or a few is not incompatible with valour but in a whole nation it is as much to be blamed as it is the occasion of harme For vertue or vice are not judged by Morall or Theologicall termes but by the good or bad effects which from thence may ensue The Brittans were not subject to such defects and though they made triall of many ebbes of fortune being miserably inforced if we may beleeve Gilda to invoke the Roman assistance it was for that they were divided in their forces and inclinations But being brought under one absolute King they appeared to bee all members of one solide body of force not to bee conquered and of minde alternatly disposed either to preserve their reputations or dye They have obtained famous victories though fewer in number by two thirds The battell of Cressi and Poictiers witnes this unto us but more particularly those that we are to meet withall in this our story their minds were at first wholy set upon liberty so as free from forraine feare they oftentimes would boggle at their own kings who though they were absolute bad not withstanding their Monarchy so well upheld by the Lawes that they could hardly fall from regall power to oppression And though the jealousie of this libertyhath sometimes been very great in these people even to the making of them headstrong and seditious yet inconveniences which doe incidently happen ought not to be of power enough to take from the substance of that government the title of a well governed Commonwealth And though it be not voide of faults heaven being the onely perfect Monarchy yet not such as are cause of mischiefe They are not taxed or oppressed without grievance or new impositions And whereas the Country people in other parts walke bare foot and bare legged with tattered cloathes and leane lookes beere well cloathed and well liking they in substance are and in apparell seeme to be honorable and wealthy Citizens But it is plainely seene by them that men are weary of well doing For ignorant of other mens miseries when they want their wonted warres and triumphes they thinke themseves miserable whilst in comparison of as many as I know they are the happiest nation in the world Nor is the authority of their kings lessened by this liberty when they are vertuous and frugall or else esteemed of for their victories and Trophees they have done with their people even what they pleased The two Henries the 5. and the 7 in this our story not to make use of any out of it are examples of this Nor do their meane revenues in comparison of those excessive ones of other Kings make them lesse rich for free from the extortion of great men from maintaining of Citadell Garisons borse confines not troubled with Switzers dependences correspondencies spies all necessary expences be it for the preservation of ones owne or the pretending to what is anothers they need not have any more They are secure at home having no dependency but on the King for abroad the Sea is their ditch their Citadell thier Bul-warke and their ships though their chiefest charge yet ordinarily are of no vast expence Besides upon any extraordinary occurrence their treasure is locked up in their subjects purses from whence it is drawen by the usuall way of Parliament without oppression or injury to any one and what by this meanes is raysed doth not as in many other states remaine a continuall revenue to the Prince By the testimony of Philip de Comines the revenue of France in Charles the sevenths time did not exceed one hundred and fourescore thousand pound sterling Vnder Lewis the leventh they came to foure hundred and seventy thousand pounds sterling the yeare 1608. under Henry the fourth three millions one hundred thousand pound sterling and at this present time under Lewis the thirteenth if the relation be not false it amounts to foure millions and five hundred thousand pounds Sterling or more Hence I inferre that the Kings of England walke in the eclyptique line of their government ruled by two just counterpoises regall authority which makes them be obeyed and the Lawes a just weight equally fitted to shape forth a well constituted Aristodemocraticall government The people enjoy their liberty provided for by the Lawes The Nobility such Honours and Offices as become their quality and the King his will in making warre or peace All confiscations and power of pardoning the Lawes not having debarred him of anything which appertaineth to an absolutely juridicall Prince I thought good to touch upon these few things for that necessary foreknowledge which may bee needfull to this our History And if they may appeare strange to such as are borne under Princes who know no other Law then their owne will they ought not to thinke it strange that governments to be good ought as all other sublunary things to bee composed of more elements then one and that their contrariety produeeth the unity which nature requires The Gentiles did not without some great mystery faine their Gods to bee bound by fate and by their swearing by the Stygian waters For Princes are these Gods their oathes by the Stygian waters the oathes which at their Coronation they take for the good of the people which would not be necessary for good Princes for goodnesse is a Law unto it selfe but as
necessary for those who may happen not to be such as are the soule and sense to a living body nor ought they for this to thinke themselves ere a whit the lesse firmly rooted for as God is the more potent for the impotency he hath to sinne so their potency is more solide whilst incorporated into the Lawes it becomes impeccable otherwise if they stood onely upon their owne legges hatred and feare their naturall enemies were borne coetaneans with them to insnare them These my prayses of this Nation may perchance appeare not to be true to him who shall consider the beginning of our story since that passing over the relation of so many glorious Kings I take myrise from the unfortunate reigne of Richard the second who comming to the Crowne at eleven yeares of age doth prove the miserable condition of such States as are governed by an intant King But vertue and vice change together with the times a necessary vicissitude in governments not in a proper respect but in respect of the generall for if it were otherwise people endowed with equall generosity would either reciprocally destroy themselves or else they would all fall under the command of some one who were more eminent in vertue then all the rest Man hath his age prefixt so have Kingdomes to die of decrepite age is not usuall of disorders usuall Kingdomes perish more by disorders then by decrepit age so as the people members of the King their â—…ead cannot but languish when he languisheth I conclude that the end of these my slight endeavours are to represent as in a looking glasse to Princes moderation to subjects obedience for that violent changes draw after them slaughter misery and destruction Errata In the life of R. 2. of H. 4 and H. 5. Page 1. Line 10. Reade Cressy ibid. 25. This. 3. 4. Leon. ibid. 36. attestate 10. 38. Dukes ibid. Flanckers 18. 2. keyes Ibid. 28. seize 20. 2. to much wisedome 31 6. not the nearnesse 38. 9. Berkely 41. 14. incapable 44. 1. the. 50. 21. who 52. 26. Corâ—…eri 53. 27. unprovided 45. 22. lands 55. 32. fell'd 58. 2. King Richard had concluded for 30. yeares ibid. if it had beene ibid. 46. illegall 59. 6. a tree water'd ibid. 32. but under ibid. 48. heire to Richard Glendour using 69. 22. the oare 70. 43. who 74. 47. covering 76. 45. Corbeil 77. 6. might have been if of ibid. 18. Bourges 79. 29. Mowbâ—…ay ibid. 26. bolder resolves revenge being 82. 1. intending ibid. 39. and in another 89. 10. contumacy ibid. 35. Angoulesme 90. 24. Suburbs St. Maâ—…ceau 91. 12. was onely 101. 9 that the injury 105. 7. a Carthusian ibid. 13. Du Main ibid. 20. examine whether the late 106. 19 Meroveus were the son of Clodian 107. 1. Clotharius 110. 42. Malcolme 111. 12. more peace nor lesse trouble 113. 14. undertaken ibid. 41. rewarder 114. 3. Richard the third 115. 19 Seine ibid. 37. resolved 116. 44. Eu. 118. 22. puft up 119. 48 the arrowes 120. 31. Bornonville ibid. ead Hembert d'Agincourt ibid. 39. little lesse 126. 37. Valentiana 127. 48. Touque 130. 34. to 131 3 streets were to ibid. 5. Burgondy ibid. 13. others sex for 132. 9. Archery ibid. 35. many 143. 25. by the Duke 145. 44. Montague 146. 21. bloudy hands and Crocodiles teares 148. 11. Bride ibid. 15. Charenten 149. 19. Villa nova ibid. 27. rather to hinder the enemies ibid. 47. mine 152. 35. leaving ibid. 37. that ibid. 47. passion which in 154. 24. beset with jewels 155. 37. Swâ—…ton 157. 4. iâ—… is he that ibid. 8. any ibid. 14. price ibid. 17. Earle of Mortaigne ibid. 24. Thiam 158. 16 Marne invironing ibid. 41. besiegers 159. 35. Montague ibid. 42. went to her 160. 23. Senlis 162. 18. armes his Errata in the life of Henry 6. Page 7. Line 24. Reade Iohn the fift 10. 31. being arm'd and in march 11. 24. fortune 15. 4. Iaqueline 18. 8. Gough 24. 6. Touraine 29. 47. Amadeus 30. 21. not to loose ibid. 42. Ioyeuse 38. 23. Argentres Hall 39. 42. a Dukedome 42. 33. overburdened 43. 35. This is worthy 48. 21 yet are ibid. 32. once 56. 21. Hubbub 57. 33. to the second 67. 33. maugre those 68. 18. Huts 69. 29. Ioane 72. 11. mission 79. 13. river Soame confining 92. 29. Eugenius the 4. 104. 30. together all 105. 41. Bruges 106. 20. might serve 107. 29. not but. ibid. 36. Roxborough 112. 13. Iaquelina 113. 18. haven 114. 24. cultivated ibid. 39. Henry At the same time Longueville ibid. 42. Charles his obedience playing 115. 17. Tholouse ibid. 46. when 117. 34. unto him his 119. 18. Duchies ibid. 31. enmity 120. 21. Lewis 121. 11. not able 122. 1. Towne ibid. 26 whomsoever ibid 30. England These were 123. 33. environed with enemies ib. in marg 1443. 124. 26. a separation 125. 43. not acknowledge God 128. 12. humble devout ibid. 43. men and together with them the Queen perceiving 129. 20. a lover of his 130. 48. Fougeres 131. 9. did not approve ibid. 29. would not faile ibid. 35. Louviers 132. 14. emborsed by them ibid. 42. The Count of Dunois 133. 22. by Charles to the. â—…bid 36. of the same Castle ibid. 43. Argenion 134. 26. Fresnoy ibid. 42. towres ibid. 46. slaughter was greater of 136. 48. the 8 of December 137. 22. whence ibid. 25. Bresse Lord high Marshall of Normandy and. 138. 10. Guenne went handsomely forwards though ibid. 11. fast as ibid. 12. Guisâ—…in ibid. 17. 〈◊〉 138. 23. 60. ibid. 44. Fresnoy 139. 7. Sir Matthew Gough c. up ibid. 10. Formigni ibid. 16. among which were Tâ—…el Mowbray and Sir Thomas Drâ—…w Vere and Gough with the. ibid. 23. that they ibid. 41. Castres 140. 48. Cheriburg Bricquebec Valonges 141. 11. was very strong ibid. 13. conceale ibid. 42. that the. 142. 6. Falaise 145. 28. They. ibid. 42. the. 148. 2. kinsman ibid. 24. retire 149. 31. with ibid. 35. of some who shund 150. 14. Eeden 151. 35. 10000. 152. 15. found 153. 42. he 154. 19. sects the one doth not beleeve the other 155. 9. State ibid. 14 but. 156. 16. get 161. 12. forbare not ibid. 26. esteemed so much the lesse to be ibid. 48. Sudley 162. 33. not notwithstanding 166. 11. this ib. 22. bestead 169. 1. inhibit ib. 7. he 170 49. but to restore 172. 39. he should 176. 45. were upon 177. 4. cruelty The Reader may doe himselfe a pleasure and me a courtesie if with his pen he will correct these Errata before he reade the Book which if it take so well as may give encouragement for a second Impression I will take care the like shall not be committed THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND FRom foure Edwards did Richard the second descend of which the first three were succeeding Kings the fourth Prince of Wales furnamed the Blacke Prince who dying before his Father Edward the third did not attaine the Crowne England could not boast of braver Princes nor Europe of more
gallant Commanders then were the latter two they brought home renowned victories the blacke Prince not yet fully sixteene yeares old was victorious in the battell of Cresses his Father being present who denyed him succour onely looking on whilest he with bare two thirds of 8500. men fought with little lesse then 90000. to the end that that worth which before its accustomed time did bud forth in him might produce early fruits watered by the Rivolets of glory and honour and not many yeares after being fewer by three fourths then were his enemies hee in the battell of Poictiers tooke King Iohn of France prisoner invironed by all the Princes and Nobility of that Kingdome but dying not long after in the full growth of his glorious atchievements he left behinde him this Richard which did succeed his grandfather the yeare 1377. Edward the third had seven sonnes foure whereof dyed during his life time the first as hath already beene said the second and sixth without issue and the third which was Lonel Duke of Clarence left no other issue save Philip married to Edmond Mortimer Earle of Marsh of whom came Roger and of Roger Anne the innocent cause of mischiefe to that kingdome for being married to Richard Plantaginet Earle of Cambridge second sonne to Edmund Duke of Yorke she inriched that Family by her just pretences to the Crowne much more then by her portion whereof her successors to the prejudice of the whole kingdome did afterwards make use For though the laying private claims to Estates be alwaies lawfull to the pretender yet is it not alwaies expedient for the publique nor are they easily obtained but by unjust and cruell waies Iohn Duke of Lancaster Edmond and Thomas the fourth fifth and seventh were onely those who did outlive him The latter two whereof were afterwards by their Nephew created Dukes the one of Yorke the other of Gloster I will not here set downe their posterity the reader may betake himself to the Genealogicall tables prefixed by means whereof any whosoever be he not brutishly ignorant both of the law of nature and kingdoms may give his judgement of the right or wrong of those who raigned and if therein you shall not meet with the to be commiserated number of those of the blood Royal who either through the obstinacie of hatred or incivility of civill warres came immaturely to their end the occasion will be for that being descended of women by former marriages expatiated into other families cruelty would triumph in the diversity of spoiles and begird her temples with a Crowne partly composed of the blood of many who by their deaths reduced the blood Royall of England to a small number the which whether it were expedient or not and whether the multiplicity of pretenders be of use or the contrary to Kingdomes let it be a dispute referred to the argumentation of good wits though extreames being in all things bad that seemes lesse harmefull which consists in the weaker breath of a few then what in the violent whirlewindes of many their authority and designes being able to dissolve their oppositions and jealousies able to raze whatsoever well founded Monarchy Richard was by nature endowed with amiable conditions for being of a comely personage and of a liberall and generous minde he was likely to have proved like unto himselfe had he had the fortune to have arrived at the maturity of his judgement under the guidance of his Grandfather or father but being freed from the authority of such as might have sweetned the asperity of his yeares the fruits of such hopes as were conceived were before their maturity corrupted for infatuated by the soothing of his flatterers and enforced by his servants affections to which Princes through a maligne influence are usually subject he hated all such counsells as did oppugne his minde he rewarded such as did not contradict him and being growneolder he through wofull experience found that his undoing was occasioned by his having equally offended kindred Clergy Nobility and people Of the three Dukes he of Yorke was of a sweet condition given to pastime void of ambition a hater of businesse nor did he trouble himself with any but for formalities sake being thereunto constrained by his quality The other two Lancaster and Gloster both of them ambitious and turbulent did notwithstanding differ in this that whereas the former endeavoured the encrease of his authority by making himselfe to be feared the other aspired to the like end but by contrary meanes Lancaster declaring himselfe from the beginning to be an enemy to the people Gloster if not by inclinations by cunning profestly popular First Richard did much apprehend Lancaster those who for their own particular interests did sooth him in his youthly desires endeavoured to perswade him that Lancaster who was an obstacle by them reputed too difficult for their designes would have plots upon his person but being gone into Spaine his thoughts being fixt upon the Kingdomes of Castile and Lyons to both which in the right of his second wife Constance he did pretend he left Gloster to inherit these suspitions who opposing himselfe in all actions against his Nephew after having provoked him by injuries and by detractions vexed him for his reward lost his life It is not my purpose to write all the acts of this King a great part whereof I passe over as the rebellion of the pesants with intention to extirpate together with the Nobility himselfe his expeditions in France in the pursuit of his Grandfathers and Fathers designes in Flanders in the favour of Vrban the sixth against Clement who called himselfe Pope in Avignon in Ireland to tame the savagenesse of that people in Scotland to represse inroades and his marrying the sister of Wincesâ—…us the Emperour I will onely treat of such things as caused his ruine after having reigned 22. yeares Certaine men were at the first deputed unto him as well for the government of his person as estate whose plurall authority ensuing to bee more of burthen then benefit it was reduced to the person of Thomas Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke chosen to this charge by the unanimous consent of Parliament but the King herewithall not contented being by reason of his yeares unfit to governe and by reason of his bad Councell not apt to be governed began to alter this ordination in the person of Richard Scrope formerly by the Parliament chosen Chancellor of England a man so void of blame in all his actions as he was very worthy of the charge imposed upon him The King amongst the most considerable jewells of his Crowne hath one thereunto inchased by the Lawes that those whose fathers dye in the nonage of their sonnes fall under his tuition till the one and twentieth yeare of their age all their revenew redounding from the aforesaid time to the King save the third part which is reserved for their education it now so fell out that by vertue of this prerogative Richard enjoyed the income
in bad then good seeds for as soone as the bad hearbs are weeded out others spring up in their place as happened in this affaire It may not be amisse for us to give our opinion of the right or wrong of these severall parties The King was young and wholly possest by wicked people who like to thirsty Leeches endevoured to drowne themselves in the fullest veines they lived not save in the death of others nor were they enriched but by other mens losse and confiscations They thought belike that great men were like Eagles feathers which doe corrode those of other birds that therefore it behoved them to rid their hands of the Duke He on the contrary was not without his venome his hatred increased the more for that for his Nephewes fault he seemed to be torne in peeces by the meaner sort of people a provocation sufficient to make a man of his quality undergoe whatsoever excesse which that he did the death of his accuser may serve for an argument for it was not likely that he should feare danger being innocent he was great of himselfe strengthened by the authoritie of his brethren by his dependants and followers not being to bee judged but by his Peeres And though the Court might have a great part in them yet not so great as was to surmount his share hatred of favourites being in all men of more force then the hopes of amending their owne conditions by so unworthy meanes On the other side it may be that the Frier wrought upon by mightie promises had slandered him he not being likely to have pryed into so secret a businesse whilst others knew nothing thereof being himselfe neither of the privacie nor family of the Duke and it may be not known by him but if it were so the Duke ought not to have ended the question by violence nor ought his violence to have been authorised by impunity what was this but to assure unto us the reality of his fault and that hee was imboldned by the Kings minority and secured by his owne greatnesse At this time did Charles the sixth reigne in France son to that Charles who for having hindred the progresse of the English Armes deserved to be stiled Charles the wise and who taught by the example of his progenitors instructeth us That crazie states are not sustained by hazards but by good counsell for rashnesse is seldome favoured by Fortune He dying left store of treasure behinde him and therewithall this Charles who contrary to him had likely by his hare-braindnesse to have lost France The inward and conformable maladies of these two kingdomes did seasonably abate the edge of their weapons by short but redoubled truce the sympathizing conditions of the two Kings requiring it to bee so Richard being but two yeares older then Charles each of them alike prodigall and unfit for government the one and the other under the government of Tutors Kings barely in title their Uncles exercising that authority nor was there any difference between them save that Charles was beloved Richard hated and whereas the former failed through want of wit the other erred onely through the corruption of counsell Charles had exercised the maidenhood of his Armes in the behalfe of Lodovick Count of Flanders against the Flemings who did rebell against him And proving therein prosperous hee became so greedie of warre as the truce with England being expired hee coveted nothing more then the continuation of that hatred his little experience not well advising him and his yeares making him presume himselfe borne for that which his predecessors never durst undertake Hee begun the warre in Poictou Saintunge and Limosin under the conduct of the Duke of Burbone He sent into Scotland to Robert the second who then reigned an aid of Lances and Crosse-bow-men by Iohn of Vienna his Admirall to the end that the English being busied on the one side might be the lesse able to resist the invasion which he intended to make on the other For having given order for a great Army at Sleus and for another in Bretanny he intended himselfe in person to attempt the conquest of that Kingdome Burbone tooke many Forts and other places in those Provinces But the Admirall was but badly received in Scotland he found not the King at Edinburgh his usuall place of residence for he cared not to be found there as esteeming the comming of those people burthensome Hee very well knew King Charles his humour and believed that for some whimzies of his owne hee would put upon him the necessitie of warre which Scotland useth not to undertake but upon good conditions occasion and advantages But things were not as the King beleeved for Embassadors having been sent to him the yeare before from France to acquaint him with the truce made for one yeare with Richard wherein hee was likewise comprehended some of the Councell had treated with them that if the King of France were resolved to send over to them a thousand horse five hundred Crosse-bow-men and Armes for another thousand they would trouble England which being by them understood as a thing resolved upon they were come without more a-doe with the men and Armes required They brought no horses along with them to avoid trouble thinking to finde enough there but Scotland being then according to its own wont not as now furnished with what is necessary and with much of superfluity had not horses wherewithall to furnish them they were forced to fit themselves with horses at excessive prices The King being returned the Admiral delivered his Embassage the which being seconded by such as thought to better as well their private as the publicke condition upon the hopes that England being set upon on both sides would in likelihood be lost King Robert could not resist the importunity of his people So as his royall will being published within a few dayes 30000 fighting men appeared under their Banners With those and his owne men the Admirall entred Northumberland took there divers Townes burnt and destroyed the Countrey nor had he retired from thence had hee not been inforced by those who were most experienced having received advertisement that the King was marching towards them with a great Army The English Army consisted of 68000 men what Bow-men what Lances with Pioners and other attendants it made up 100000. and as many horse The Admirall persisted in his opinion of giving battell when being brought to the top of a hill under the which the enemy lay and having seen their order and their number he changed his minde But being resolved come what come would to doe some famous act hee made this proposition that since they must of necessity quit the field which without much rashnesse could not be made good they might doe the like as the enemy doubtlesse would doe to wit that as the enemy was like to finde Scotland without defence so they passing by the other part of England likely to want defenders might by their
ransacking of the Countrey make amends for what of dammage Scotland was likely to receive This advice being approved of they came downe from the Hills and entred Comberland where finding no resistance they ransacked all the parts thereof they assayed Carlisle but unfortunately for it was defended by many brave Gentlemen This meane while Richard being entred Scotland came to Edinburgh he burnt almost the whole Towne but not the Castle saved by the fort and its situation From thence some of his troops passing further they burnt and destroyed Townes Houses and Monasteries till they came to Sterling méeting with none that opposed them the men of warre being gone as you have heard into Comberland and King Robert having retired himselfe to places of more safety so as the Cattell being driven into the woods they reaped no profit for all the harme they did which made them more insatiate in their ruinating the Countrey nay had not provision of victuall by shipping and cart beene brought from England they could not have found food for one onely day in that Countrey for being naturally barren and of set purpose destroyed there was noâ—… so much as grasse for their horses to bee found The King therefore being necessitated to returne Lancaster propounded that taking necessary provision along with them they might returne by the way of Comberland as the Scots had done and so barring their returne they must needs of themselves fall into their hands The proposition pleased the Councell and the King himselfe and was the onely one like to be effected but when night came the Earle of Oxford had accesse to the Kings â—…are and whispered unto him that the Dukes ends were to bring his Majesty to the last of dangers For it was impossible for them to passe over those hils winter being so farre advanced without great prejudice that the numerous army required greater store of provision then was to be carried on sumpter horses that the enemie having ruinated and harased the Country they were not likely to finde straw enough much lesse other necessaries If the speakers Genius much more predominant then was the Kings was able without such likely arguments to prevaile with him how much more did it now doe so strengthned by these reasons and former jealousies had of the Uncle so as the next day whilst according to the resolution formerly taken the army expected to have order for marching towards these parts the King having in sharpe tearmes upbraided the Duke with disloyalty for that hee durst advise him to the danger of either perishing by famine or becomming a prey unto the enemy said that he would returne into England the road way whilst the Duke if he pleased with such as would follow him might goe into Comberland for his part hee and such as loved him would goe the other way The Duke astonished at so unexpected an entertainment excused himselfe in all humility omitting nothing that might appease the King nor had this sufficed had hee not beene seconded by many Lords who were witnesses to his conscience This was the last sceane of these Tragicomicall distasts worthy to be so stiled to put a difference betweene them and those Tragicall ones of Gloster the former ending in words the latter in effects maligne and mortall He then returned the same way hee came having for his so great expence reaped no other fruit then the breaking of Charles his designes The Admirall according to his instructions was to have wintered in those parts that by renewing the warre in the Spring he might facilitate the invasion which Charles was to make on the other side but it was not in his power to effect it both man and horse being brought to that passe as they had not whereon to live Those who had most money could find nothing to buy and those who would have sold their horses or any thing else to have supplyed their wants could finde no chapmen to tarry all in one body in one place was impossible to divide themselves dangerous the peoples hatted being like lightning a fore-runner of tempests there was not any who either could or would carry there The Admirall understood this very well he intended to give the most necessitous leave to depart and to promise the rest speedy supplyes of money but those who had leave to bee gone were not suffered to imbarque themselves they would neither suffer them to tarry nor to be gone The Scots exclamed that 't was they that had made the warre that their countrey was ruin'd by reason of them that they had done more mischiefe then had the English that they had trodden downe the corne cut downe trees and as if they had beene in the enemies countrey lived onely upon rapine for which they required satisfaction excuses or were not found or not admitted of The Admirall was at last constrained by publique proclamation to ingage himselfe to give satisfaction to all such as pretended to have received injury by his men The debt being agreed upon he imbarqued his men tarrying himselfe in Scotland till such time as he received moneyes wherewith he satisfied the creditors and so departed unsatisfied himselfe This was Charles his first adventure wherein meeting with a rub it made him the second time stumble against a yet harder stone The Admirall being returned confirm'd in him the resolution of his imaginary conquest assuring him that the whole people of England exceeded not 60000. Archers and 7. or 8000. Launces a slender defence in comparison of what forces were for her ruine mustered in France But it is usuall in nature for the most excellent faculties to be more tender then are the rest strong and acute sights suffer more by looking on the Sunne then those which are obtuce and weake therefore if the Admirall a judicious Commander failed in his judgement being dazled by the splendor of so many ships engines and Princes as were gathered together at Sluce he ought to be pardoned Some are notwithstanding of opinion that France would never have dreamed upon any enterprise on England had it not beene by his perswasion and that the Duke of Burgundy by the death of his wives father now Count of Flanders desiring the suppression of the English who had fomented the rebellion in those provinces made him give this advice which was praised of all save the Duke of Berry though he durst not make publique opposition seeing Charles was inclined thereunto Others write that the Duke of Burgundies intentions were not to hazard the King in passing the Seas the landing being difficult and more difficult to keepe himselfe there when he should be landed the people considerable by reason of their number and valour the comparing of these with those who had formerly conquered them equivocall that at the present they were governed by one onely King whose hatred was not to be put in ballance with the hatred they bore to strangers that they were passionately lovers of liberty abhorring the French nation and a
countrey in which grasse excepted which as in a perpetuall Aprill is alwayes there greene they would finde nothing not occasioned by barrennesse but providence and that there being neither Castle nor other place wherein to settle it was to be wonne by inchmeale upon the uncertainty of fortune and battle any one of the which being lost succour being far off subject to delayes tempests and winds the victory would no longer be the thing in question but the safety life and liberty of the King Princes and people that battels had little lesse then lost France the which was by Charles the wiâ—…e returned to its former lustre not by fighting but by temporizing moreover that there they had neither partakers nor intelligence without the which those who in preceding times did would not have attempted it that his true designe was to hinder Lancasters journey into Spaine so to secure that State to Iohn King of Castile a designe in consideration of so immense an expence more then unworthy the refined judgement of that Duke But whatsoever the matter was it is hard to reconcile Writers tedious to dispute the businesse therefore what really appeares agreed upon by all sides shall be the current of our discourse All these preparations were not of force enough to divert the Duke of Lancaster from his intended journey nor the apprehension thereof sufficient to make England detaine him which on the contrary side furnisht him with shipping men and pay for six moneths nor was Richard lesse liberall to him in favours the desire of having him gone was of more force with him then the feare of whatsoever forraigne forces He would have him honoured like a King he gave him a Crowne royall his wife Constance being by the Queen presented with the like both of them passing rich This mean while the French Fleet lay in the havens of Flanders that of Sluce not being able to containe 1267 bottomes for upon this number all Writers doe neere upon agree as many ships as sailed upon the sea from the Straits of Guibraltar to Prucia were detained for this service there were numbred of Knights and Gentlemen 20000. as many Crosse-bow-men of Genowa the which together with foot and adventurers made up the number of 100000. the Mariners servants and other people made up another number apart Whosoever had not hired some vessell of his owne proper cost be he of what condition he please hee was allowed no more attendance but one horse and one servant no unusefull mouthes were allowed of there was no Prince uninvited nor who invited did not contribute The King of Spaine ships the Duke of Saxonie and Bavaria's Souldiers The Count of Savoy went thither in person accompanied by many warriers the strife in expences between Princes and great Lords was very great To what was necessary they added superfluity the Masts and Yards gay with streamers glistered with gold azure incredible store of victuals there was nothing unprovided for the price of things were eighteen times doubled all things were growne to an excessive price the provisions of the Navie were not touched what was there daily consumed was inestimable warriers flocked thither not unlike a torrent spending prodigally the certainty which they had upon the hopes of uncertaine gaine The court of it selfe was sufficient to cause a dearth The King was accompanied by the Duke of Lorreigne and of Bar by the Counts of Savoy Genowa Saint Paul Armignae Longaville Eu by the Dolphin of Auvergne by the Lord Cussi and by all the Barons and Nobility of France Constable Clisson did on the other side in Bittanny rig forth a Navie of 72 ships and that nothing might bee wanting to the securitie and Majestie of so great a King the woods of that and the neighbouring Provinces were impoverished for the building of a Citie framed all of boords and rafters it was compassed about as it were with a wall Bulwarkes Loop-holes Casements and other things then in use in fortification which might bee joyned together or taken in peeces as occasion should serve The circumference thereof was 3000 paces the height twenty and at the distance of twenty paces was placed a turret of thirty paces high capable of ten defendants within this circuit in answerable distances were placed lodgings for the King Princes and Officers Piazzaes Market-places space for Pavillions nothing was wanting which was requisite in a strong commodious and long-since built City but all this Fabricke together with five hundred men being imbarqued for Sluce a chance winde arose which disperst the Fleet and three vessels loaden with this Fabricke were together with their Masters and Architectors driven upon the sands in the mouth of the Thames the Admirall with twenty other gaining Sluce with much adoe King Richard afterwards caused this fabricke be reared up in a spatious place At the same time came the Duke of Berry to Sluce much expected many weekes before Hee by divers pretences had of purpose prolonged his comming though he had beene daily solicited hee finding their mindes perplexed by reason of this losse which they tooke as an ill Omen made use thereof declaring himselfe averse to this expedition that in his opinion the King should not doe well to hazard his person liberty and estate to the danger of the Seas at such a season as this it was now November much lesse to the danger of war in a country where he could meet with nothing but manifest danger that the relation of the English forces to consist of but 60000. Archers and 8000. Pikemen was false since it was manifest that besides such as guarded the havens and those who Lancaster had carried along with him Richard had an army of 100000. Archers and 10000. horse This being exaggerated in full Councell were it or for that hee really was of that opinion or out of a desire to crosse the Duke of Burgondy the chiefe inciter to this enterprise or that they were both of one minde as some beleeved to save their reputations the voyage was put off to another time wherewith the Nobility were scandalized but much more the common people from whom so vast a summe of money had beene raised for nothing The present charge was cast up to have surpassed the ransome of King Iohn which was very great Disorders this meane while were not wanting in England subject to be in ill condition since the King and people did not agree This division had strewed strange feares in the mindes of many Richard not ceasing to governe himselfe according to the will of such as govern'd him All things were without order and done without acquainting his Uncles therewithall All things passed under the hand of the Earle of Suffolke by the direction of the Earle of Oxford A Parliament was called at Michaelmas Much people were raised out of every Shire and lodged twenty miles round about London to the end that they might bee ready upon all occasions So as so great a number being assembled together and
not paid they must of necessity live by force and rapine a disorder which if at other times it bee of great consequence was certainly of no small importance now For the key of military discipline which is ready pay if it be not well handled is soone broken and if men be defrauded and payments be not made there is none who doe obey none who doe command For remedy to this inconvenience order was given that the Souldiers should retire themselves to their owne homes with directions to be ready to returne when commanded whilst the enemy who lay at Sluce with hourely expectation to transport themselves needed with a faire winde but one nights sayle to effect their desires But it befell the French as it doth gamesters they lost for lacke of knowing when to set their rest One of the first things the Parliament did was the making the Earle of Oxford Duke of Ireland which caused whispering and dislike in all men Not many monthes before in the late Parliament of this same yeare hee was created Marquesse of Dublin and Michael Poole Earle of Suffolke the Kings Uncles Dukes the Earle of Cambridge of Yorke the Earle of Buckingham of Gloster and Roger Mortimer Earle of March in case the King should die without issue was declared heyre to the Crowne An observation which I chose to place here as requisite to the pretences of the house of Yorke the which in their due time will bee tryed by the sword none having at any time to the best of my knowledge taken possession of a controverted Crowne by the authority of Lawes or decree of Judges Moneyes being afterwards required for the present occasions they were denyed with an Hanâ—…bal ad portas they pretended no necessity thereof that the Earle of Suffolkes purse was alone sufficient to supply all wants they accused him of many misdemeanours they required that his accounts might be seene the upper house sided with this request chiefly the Duke of Gloster The King who imagined to finde none who would prescribe Lawes to him now that Lancaster was gone found he had judged amisse but being resolved not to suffer his servants bee rent from betweene his armes he determined if it be true which is said to put his Uncle to death that by freeing himselfe from so great an obstacle he might infuse reverence and respect into others Richard would be feared beleeving it to be the onely way to obedience but he was not aware that though Princes ought to cloath themselves with the habit of reverence and respect the same habiliament is woven with the thread of affection the other of feare being made of threads of hatred and composed of brittle and direfull materialls A supper was given order for in London to which Gloster together with those who had openly declared themselves enemies to Suffolke were invited that by the service of napery and wine they might bee slaine Nicholas Bambre was chiefly imployed in this affaire who the preceding yeare was Lord Maior of London but Richard Stone then Lord Maior infinitely abhorring so great a wickednesse hindred the effecting of it So as the Duke being acquainted with it and by him the rest they contented themselves with their owne private suppers finding them more savoury then the riotous other The discovery of this plot was the Colliquintida which distasted the palats of the Uncle and Nephew and which increased in the common people the hatred of the King and love of the Duke affections which though they hurt the former as concurring causes of not permitting him to live they did not helpe the other as not being able to fence him from a miserable death The King retired himselfe to Eltham that he might not bee present at the aversenesse of the Parliaments proceedings where being advertised that the members of Parliament were resolved not to treat of any other businesse unlesse the great Seale were taken from the Earle of Suffolke he commanded them to send unto him fortie of the ablest members of their house that he might treat with them and resolve upon what was most convenient But to send so great a number being not thought fit they resolved to send unto him the Duke of Gloster Thomas Arundel Bishop of Ely with the which he seemed to be content The Articles of their commission were in chiefe two the first that the King having disbursed great sums of money they humbly beseeched him to suffer them to take the accounts The second that the presence of his Majesty being requisite for the treating and conclusion of businesse hee would be pleased to remember that by an ancient law it was permitted to the Parliament men to returne home to their owne houses at any time when the King not hindred by sicknesse should absent himselfe for forty dayes together from the place of Parliament The Kings answer shewed how much he was displeased at such propositions for without further advice he replied that he apparantly saw the ends of the people and commons to tend to rebellion that he thought not to doe amisse if he should call in the King of France to his aide since it would redound lesse to his dishonour to submit himselfe to a King then to his owne subjects The two Commissioners indeavoured as much as in them lay to shew unto his Majesty that the house of Parliament had no such intention and that if by mis-information hee would needs beleeve the contrary that which he had said would neither prove honorable nor advantagious for him wishing him to consider that such a resolution was not likely to work such effects as his passion promised unto him the people of England being strong enough to defend themselves and a people which did so much abhorre the French as that they would never endure to be governed by them whilst on the contrary side he the King of England ought to pretend to rule the French that the evils which from them were to ensue were likely to fall onely upon himselfe to his present ruine and perpetuall infamy in after ages Richard had now the use of his naturall judgement free from wicked counsellers so as weighing their reasons he was perswaded to returne to London Suffolkes misdemeanors was the first thing which was handled they deputed the Duke of Glocester and Earle of Arundell his Committees the judgement which ensued as some will have it was degrading confiscation and death moderated with this caution If it should so please the King And according to some others the losse of his office a fine of 20000 markes and the losse of his pension of three thousand a yeare which was paid him out of the Exchequer Upon this judgement Richard againe absented himselfe not able patiently to endure that he abhorred he condoled with Suffolke that his faults had brought such infamy upon him as tooke from him all meanes of defending him The sentence notwithstanding was not executed a reservation being therein had to the Kings pleasure leaving him
at liberty they contented themselves with such sufficient security as he gave them Thirteen men were afterwards chosen who under the King should take upon them the government of the Kingdome of the which number were the two Uncles of Yorke and Gloster and the Earle of Arundell An Oligarchy at all times dangerous in a Monarchicall government and which first instituted in the reigne of Richard was afterwards as harmfull repealed But examples are not sufficient to ground Lawes upon when the injustice of the Prince is such as it receiveth Lawes from the subject when their injustice springs from their weaknesse and when their weaknesse proves the nerves of strength and veines of justice to the people whether being arrived commanding they are blind in doing of offence whilst being commanded they were Arguseyd in receiving offences every man cries out Liberty a pleasing thing and according to nature but to bring others into servitude is a vice in nature more in reason The tyranny of the Decemviri in Rome was more insupportable then that of Tarquin and the short government of these thirteen more inexorable then all Richards reigne so as if wee consider things aright we shall finde that evils have almost alwayes had just beginnings but contrary proceedings and ends hatred envie and revenge unmasking those vices which covered by the deceitfull cloake of Common-good were beleeved to be vertues The last businesse and the onely one which gave satisfaction to the King was the assigning over to the Duke of Ireland the thirty thousand markes paid in by the Admirall Clisson for the ransome of Iohn of Brettony Count of Pointivers his sonne-in-law This Iohn together with his brother Guy was taken prisoner by Iohn Shandois in the battell of Antroy the yeare 1364. The French seconding Charles of Bloys father to the two young brethren who died in that battell and the English Iohn Montford both of them pretenders to the Dukedome of Bretanny they gave unto him this money in colour that he should goe into Ireland to take possession of such lands as the King had there given him but in effect to separate him from him barring him of all delay they prefixt unto him Easter for his departure from England This was the price at which they thought to have purchased his absence but neither did he see Ireland nor was the King likely to lose his company if Fortune did not deprive him of it This Parliament ended with the giving of one Subsidy which was alotted to Richard Earle of Arundell to be spent at sea where having done considerable actions accompanied with the Earle of Nottingham he gave to the Duke and others further occasion of hatred whereby to suppresse those vertues which in well-governed Common-wealths use to be rewarded so to incite others to the service of their Countrey by the bait of emulation and honour a dismall signe of corruption the bringer in of vice and forerunner of ruine The Parliament was no sooner ended but the King returned to London retooke the Earle of Suffolke to his former favour who as one condemned ought not to have been permitted to have seene the King nor have come where he was he anuld all that was decreed against him conniving onely at this that the office of Chancellor should remaine in the Bishop of Ely upon whom it was conferred And to the end that matters of scandall might never be wanting to the favorites and that their insolencies might witnesse to the world the supreame power they had over him he suffered the Duke of Ireland to do one act of scandall the which distasted all men The Duke amongst the chiefest of his honours married Phillep the daughter of Ingram Guisnes Lord of Consi and Isabel daughter of Edward the third cosen to the King a great and noble Lady by her owne deserts as well as birth not moved thereunto by any inciting cause but his owne pleasure he resolved to repudiate her that hee might marry one Ancerona a Bohemian a Carpenters daughter who came into England in the Queens service It is to be beleeved that he had not taken her had not Richard adhered to him and the dispensation of Vrban the sixth had not been obtained without the Regall countenance there being no lawfull cause for the putting her away although it was the easilier gotten for that the Dutches Phillep being a Frenchwoman adhered to the schisme of Clement of Avignion So that it is no wonder if the King were not generally beloved of his people since that to second the Dukes unlawfull humours hee put no valuation upon himselfe The Duke of Gloster was herewithall soundly netled neither did he cloake his anger though to declare himselfe therein was not agreeable to the rules of wisedome for an open enemy puts himselfe to too much disadvantage Easter the prefixed time for the journey into Ireland was come and gone the world was to be satisfied He delayed the time under the colour of making preparations but not able to put it off any longer he departed and together with him the King who went as hee gave out to accompany him to the Sea side Being come to Bristow they did not put to Sea but leaving it on the left hand passed forward into Wales as if the people had forgotten the journey to Ireland Trickes and devices the more scandalous and unseasonable for that they argued some strange alteration The authoritie of the governours troubled his quiet and the advantage that they had got upon Regall authority threatned his ruine they coveted to secure themselves from them for neither did the Duke intend to goe into Ireland nor the King to part with him nor the Archbishop of York to stand the shock of universall hatred nor the Earle of Suffolk to return to the censure of the Parliament nor Trisillian nor Bambre to give an account of their past actions Whereupon finding themselves in great danger they agreed that it was impossible for them to subsist without ridding them out of the way who were onely able to undoe them A wicked resolution but now necessary since they were come to that passe as nothing but extreams could worke their safety The difficulty of the businesse lay in the making away of Gloster Arundell Warwicke Nottingham and Darby eldest sonne to the Duke of Lancaster who hitherto hath not been named though the first subject of our Story They had likewise proscribed many others with whom they might not have done amisse to have temporized but all delayes were to them dangerous and treacheries framed formerly against Gloster made it impossible for them to compasse their ends by the same meanes The law was thought the safest way and the more masked the safer Many there were who had followed the King not so much out of respect and to claw the favourite as for that the aire of London under the blast of the thirteene not tempered by the propitious breath of Regality was thought pestilentiall They all seemed to make
up but one body yet they were diversly inclined Yorke Ireland Suffolke Trisillian and Bambre were all ruled by like interest the rest not so The former being in a desperate case in their owne respects the rest not so unlesse in respect of them Trisillian framed ten Articles whereof the first nine contained onely two queres The first whether the King being inforced to give his assent to the Acts of the last Parliament to the prejudice of his Prerogative might not lawfully revoke them The second that if hee might doe it what punishment did they deserve who had forced his assent The tenth was whether or no the judgement given against Suffolk was erroneous and consequently revocable To this purpose the chiefe Judges of England were summoned to the Castle of Nottingham that they might give their opinions in these points and having given them subscribe them Their answers were according as were desired but they did not all incline to subscribe them by threats and examples they were drawne unto it Robert Belenap chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas threatned by the Duke and Suffolke was the first that underwrit them which when he had done he said now I lacke nothing but a rope if I should not have obeyed you I know I could not have escaped your hands now that I have obeyed I shall not scape being punished by the Barons of the Land nor can I complaine if they so doe The answers of the learned in the Law were that the King might revoke all as done against his will that those who were the cause of it deserved death as traytors and that the judgement given against Suffolk was erroneous and consequently revocable This being done they thought the worst was past the goods of the condemned were already shared nor remained there any thing save the owners death to the taking of possession the which was diligently indeavoured besides the Judges of the Kingdome the Sheriffes of every Shire were summoned thither for two purposes the one to know how many men might be found who would fight against the Barons the other that if another Parliament should be called the Knights and Burgesses might be chosen by the kings recommendation To the first they answered that the people stood so well affected to the Barons that they would not take armes against them to the second that to chuse the Burgesses contrary to the usuall forme of Law and liberty of the Kingdome was not onely impossible but dangerous The few that with an implicite obedience soothed their designes were commanded to be ready at need The Duke of Gloster was advised of all these affaires and fearing lest greater inconveniences might ensue he went unto the Bishop of London to whom he swore that he nere had other designe then the service and honour of the King and Kingdome that his onely errour was that he had hated and still did hate the Duke of Ireland so singularly beloved of the King but that hee was so farre from repenting himselfe of it that he desired the King and all the world might know that his hatred should never cease till crown'd with a just revenge that he was sory that no revenge was to be found answerable to his offence to wit the divorce of a Lady cosen to the King and neece to him he desired the Bishop to go to Court to acquaint the king with his good intentions to intreat his better opinion of him and to perswade him to lesse dangerous designes The Bishop went did what was desired and was graciously heard and had received as gracious an answer had not the Earle of Suffolke who apprehended all reconciliation mard the matter These men were like to those who falling down headlong lay hold upon some craggy stone which if pull'd out falls downe with them They kept themselves close to the King indangering his safety to save themselves The Earle shewed unto Richard how that the Dukes minde was full of deceit dangerous ambition seditious practices charging him with whatsoever he might doe to the prejudice of his Majesty as if he had already done it in such sort as the Bishop not able any longer to endure so much provoking petulancy commanded him to hold his peace he not accustomed to such commands asked him why because replied the Bishop you being a condemned man and one who lives onely by the Kings meere grace should not meddle in these affaires These words did strangely offend the King who after many and terrible threats went his way commanding him to goe unto his place of residence and not to stirre from thence without his expresse permission The which hee forthwith did for afterward having made relation to the Duke of what had past he retired himselfe to his owne Church Arundel Warwicke and Darby were those who were most exposed to danger To these Gloster joyned himselfe shewing that it was not now time to temporize that force was the onely meanes whereby to worke their safetie with the King and to keep the plotters of mischiefe within their bounds since that an open warre would be more advantagious to them then a deceitfull peace subject to deceit danger and suspition These reasons being approved they all withdrew themselves to their own homes using all the meanes they could to raise great troops of armed men the King advertised of their preparations thought the best course hee could take would be to prevent them and take from them the meanes uniting themselves Whereupon the Earle of Arundell being farthest distant from the rest and more exposed to danger hee commanded the Earle of Northumberland to surprize him who taking along with him store of company came to Rigate in Surrey where finding him rather in a condition of offending then being offended he thought he should doe better to returne without doing of any thing then by making a rash attempt discover the reasons of his comming But the King did not for all this quit his designe hee gave the like order to divers others commanning that if hee could not be had alive hee should be brought dead The Earle was ignorant of these plots but being advertised of them by Gloster who had better spies in Court hee travelled with all his followers all night long and in the morning came weary to Aringey where hee found the Duke and Warwick with a great number of Souldier a rumor was at the same time spread that the King under pretence of going to Canterbury to performe a vow would passe over into Fraoce to surrender unto that King Callis the castle of Guines whasoever else was in that country possessed by the Crown of England which whether or no it were invented to increase the peoples hatred is more then I can say but he made no such journey not to free them of suspition but for the fear he had of their combination For their forces were not to bee despised their ends being as they gave forth to reduce him to a better and more frugall government
the Cinque Ports Constable of Dover Castle and Privy Councellor Some say he made him Earle of Huntington but I finde not this made good The reasons of his ruine were his sumptuous living the sincerity of his minde and the places he enjoy'd by the first having exceeded all former presidents for magnificency he drew envie upon him by his sincerity he made Gloster his enemy for he unfainedly loved the Duke of Ireland the which if it were a fault in him let who will judge certainly a true affection and friendly faith things so seldome seene in Court ought rather to have procured praise then blame his places the last in order but first in effect was the axe that slew him The Duke not being able to make any pretence unto any of them neither for himselfe nor any other save by his death the faults which were laid to his charge were the wastefull spending of the Kings treasure the converting of the souldiers pay to his private use his having sent great summes of money to Dover Castle from whence he had by night conveyed them into Germany that upon the bruit of the comming of the French into England he had used meanes to the Deane and Chapter of Canterbury that the rich monument of that Church should be put into his hands under pretence of keeping it safe in Dover castle but in effect to send it as his owne into Bohemia to the first charge he wanted no defence for there were so many through whose hands the Kings monies passed before they came to him as that he had no part therein save what the King in bounty gave him for what concerned the souldiers pay he was not allowed one that might reckon with him and make even the accounts whereupon he was found in arrere 250000. frankes he on the other side demanded satisfaction for his expences in his journey to Bohemia concerning the Kings marriage but this not being granted he required time for paiment which was likewise denied him for the transportation of treasure there was no proofe made of it that he was a friend to the Duke of Ireland as hath bin said might well increase his danger but not his fault for what concerned the tombe or monument who can tell whether his intention was rather to send it into Bohemia then to keepe it safe in Dover castle as the occasion required and his words witnessed Justice ought not to punish a fault not committed for that it might be committed nor ought a Judge condemne a man of a mentall conception not expressed for that such a thing might have bin imagined and put in execution two things make much for his innocency that he was beheaded on the sudden by the sole command of the Duke of Gloster without any legall proceeding and that the Earle of Darby had endeavoured his freedome insomuch as that he grew to high tearmes with the Duke Walsingham accuses him for having consented to sell Dover castle to the French when the King should give him notice that he was proud arrogant an oppressour of the poore a dispiser of the Church a fornicator an adulterer but he rather spake like a preacher being indeede of the Clergie then as an historian for the surrendring up of Dover 't was one of these popular errours which in the fall of great men disperse themselves amongst the common people it doth not appeare that the King would have sold Dover to the French nor is it likely that he had any intention of giving them so principall a place in England whilst when he would have sold Callice and the adjacent places he reserved unto himselfe the Dutchie of Gascony nor did the letters which together with the pasport were intercepted make any mention thereof As for pride arrogancie and the neglect of the poore they are evils much practised against such as from a low beginning are raised to great preferments If on the contrary side he had been to have shewed unto us what store of humility meeknesse and charity hee had found amongst such who from a low beginning have arrived at great preferments though the world be not quite void of vertue he would have been more troubled in finding of them out then in finding out a peece of paper wherein to make a short Catalogue of their names Besides though such sinnes may deserve blame yet they deserve not death being a fitter subject for the Court of Conscience then the Assises Hee was understood to bee a contemner of the Church as I beleeve by reason of his pretended sacriledge of the rich tombe in all likelihood fals For if the French had landed as all men had reason to think they would Canterbury was no wayes defended the losse of that treasure most certaine and Burles providence worthy of reward and praise For fornication and adultery say it were true if the lawes were therein severe not onely the Court but the whole world would quickly be dispeopled I conclude that the Duke of Gloster took liberty the weal-publick for his colour but the bringing of the King under his own particular interest was the soule therof The Judges remained for the last act of this Tragedy who as the last imprisoned so were they the last punished they were as well as the rest condemned to dye but the Queen begged their pardon since they were inforced to subscribe the Articles they were notwithstanding banished in perpetuity having only so much as might suffise them for livelihood alotted unto them out of their confiscated goods a good fortune which Burley met not with for he was beheaded before the King had any notice thereof otherwise he had not died which when he understood hee uttered against Gloster what ever affection passion or reason could dictate unto him But this Oligarchy did not long continue for it began but a little before the last yeare of Richards minority and ended as soone as hee came to full age the yeare 1389. The manner of destroying it whether it proceeded from the advice of others or from himselfe was noble and generous hee commanded all the Nobility to come to Court which they did being all met in the Councel Chamber he was not long in comming thither himselfe They all with nuch expectation longed to heare what he would say when being set in his chaire and looking round about him he asked them how old they thought hee was Answer was made full 21. If so said he in reason my condition should not be worse then is the condition of my subjects who by the lawes are at those yeares exempted from guardianship and are admitted to the managing of their owne affaires Hitherto I have been a ward being now no more so I renounce the being governed by you intending hereafter to governe my person and my affaires as best shall please my selfe And to the end that from that time forward they might hold him for a free and absolute Prince he forthwith tooke their offices from some of
them and conferred them upon some others breaking the ice by the change of Chancellour The Archbishop of Yorke formerly Bishop of Ely for when Nevil was banished he removed to that See kneeling downe did readily deliver up unto him the great Seale Hee likewise changed the Lord Treasurer the Clarke of the Signet and the Judges hee removed the Earle of Arundel from being Admirall and conferred that place upon the Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to his Majesty He put the Duke of Gloster Earle of Warwicke and others from the Councell Table naming new Councellors in their places And not yet fully resolved whom to chuse for Chancellor hee carried the great Seale along with him to his Chamber where pitching upon a choice he returned backe and gave it to William Wickham Bishop of Winchester a favour which he unwillingly received All this passed quietly on no words proceeding from any one although the kingdome a body then ill affected passed but from one ague fit to another At the end of this yeare the Duke of Lancaster returned to England having spent three yeares abroad The mortality which fell amongst his people caused by the excessive heats in Spaine forced him to retire into Gascony where having begun a treaty with the Duke of Berry to give unto him for wife his daughter Catherine she upon whom the pretence to the Kingdome of Castile fell after her mothers death he thereby raised such jealousies in Iohn the first who then reigned as that the said Iohn demanded her for wife unto his eldest sonne Henry who was afterwards the third King of that name a youth of but ten yeares of age though Catherine were nineteen years old Upon these conditions that hee should pay unto him for the present 200000 Nobles and 10000 markes yearly during the life of the Duke and his wife Constance mother to Catherine That he should assigne over unto Constansâ—… Guadalajara Medina del Campo and Olmedo that shee might enjoy the fruits thereof during her life and that the espoused Princesse should be stiled by the name of Princesse of Austria the sonnes of those Kings though their eldest till then being only stiled Infanti The two on the other side renounced all their pretensions to those Kingdomes The Duke had before this married his daughter Phillep borne unto him by his former wife to Iohn the first King of Portugall having the good fortune to place them both in a like countrey and dignity His comming into England happened in an opportune time for the King having summoned the Nobility to Redding where he then was some strange alteration was doubted the ill will he bore to many being considered the Duke did so behave himselfe as sweetning the King they were all well received and contentedly dismissed But the Kings jealousies of him not ceasing being likewise displeased with his returne hee by the assistance of the first Parliament to the end that hee might againe bee gone gave him the Dutchy of Aquitany together with all the honours incomes and prerogatives which of old did belong unto that Dukedome and which for the present were enjoyed by that Crowne investing him with the accustomed badges of golden rod and Ducall Cap upon the meere tye of simple homage Richard was not strait handed of what he possessed but mainly addicted to his owne will with the which rather then to have parted he would well nigh have parted with his kingdome Insomuch as fearing lest if Lancaster should joyne with Gloster hee mought give him enough to doe To free himselfe from an imaginary obstacle hee weighed not the essentiall impoverishing of the Crowne of its richest Jewell And if the effects did not follow it was not for lacke of his good will but the good will of the people of that Dutchy who being obstinate would not contrary to their priviledges be dismembred from the Crowne of England neither did Glosters siding with him though extravagant any thing at all availe which did not proceed from brotherly affection as he would have it conceived but for that Lancaster being present his authority was the lesse who did pretend to be the onely director in the government of affaires Hee was not troubled at the eldership of his other brother the Duke of Yorke since that he chiefly intended his private pleasures But Richard was deceived in Lancasters intentions for it is not alwayes good to judge of things present by what is past For as in his departing from Spain he merited to be esteemed one of the most valiant and wisest Princes that did then live so at his returne to England he deserved to be held a peace-maker experience and the incommodities of warre having made him desirous of repose and changed or moderated his disposition the which was plainly seen in him the short time that he lived since that he did not onely tolerate the being denied by the Gascones but did patiently endure his sonnes distastes and exile not being moved at whatsoever accident save his brothers death the which hee notwithstanding suffered whilst if he had had like ambition as formerly hee mought not have been destitute of hopes the King being mightily hated he as much beloved And though the putting of his brother to death mought bee justifiable the manner thereof was such as could not be denied to be unjust cruell and tyrannicall The King was no sooner come to age but hee was informed that the Duke of Gloster had raised forces against him the which being found false he would not suffer him to justifie himselfe but injoyned him silence were it either that hee might keepe this plea on foote against him or to free his accusers from punishment the three next yeares past peaceably on the peace of France being on both sides earnestly endeavoured but the reciprocall pretentions and stoutnesse of both parties made it impossible to bee concluded Richard did desire it and the difficulties which the French met with for matter of warre made them likewise desire it as much if not more Charles his indisposition continued as likewise the Uncles discords each intent to their owne private designes and interest so as not able to conclude a peace they continued the league one yeare longer the which the state being in quiet afforded Richard leasure to live according to his owne inclination which was such as had he not erred in the extreme could not have beene better but the splendor of prodigality is like that of lightning which consumes and beares downe whatsoever it meets withall hee kept the greatest and noblest Court of any King in Europe His subjects led by his example dreamt not of frugality a verâ—…ue not much knowne in England but gave themselves over to luxuriousnesse great was his excesse of diet the pompe and bravery of his Court in apparell unimitated the number of his servants exceeding all beliefe 10000. men fed daily of his bread the Queene had 300. women which belonged to her service 300. was the
Princes actions to the peoples humours workes wonderfull effects without the effusion of bloud This Ireland was commanded by many petty Kings almost every Province had its particular Prince he drew foure of them to his obedience and by the example of his honourable treating of them had drawne all the rest had he not been by his Prelates desired to returne to remedy the troubles which the Wiclifs opinions had raised up in England Whence it may be gathered that had hee not been naturally given to listen unto bad advice and flattery hee would have proved a good Prince The Duke of Lancaster was received in Guascony as the Sonne and Uncle of a King but not as Duke of Aquitany he with much modesty shewed them the donation which his Nephew had given him and did with as much patience endure the not receiving of it He moved that Embassadours mought be sent into England giving them his word that hee would approve of what should bee there agreed upon though to his prejudice the which was done The points which opposed the donative were two The one pertaining to Justice the other to reason of State That which belonged to Justice was the preservation of their priviledges The Kings of England were obliged to keep the Dukedome of Aquitany perpetually united unto the Crowne they had deprived themselves of any power of dismembring it giving it away or of giving it in fee-farme to any whosoever were he or Sonne Brother or Uncle to the Crowne They swore at their coronations to maintaine these priviledges and did authorise them by letters Patents and great Seales Richard had sworne the same and had given them letters Patents to the same purpose but hee had forgot it being very young when he did it The point of State was that the successive Dukes contracting affinity with other Princes which must of necessity ensue as namely with Burgondy France Normandy Brettany Fois Navar Castile and Portugal they should in processe of time divest themselves of all interest and shake off the friendship of England and the subjection thereunto The reason of their priviledge wrought much with Richard but this last consideration broke the necke of all the favours therein intended to the Duke for all that Gloster could do to the contrary who left nothing unattempted whereby he might keep him aloofe off Hee annulled the donation and recalled the Duke receiving him at his returne with more honour then good will This businesse being ended there remained nothing of importance but the providing of himself of a new wife not any daughter being then to be found amongst his neighbouring Princes Navar had daughters and sisters too but Richard did not incline that way The Duke of Gloster had a daughter marriageable nor could any thing more acceptable have befallen the Kingdome but the being his full Cosen-german served him for a justifiable excuse for if bare consanguinity had emboldned the Duke so much to molest him what might he expect from him when hee should bee likewise joyned unto him by so neere affinity as to be his Father-in-law But if this was the cause why he would not marry her he was deceived for this was the onely means to have made the Duke on his side and whereby to have avoided the evill which did befall him But the blinded eyes of humane judgement fore-sees not what 's to come but rather by eschewing meets with those evils which it thought to have left behinde The true cause as I conceive was that as his love was in extremity so was his hatred and that consequently the hatred he bore to Gloster was the reason why hee detested this match not the meannesse of bloud The King of France had a daughter between seven and eight yeares old here Richard pitched his resolution though hee therein met with three obstacles all of them of moment That shee was daughter to a King that was his enemy so yong as that hee was not in a long time to hope for issue by her and that she was formerly promised in marriage to the Duke of Brettanies eldest sonne Hee did not so much reflect upon the first save what made for his advantage for detesting warre with France he could not finde a better meanes to settle a peace between the two Crownes then this For her yeares hee did not much value them since hee himselfe was young enough and also her being promised to Brettany he slighted it since the King of France stood more in need of his friendship then the friendship of any other Hee sent a solemne Embassage to France and though answer was not presently made for time was taken to consider of it the Embassadours returned partly assured of successe the King People and Councell being all of them well inclined to the businesse At this same time the Duke of Lancaster tooke his third wife It so fell out as that he had three sonnes and a daughter by one Catherine Roet the daughter of a King of Armes she was servant to his first wife Bianca and he kept her as his Concubine during the life of his second The desire hee had to make his children legitimate and her good conditions though not nobly borne as he made him resolve to marry her and not unluckily for Iohn the Duke of Somerset who was he alone who of the three brethren had any issue was Great-grand-father by the mothers side to Henry the seventh who put a period to the civill warres of England He did legitimate them and his succeeding marriage by Act of Parliament and by ratification of Pope Boniface the ninth from whom he obtained a Bull to that effect I was not willing to leave out this particular in this place as necessary for what we shall hereafter meet withall The Kings marriage was likewise this meane while concluded and since a finall peace could not bee concluded on in respect of many places which the English pretended unto a suspension of Armes for thirty yeares was covenanted with caution that both sides should peacebly enjoy what at this time they were possessed of A businesse which did so highly incense the Duke of Gloster as the King did divers times feare lest hee might upon this occasion raise a rebellion since the people depended much upon him and were not very well pleased with this marriage nor truce he went in person to the confines of France to receive his wife as likewise did her father to deliver her up unto him Being with much content parted he caused her to be crowned at Westminster not being yet fully 8 years old Shortly after came the Count Saint Paul into England sent by Charles to receive the oath of truce a man of a working spirit and who was husband to Iane Holland sister to Richard by the mothers side The King discoursing with this man complained of the Duke of Glosters contumacie that hee was the onely man who opposed himselfe against the match with France as desirous
appointed and had already begun their carreere with lance in rest when they were commanded to hold their hands The King having a long while disputed the businesse upon the Scaffold which was sumptuously built for his Majesty to see the Duell caused proclamation be made that for good respects his Majesty would not have the combat further proceeded in and that his pleasure was that the Duke of Hereford should bee banished the kingdome for ten yeares upon perill of his life and the Duke of Norfolke for ever upon the like penalty It was observed that this sentence was given the same day twelve-month that Norfolke had caused Gloster to bee strangled at Callais He forthwith left England and in little more then one yeare after died for griefe at Venice 'T was thought that the Kngs rigour towards him proceeded from a desire he had to be rid of him for hee having been formerly of the Barons faction and having of late wrought himself into the Kings favour by the ruine of others he thought that upon occasion he might serve him as he had done his friend the Duke of Gloster and the Earle of Arundell his sonne-in-law Princes though they doe not punish themselves for the evill they commit punish the instruments of evill to the end that they may not be thought altogether unjust The Duke of Hereford who when he took his leave in token of the Kings good will was remitted foure yeares of his banishment parted from England being generally bewailed and was well received in France where the Duke of Berry would have given him his daughter for wife had he not been hindred by Richard fearing least the favour of that Duke in France and the peoples love in England might prove dangerous Richard by reason of superfluous expences was in continuall want and money past through his hands as water through a sieve Continuall necessity was the continuall feaver which caused this thirst in him the which not able to bee quenched by the ordinary revenues of the Crowne nor yet by the extraordinary helpes of Parliament hee was inforced to digge new Welles Hee borrowed money of all the Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall by way of privy Seale obliging himselfe to pay them but never did The which though it bee somewhat hard yet not sufficient to make subjects take their last resolutions For particular men doe sometimes borrow and never pay But the violating of justice under the pretence of doing justice was that which turned patience to despaire Seventeene whole Shires had almost sided with the Duke of Gloster at least they were so said to have done They were all held notwithstanding the last generall pardon guilty of high treason wherewithall being threatned they were compelled to compound for a great summe of money to take againe the oath of allegeance and the richest amongst them to signe and seale unto a blanke into which the officers appointed for this businesse might insert what summe they pleased a thing able to undoe whole families and Shires The like was done in London to the great distate of the Citizens Iohn Duke of Lancaster this meane while died and the King tooke possession of his goods without any pretence of title hee bereft his exiled sonne of his inheritance The which when the Duke of York observed hee thought it was no longer safe for him to stay in Court whereupon he retired to his owne home But the King being resolved to goe himselfe in person into Ireland to revenge the death of Roger Mortimer Earle of Marsh slaine there by the rebels he who in case succession should want was the presumed heire to the Crowne sent for the Duke backe assigning over unto him the government of the Kingdome in his absence This was the last expedition he made for having left his subjects ill affected and augmented their distates by his taking along with him great store of provisions without paying for them hee departed with thirty thousand men and had such good successe as had hee not been compelled to returne he would have brought that Island to totall obedience This meane while the Towne of London the Prelates Nobles and People those especially of the abovesaid seventeen shires who thought themselves worst dealt withall resolved to call in the new Duke of Lancaster not onely to the recovery of his owne inheritance but of the Crowne and Kingdome They sent expresse messengers to Cullen to the end that Thomas Arundel late Archbishop of Canterbury who in his banishment made his abode there might goe into France and perswade the young Duke thereunto who though he found it a businesse of difficulty the dangers considered as likewise the peoples changeablenesse yet being brought to live by borrowing deprived of his estate and out of hope of ever recovering it by any other meanes hee entertained the motion hee pretended to King Charles who otherwise would not have suffered him to depart that he went to see his cousin the Duke of Brittanny and so with his approbation imbarked himselfe with some few followers amongst which number Thomas sonne to the late Earle of Arundel beheaded who not many daies before was fled from England was one When hee was come upon the English coast hee would not land but coasting along the Country to discover the peoples inclinations hee cast anchor at Revenspur in Yorkshire where he needed no invitation for the Lords and Prelates flockt all thither as soone as they heard of his arrivall So as having assembled an Army of sixty thousand fighting men and all places by which he passed yeelding unto him hee was with great acclamation and expressions of joy received into London The Duke of Yorke governour of the Kingdome who at his Nephewes first appearance had called the Councell together was thereby advised to leave London and goe to S. Albans where they might gather forces to give him battell An advice assuredly dangerous for the head ought first and chiefly to be defended The forces on the Councels side were no sooner gathered together but that they made a protestation they would not fight against the Duke of Lancaster for having from the beginning declared that he pretended to nothing but to what in right did descend unto him from his Father and Mother every man was of opinion that since his inheritance was unjustly taken from him he did justly in taking up of Armes to repossesse himselfe thereof Hereupon those of the Kings more intimate Councell as William Earle of Wilshire Lord Treasurer Sir Iohn Bushy and Sir Henry Greene leaving the Duke of Yorke the Bishop of Exceter Lord Chancellour and the rest fled to Bristoll in the castle whereof they thought they might be safe Sir William Bagot one of the same fraternity went more advisedly over to Ireland The Duke of Yorke seeing that it was dangerous for him and to no purpose to tarry where hee was went towards Wales where he thought he should meet the King at his returne from Ireland Hee stayed at
Beckly till such time as the Duke of Lancaster came thither with whom seeing the Kings affaires went so ill he soone accorded Lancaster finding by this time his good fortune went to Bristoll took in the Castle and those three which had fled thither were by the mad multitude soon beheaded This newes was long in comming to Ireland by reason of the horrible tempests at Sea which for six weeks space suffered not a little vessell to passe over But when it was knowne the King did not as he should have done make suddenly for England being advised by the Duke of Aumerle to tarry till his ships which were scattered might be gathered together and such provisions made as were fitting for the Fleet. He caused the two young sons the one the Duke of Glosters son who died in his return and the other the sonne of this Lancaster who was afterwards King Henry the fifth to be kept in safe custody in the Castle of Tremni He sent the Earle of Salisbury for England with directions to gather together as many people as he could in Cheshire and Wales his two beloved Countreyes to the end that being ready at his arrivall which should be within sixe dayes he might encounter the enemy before his forces grew greater The Earle departed came to Wales and had got together fourty thousand good and faithfull men by meanes of whom if the King had come at his time appointed hee had either repossest himselfe of all againe or had at least given the enemy enough to doe but landing in Milford haven in Pembroke shire 18 dayes after hee found that a false report of his death being raised and his party having fifteen dayes expected him they had disbandoned themselves part of them comming over to the young Duke the rest retiring to their owne homes Whereupon astonished at so unfortunate an encounter his courage failed him And though those who were returned with him promised to die at his feet he contrary to his dignity and reputation chose rather to lose his Kingdome then hazard his life A weaknesse which this nation mightily detests for the inhabitants thereof no wayes fearing death nor willing to endure the troubles of the minde chose rather to die then live in misery As soone as Lancaster understood his arrivall he left the Duke of York at Bristoll and took his way towards Conaway where the King was without either forces or retinue All places as he went along surrendred themselves the town of Chester formerly so faithfull did the like The King resolved not to make use of his souldiers dismissed them that he with the lesse incumbrance might goe whither his fears drove him And for that purpose he gave order to Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester the Lord high Steward of his houshold to discharge his family wishing they might be reserved for a better fortune Others will have it that Worcester formerly distasted for that Richard had a little before declared the Earle of Northumberland his brother to be a traytor did of himselfe in publicke breake the staffe of his office and went unto the Duke of Lancaster and that upon this occasion the Courtiers did disperse themselves Those who counselled Richard were of opinion that he should goe into France to his wives father or else returne to Ireland where failing of hopes in England he might furnish himselfe with forraigne souldiers to make such use of occasions as time should administer But that if he would needs tarry in Wales a countrey yet well affected unto him be should doe well to passe further into the heart thereof whilst his presence changing the lookes of fortune some would follow him out of affection many out of duty and others by reason of the usurpers scandalous actions But all their perswasions were in vaine for it is the property of cast downe minds patiently to expect the blowes of Fortune And whilst their honour egges them on unto defence their pusillanimity is such as makes them suffer oppression Hee adhered to those who shewed him that his hopes of France were dangerous that the assistance he might have from thence would confirme his subjects in their rebellion lest they might be by them subdued That to returne into Ireland would bee to no end since hee could not promise himselfe much from the particular forces of that countrey That hee should doe amisse to hope in the repentance of the English For if they had out of hate abandoned him they would persist in their contumacie as despairing of pardon having so highly offended him that forraigne forces would bee rather harmfull then of any use especially the French So as there being no hope of help from abroad and despairing of any at home his best resolution would bee to thinke upon his owne safety and by giving away what he could not keepe endeavour a safe and private life These reasons made him listen unto the Archbishop of Canterbury and Earle of Northumberland the one by him banished the other proclaimed traytor with whom he agreed to resigne up his Kingdome upon condition he might be permitted to live a private life and have the lives granted him of eight persons such as hee should nominate The which being largely promised him by them readily approved of by the Duke they met together the Duke using all due respects which are requisite from an obedient subject to his naturall Prince Whilst Richard minding nothing but his present condition did things unworthy of his greatnesse and dignity hee gave himselfe up into the Dukes hands the 20. of August 1399. together with all his money horse and furniture his money amounting to above a million of gold The manner of this imprisonment is by others diversly related They say that the King despairing of his affaires sent the Dukes of Exeter and of Surrey to treat with Lancaster who keeping the former with himselfe who was his cousin and putting the other into the Castle at Chester did in their stead send the Earle of Northumberland unto the King who followed by a thousand Bow-men and four hundred lances was when he should be come nigh to Conaway to make thereof two Ambuscadoes and passing forward himself with only foure or five horsemen hee was under a safe conduct to goe into the Castle That the propositions he was to make were That Richard would speake with Lancaster and satisfie him in two particulars The one that processe might bee made against such as had had a hand in the death of Gloster and his companions The other that hee would give him an authenticall pardon for whatsoever former offence hee had committed against him that netled at these demands made unto him as King in a condition of not denying any thing he tooke horse and the Duke riding before under pretence of providing his dinner at Rutland stayed where the ambush was and where the King with his followers among the which were the Earle of Salisbury the Bishop of Salisbury and the Lord Scroope were
by them inclosed That when hee was come to Flint the Duke with all his Army came thither likewise That the Archbishop Arundel was the first with whom hee treated and that having gathered by what had befallen him that Lancaster was not so simple as hereafter to affie in him whom he had so highly offended That punishments pardons and reformations were but the songs of Syrens and that his aime was at the Kingdome hee offered to surrender it up unto him But however it was he was from Chester sent into the Tower of London And if in his taking water at Westminster had he not been waited upon by the Maior and his associates he was likely to have been slain before he could have got unto the Tower Lancaster on the contrary was received by the Citie and all the Companies thereof as King with processions applause and all expressions of joy A Parliament was called in Richards name The Duke took serious advice concerning this affair with his best friends particularly with his Uncle of Yorke who were all of one opinion That the resignation should be so done as that it might appeare voluntary nor that being sufficient since his imprisonment would argue an inforcement that his deposing might bee strengthened by act and authority of Parliament To effect the first of these divers were suborned who having formerly been his friends shewed unto him the danger wherein hee was if he did not purchase his life at the rate of the free resignation of his Kingdome The which being obtained they fell to the effecting it The chiefe Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall together with the prime Judges and Lawyers came all to the Tower to all which Richard with his Robes on his Crowne on head and Scepter in his hand presented himselfe and taking his Chaire after some few acknowledgements and excuses of his own misgovernment he himselfe read his Surrender affirming it to be freely done and without compulsion Hee moreover freed his subjects of whatsoever bonds oathes fidelity or homage renouncing all further claime authority dignity or title to the Crowne leaving it free for the time to come with all the appurtenances belonging thereunto This being done he subscribed it And then falling upon the praise of his cousin the Duke of Lancaster hee desired them to chuse him for his successor And made the Archbishop Arundell and Bishop of Hereford his substitutes to acquaint the Parliament with this his request and resignation And the more to witnesse his good inclination towards the Duke he tooke from off his owne finger a Ring wherein his Armes were ingraven and put it upon the Dukes finger giving him therewithall his Ensignes of Regality whereof he had disrobed himselfe All this he did as seeming desirous to lead a private life though in his disrobing he could not hide his inward griefe at the which there was no so hard heart as was not mollified The Trustees discharged their trust unto the Parliament which accepted the resignation And that there might remaine no scruple for such as should come after many Articles were framed wherein he was accused of extortion prodigality tyranny of having preferred men of base condition to the highest places of being cause of the imprisonment and death of the Duke of Gloster and Earle of Arundell against the rules of Law and Justice of having kept about him people to destroy him permitting unto them all insolences without correction They omitted not his lasciviousnesse perjuries falshood losse of reputation rapine Maximes of State able to ruine a State Principals contrary to the rights of a Crowne his cancelling of publicke writings his injurious proceeding against the Archbishop of Canterbury nor any thing else that might be objected to an apparant tyrant And as such a one he was by all the Judges deputed for this purpose declared incable and unworthy and by the votes of them all deposed from the dignity and title of a King Insomuch as not contented to bereave him of his kingdome they would likewise have him therewithall to lose his reputation Commissioners were deputed to acquaint him with the Act of Parliament and to renounce unto him all former tyes homage fidelity subjection or oath To the which he made no other answer save That not regarding these titulary circumstances he hoped his cousin would be his good friend and Lord. I have heard by some that the lower House did not give its consent to his deposition the which may very well be true but Writers doe not mention it In the interim of this inter-regnum the Duke of Lancaster made known his Titles by which hee laid claime unto the Crowne and was by generall applause cried up King and installed in his Throne by the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke Thus ended the reigne though not the life of Richard the second a Prince in many respects worthy to have reigned if he had not reigned The end of the first Booke THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY the fourth The second Booke HENRY the 4th a Prince naturally well given when he knew himself to be King began to differ in many things from what he formerly was for the usurpation of Kingdomes a vice in all times blamed yet pursued if it do not totally destroy vertue doth at least infeeble it or keep it in suspence It is impossible to contract Matrimony between the Regall Throne and Injustice unlesse it bee by unjust meanes and that the Dowry consist of any thing save cruelty and rapine All things here below have mediums conformable to themselves and in the order of Nature subordinate to their Genus the good to good the bad to bad So he while hee was in his prime innocency did nothing which was not praise worthy neither did his praise exceed his merit but being arrived to that where ambition doth its uttermost hee did more shamefully then miraculously metamorphose himselfe his nature though not changed but some wayes altered did by fits reduce him to what hee naturally was in the vehemencie of his forces revenge or command he did not out-goe his owne preservation or security so as though hee might deserve the name of an Usurper yet did he not deserve to bee tearmed a tyrant for were it otherwise since among the Roman Emperours there were few found who were not usurpers and yet of the number many good men the good could not have shunned the being reputed Tyrants Henry did not subvert the fundamentall Lawes he was sent for before he did insinuate himself the Kingdom was offered unto him before he did usurpe it He did better make good the office of a Prince to his subjects then did his subjects their duties unto him their Prince neither of them forgetting their peculiar natures he his innate goodnesse nor they their naturall wavering and inconstancie This may bee witnessed to us by what befell him while he was a private man hee did with temperance and modesty receive the praises due unto him
Sterling in the Church of the Dominicans with the title of King of England Henry had great good fortune so happily to acquit himself of this conspiracy otherwise in likelihood hee might have beene oppressed by evills which on three sides hung over him for during all his life his fortune was through dangers to arrive at happinesse and at safety by the Rockes of precipice France had made great preparations of man and shipping to succour Richard with intention to come for England relying upon his partakers upon the envy contracted by the new King and upon the inconstancy of popular affection their former hatred was changed into compassion They were all in Picardy under the command of Count St. Paul ready to take shipping when together with advertisement of the conspiracy came newes of the unhappy successe thereof which amazed them all To proceed farther under colour of revenge which brought along with it suspicion of invasion had now beene rashnesse since they were dead in whom they did most affie Greater preparations were to be made for the invasion of England these not being sufficient without some correspondency from within the Land And as the home conspiracy gave the last blow to Richards life so did the forraigne preparations confirme Henry in that resolution which he would not have willingly taken without these sharpe provocations so as that which was intended for his liberty caused his death The forces in France were all disbanded Charles upon good advice desired onely the restitution of his daughter a just request and not to be had but by civill meanes the which hee obtained sending over Embassadours to that purpose who were graciously received but the King referred his answer to certain commissioners who were to go to Callis to treat together with this of other affairs which neerely concerned both the Crownes Charles sent thither the Duke of Bourbon and Henry Edward Duke of Aumerle who by the late death of his father did now succeed in the title and inheritance of the Duke of Yorke together with whom hee sent Henry Earle of Northumberland Bourbon required the restitution of the Queene which they denyed not but desired that by the approbation of France she might yet remaine in England since by birth and yeares she was a fit match for the Prince of Wales as wife for whom they did desire her But Charles not willing to consent to this having conceived an opinion that the aliance with England would prove unfortunate for France a perpetuall peace was propounded by Yorke This being likewise found a difficult businesse France being resolved not to quit what it was possest of the English Edmund endevoured to bridle his insolency The battell was on both sides manfully fought Glendor had two advantages the number of men and his being their Captaine By these meanes hee proved victor obedience and good order having wonne him the Lawrell The Herefordshire men on the other side fewer in number and led by the Earle onely in regard unto his quality obeyed many and sometimes none doing what they listed so as distracted and not resolved what to do they made good the field till night rather out of an obstinate resolution then any reason or order At last they yeelded but fled not for none did pursue them Glendor was contented that he had overcome for finding himselfe in an enemies Countrey the night being darke many of his men slaine and the rest or weary or wounded hee forbare to pursue the victory Two thousand were left dead in the field the Earle was taken prisoner and kept in the bottome of a Tower no respect being had to his person neither did the King though by many much importuned indevour his liberty for he thought this his imprisonment to bee one of the happiest things that ever befell him Let me here bee permitted to relate a Story of the Welsh Women the like to which I have not met withall in any other history They ran like so many Bacchanals to the place of battell they cut off the noses and privities from as many as there they found dead they put the privie members which they had cut off into the mouthes of the dead with the testicles hanging out and the noses into their posteriors nor would they suffer their bodies to be taken away without ransome An action wherein eagernesse dishonesty cruelty and avarice were equally seene and were it to bee disputed which of these foure were most abusive whosoever should give his opinion in favour of any of them might lawfully feare the being thought unjust each of them having arguments to plead for the priority of mischiefe but if I were to be Judge herein I should beleeve that avarice were not to bee pleaded For though it bee a vice naturall to that Sex yet in what belongs to their houshold government it may bee accounted a vertue I should absolve them of cruelty as not an absolute cause but an effect of the fiercenesse of their nature And I would free them from dishonesty because no dishonesty being without delight this action was thereof incapable so as fiercenesse would win the plea were it not that the inveterate hatred which they bare unto the English had been the onely thing which made them fierce dishonest avaritious and cruell Glendor kept on his course sacking and spoyling the confines These two victories had made him bee esteemed by his owne men and feared by his enemies there was none the King being busied about more weighty affaires who withstood him but good fortune is like the flowing of the Sea which ebbes againe for a full sea is alwayes followed by an ebbe The Scots had at this very time taken their best advantage of the alterations in England they readily made use thereof and Northumberland was the place wherein they laid their first Scene The truce continued of force betweene the two kingdomes and because warre was not publickly proclaimed the truce was not esteemed broken for disorderly incursions are pardoned between nations at continuall enmity Nor was King Robert to be blamed herein unlesse it were for conniving The Scots having ransacked the countrey betooke themselves to doe mischiefe at sea and to endammage the fishing businesse But the English were not wanting unto themselves for having sacked the Ilands of the Orcades they met with the enemies Fleet who under the command of Robert Logon went to encounter them in fight they tooke many of them An action of small consequence and onely worthy of the name of Reprisall but occasions of open hostility ensuing hereupon Henry was unwillingly enforced to undertake a warre The King of Scotland had contracted a match between the daughter of George Dumbar Earle of the Marches and Prince David his eldest sonne the Earle having readily paid in a great summe of money by the way of portion Archibald Earle Douglas a high spirited man not able to endure this addition of power in any one much lesse in Dumbar who was of himselfe great and
greatly follow'd wrought so by the favour of the Duke the Governour of the Kingdome that this contract was declared void as agreed upon without the Councels knowledge and that his daughter Mary for a greater summe of money was received in the others place and that this marriage might be past all annulling hee caused it speedily to bee effected and authorised by all the accustomed Church rites The Earle of the Marches was very sensible of this affront and resolving upon revenge would not hasten it till hee might make it justifiable to all the world Hee required the repaiment of his monyes but the King paying him with delayes intending indeed never to pay him he seemed to beleeve the contrary till such time as every one might perceive how he was abused Hereupon threatning revenge he withdrew himselfe and his whole family into England where hee was by the Earle of Northumberland received having gathered some forces together he entred Scotland and did there some mischiefe which though not sufficient wholly to repaire was notwithstanding enough to content him for the first bout King Robert having degraded him and confiscated all he had sent a Herauld to denounce unto Henry that it was contrary to the tenure of Truce to receive such as were Traytors and Rebels to his Crowne and to favour and countenance them that if he would have the truce continue he should deliver Dumbar up into his hands or banish him his dominions To the which King Henry were it either that hee esteemed it an unworthy thing to revoke the protection hee had given him or that he was so generally beloved as to have resolved the contrary would have beene to little purpose answered That he was sorry he could not satisfie the King of Scotland for that hee could not in honour recall the safe conduct which hee had by his great Seale granted unto Dumbar That for what concerned Truce or Warre hee left the choyce to him for for his part hee was ready to continue the one if it pleased him and if it pleased him not they were both of them equally indifferent to him The Herald had no sooner brought backe this answer but warre was proclaimed And Henry willing rather to incounter it abroad then meet with it at home past suddenly into Scotland hee burnt and ruin'd what ere he met withall He spared no places but such as were holy and such as had harboured his father the Duke of Lancaster when hee withdrew himselfe into that Kingdom A gratitude so well interpreted by the Scotch Writers as that Hector Boëtius saith That never did enemy make more friendly warre then did he Hee came to Edinburgh and tooke it he laid siege to the Castle which was defended by Prince David and his father-in-law Earle Douglas By the condition of these two the importance of the place may be conjectured for Edinburgh was not to be held but by those who were masters of that Fort whole Scotland depended upon this siege It was now September and in those Northerne parts Winters fore-runners were already felt The Duke of Albany was not farre off desiring that people might thinke he would doe what he was resolved not to doe His designes which were the usurpation of the Kingdome suffered him not to bee charitable to his countrey to performe the duty of his charge nor to have respect unto his reputation Hee would willingly have seen the Castle battered downe and Prince David who was his prime and chiefest obstacle buried in the ruines thereof Notwithstanding his inward malice it behoved him to make shew of good intentions he by a Herald sent word to King Henry that if hee would expect him but six dayes he would give him battell with resolution either to make him raise the siege or dye in the enterprise hee could not have sent a more welcome message to the King for the season of the yeare and his want of victuals would not permit him to tarry there long He rewarded the Herald and bade him assure the Duke that he would expect him and fight with him Six and sixteene dayes passed and yet no governour appeared so as the flux in the Camp joyned to so many other incommodities forced the King to raise the sige and returne home Hee brought back with him all his military affaires as likewise such Commanders as were wont to keep upon the Frontiers which gave the Scots meanes in some sort to repaire themselves they made two incursions without opposition into the two confining Countries of Northumberland and Banborough-shire for the adverse party arrived late after they were retired encouraged by their happy succcesse they adventured upon the third on-set being led by Patricke Heborne a gentleman more adventrous then was requisite for whereas hee was able to have assembled a great number of men he having more regard to the booty then danger made onely choyce of the best wherewithall he entred Northumberland and by prey and prisoners inriched himselfe and them but in their returne through heedlesnesse caused by too much confidence in themselves or contempt of the enemy being pursued by the Earle of Northumberland they were routed at Nesbyt where the greatest part of them were slaine though not without revenge for they fought to their last gaspe valiantly as is usuall to that warlike Nation Heborne more couragious now then cautious before having done all that belonged to a discreet Commander thrust himselfe into the thickest of the battell where manfully fighting he lost his life together with him were slaine the chiefest of Loughdeane besides many Gentlemen and Knights that were taken prisoners but as this defeat did rather irritate then quell the Scots so Fortune which had smiled upon them in their first two expeditions turned her backe upon them in the third and quite abandoned them in the fourth perhaps she was offended they should so often make tryall of her The old Archibald Earle Douglasse was dead the first occasioner of this warre he left behinde him a sonne which succeeded him in name and title but surpassed him in worth and vertue This man resolved upon publicke revenge for the publicke lossewhich had beene suffered He raised an Army of 20000. fighting men The governour assented thereunto and gave him for his associates his owne sonne the Earle of Fife the Earle of Angus Murrey and Atholl together with many Barons and Gentlemen of the chiefe Nobility of Scotland They came into Northumberland with flying colours where not finding forces able to resist them they returned laden with prey when about Hamilton they might see the Lord Percy issue out from forth a Valley he who for his valour and forwardnesse was by them called Hot-spur He had with him Dumbar the enemy of the Douglasses all the Gentry of Northumberland and 8000. men what horse what foote and though it cannot bee denyed but that the hatred was great which was betweene these two warlike Nations yet who will marke it well may see that their vying
for mastery was the cause of all the mischiefe which was by either of them given or received rather then hatred or avarice Percy was famous for what hee had already done and now more then ever desirous of glory Douglasse was big with fame and that he might bring it to light was desirous to adde thereunto the fame of his enemy these two respects were the whetstone whereon the valour of both parties was sharpned Exhortations and warlike noises were needlesse every man was by himselfe encouraged and ready for what he had to doe each side equally thirsting for the others bloud The conflict endured a long time with like affect as is seene in a sheete of corne which when driven with violent windes bends now on the one side and then on the other alternately till at last Fortune taking stand under Saint George his Crosse thought it not sacriledge to beare to ground that of Saint Andrew Dowglasse who in the battell had lost an eye was taken prisoner with him Fife Murrey Angus Atholl and five hundred more the greatest part of the Gentry of Scotland dyed manfully fighting of which number were twenty seven Knights and of common souldiers as the English writers say for the others say nothing herein 10000. Percie as soone as he had made the prisoners safe in sundry forts passed forward in Loughdeane and the Marches of Scotland making use of the present occasion as having slaine and tane prisoners all that were to defend those parts which when hee had sacked and utterly ruinated hee besieged Coclaven a place neither to bee long kept nor soone lost it was agreed upon that it should be surrendred if not succoured within three months The Governour was advised not to succour it for that the losse of it would be of lesse moment then the hazarding of a second battell The defeat at Hamilton had so allayed the courage of the Gentry as that not being confident of any good intention in the Governour they could not bee perswaded to a new conflict but hee his mischievous designes not being now the thing in question but the honour of the Kingdome on the preservation whereof much of his hidden hopes depended swore hee would succour it though not seconded by any but the first two months being past and nothing done the castle was freed the third for which no thanks was due to him for Percy was forced to raise the siege that hee might follow the King in his warres in Wales Whilst England was thus beset on both sides new troubles arose unto her out of France which though at first sight of no consideration were yet the occasion of incensing mens mindes and of the more easie breach of truce The Duke of Orleans brother to King Charles a Prince of an unquiet spirit borne to be the ruine of himselfe and Kingdome tooke a fancie out of a meere capriciousnesse to send a letter to King Henry by a Herald the contents whereof were to this purpose That having considered how the rust of idlenesse in youth had been the losse of many Princes sprung from Royall bloud he was resolved to shake it off and to win renowne and honour by the way of Armes to effect the which he could think of no readier means then that they two should meet at a certain place to be by them agreed upon where each of them accompanied by a hundred Gentlemen of name valour and void of blemish they might make triall of themselves till the one of them should yeeld and that such prisoners as should be taken should be liable to ransome and their ransomes to be paid to such as tooke them That to this purpose he went with his hundred to Angolesme and that if hee would come with his hundred to Burdeaux they might chuse some neighbouring place for the combat The Duke had been the Kings great friend whilest he was in France insomuch as in signe of their more reall friendship they sealed a writing between them wherein they bound themselves to the defence of one another against all the world except some whom the Duke excepted but this chalenge being directly opposite thereunto and Henry having not been long in his kingdome and by reason of his affaires free from that idlenesse which the other desired to shun he answered that he would never have beleeved that the letter which was delivered him by his Herald had been directed to him had not the circumstances assured him that it was That the publick truce between the two Kingdomes and the private confederacie between them two ought to have disswaded him from making such a request but that since he was pleased so to resolve hee for for his part was likewise resolved to breake their former confederacie That Kings ought to bee chalenged by Kings not by inferiours That Kings ought not to use their weapons for vain-glory but for the glory of God and good of Christianity and when by their state necessitated thereunto That hee would come to Burdeaux with as many men as hee pleased when it might ought availe him And that in such a case occasions would not bee wanting to the Duke to finde him out nor should will be wanting in him to be found out by him To this answer the Duke by new letters replyed that he avouched the writing of the former letters to be to him to him onely and that if he did not therein give him the title which now he assumed 't was because he did not approve thereof that hee would have had due respect to their confederacy if it had not first been violated by him that he would never have made any confederacy with him if he had thought he would have so behaved himselfe towards King Richard God knowes how and by whom slaine for what concerned his present dignity that God never gave it him but did onely permit it in him and that God did oftentimes suffer Princes to reigne for their greater confusion so as the comparison he made between them two was to no purpose since his reputation was void of blemish as was not the Kings that for the duty and office of a King hee could not say better and doe worse that Queen Isabel his Neece might serve to prove this who was sent backe into France her husband being slaine her jonyture denied the goods shee brought with her into England deteined That hee would maintaine all this to bee true in single combat hand to hand to the end that as hee had said the deaths of so many might bee spared that hee thanked him for having more charity to the blood of France then hee had to his owne Lord and King This reply was too sharpe not to bee answered The King wrote backe That having communicated his designes to him when hee parted from France which he the Duke did then approve of and promised his assistance hee wondred why he should now blame them as if they were new unto him that if by his words of God knowes
how and by whom King Richard was slaine hee did believe that his death was occasioned by any command or approbation of his he did believe falsly and that he would make this good unto him body to body Hee did not deny but that in the confederacie made between them the King of France and Isabel Queen of England were on his side excepted but that he the Duke could not likewise deny that though the Duke of Burgondy was by name excepted yet that in private he told him he held him as not excepted for the confederacie was onely grounded upon the hatred he bare unto him so as the objection which hee made against him the King was the same which the Duke from the very beginning was maliciously guilty of For that part of his reply where he said that He would never have mâ—…de any confederacie with him if he had thought hee would have behaved himselfe so to King Richard why then did he after Richards death send a Gentleman to him to assure him of the continuation of his friendship and to tell him that next the King his brother he desired to serve no Prince alive more then him That God had permitted him but not promoted him to reigne hee did not beleeve it yet he confessed that Gods abounding favours to him proceeded onely from grace and mercie the which was able to effect more then all the art and malice of the Divell by these words hee alluded to what was commonly beleeved that the Duke and Valentia his wife had bewitched King Charles and plotced the death of his children to the end that they might come to the Crown that if he had read the Articles of agreement hee would there have found that England was not obliged to make any joynture that he had not onely restored unto her what ever she brought with her but presented her to boot that the Acquittance sealed in Councell he himselfe being present might convince him of his falshood so as what he said in this point was not for that he did not know the contrary but that being of himselfe false and wicked to speake truth was contrary to his nature that hee did not deny his desire of sparing to shed the bloud of France as it well became a King to bee sparing of his subjects bloud for such his just claime considered were the French to him that where he said He had more respect to the bloud of France then the life of Richard hee lied and that it were to bee wisht hee had not done worse to the King his brother for what remained that hee would passe the sea when it might conduce to the honour of God his owne good and the good of his kindome to answer him in what manner hee should chuse This defiance was accompanied by another from Valerian of Luxenburgh Count Saint Paul who not calling him King but Duke of Lancaster denounced to him That his friendship and affinity to King Richard for he had married Magdâ—…len Holland sister by the mothers side to Richard and Henry's being notoriously guilty of his death obliged him to doe him all the evill and mischiefe which by the forces of himselfe and subjects he was able But the King made him no answer as one he made no account of In the Duke of Orleans his businesse nothing passed further then the defiances by writing but the Count St. Paul began to take his revenge to little purpose making triviall attempts most harmfull to himselfe for beleeving that the new Duke of Yorke was causer of Richards death the conspiracie at Oxford being by his heedlesnesse discovered hee caused his Statue to bee made and giving it in charge unto some of his men of warre he made it to be hung up by the heeles upon a gallowes which for that purpose was carried by night neere to Callais walles the which at the opening of the gates being seen did so exasperate the Garrison of the Towne that the Count and his territories fared not the better for it all his other attempts after this had ill successe as wee shall hereafter see more at large This mean while the King of France being advertised of King Henry's preparations against Wales he set himself to succour Glendor judging that it might redound to his advantage to annoy England under anothers pretext and to make it pine away by nourishing the feaver of an intestine war To this effect he caused many Ships to be put in good equipage in Brest a haven in Bretaigne and put therein two thousand fighting men under the command of Iames of Burbon Count of March who putting to Sea with his two brothers Lewis and Iohn found the winds so contrary to his passage into Wales as that he was forced to anchor at Plimmouth in Devonshire where landing his people by night hee burnt and sacked all the neighbouring villages not sparing the Abodes nor Boats of poore Fisher-men But herein Fortune smiled upon him but a while for the confining people gathering together at the firing of the Beacons and newes being brought him that the violence of Winde and Sea had split twelve of the best Ships of his Fleet indangering all the rest Hee with difficulty did re-imbarke himselfe and with much adoe got to Saint Maloes having runne divers times danger of being swallowed up by Sea This ill successe did no waies asswage the French mens heat for assembling together a fleet of eighty ships under the command of Marshall Moemerancy and the Generall of the Crosse-bow-men wherein they imbarked 12000. fighting men they came to Milford haven in Pembrokeshire where finding Pembroke Castle strong and well defended they sat downe before Erfordnuest which being likewise secured by the Earle of Arundell they passed forward to Denbigh doing all those out-rages as they went by fire and sword as are usually done in an enemies Countrey there they found Glendor who staied expecting them with ten thousand of his owne men thus met together they travailed toward Worster but not having time to try the towne by reason of the Kings approach they fired the suburbs and retyred into Wales fortifying themselves upon the hanging of a hill betwixt the which and the opposite hill where the King had pitched himselfe there was a Valley disadvantagious for those who should first passe over it they tarried eight daies in sight of one another both sides resolute not to assaile and though daily divers skirmishes were made yet were they not of much importance some of both sides being slaine amongst which the bastard of Burbone the Marshalls brother was one The King this meane while had stopped the passage of their victualls thereby inforcing them either to passe the Valley and fight or else to retire the latter being thought the better course they raised their campe at midnight marching through Woods and over Mountaines still pursued by the King but this pursute lasted but a while for the King having lost certaine provision of victualls which the enemy well
to bee sought into the reasons of his former life conclude not for him The King having by fines punished the City went towards Northumberland at Durham he caused the two Barons together with the two Knights of the confederacy to be executed The Earle understanding his associates misfortune withdrew himselfe to Barwicke where not thinking himselfe strong enough hee fled to Scotland together with the Lord Bardolf and was friendly received by the Lord Fleming The King finding Barwick resolute not to yeeld levelled a peece of Canon against the Castle thereof an instrument in those dayes new and not knowne with the which at the very first shot he battered it almost downe to the ground whereat the defendants being amazed without capitulation yeelded themselves to the Kings pleasure who hanging some and imprisoning the rest made himselfe master of all the Earle of Northumberlands seats where taking order for all things requisite he passed into Wales leaving the Prince his sonne and the Duke of Yorke with a great army in those parts but he found such deluges of water amongst those mountaines as he was forced toquit the enterprise he had carried along with him many carts and wagons loaded with the most pretious things he had which were all born away by the violence of the torrents no one peece of them remaining Some believe that this was done by the Divell Owen Glendor being held to be a great Negromancer but I am of opinion that if he had had any such power he would have made use thereof against the King himselfe for the losse of the Kings person did more availe him then the losse of his carriages The Scotch men on the other side should have come into England to aide the conspirators but hearing what had happened they budged not but endeavoured to defend themselves by land from the Prince and by sea from Sir Robert Vmfrevill Vice Admirall of the Navy but nothing happened of much importance The one had only time to spoile the Country and the other to sacke the coasts of Fife and Lugdiana all mischiefes ceasing in a truce agreed upon for one yeare which made them returne to their owne homes The plague did now grow hot in London and thereabouts so as the King not being safe in Kent the infection much spred in all places was glad to take shipping to goe to Plessis in Essex the Lord Camois was his guide they were already well advanced in the sea when certaine French Pirates who lay in the Thames mouth for pilladge understanding of this passage pursued them and intended to take the ship wherein the King was tooke 4 ships that were next unto him one of the which was loaded with furniture of his chamber and things belonging to his owne person The Baron who together with the other vessels were a good way from the King came not in time enough to assist his Majesty nor yet to recover what was lost so as if the Kings ship had not been a swift sayler and so made voide the Pirates hopes hee had run danger of going for France in stead of Essex Camois was strictly questioned and in danger of losing his life as thought to have held intelligence with these Pirates but better defending his own innocency then hee succoured the King he was by the Judges acquitted The plague being ceased the King returned to London He made the match between Philleppa the younger of his two daughters and Henry King of Denmarke and this was the third marriage that was celebrated in his family after his comming to the Crowne for before this hee had married Blanch to William Duke of Bavaria Prince Elector and hee himselfe had tane to wife Ione the daughter of Charles the second King of Navarre the widdow of Iohn Montfort Duke of Brittany which I have not mentioned as not belonging to the thred of my discourse But what befell Prince Iames the only sonne and heire of Scotland who did at this time fall into the power of England is not to be passed by as worthy of ample relation Robert the third who now reigned in Scotland and who in his baptisme was named Iohn changed the name of Iohn for Robert either for that the Roberts of Scotland had beene fortunate or for that the Iohns of England and of France had been unfortunate as if the name were of force enough to make those effects good which fortune God permitting had preordained bad T is true that amongst the Kings named Iohn few are found who either have not been very bad or very unfortunate Castile Portugall and Arragon afford us examples hereof of three hereditary Queene Ioanes the two of Naples were unfortunate and unchast the third of Castile was chast but most unfortunate This notwithstanding Iohn of Scotland did not by change of name change the maligne aspect of his destiny for those evills befell him having tane upon him the name of Robert which would have befalne him had he kept the name of Iohn the divine providence not being to bee changed by such alterations This King was by divers pensils painted forth in the same colours Hector Boëtius describes him affable mercifull an enemy to extortions charitable and pious Buchanan a severe writer doth in one place give him to us rather as voide of vice then famous for vertue and another speaking of his innocency inriches him with all the worth that is to bee desired in a private man but judges him rather to be an honest man then a good King T is very true he had nothing of King in him save the name the whole authority remaining in Robert Duke of Aubeney his younger brother in his fathers time created governour of the Kingdome a manifest proofe of his incapacity to governe it alone But this Duke did not content himselfe with the bare government he aspired to the Crowne which though he attained not yet left he no wickednesse unattempted to effect it and the life of the Prince David being a great rub in his way the death of the Queene his mother and of Earle Douglas his father in law afforded him meanes of bereaving him of it as hee desired This Prince was very lewdly inclined and so given to his unbridled lust as that he was not to be endured Whilst his mother lived who kept him in some awe he lived in some order but shee being dead letting the reines loose to his naturall inclination no maidenhood was undeflowred nor marriage bed unviolated When trickes and flatteries could not prevaile hee made use of force Daily complaints were made unto the King of injuries done by his sonne The father by reason of his weaknesse contemned not able to amend him determined to transferre the care thereof to his brother thinking that onely hee was able to tame him an error ordinary enough in persons of his condition For the good man suspects not what he doth not imagine and what he himselfe would not doe were he to gaine the world thereby
through all the City and first in Orleans house his friends and servants runne to the place where they found his body lying in a sea of bloud horribly massacred they carried the body into the next Church whither the King of Cicily and the chiefest of the Court came sorily lamenting the next morning his hand and brains being found lying in the street all durty they were put together with the body into a leaden coffin and buried in a Chappell which he himself had caused to be built At his funerall three corners of the cloth which covered the Bieare were held up by the Princes of Sicily Berry and Burbony Burgundy held up the fourth this fained charity not corresponding with his unfained cruelty for what ever inquisition could be made no newes could be heard of the assassinates The Provost being called to the Councell table said it was impossible for him to finde out any thing touching this affaire unlesse hee might be permitted to search the houses of the greatest Lords and especially the Pallaces of the Princes The King of Sicily Duke of Berry and Duke Burbon were content but not Burgundy who not knowing what to say tooke the three Princes aside and confessed that he had bin the author of that homicide whereupon filled with horror and amazement Berry exclaming that in one day he had lost two nephewes they left him keeping the secret to themselves not knowing without mature deliberation how to publish it The next day after Burgundy being come to goe to the Councell table Berry in whose house the meeting was met him at the chamber doore and told him this was no place for him wherewithall he shut the doore upon him leaving him much confused a usage he had not beene accustomed unto and what he beleeved would not now have beene used without resolutions of further consequence so as fearing to be clapt up in prison hee forthwith returned to his owne house and getting on horseback being waited on only by five men he rid to Bapomus upon the confines of Artois the place of his command and went 42. leagues not taking any rest but what was necessary either to bate or change his horses from thence having slept a while he went to Lillo in Flanders this his unexpected departure was no sooner divulged but the occasion thereof was knowne the dead Duke had 600. what Gentlemen what Knights defraied by him in Paris all which were of no use to him who trusted more in his quality then he ought to have done he imagined the Duke of Burgundy would have exercised his ill will in publicke against his power not by treachery against his person a hundred of these well horst and led by Clegnet of Brabant Admirall of France would have followed Burgundy but the King of Sicily fearing greater inconveniences hindred their designe not suffering them to goe He who formerly was thought the chiefe author of this murther was Albertus of Canni injured by the Duke who had taken from him his wife and had by her a sonne who proved afterwards one of the bravest Cavalliers in all France but the knowne truth freed him of suspition all men except the Parisians detested this fact but their rejoycing lasted but a while for the evills they received through the oppressions and misgovernment of Orleans were not the hundreth part so bad as those they suffered after by the oppression and misgovernment of the Duke of Burgundy The Assassinates having changed their apparrell left Paris likewise and went to Artois according to the order they had formerly received from their Master When Valentina Duches of Orleans heard this sad newes she hasted to Paris and kneeled downe before the King demanding justice which was likely to bee granted for he did tenderly love his brother but his weaknesse was such as suffered him to give her no other comfort save hopes and promises The Duke of Burgundy having represented the businesse to the common people after his manner he published a manifestation thereof wherein having made knowne the reasons which had inforced him to this resolution he pretended to merit thankes and praise rather then blame or punishment The two Uncles Sicily and Berry fearing lest he might joyne with the English invited him to give them a meeting at Amiens he came thither and caused two launces to be set a crosse upon his lodging doore in this manner X which fashioned forth the Burgundy crosse the one of them had a bur used in war the other such a one as is used at tilting as if he would by this Hyroglifique say it should be in their choice to chuse peace or war Their meeting was to no purpose for contrary to the Kings expresse inhibition he went with 4000. men to Paris where he was with great expressions of joy received by the Parisians where to justifie his horrid fault hee by the mouth of one Iohn Petit accused the Duke of Orleans for having aspired unto the Kingdome bewitched the King ploâ—…ed treachery against his children and for having made confederacy with the King of England to make himselfe master of the Crowne of France by the death of his brother as the other had got the Crowne of England by his Cosens death for having sowed discord betwixt the King and Queene â—…o the end that having lost her matrimoniall love her person might bee the more at his command that he had made himselfe Master of the most considerable places of the Kingdome putting out the former governours and placing others of his owne depending in their roomes that he might make use of them against his brother that he had procured Pope Benedict to declare the King incapable of the Crowne as Childericus formerly was that he himselfe might obtaine it his conclusion was that being for so many faults guilty of treason both divine and humane he was to be declared lawfully slaine and the King out of meere feare declared him as was urged justly put to death The Duke having obtained what he desired returned to Flanders from thence he went in assistance of the Bishop and Prince of Leidge against the Leigois who had rebelled against him he overcame them and gave them what Lawes he pleased whereby he wonne such renowne as France had reason to fear him now more then before for though in his absence the King had permitted the Dowager Duches to answer unto his accusations and revoked his pardon with an intention to punish him yet understanding of this victory and that his brothers and cosens had declared themselves for him he disabandoned the people who were gathered together to have forced him and those who had appeared his enemies repented themselves for having been so forward Together with this examining the continuancy of the Parisians strangely passionate for the Duke the King resolved to retire himselfe to Towres not so much to free himselfe from their danger as to revenge himselfe of them for the absence of the Court redounds much to their losse
out of private humours and that it should be defaced and destroied since it was one day to be his so as remooving the campe after a months siege he commanded the cannoniers upon paine of life not to shoote one shot more without his command At which the Duke of Burgony being troubled beleeving that he had compassion on his enemies did what he could to perswade him that violence was the onely meanes to reduce rebells to obedience But being severely answered that too much had already beene done and that it was time to forbeare those who desired an agreement were much encouraged and concluded an agreement upon these conditions That the peace at Shartres should remaine in its vigour and force that the Count Vertu should marry the daughter of the Duke of Burgony that the Duke of Berry and his confederates should surrender up all such Cities and other places as the King should desire that he should renounce all confederacies as well at home as forreiny made against the Duke of Burgony that the King should restore all their Cities and strong holds not obliged to repaire what was demolished that their officers and servants should be readmitted into their offices and possessions And because the brothers of Orleans were not present their Agents promised for them The peace being sworne and proclaimed command under paine of great punishment was made that the two factious names of Burgonians and Arminiackes should be no more used The Orleanists were so called for when Count Arminiack joyned with them his people and all that faction were by the common people called by this name This businesse being for this time thus still'd the King went to Auxerres whither the Duke of Orleans and his brother the Count Vertu came They then swore the peace they renounced all confederacy with England they accepted of the above said marriage and shewed tokens of reciprocall good will insomuch that the two enemy Dukes were seen to ride upon one the self same horse Their former charges were to some restored But Count Saint Paul would not surrender up the Constables place Whereupon the Lord Albret withdrew himselfe ill satisfied from the Court This peace was agreed upon before the English landed in France which was wisely foreseene by the Dolphin for agreement would not so easily have beene made if both the Nations joyned together had tasted the sweetes of any fortunate successe Their arrivall was first heard of in Normandy next in the parts neere Constantina from thence in du Mayne and from thence in Touraine all which places suffered such inconveniences as are usually caused by enemies Souldiers were every where raised whilst they onely desired to be payed the onely meanes to make them returne home But the Dukes of Berry and Orleans were so exhausted as they knew not how nor where to raise 200000. Crowns which they ought them The King of Sicily left the Court and went to defend his Countrey of Aniou from their incursions The Earles of Warwicke of Kent arrived at the same time with 2000. men at Caleis who taking the garrisons of that Towne to them scoured over all the Countrey of Bullen and the parts adjacent and although the Counts Saint Pauls Ramburres and others came thither with great numbers of men they were rather a greevance then a helpe to the poore people of those parts who suffered such harme by them as they could not doe by the enemy The King being come to Paris the Dukes of Berry and of Orleans remained with the Queen at the Bois de Saint Vincennes from whence waiting upon her to Paris Orleans not entring into the Towne passed into the Country of Beaumont to raise monies And though all other places were restored to him yet could he by no meanes get repossession of Perefont and Cousie the which were held by the Count Saint Paul who denied to surrender them without a great summe of money due as he said to the garrisons there Pretences are never wanting where men proceede not with cleare intentions but being necessitated to acquit himselfe of the Duke of Clarence he set aside all other affaires and not able to pay unto him the whole debt he assigned over unto him in pawne for 209000. francks which remained due to him his brother the Count of Angolesme who was great grandfather to Francis the first and some other Lords who being brought into England remained there divers yeares for lacke of ransome This being done he sent unto the King for the restitution of the aforesaid places and obtained letters and directions to that purpose yet were they not delivered up unto him moreover fire breaking forth in Perefont it was almost burnt to the ground To this distaste others were added The Duke of Burgundy caused Bordinus of Saligni formerly his favourite to be carried prisoner into Flanders suspecting that he had revealed some of his secrets The bastard of Burbon ran a danger in Paris the City rising up against him in favour of certaine insolences committed by a butcher Offices which were to be restored were not so as the conditions of peace thus ill observed men rather inclined to breake it againe then to see it thus unworthily peeced The Dolphin who well weighed these alterations grew somewhat coole towards his father in law the rather for that hee was continually sollicited by the Dukes of Bar and Bavieres and by the Count Vertu to take the government wholly upon himselfe and free himselfe from the servitude of being directed by others These broiles grew to no ripenesse during Henries life and had they ripened he perchance would not have delighted in them for hee had changed his thoughts and was returned to the same inclinations of nature wherewith he was borne for having reduced his Kingdome to quiet condition having no more occasion of being bloudy or detested his actions were growne to that degree of temperance as there remained nothing more to be desired in him Justice was administred without distinction of persons He was affable liberall courteous and pious so as the Nobility and Commonalty did now as much love as they had formerly hated him and having set his thoughts wholly upon God he resolved to spend the remainder of his life in his service in the recovery of the holy land judging all other warfare misbecomming a Christian Prince He had no impediments likely to disturbe him from his resolution hee was free from the affaires of France which he esteemed quieted by reason of the last peace a peace not likely to prejudice him that Kingdome being so divided within it selfe as it could not hurt him his owne Kingdome was so well united as hee had no reason of feare there The occasions of former seditions were ceased by the losse of their lives who were the chiefe occasioners thereof all ill humours were appeased by the death of such as were the raisers of them He had foure sonnes all of them of great hopes Scotland had no King The
Duke of Aubenge to maintaine himselfe in the government was forced to peacefull resolutions Wales was exhausted and Glendor dead so as having made great preparation of Ships Gallies and Treasure he thought suddenly to embarke himselfe when strucke with a sudden Apoplexy he was forced to take a further journey I beleeve that this his devotion touching Jerusalem was occasioned by a preceding prophesie if it be true that is said that hee should die in Jerusalem for being taken with this sicknesse in the Abbey at Westminster and carried into the Abbots next house as soone as hee was come unto himselfe he enquired where he was and if that chamber wherein he was had any particular name Answer was made that he was in the Abbots house and that the chamber wherein he was was called Jerusalem Here said he must I die he was put to bed and his Crowne set upon a little table by the bed side His sicknesse continuing and sezed by a violent syncope all men thought he had been dead The Prince thinking so likewise tooke the Crowne and withdrew himselfe into another chamber but shortly after he came to himselfe againe when missing his Crowne and being told that the Prince had taken it away he caused him be sent for and asked him how he durst bee so bold as to take that which did not belong unto him Sir replied the Prince forthwith I know the Crowne is none of mine so long as you live and may your Majesty live long to weare it but all wee who are here did thinke verily you were dead and I being your eldest sonne and consequently your heire took it as the chiefe thing of mine inheritance To the which words the King fetching a deepe sigh replied you say well my sonne but for what concernes the Crowne God knowes with what right I have enjoyed it Be it as it will replied the Prince you got it by the sword and by the sword will I maintaine it The King more satisfied with his sonnes noble resolution then with his reason recommended him to the protection of the Almighty and having given him good exhortations how to live well he died the 20. of March Annâ—… Domini 1413. He reigned 13. yeares and a halfe wanting five dayes He was not borne a King but did deserve to die one The end of the Second Booke THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY the Fifth The third Booke NO Prince was ever borne who did better deceive the common opinion held of him then did Henry the fifth For being in his youth given to much deboychery it was thought that when hee should come unto the Crowne hee would have proved one of the most wicked Kings that ever ruled in England In his valour and daring hee deceived none but was therein alwayes the same But such qualities the more they doe increase the hopes of good in a Prince of hopefull expectation the more doe they increase the feares of evill in a Prince from whom nothing of good is expected What is vertue in the one is vice in the other from which as if illegitimate cruelty neglect and tyranny do proceed Henry was born the yeare 1388. Mary the daughter of Humfrey Bohun Earle of Hereford and Northampton high Constable of England was his mother the King his father being then but Earle of Derby Hee was first brought up at Oxford where under the tuition of his uncle Henry Bewfort Chancellor of that University and afterwards Bishop and Cardinall he grew up in learning wherein he gave signes of a good disposition by putting an esteeme upon learned men insomuch as when he came to be King he made Thomas Rodban a famous Astronomer in those dayes Bishop of Saint Davids and Iohn Carpenter a learned Divine Bishop of Worcester having knowne them both whilst he lived in the University In the twelfth yeare of his age when his father came to the Crowne hee called him from his studies giving the Earle of Worcester to him for Governour who rebelling foure yeares after together with his brother and nephew affoorded him occasion of shewing his valour in battell against them Where hee so bravely behaved himselfe as being hurt hee would not quit the field though hee was much importuned so to do by those that had the charge of him After commanded by his father to pursue Owen Glendor in Wales hee forced him as some say to dye of meere hunger By which actions having prematurely obtained the priviledge of being man and freed himselfe from the superintendencie of others he was at his owne disposall guided by passions which sprung from the heat of bloud the which in a valiant daring Prince as was he produced in the subjects feare and in the father jealousie although the relation between father and sonne ought to bee composed of lesser jealousie then any other relation of friendship But this is not to be wondred at for being borne to egregious acts and his naturall inclinations accordingly framed erring hee could not erre in a meane degree or medium mediocrity being an equall enemy to great wits as well in good as bad Whence it happens that changing humours from best they become worst and from extraordinarily bad exceeding good His deboystnesse though were not such as are common to youth nor subject to such desires as effeminating the minde and dissinewing the strength have brought many Princes to misery and to be inwardly hated by their subjects but certaine sprightly extravagancies caused by the incitations of his martiall nature which not knowing in those yeares how to employ it selfe chused lewd wayes of imployment Amongst the pure seeds of vertue which were in him were certaine graines of Darnell which did almost at the same time bud and become barren He took delight to lye lurking in high wayes to steale from himselfe for observing the times that his tenants were to bring him home his rents hee would set upon them yea sometimes to the danger of his life making them make good in their accounts as much as had been stolne from them neither could they defraud him for he himselfe knew best how much they had lost And it they chanced to hurt or evill treat him hee liked them the better Businesses which in England undergoe death are reduced to two heads Felony Treason The last hath respect to the Princes person and such things as doe depend thereon The other regards civill affairs as man-slaughter theft and such like It so fell out that one of his servants that used to accompany him in such like exploits was taken for felony he came post to London to save him and finding that at the very instant he was carried to the Kings Bench barre to be condemned hee himselfe went thither and commanded the Goalers to take off his irons and set him at liberty The Lord chiefe Justice who at his comming had not stirred from his seat wished him to remember that that was the seat of his father King and
That though it were an easie matter to convince them since they could never prove what he never dreampt of yet he was not come for that purpose That he did present himselfe as guilty since he was declared to be such not by his owne conscience but by his Majesties deluded opinion that therefore since it was impossible for him to live without insufferable anguish of mind being subject to such suspitions hee beseeched his Majesty to free him from further vexation with this weapon Then presenting unto him a dagger by the point hee added That he would willingly suffer death if it might cause such quiet unto his Majesty as his Majesty did beleeve That hee should not hold his hand out of any consideration of his soule for he had begged mercy of God and taken his Christian viaticum much lesse out of fear that this might be imputed as a sinne unto his Majesty for being already satisfied of the humane justice in punishing a guilty person worthy of whatsoever chastisement for what concerned divine justice he did promise him in the presence of those Lords who were by to be his advocate before the Tribunall of the supreame Judge in that fearefull and terrible day when the secrets of all hearts being knowne his Majesty and himselfe in the chariot of his innocency should triumph over the calumnies of other men The speech being ended the King threw away the dagger and with teares of joy imbraced and kissed him and confessed he had done amisse in beleeving otherwise of him then he ought to have done Hee assured him that for the time to come hee would be deafe to all such as should dare to speake against him But the Prince not herewithall contented humbly beseeched his Majesty to bring his accusers to the test that either they or he might receive condigne punishment The King satisfied in the innocency of his sonne and unwilling that those who were zealously his should be punished appeased his sonne saying that since this businesse was to be judged by the Peers of the Land nothing could be done therein till the next Parliament and that then he should receive such satisfaction as he justly did demand Then sweetning him with intreaties and faire speeches he made him quit his request and kept him in his good opinion as long as hee lived These and the like actions generally held dissolute afforded reason of bad presages as hath beene formerly said But assoone as he put on the Crowne he turned another leafe and became excellent in all such vertues as make a Prince famous in peace and redoubted in warre A change by how much the more rare the more admired since thereby the worst of men doe prove the best and types of vertue He first of all like a good husband purged his house of all uncleannesse and not content to have swept from thence all his deboisht companions he did not onely forbid them his sight and further company but banished them from comming within tenne miles of the Court He put in their places persons of exemplary lives Hee placed in his seates of Justice and in his Councell men worthy of such trust and joyning piety to his policy he founded Monasteries and brought the body of Richard the second from an obscure sepulchre in Langley to Westminster where he caused him with regall pompe to bee put in a tombe built at his owne charge and Lady Anne of Bohemia his first wife by him He sent Embassadours and Bishops to Constantia to endeavour in that Councell an end of the Schisme which had then a long time lasted and where not long after in stead of three Popes who reigned altogether Martin the fifth was chosen Pope to the great joy of all Christendome He referred the Lord Cobham who was accused of herefie to the Ecclesiasticall Courts having given him friendly admonitions for he had formerly loved him by reason of his valour from whence being committed over to secular Jurisdiction he was to have received his last punishment had hee not by some of his friends beene secretly conveyed out of the Tower But that which for the present befell not him happened to divers others for many of his opinion having seditiously assembled themselves and accused of conspiracy so many of them were taken as the prisons were not able to containe them and nine and twenty of the chiefest of them where one was a Priest were put to death the like befalling himselfe foure yeares after who was taken about the borders of Wales and hang'd and burnt He restored Henry Percy sonne to Henry hot spurre to his Lands Honour having sent for him back from Scotland whither he was for safety sent in the downfall of his family hee thought it not fit that so noble bloud should suffer punishment in the person of a child who being of so innocent yeares ought not to partake of his fore-fathers faults It was easie for him to restore unto him his lands which the King his father had given to Iohn his third sonne whom hee recompenced with an equivalent revenue Thus he ended the first yeare of his reigne in the beginning whereof the Duke of Clarence who was then in Aquitany hearing of his fathers death returned home to England and brought along with him Iohn Count of Angolesme together with the other hostages assigned over for the Duke of Orleans debt and was by the King received with a brotherly affection The Clergy had been practised upon in King Henry the fourths time by reason of their great revenues as being superfluously larger then was requisite for them In the eleventh year of his reigne mention was made in Parliament that they would have been cause of much scandall if the civill warres had not been The warres being at this present at an end and mens mindes more eager of this then formerly it was thought good not to lose the opportunity of time For since the King was addicted to war it behoved him to raise unto himselfe a permanent revenue to the satisfaction of the whole Kingdome A calculation was made that leaving to the Clergy what was sufficient for them the over-plus of their revenues was sufficient to maintaine fifteene Earles fifteene hundred Knights six thousand two hundred Gentlemen and an hundred Hospitalls besides twenty thousand pound a yeare reserved for the Kings Exchequer which twenty thousand pound was more then then an hundred thousand pound would now be A calculation which whether true or false proved a true danger to the Clergy The remedy was easie the combination being generall the advantage common to all for the King Nobility and Commonalty were to share in what was to bee taken from them A Parliament was called at Leicester wherein they were threatned They thought to eschew the blow by making some great offer but if it should not be accepted of for bee it what they pleased it must bee much inferior to what was expected from them they ran a hazard of defamation as corrupters
of the Prince and so to lose together with their wealth their reputation which in so great a losse ought to bee kept unspotted for the dignity of their profession and not to give a colour of reason to the wrong they were to receive Every one thought the Kings warlike inclination would bee the Canon which should batter them to pieces but hee not having as yet made choyce of an enemy warre with France would be of a vaste expence Scotland was neerer hand and easier to bee invaded Iames the first their King being prisoner in England they thought that his pretentions to the Crowne of France as most proportionate to the greatnesse of his minde would serve for an argument and that by perswading him to that enterprise they should stay the proposition which was to be made against them The Parliament being met the Archbishop of Canterbury a Chertosin Monke failed not in a well ordered speech opportunely to propound it his principall heads were the equity of his Majesties pretentions the honour of the King the reputation of the State and the occasions now offered of making it feasable by reason of the troubles that Kingdome was in In the first he shewed how the King was the naturall ancient heire of Normandy Angier Poictou Umena and Gascony of all which he now possessed onely a little part of Gascony That being heire to Edward the third hee was likewise heire to France otherwise the title which he thereof assumed would be unjust He declamed against the Salique Law as invented in those dayes onely to exclude England no mention being made thereof in Chronicles or other memorialls but since I cannot give you the very words the story necessary requires me to shew you the Law in a rough draught to the end that you may examine the late undertakings of Edward the third or the present ones of this Henry against that Kingdome be justifiable or no. Edward the second King of England married Isabell daughter to Philip the faire King of France Philip besides this his daughter Isabell left three sonnes Lewis Hutin Philip the long and Charles the faire all which reigned Kings one after another and though Lewis left a daughter named Iane and his wife with child of a sonne which soone after dyed and that Odone Duke of Burgony Uncle by the mother side to Iane did what in him lay to make her succeede unto her father yet Philip the long her Uncle who was crowned in Rheims whilst armed and the gates shut having then foure daughters did by marriage appease those Princes who did oppose him giving his eldest daughter to this Duke of Burgony together with the County of Burgony the which by her mother did belong to the said Iane and to Lewis Count of Eureux the most poteâ—… Prince of all the adversaries hee gave the same Iane and for her portion the Kingdome of Navarre the County of Brye and Shampania so as the businesse thus layed asleepe and he afterwards dying Charles succeeded him not interrupted by Iane since her giving way to her other Uncle passed as a ruled case Charles dyed leaving his wife with child Edward the third King of England who was neerest of bloud as borne of Isabell sister to these three Kings pretended to the regency in case the child the Queen went withall should live if otherwise to the Crown On the other side Philip Count of Vallois sonne to Châ—…rles who was brother to Philip the faire made the like pretence as neerest heire male alledging that the Law Salique which did exclude the women did likewise exclude such sonnes as were by them borne Whereupon the three States gathered together Philip got the regencie and the Queen Dowager bringing but a daughter the Kingdome Edward alledged in his behalfe that this law was never knowne till then and then invented to defraude him of succession no mention being made thereof in the memory of man nor by any whatsoever ancient Authentique writer That to give it a being when it had none and cause it to rise up in one night like a mushrome was likely not onely not to give it a subsistence but also to make it not to be credited That hee did not deny the succession of the male in all times past but that the succession of the female sex had not hapned to the Crowne till these present times That the relinquishment made by Iane to her owne prejudice and pursued without his consent or knowledge ought not to prejudice him nor ought it be concluded that shee having laide aside her claime to the prejudice of a third the third should likewise quit his claime to the prejudice of succession That she had yeelded by force being doubly betrayed by her Uncle that he migâ—…t usurpe the Country of Burgony and by her husband that he might make himselfe King of Navarre both of them being contented with the certainty of this gaine the hopes which they might promise unto themselves by warre being uncertaine and of lesse account That if the Law were fundamentall as they would have it beleeved to be it would not have beene violated in the two first races That in the first race the French writers made a doubt whether Morevius were the sonne of Claudian or not and that if he were not his son it is to be beleeved say they that hee was his next a kin which is as much as to conjecture the one and doubt of the other They affirme him to have succeeded not so much by vertue of the Lawes as by the free election of the States not being aware that the terme free election doth contradict the Law Salique it being impossible that there should bee any sort of election much lesse free where the Lawes doe determine an undoubted successour otherwise one of two inconveniencies would necessarily ensue either that the election should annull the Law or the Law make the election superfluous the next in bloud all others excluded being by the Law without election appointed to the Crowne That it cannot be denyed that when Childericus was driven out of the Kingdome Aegidius a Citizen of Rome was chosen King and that his sonne Siagrius after the death of Childericus who was received as King again did pretend unto the Crowne by vertue of his fathers election which he never would have done had there beene such a Law to oppugne him Clodoveus left foure sonnes of which one was a bastard they were all called Kings not onely of such proportions as was left unto them by their father but of all France whilst the Law Salique supposeth but one King and doth not admit of bastards Dagobert left the Crowne of France to Clodoveus the second his younger son and to Sigisbert his eldest sonne the Kingdome of Austracia without any manner of dispute whilest that the Law Salique aimes not so much at the exclusion of women as to the advantage the first borne sonne should have over the younger The same Sigisbert
having no sonnes adopted the sonne of his Lord Steward which he never would have done had there beene any Law Salique Dagobert the second left two sonnes behinde him and yet a Fryer was taken out of a Monastery and Crowned by the name of Chilpericus the second Charles Martellus deposed him put Dagoberts two sonnes into a Cloister and made Coltarius the fourth be Crowned who being afterwards deposed the two brothers reigned Kings one after another Pipin deposed Childericus and made himselfe King though no Prince of the bloud and come of a bastard Many other examples are passed over which happened amongst the Kings of this first race contrary to this Law in successions hereditance and last wills and Testaments In the second race Lewis the stammerer was succeeded by Lewis and Charlemaine both bastards and the latter by another Lewis whether brother or sonne to Charlemaine it is not knowne This man was succeeded by Charles the great King of Bavaria and Emperour but being deposed by the Dutch from being Emperour and by the French from being King Odone Duke of Angiers of the house of Saxony was substituted in his place Charles the simple being deposed and his sonne Lewis being together with his mother fled into England Rowland of Burgony obtained the Crowne Lastly Hughe Capet having taken the succession from Charles Duke of Lorraine second sonne to the last mentioned Lewis which fled into England having thence the name of beyond-sea Lewis brother to Lotarius and Uncle to Lewis the fifth the last King of that race leaveth it to our choice to thinke what we please of that Law No mention is made of any women in these two races because the case in their behalfe was not met withall but say the case had been found and that by reason of the rigorous practice of the Law women have not dared to pretend unto the Crowne by the same reason those who had beene excluded would not have dared to have made any such pretence if the institution of the Law had beene thus put in practice Neither would Iane daughter to Lewis Hutin have dared to pretend unto the Crowne had there been any such thing as the Law Salique But if there be any argument which proves the falshood of this Law t is the confusion of writers who neither agree in the name nor in the author nor in the place where it was made A moderne writer will not have it called the Salique but the Gallique Law The more ancient writers denominate it from the River Sala from the latin word Sal contrary to the putrifaction or from the French word Sale which is the Hall or Palace of a Prince Some make the ancient Dukes and Councellors in Germany the authors of it And some Faramond in France so as they leave us nothing of certainty whereas a fundamentall Law ought to be certaine and not imaginary in its foundation They produce some reasons to justifie this Law which no waies appertaine thereunto whereof three are the chiefest That the Crowne may be established in its owne Nation by the exclusion of strangers That Posthumes may be reverenced even in their mothers wombe and notwithstanding their infancy made Kings and that nature affects the masculine inheritance which was the cause why the Jewes permitted no succession to women The first reason would surely be good if together with its utility it were likewise just if the Law had beene made in the beginning of the Monarchy or in a time when it had not beene to any one injurious there could be nothing said against it but being sprung up in an instant never written nor spoken of before it becomes very bad not onely as false but as fained to the prejudice of naturall heires and the utility thereof proves the injustice since what is usefull and what is just if not alwaies are for the most part contraries Lawes were instituted to curbe unhonest utility which if suffered there would be no safe commerce nor living in the world The second reason is in part superfluous in part false superfluous because yonger brothers though Posthumes are preferred before their elder sisters even in those Kingdomes where women do inherit false because betweene Lewis the stammerer and Charles the simple who was his Posthume there reigned foure Kings Lewis and Charlemaine both bastards another Lewis and Charles the great which proves it not true that they are made Kings notwithstanding their infancy The third containes two points that the masculine inheritance is according to nature and that the Jewes did never at any time permit inheritance to women The one and the other false They confound nature and her institutions with fortune and the institutions of civill Laws taking nature otherwise then she ought to be taken for she ought to bee considered in her pure principall not in the accidents which doe accompany her then thus considered nature cannot were she thereunto willing exclude the female sex from inheriting since shee hath no other forme of government then what concernes the father of a family Moreover women being conceived borne and brought up as are men it was never his intent who made them equall in generation to make them inferiour in conservation which he should doe if the goods of fortune by meanes whereof we live after the introducing of civill Lawes and the municipall Lawes whereby they are differently regulated depended upon nature so as who doth exclude them doth it by vertue of these Lawes as are likewise in divers places excluded the second borne though men That the Jewes did not permit inheritance to women is likewise false read the 27. Chapter of Numbers where you will finde God said unto Moses The daughters of Zelophead spoke right and that he should give them a possession of inheritance among their fathers brethren and that he should speake unto the children of Israel saying If a man dye and have no son then ye shall cause his inheritance to passe unto his daughter and if hee have no daughter then ye shall give his inheritance unto his brethren and if he have no brethren then ye shall give his inheritance unto his fathers brethren and if his father have no brethren then ye shall give his possession unto his kinsman that is next unto him of his family Moreover Jesus Christ was the sonne of David according to the flesh by the womans side not the mans The Archbishop having with these and the like demonstrations made good the pretence to France and consequently the warre he added three examples which argue against the antiquity of this Law Pepin and Hughe Cappet to make their usurpation justifiable endeavoured to prove their descents the one from Betilda daughter to Clotarius the first the other from Lingarda daughter to Charlemaine and Saint Lewis had never peace of minde till such time as he was certified that Isabell his grandmother by the mothers side was the lawfull heire of Emendarda daughter
and heire of Charles Duke of Loreine for being conscious to himself that the Dukes exclusion from the Crowne was unjust he thought himselfe not rightly possessed of the Kingdome save in the right of his grandmother upon whom the rights of Charles fell and consequently upon him as heire to her At last hee made his intended offer in generall termes promising that if the King would resolve upon this enterprise the Clergy would give him such contributions as greater were never given by them to any of his predecessors This enterprise the reasons thereof and the offer made by the Archbishop did so farre prevaile with the King as that Ralphe Nevill Earle of Westmerland Lord Warden of the Marches confining upon Scotland fearing lest the King would be perswaded thereunto and that by taking along with him the flower of all the souldiers small forces would remaine with him to oppose the endeavours of that Kingdome did thus oppose himselfe to what the Archbishop had said He confessed the enterprise to be just and honourable but dangerous and full of hindrances He shewed that preposterous proceedings were the overthrow of all undertakings and that to fight with France before that Scotland was subdued was the most preposterous course that could bee taken That to make triall of fortune in a forreine Estate whilst the State at home was subject to alterations was a resolution no waies agreeing with wisedome That it was to bee beleeved that Scotland that had never let slip any advantagious occasion would much lesse passe by this so faire a one presented unto them by the Kings absence and the absence of the chiefe of the Chivalry of England That though it were granted that Scotland being without a King and in some sort divided within it selfe might in likelyhood be carelesse in other affaires yet would it not neglect this as not permitted so to doe by their ancient confederacy and when they were not by obligation tyed to this yet monies assistance and chiefly their owne safeties would force them unto it since it was not to be doubted that the diversion of Scotland being one of Frances chiefest defences the French would not abandon her for if she should be lost or weakend they themselves would suffer a great losse and diminution of strength Since then her safety obligation and so many other severall obligations were in question upon the which her good or bad did depend shee would not stand idle The which being granted it would necessarily follow that the one warre would produce the other with this difference that France could assist Scotland but in part whereas Scotland could totally assist her France could not so fully assist Scotland by reason of her distance and that her aides would be weakened by pawses and interruptions they might meet with by the way and that by reason of her infirmities shee was unfit to make a diversion by open warre that Scotland on the other side was not onely free from these inconveniences but sure to make an open diversion notwithstanding whatsoever opposition so as making warre with Scotland though she might be strengthened by auxiliary forces which are alwaies hatefull and full of jealousies yet one onely war was made and in France two for since his Majesty could not passe over the sea without weakning England it would so fall out as being infested he must be forced to quit the warre with France and undertake the other which at first ought to have beene undertaken the which could not bee done without the losse not onely of reputation but of much treasure which would there bee fruitlesly spent That the events of warre being doubtfull the least difficult was to be chosen so as rather then to thinke of conquering France whilst Scotland might divert them they should hope to conquer Scotland if England being free from forreine diversions should bring all her strength against those parts onely otherwise she were likely to finde to her cost that to buckle with an united body separated from the sea of insufferable expence with a thousand hazards of fortune sicknesse windes deaths want of victualls and munition would prove infinitely dangerous the rather for that she should leave behinde her an indefatigable warlike enemy which was not likely to meete with any incommodity supplies being to be had in every house not subject to winds nor tempests in a time when that Kingdome being without a King and ill satisfied with the government she was to be presumed not able to withstand so valorous an undertaking And if Edward the thirds past victories in France and those of the blacke Prince his sonne did render mens mindes confident let them remember that fortune was fickle and that those who dreampt that the world was eternall did not fancy to themselves that all things should returne to their former condition till after the slow revolution of 36000. yeares he concluded that if England would make a successive warre in France shee must first conquer Scotland These two opinions might have beene ballanced had it not been for the third Marquis Dorset the Kings Uncle which overthrew the latter of the two This Gentleman was a good Schollar for the Duke of Lancaster his father who thought to have destined him to the Church had caused him to be brought up to his booke the which being added to his travells in divers Countries especially in Italy had setled his understanding which guided by the two great Masters speculation and practice could not chuse but render him perfectly wise he repeating what had bin alleadged by the Earle and arguing against the reasons he had brought shewed that Scotland had the same relation to France as boughes to the tree the Nobility of Scotland being maintained by pensions from her and the yong men thereof bettered by her military discipline so as to take away the bud you must cut downe the tree that give the conquest of Scotland for granted more difficulties would bee met withall in the keeping of it then in the defending the borders of England whilst warre was made elswhere for Scotland being in some parts inaccessable in other parts savage and wholly an enemy would continually produce some new motions being incouraged by assistance and monies from beyond the seas That she had never endangered England in former times upon the like occasions but had bin sufficiently endamaged That Malkin was slaine whilst he would make use of William the seconds absence who went to wage warre in Normandy and David Bruce was taken prisoner whilst Edward the third was at the siege of Caleis that it is true the like doth not alwaies happen but that therefore worse successe should not be feared whilst the enemies forces are not augmented nor our own diminished the which was now so farre from being so as that they were without a King and in a molested government whilst France was in no better estate for to boote with the warre which would distract her shee was molested by the infirmity of her
head and the corrupted humours of her principallest members That France did afford many advantages to whosoever should assault her as seated in a climate abounding with all good things whereas the sterility of Scotland afforded nothing but inconveniences sufficient to beat backe her assaliants That England could but for a while keepe footing there being to be beaten backe by the two urgent peeces of artillery cold and hunger That wit and valour would there lose the day inforced not by problematicall fables of fatality and destiny but by the reall and apparent necessity of nature since then no invasion was to be feared from thence to what purpose should the enterprise thereof be undertaken if being subdued it would neither cause lesse peace nor more trouble then whilst left at liberty warre might be elsewhere made for being fenced by the situation sterility it s owne and other forces it would alwaies afford occasion of beginning afresh to the end it might never beginne much lesse ever make an end with others That therefore to leave the confines well garded and take in hand what was propounded was the only resolution now to be taken as that which alone was conformable to the justice of the cause the reputation of the King and the reason of armes since England should never thinke to subdue Scotland if she did not first subdue France No sooner had the Marquis expressed his reasons but the Parliament did unanimously agree upon the warre with France so farre forgetting the businesse of the Clergy as no man thought any longer of it The King having created his two brethren Iohn and Humfrey Dukes the one of Bedford the other of Gloster and the forenamed Marquis Duke of Exeter following the wonted course of first denouncing war before the undertaking of it dispatcht away this last Duke together with the Admirall Grey the Archbishop of Dublin and the Bishop of Norwich as Embassadors to France whither they went accompanied with 600. horse and were received with great pompe royally feasted by King Charles who finding himselfe then well disposed would in their presence runne at tilt against the Duke of Alanson The jollities being over in solemne audience they demanded of him the restitution of the Crowne together with such Provinces as did of old belong unto the inheritance of the Kings of England namely the Dutches of Aquitany Normandy and Angius the Counties of Poictou and Vinena with this caution that if he would give unto King Henry his daughter Katherine together with the aforesaid Dutchies and Counties for a portion that then he would lay aside all other pretences but if he did deny this then Henry was resolved to doe what in him lay by force of armes to repossesse himselfe of his right These demands were long advised upon to finde out the marrow of the businesse but the Embassadors standing firme to the conditions agreed upon betweene Iohn King of France and Edwâ—…rd 3. King of England at Bretigny answer was made that a businesse of so great weight was not to be answered in an instant That assoone as it would be maturely discust the King would send his resolution by expresse Embassadors of his owne King Henry tooke this delay as an expresse deniall and sent word unto the Dolphin who had sent unto him a chest of tennis balls as who should say he thought him onely fit for sport that within few months he would requite his present and restore unto him balls of iron for balls of clouts which should be so tossed as France should have small reason to glory in her good walls And losing no longer time he began to raise monies munition victualls artillery and souldiers and hired a great number of ships from Holland and Zealand for his transportation King Charles was this mean while relapsed into his accustomed trances so as the Dolphin understanding what preparations King Henry made did himselfe likewise prepare for warre not forbearing though to send him a solemne Embassy as was by the Councell resolved on by the Duke of Vandosme and Archbishop of Burges Their instructions were to approve of the marriage and to propound in portion certaine territories of no great consequence supplied by a great summe of money upon condition that all other pretences abandoned peace might ensue The King who was at Winchester going to his army when hee understood their arrivall stayed there to give them audience the which he publickly did and after having feasted them at his owne table he by the Archbishop of Canterbury answered them that if the King of France would give unto him his daughter endowed with the Dutchies of Aquitany Normandy and Aniou and Touraine and the Counties of Poictou Vinena together with the rest that the Kings his predecessors had by right of inheritance possessed in France he would accept of her and peace if otherwise he would indeavour to acquire them by force and together with them the Crown which did of right belong unto him This being with much impatiency heard by the Archbishop of Burges who could not hide his anger hee desired leave to speak freely whereunto the King giving way with an inflamed countenance and angry voice hee said That if he did beleeve the King his Master had made him this offer as fearing his forces he beleeved amisse t was the compassion of Christian bloud that had moved him to it that he erred in his presumption to thinke that he alone was able to injuriously oppresse the noblest and most redoubted King of Christendome who by his owne forces and those of his subjects and friends was not onely likely to resist him but to take him prisoner and kill him and to expose such as should follow him to the scorne and fury of the French Nobility he further desired a safe conduct that they might returne without molestation and for ought else they would not trouble him The King who with much patience had listened to what the Archbishop said replied That he was nothing at all affrighted at his anger much lesse at its being sustained by the forces he alledged That his claime was known to all the world and by them themselves though they feigned the contrary That the power of their King was to them as the morning twilight whilst they had not seene the noon-tide of his strength That if Charles had subjects and friends he thanked God he lacked none That he should be consident that ere long the highest Crown of their Country should be forced to bow to him the proudest Miter meaning the Archbishop to bend the knee before him That they should say to the usurper Charles their Master in his behalfe that within three months he would come into France not as into a strangers house but as into his owne lawfull patrimony to vanquish it by the sword not boasting words That they might be gone with this answer which he would give unto them under his hand and seale as likewise their safe conduct the onely thing
of reason they had required of him Assoone as they were gone the first thing he did was to secure the consines upon Scotland by adding to the Earle of Westmerland the Lord Scroope Lord Greystock and Sir Robert Vmfrevill The last of which desirous to trie his fortune set upon the enemy of Godering where hee slew 600. of them and tooke 300. prisoners whilst the King sent a Herald into France with new letters of defiance who having accesse unto the Councell but not unto the King departed with this replie That answer should be made in time and place convenient The King was a ship-board in Antona when he was informed that the Earle of Cambridge the Lord Henry Scroope and Sir Thomas Grey had conspired his death This was the onely mischiefe undertaking against him though in vaine by the raging bloud of Civill ware More certainly would have beene indeavoured had it not beene for the warres with France which hindred such attempts whilst it served for a cauter to the bad humours of England This Princes misfortunes were put over to those that followed him for the cautery being closed up after his death produced such sicknesse as slew his sonne and grandchild as wee shall see in the second Volume The three Conspirators were apprehended The first was grandsonne to Edward the third cousen german to Richard the second and Henry the fourth and brother to the Duke of Yorke a Prince of great expectation one of whom England and the King himselfe did promise unto themselves deeds worthy of his birth in these present occasions he easily confessed I will not say the truth but that which being likely to be true redounded to his advantage that it should be beleeved He confessed that he and the other two had beene bribed by great summes of money received by the way of anticipation which caused them resolve since it was impossible for them to deliver him alive into the French mens hands to kill him before he should set footing in Normandy This did very much afflict the King he thought it improbale that men of so great fortunes should be capable of so base corruption for in his person they betrayed their Country exposed the very flower of England to the slaughter and cut the very nerves of the fortune of the land He bewailed the fault but did not perceive the true occasion of the treason which if he had done he had perhaps by rooting out the house of Yorke prevented the ruine wich was a framing against his house of Lancaster But humanity attains not to the secrets of above and if it did it is not wise enough to divert the wisdome of heaven God is as well the reward of good in thousands as he is the punisher of evill in the third fourth generation In Richard the 2. he punished the death of Edward the second In Henry the sixt and his sonne the death of Richard the second In Edward the fifth and his brother the death of Henry the sixt and his sonne And in Richard the third the death of Edward the fifth and his brother and yet hee was pleased to suffer those to dye in peace which were the authors thereof I would not place Edward the third in this number if his mothers fault did not in some sort lay upon him the aspersion of parricide Henry the fourth who murthered Richard the second and Edward the 4. who murthered Henry the sixt remained all unpunished But to Richard the second he denyed life perhaps repentance his inhumanity not deserving successor nor pardon And though he died a violent death yet not so ill as he deserved for who doth live through cruelty should through cruelty die It was not credited that the Earle of Cambridge was corrupted by France as he himself said but of his own accord for being married to Anne great grandchild to Lionell Duke of Clarence and sister to Edmond Earle of March to whom the Crowne did of right belong his designe was to kill the King and his brethren that so he might make his brother in law King who having no children nor in a capacity of having any he and his sonne were to succeed in the right of Anne so as fearing lest to confesse the truth might endanger his heires life he framed this fable He and his complices were beheaded And though he was pittied by all yet his resolving upon so wicked a deed in the nicke of so important a businesse to the common losse and danger did much abate their commiseration for his death was thought expedient for the life and safety of King and and subjects Walsingham writes that the Lord Scroop Lord Treasurer whose hypocrisie had wonne so much of credit with the King that nothing was done without his approvall was he who was corrupted by the Embassadors of France and that the other two received their infection from him That the Embassadors being returned home reported that they had so ordered the businesse that King Henry was as then either diverted from the enterprise of France or slaine A manuscript cited by Iohn Speed saith that the King of France gave them a million of Crownes that they might either kill him or deliver him up prisoner into his hands and that the Earle of Cambridge desirous to draw the Earle of March unto his party revealed the designe unto him forcing him by threats to sweare secrecy and that having obtained one onely hour for resolution the Earle of Marsh accused him unto the King The sentence of death which in history is recorded saith That it was so wrought as that the Earle of Marsh should take upon him the government of the Kingdome in case Richard the 2. were dead there remained still an opinion that he was yet living in Scotland and that he should be proclaimed heire to the Crown in opposition to Henry of Lancaster usurper The which doth partly correspond with the manuscript as likewise that the Earle of Marsh was the accuser it being probable that having no children and voide of ambition and of a peacefull condition he would not hazard his life to satisfie his brother in lawes ambition But it is not possible that the King of France should have payed this mony for if so it would have beene found after the delinquents death and some mention would have been made thereof Moreover the revenues of France in those daies not amounting by much to so great a sum it must of necessity either be taken out of an already gathered treasure or from the common peoples purse not from the treasury for Princes lay up treasure onely in peace and by good government both which were a long time unknowne to that Kingdome Not from the purse of the common people for it was impossible in such an instant and with so much secrecy to have drawne it from them So as for what appeares to me the reasons alledged in their sentence ought most to be beleeved the rather for that King Henry did never upbraid
him before him said That the multitude of men slaine which he saw there was no worke of his but the worke of God Almighty to punish the unjust usurpation of France That therefore he willed him to say whether he thought he or the King of France had wonne the battell To the which Monijoy replied that his Majesties victory was so apparent as there was no place allowed for dispute the King then looking round about desired to know the name of the Castle which was neerest to the two campes and understanding that the name thereof was Aiencourt from henceforth said he this battell shall be called the battell of Aiencourt He then granted him all he demanded but the souldiers desired first to view the field and to take such prisoners as did yet live and to take from such as were dead their gold and jewells what else they had of value leaving them their apparrell of the which they were afterwards by the Country people stript The number of the slaine according to Monstrelet were above 10000. of the which 9000. gentlemen He registers the names of the chiefest of them in a particular Chapter It will suffice us to know the names of the Princes and chiefe commanders Of Princes there died the Duke of Brabant and Gount de Nevers both brothers to the Duke of Burgony The Duke of Barre and his brother Iohn the Duke of Alenson The Counts of Marle Vademont Blamont Grampre Roussi Faucumberg and Lewis of Burbon of chiefe commanders Charles Albret Constable Dampiere the Admirall Ramburres generall of the crossebowes and Guishard Master of the Kings houshold The prisoners were the Dukes of Orleans and Burbon the Counts Ew Vandosme Richmont the Marshall Bonchiquâ—…t and eighteene Gentlemen of name beside others Of those who were slaine of the English side reports do very much differ Paulus Aemilius sets downe 200. naming the Duke of Yorke for one whom he calls the Kings brother Gaguine sets downe 400. comprehending the said Duke with the said error Monstrelet 1600. Duplex the same number adding a great many that were wounded which as he saith did almost all die Of the English writers Grafton saith betweene 500. and 600. other betweene 20. and 26. Edward Hall who comprehends the Duke of Yorke the Earle of Suffolke Sir Richard Kikely and David Game the onely men of note saith there were not above five and twenty slaine Let who please beleeve miracles But in all reason it is likely that having fought three whole houres with so great a number of enemies the relation of 500. or 600. is the truest David Game the last of the foure above named and one whom the King much esteemed as one of the bravest and most judicious souldiers of his campe being sent the night before to make an estimate of the number of the enemy went to the top of an hill and seeing all the Champion covered with tents and blazing with fires brought word backe that there were enough of them to be slaine enough to be taken prisoners and enough to be made runne away When the King was come to Calleis he found there the prisoners of Harfleur who according to their promise were come to present themselves unto him Assoone as he had dispatcht them and refreshed his men he passed into England meeting in so short a passage with so terrible a tempest of winds as it drove two ships loaden with souldiers into Zeland without the losse of any one vessell yet some write otherwise he was received in triumph with processions and other magnificences He tooke order for the safety of his prisoners and caused the Duke of Yorke and Earle of Suffolkes funeralls to be splendidly celebrated The afflictions wherewith France was in generall wounded would more particularly have touched upon the Duke of Burgony by reason of the death of his brothers had not the imprisonment of Orleans and Angolesme and the death of Alenson served him for defensive weapons It cannot be easily judged whether of these two prevailed most with him till it be resolved whether the love of friends or hatred of enemies be of most power in humane affections But who shall well consider it will finde that in an ambitious and revengefull minde the excesse of hatred is greater then naturall affection is Few are seene who to inherit their possessions would not be content to lose their brethren and very few who doe not forget the love to their owne bloud when at the charge of their friends they may revenge themselves upon their enemies But whereas hatred proceeds from injuries from the which as being done not received evill is to be expected without the concurring of any other passion It is able to corrupt whatsoever nature much more the Dukes nature which was already corrupted And t is to bee beleeved that the private and publicke losse he suffered in this battell did not more afflict him then he was joyed at the benefit hee received by his enemies being oppressed Hence it was that seeing himselfe voide of competitors he resolved immediately to go to Paris to resume that authority the desire whereof had caused him to cause the Duke of Orleans father to this present Duke be slaine to breake so many covenants made with his sonnes and to reduce the faire and rich Country of France almost to gastlinesse and poverty But the present condition of government did not permit him to enter in a peacefull manner for the King being possest by the contrary faction those of his party being or excluded or banished the Dolphin though his sonne in law evilly conceited of him if he came not in a condition to give the Law he ranne hazard of suffering it both in his life and livelyhood Having then levyed 10000. horse he tooke his journey but assoon as his designe was heard of King Charles laying aside all other busines endeavoured to stop his comming He strictly forbad all Cities and Towns to permit him entrance and that he might oppose unto him a man of valor of the contrary faction he recalled from Gascony with the offer of being Constable of France the Count Armignack who willingly came drawne rather through hatred to the Duke then ambition of the honour The Duke seeing those gates shut upon him which he thought to have found throwne open and that the Count Armignacke was arived at Paris with great troopes of men from Gascony and Languedock and that he had received the sword the badge of Constableship to the end that he might wield it against him tarried at Lagni where in a short time he was 20000. horse strong remooving all obstacles which might withstand his entrance into Paris not unarmed and with his particular family as he was permitted to doe but armed in the head of twenty thousand horse alledging the same reasons to obtaine his entrance as the King did to deny it During these disputes Lewis the Dolphin died of a fever but according to the opinion of most of poyson being by
to the doore discoursing with some of his domestiques the Duke was somewhat late in saluting him and did it in a more familiar manner then did become the quality of so great a Prince whereat he made no signe of distaste though he resented it his fathers occasions infusing dissimulation into him The Duke of Burgony was driven upon this by an accident from whence nothing but dangerous consequences was to be expected Those who governed France after the Emperours departure for England had laid a generall taxe upon all things vendible the which having distasted the people the Parisians more seditious then the rest plotted the most detestable conspiracy that till then had beene heard of in that Kingdome and having had recourse unto him as on whom they chiefly did rely he sent some of his friends unto them to confirme them in their resolution promising to assist them hoping by this meanes to compasse the so much coveted government and to suppresse his enemies his two ancient unalterable designes The appointment was to take the King the Queene the Duke of Berry the King and Queene of Sicily the Chancellour the Councell and those that sided with Orleans all prisoners on good Friday and to kill them all But many going that day out of the City to obtaine pardons by their devotions and fearing lest some of those might likewise have gone forth whom they would not have had to gone and so might save themselves they deferred executing their plot till Easter day which was the safety of those that were proscribed For the Chancellor hearing of the treason by meanes of a woman made the King and Princes suddenly retire themselves into the Louvre whilst the Provost arming such as upon so suddaine an occasion he could assemble together made himselfe master of the Market place and taking some of the conspirators prisoners infused feare into the rest freeing the lives of many from eminent danger by the death of a few Afterwards securing himselfe of the City by such men of armes as flockt unto him from all the neighbouring parts and taking away the chaines from the streets heads which made them insolent he disarmed the people whilst the Dukes officers had time to escape This businesse produced such jealousies and rancor as all parties drawing into the field they omitted nothing whereby they might injure one another And the Duke who masked presented the principall person in this tragedy the argument whereof was not changed though the Scene were thought that to compasse his ends it was requisite for him to secure Flanders from the danger of England that whilst he endeavoured to endamage others he might not bee indamaged at home To this purpose he came to Caleis where he did so worke upon these two great Princes as that the Emperour who at his passage into England was by the Duke of Bavariaes meanes brother to the Queene who was an utter enemy to the Duke become an Orleanist did upon this meeting become a Burgonian being wholly changed through cunning and the homage made unto him of the County of Burgony and Allost and King Henry prorogued the truce formerly made betweene Flanders and Artois for two yeares longer to the Dukes advantage and scandall of all well minded men for to preferre private respects before the publicke with the enemies of the State without the knowledge of the Soveraigne is as blameable and worthy of punishment as it is contrary to conscience and Law But he that propounds evill for his object loseth all shame which thereupon depends and his naturall confidence by reason whereof his Dutchmen called him Undaunted becomming the fatall chariot of his precipice made him to be undaunted at the encounter of his ruine His affaires being thus acommodated every man betooke himselfe to his owne home hee to Flanders the Ostages to Calleis the Emperour to Germany and the King to England Partly before and partly after this time were the funeralls of three great Princes celebrated in France That of the Duke of Berry of Iohn the Dolphin who succeeded to his brother Lewis and of the King of Sicily All of them unfortunate deaths for all the respects which concerned that Kingdome Berry and Sicily did serve to counterpose the ambition of Burgony and the Dolphin served for a removall of those evills if he had lived which in the succession of his brother Charles through the Dukes death did afterwards happen The Duke alive or dead was borne for the destruction of France so as that which authors write hereof if it be not true it is truth like That a Turkish Mathematician saved his life when he was prisoner to Bajazet the first by assuring Bajazet that more Christians would in short time bee destroied for his cause then the Othomans sword would cut off in a whole age Iohn the Dolphin during his brother Lewis his life had married Giacalina the only heire to William Count of Hannault and whilst he kept with him ready to goe for France he died not being yet fully twenty yeares old Not long before this a strait confederacy was made in Valentiniana betweene him and the Duke of Burgony the reputed cause of his death for it caused his being poysoned by those of the Orleans faction for he being dead the hopes of the Kingdome falling upon Charles Count de Poictou sonne in law to the King of Sicily and the last of King Charles his five sonnes they fell upon a Prince that was their friend bred up in the hatred and passions wherewith his father in law then living was indued But he dying likewise shortly after left it in doubt whether his death caused more of pleasure or displeasure unto the Duke for though he were freed of a mortall enemy yet his hopes of revenge being in his death lost did sowre the sweet thereof so as it may be said that the sweets of ill disposed men have no taste which is not seasoned with somewhat of sowre The articles of this confederacy and which caused the Orleanist to rid him out of the world if it be true that they did so were That the Duke of Burgony should serve the King and the Dolphin against whosoever particularly against the King of England That he should keep peace with all men in France except the King of Scicily The Dolphin on the contrary part obliging himselfe to assist the Duke not onely against his owne subjects if so it should fall out but against whosoever else should molest him But his enemies encouraged by this death became so insolent as they forced him to essay the strongest Cities to exclude the present government whereupon the civill warre grew hotter then ever it was And Count Armignacke upon whom through the death of these Princes the Kings incapacity and the Dolphins tender yeares all authority of government fell seconded by those of the Councell who together with him were afraid that the Queene weary of their presumptions might endeavour their ruine made her to bee carried to
Towrs under the custody of three of his confidents And that this her banishment might be irrevocable he interessed the Dolphin therein making him under pretence of the necessity of the warre seize upon such treasure as she had gathered and placed in certaine Churches and Monasteries as in so many Sanctuaries An action which caused in her such hatred against her sonne as hoping for revenge she by his ruine who was her onely sonne wrought the ruine of France which things though their successe were uncertaine yet nothing of good could be conjectured thereby So as they being by King Henry well examined he hasted to call a Parliament propounding the continuation of the warre which was embraced with much applause and monies to that purpose readily paid downe nothing but good successe being to be hoped for whilst matters went thus The King to make himselfe Master of the Sea dispatcht away Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his Admirall sonne to that Duke of Exceter who was beheaded the first yeare of Henry the fourth a yong man whom he much favoured not so much for that hee was cousin german borne of Isabell his fathers sister as that his conditions did deserve it He on the other side desirous by some honorable atchievement to augment the Kings favour departed resolute to doe some action worthy of the opinion which was conceived of him The bastard of Burbon was Captaine of the French fleet of equall force with the Earle in one onely thing surpassing him that being guarded about by nine Genway Carracts as by so many fortresses he thought them alone sufficient to secure him from all the enemies forces so as seeking him out and finding him who did not hide himselfe they came to blowes Their equall courage and valour held the balance a long time equall till such time as the English prevailing Burbon was taken prisoner and of the nine Carracts three were sunke and three were taken and amongst the prey the mony which was allowed for halfe a yeares payment of the fleet The which being taken by the King as a good omen he tooke shipping at Portsmouth waited upon by many of the nobility and followed by his two brothers Clarence and Gloster leaving his third brother Bedford Regent He landed at Tongues a Castle in Normandy which in foure daies surrendred it selfe as with the like speed did Harcourt Beaumont Ereux Falese Baiensa Lisâ—…aux Corances Aurenches and other places Caen a Towne well peopled strong and one of the Bulwarkes of that Province stood out resolutely and not listning to any termes of surrendring it was soone after taken by assault and sackt The Castle as Monstrelet saith held out three weekes longer and seven weekes according to Duplex whilst the English say that all manner of rigour being denounced against the defendants if they would not yeeld after the first day Monsieur de la Faietta and Monsieur de Montene despairing of succour came forth within the limited time All the riches and ornaments of the neighbouring Townes were found there as placed in a safe place No man durst lay hands upon them for whosoever did was unavoidable to be put to death They were by the Kings directions restored to the Monasteries and Churches to which they did belong The which purchased him the good will of the Country and helped him in his succeeding enterprises Religious actions unfainedly done have power to molifie even those breasts which hardned with hatred would for all other meanes prove obstinate and irreconciliable Chereburg and Ponte del Arco were next Caen the most considerable Forts for the conquest of Normandy A particular account must be given of Roan by it selfe The King sent the Duke of Glocester to Chereburg who finding it provided with men munition and victualls spent tenne months there in vaine in which time when he could not get the gates open by battery force nor industry the avarice of Iohn d'Engenes the governour thereof threw them open unto him which proved afterwards a gaine which caused his death for having by this infamously purchased money received a safe conduct for a certaine limited time during the which he might trade where ever the King of England did command for he could not in reason trust himselfe in France he was in Roan after the City was yeelded up unto the English and tarring there relying upon some when his set time was expired his head was cut off the presence of a traitor smells so ranke in the nose of a noble Prince and lover of vertue After this many other places yeelded incited thereunto by the King having made it to bee proclaimed that all men should enjoy their goods and priviledges and that he would treate with all such as with his naturall subjects who uninforced would put themselves under his government so as in little more then a yeare his ensignes were seene flourishing in every place nothing almost remaining to the entire conquest of Normandy but the Metroplitan Roan proceedings sprung from the Prince his worth and souldiers valour but facilitated by the enemies disunion it being in them made true that desolation must needes ensue where a Kingdome is divided within it selfe And that as amongst the passions of the minde there is none so great as that of hatred so all hatreds must give place to the violence of civill or home hatred The City of Roan in the losse of all those Towns which as to the head of the Province were under her had her eye more fixt upon France then upon her owne eminent danger for being a principall member thereof she thought she should be cut off and made no member if she did not partake of her infections and her inhabitants imitating the Parisians in wealth riches would have thought their honour had bin concerned if they should not likewise emulate themin their seditions Being then resolved equally with them to favour the Duke of Burgony they made an insurrection under the conduct of Allen Blancard a partaker with the Duke and having slaine the governour and some of the officers and chiefe Citizens they would make themselves masters of the Castle a place requisite for their safeties after so sottish a rebellion and were repulsed by Iames of Burbon Signieur de Preaux who had the command of it so as their ill successe causing repentance they were forced to flye for protection to the same Burbon whom they had but just then so unjustly offended So rash and haire braine bold are the people in stumbling upon offences and so affrontedly presumptuous in the choice of their remedies But the Dolphin who was come thither with an intention to give them exemplary punishment meeting with unexpected difficulties did cloake his ill will and pardoned the fault the which without much danger he could not punish But since I am to speak much of this Prince I crave permission to describe him to you in foure lines that you may the better know him He was borne under a
phantasticall planet glistering with incomparable felicity and miseries Amongst his miseries was his fathers frenzy to whom it behoved to side with one of the two factions alternately Two warres at the same time with Burgony and England his mothers hatred and thereby the losse of little lesse then the whole Kingdome Amongst his felicities the death of foure elder brothers whereby the Crowne fell upon him the death of King Henry which settled it on his head for if Henry had lived he was in hazard either to have wholly lost it or to have injoyed but a small part thereof and that with difficulty and continuall warre being bred up in hatred to the Duke of Burgony to undoe him he undid himselfe He was of as various an humour as his fortune was various as indulgent to his pleasures as his dangers would permit him whereby he was tutored sometimes in abstinence sometimes in temperance inconstant in his affections constant acurate in his actions insomuch as when he died he left that Kingdome entire and peacefull which at his entry thereunto he found not onely turbulent but almost lost So as it may be said that tribulation made him wise and glorious which otherwise of himselfe he would not have been he had before him three powerfull enemies the King of England the Duke of Burgony and his mother who though a woman and unarmed was more of trouble and damage to him then the other two It was hard for him to fence against them all He could not encounter the first without affording leasure unto the second who the more domesticall he was the more dangerous was his enmity For whereas against the King of England he might rely upon his peoples faith and assistance he durst not affie in them against the Duke whom they were inclined to favour so as hisgreatest difficulty for the present was which of the two he was first to oppose if he quitted Paris he lost it and if he left it not he lost Normandy But Count Armignack were it out of passion or the interest of his owne authority or out of true judgement shewed it unto him that losing his capitall City he would likewise the lesse inferior ones which would follow the others example and therefore thought it most necessary for him to secure that City against the Duke a Prince of the bloud and a subject then to oppose himselfe against the King of England a forreine Prince and pretender to the Crowne though thereby hee might lose Normandy The Duke therefore perceiving that it was impossible for him to enter Paris for the present betooke himselfe to the taking in of some small Towns neare about it and after many too 's and fro's besieging Corbeille whilst every one thought he did it to famish Paris it being the most important passage whereby to cut off the victualling of Paris be rose from thence and hasted to Towrs and finding the Queene in Maurmoters Abbey according to the agreement which was formerly made betweene them he brought her in liberty to Towrs with reciprocall commodity for her to reenter into authority and command by means of the Dukes forces for the Duke to make way to his designes by meanes of the Queenes person and name They were to the peoples great joy received into the City and Castle gladded that they were freed from all other taxes save that of salt not perceiving that such graces were of no long continuance aswell for that they cannot bee granted but by the soveraigne Prince and in such times onely as being free from warre it redounds to his advantage that his people be eased as likewise that those who are factious and seditious cannot subsist without oppressing the people From hence they went to Chartres where the Queene made herselfe be proclaimed Regent of the Kingdome establishing two Courts of Justice the one at Amiens the other at Troyes in Champania and prohibiting upon great penalty any whatsoever recourse unto the Parliament at Paris Divers Cardinalls and Prelates treated a reconcilement betweene her and her sonne the Duke desired it hoping thereby the more to tame him But Count Armignack and the Chancellor Marle which thought it would bee the overthrow of their authority brake off the treaty becomming thereby more hatefull unto the people Whereupon those who sided with the Duke in Paris embracing the occasion opened one of the gates by night and brought in Monsieur d'Illeadam who strengthened by the Citizens crying out Vive la paix Vive le Roy Vive Bourgogne did assault the houses of such as were of the Armignack faction Tannigues du Chasteu a faithfull servant of the Dolphins guessing by the first bruit at the matter ranne at the Dolphins bed side and conveied him safe in a sheete into the Bastille The Count Armignacke hid himself in disguise in a poore neighbours house who afraid of the punishment wich was proclaimed against whosoever should conceale him did discover him Those who led him away prisoner having much adoe to save him from the fury of the people The King compelled to rise out of his bed was by this rascally route set on horsebacke and led through the City to the end that the mischiefe which was done and which was to be done might be authenticated by his presence as if a lewd and deadly mischiefe should have tended to his service and that he had commanded it The Chancellors divers Bishops Councellors and Magistrates were taken and made prisoners whilst the common people possessed with a fresh fury brake the prisons and slew them all their madnesse reaching to the rich enemies and friends wealth anger and inheritance were under colour of the Armignacks the death of many innocents who never had to doe in any faction so as death though every where of an alike countenance was clad with different liveries The Constables and Chancellors corps having been three daies together dragd naked up and downe the streets to the end that the aire might not be therewithall corrupted were throwne out of the City where carrion used to be laid The Duke of Burbony who was then at Dijon approving of the fact but seeming not to approve of the manner thereof came from thence together with the Queene and were in great triumph received by the Parisians Being thus arrived where he desired increased in power freed of his enemies possessed of government and having the King to dispose of at his pleasure hee did his uttermost to draw the Dolphin to him he sent Embassies one after another as sent from his father and mother pleading the infirmity of the one and the others for their inabilities to resolve upon any thing requisite against the King of England without his assistance nor was he sparing in the vowing of his owne service unto him But the Dolphin though he was thereunto inclined was disswaded by those who thought themselves irreconciliable with the Duke Thus doe Princes ruine themselves and their affaires whilst wanting judgement how to
governe alone they measure their owne interests by the concernments of their servants who if they were worthy would either sacrifice themselves for their Masters wellfare or would save themselves by flight to shun the being reputed their Prince his undoing These alterations made sport for King Henry the vitall spirits which ought to have concurred to the strengthening of so important a member as was Normandy retired themselves unto the heart oppressed by dangerous symptomes the which not easing the one did aggravate the other to the danger of them both nor could it be otherwise for the businesse requiring union and obedience the Duke could not obey the Dolphin whilst he pretended to governe him and union was impossible to the Dolphins servants being they were to lose their authority which together with the Dukes authority was incompatible The one side and the other did alike feare that the severall factions being once reduced into the right way would not goe astray againe for there is nothing whereof seditious men are more jealous then to make those taste the sweete of good who were formerly their associates and coadjutors in evill So as France running ruine through the excesse of disorder it was no wonder if England did establish herselfe through the excellency of counsell The English before they could besiege Roan were constrained to endeavour the taking in of Pont d'Arcke a fortresse seated upon the River Sâ—…ne that so they might the better keepe Roan from being succoured The King being not farre from thence in the Priory of Boneport sent the Lord of Cornwell to sound the defendants minds and to see whether the example of so many other places which had received his ensignes would move them to doe the like Iohn Graville was governour thereof who being resolute to stand out the Baron said unto him that he did ill to oppose himselfe against the King of Englands forces for he would undertake himselfe alone with very few more to passe over that River in despite of him and all his people offering to wage with him hereon his helmet with 500. Nobles in it against the best horse in his Stable Graville accepted of the wager and placed great troopes upon the passages Iames Harcourt being come to him from Estempes with 800. fighting men and 12000. of the Country people The Baron failed not to make good his word the next day he brought along with him 600. almost all archers amongst whom was a yong sonne of his owne of fifteene yeares of age one horse and some little field peeces all which hee conveied over in eight barkes to a little Iland situated in the midst of the River from whence shooting at the enemy who were upon the further banke hee so disordered them with his small peeees and his artillery as that they were faine to save themselves Harcourt retiring himselfe to Estempes Graville to Ponte d'Arcke and the rest to the woods so as being past over without resistance and having Knighted his sonne he put himselfe in battell aray and sent backe the boats to the end that they with some others that he had provided might convey over about a thousand souldiers with which hee did not onely maintaine skirmish against the garrison of the Fort but lodging himselfe in Mortamer Abbey he ransackt the Country putting them all in feare and disorder Graville being afterward jibed at for having so poorely mainteined the passage against so few men replied That if he had beene so seated as was he he would have hindred the passage not onely against him but against England and France put together But the seate was not the right reason of this it was rather the bowmens cunning and the terror which without any evident cause doth surprise even the stoutest hearts by the ancients called fate but by us divine providence the which is then more particularly seene when greater things are done then were the meanes whereby they were done The next day the Duke of Clarence passed over with 4000. fighting men and the King causing a bridge to be made on Roans side made himselfe Master of the field so as the Country people having no place to repaire unto the greatest part fled elsewhere and Graville having withstood a siege of three weekes despairing of succour yeelded the Fort their lives and goods saved Roan yet remained not that there were not many other Townes yet not taken in but because if she were once taken the rest would come in of themselves without one blow strucken The King of France and Duke of Burgony had sent thither made Captaines and souldiers to boot with the great number of inhabitants who were all resolved rather to die then to suffer the English subjection This siege was laid when the corne was not yet gathered in to the end that hunger might assist the other forces The King tooke up his quarter amongst the Cheartosine Monkes his brothers and Lords quartered themselves in seven other places to wit upon Saint Kathernes hill and over against the gates of Saint Hillary Caux Martinville Beauvais the Castle and the bridge The defendants made many fallies to impeach the besiegers workes slew some of them and lost some of their owne retiring themselves sometimes with their swords bloudy sometimes with bloudy heads But for all this they could not hinder them from securing their quarters with great ditches and workes and from accommodating themselves as that though they found all the adjacent houses Churches and Monasteries beaten downe and razed particularly Saint Severe Richburg Saint Gervais Mâ—…rtenville the Arsenalle and the Galleyes that were in it yet they used such diligence as that they wanted nothing requisite for a long siege as they thought this would prove the Cities strength being considered and the Citizens resolution who on the contrary side chased out of the City all such as had not wherewithall to victuall themselves easing themselves out of the number of 210000. mouths which were numbred in the City of 12000. of the most unusefull ones as old men women children and religious people who did afterwards all of them almost dye for hunger in ditches for they were not suffered to passe any further that the City might bee inforced to take them in againe the which she did not one of the evill effects of warre amongst those who doe defend themselves being to lay aside all manner of charity even though it concerne their owne blood so as the King was constrained the moanes and outcryes of the miserable people flying up to heaven afterwards to succour them to keepe them from utter perishing He sent the Earle of Warwicke and the Baron Talbot to Caudebec a place upon the Sene betweene Roan and Harfleur wherewith they agreed for the passage of the English Vessells over the River and that that Town of Caudebec should surrender it selfe as soone as Roan should either be taken or surrendred They gave ostages hereupon and suffered an hundred Vessells to passe over which came from the
Fleet to cast Anchor under Roan He made a bridge over the uppermost part of the River towards France and displaied three chaines a Canon shot off from the walls the one a fooot and a halfe under the water the second equall with the superficies of the water and the third two foot above the water bereaving them thereby of all manner of succour And because their many salleyes were the cause of the losse of many of his men to no purpose hee endeavoured to take it in by famine being sure that their obstinacy could not continue long Those of Saint Katherins who had not beene diligent in making their provisions yeelded themselves at the first months end their lives saved but not their goods The field this mean while was full of Burgonian Daulphinist and English Colours all of them to each other enemies so as if the former two did backe together the third made booty the two carrying away what the third left At this same time sixteen hundred Irish arrived at the Camp conducted by the Lord Kilmayne ill armed and but badly cloathed but of such agility and valour as they were commended beyond all the rest whereupon a newes being given out that the French were comming to succour the towne they were placed where it was thought the French would come they received this charge with unexpressible joy and though the succour came not they ceased not to do much mischiefe going and returning with more speed and to better purpose then the horses themselves either could or would have done The Citie had suffered much ever since October their victuals were spent happy were they that could get either Horses Dogges Cats Mice or such like uncleannesse to eate The poorer sort of people if in the streets they met any one with any thing of livelihood they would flye upon him blowes nor wounds not availing to make them to desist In three months space no meat had been publickly sold and those who had meanes to purchase any payed excessive prices above 50000. persons died of hunger during this siege They sent Eustace Paville a Doctor to acquaint the King and Duke of Burgony with their misery who when he had shewed how great evills they had suffered onely that they might preserve their faith and loyalty protested that if they should be inforced to yeeld themselves the King and Kingdome of France should have no greater enemies then they The answer was gracious that the King would preserve his good City of Roan that within a few daies hee would so succour it as that the enemy should rather bethinke themselves how to escape away then any longer to continue the siege Words which proved to no effect yet necessary to hinder the proceedings of the English to the cost of the miserable besieged but not able to succour them by force hee bethought himselfe how to give them comfort by a treaty of peace Cardinall Vrsino was about this time come from Avignon sent by Pope Martin the fifth to finde out some meanes how to agree these two great Princes The first thing he treated of was that they should send their Embassadours to Pont d'Arcke as they did but the time being spent in disputes and no conclusion made he resolved to goe himselfe to the walls of Roan Hee spoke with King Henry he presented him with the Picture of the Lady Catherine of France the best meanes as he thought whereby to perswade him The King after he had well considered her beauty and praised it seemed to be desirous of the match if shee should come endowed with a million of gold with the Province of Normandy by him almost wholly conquered the Province of Acquitany by him likewise in a great part possessed the County of Poictou and all the other Signiories which did formerly belong and were hereditary to the Crowne of England adding that he would have them free from having any dependancy upon France The which seeming very hard to the French Deputies the conference was dissolved For besides the abovesaid pretensions the English Deputies explained themselves that Charles by reason of his sicknesse was not fit to make treaties nor the Dolphin as not being King nor the Duke of Burgony as not having power to dispose of the inheritance and dependances of the Crowne That therefore it did necessarily follow there was no accord to be made but by the sword which was onely able to satisfie the one and inforce the other The breach of this Treaty did almost quite dead the hopes of the besieged yet did they a while languishin agony by reason of the great preparations which were made throughout all Picardy but as soone as they perceived that the King and Duke of Burgony distracted through their jealousies of the Dolphin could not succour them they resolved to hazzard their lives lesse valued then their pretended liberty and to goe themselves to procure and bring in succour the which they could not doe but by breaking through the Campe 10000. of them well armed the rest remaining to defend the City rushed furiously out of a gate from whence they were not gone two miles when the rafters of the bridge breaking as many as were upon it fel into the water those who remained in the town issued out at another gate to save their companions the which they could not so soon doe before the English had already fought with them and driven them back Those who fell shared all of severall misfortunes few of them escaping being either drowned broken or wounded The bridges rafters were cut in two by Guy Buttler after the place was surrendred he was thought to have caused them to bee cut onely because he had sworne loyalty to King Henry and was become his subject The Duke of Burgony did not cease though in this desperate case to flatter them with hopes of succour and that they might beleeve him he said he would doe that which he was farre from being able to effect He brought the King and Queene to Beauvais and caused great troopes of armed men to come thither which served to no other use then to bee an oppression to the Countreyes through which they passed Hither for their last Embassy came new soliciters from Roan the midst of December who laid open what miserable famine they suffered the misery that those endured who being shut out of the city died in ditches that they were forced to take up such children as were there borne in baskets over the walles to baptize them and being baptized to convey them downe againe to their mothers who rather expected death then life That many died unbaptized evils which had happened and did happen for their service done unto the King and Duke of Burgony whilest they on their sides had done nothing that they ought to have done and had promised that they could expect no longer that if succour were not immediately sent they would render themselves to the King of England And with this protestation they
would not doe it the meanes hee had made choice of being the fittest and safest for his souldiers and the best suiting with their deserts That he would keep on his course and that when they should be humbled with famine he would further humble them with such punishment as their obstinacy did deserve This being said hee retired himselfe with an angry countenance into his lodgings commanding his officers to keepe them at dinner with them These people were as much astonished at the Kings wisdome as they were at his power After dinner having advised of what was to be done they desired another audience the which was by the King graciously granted them They desired a truce for eight daies and having obtained it returned to the City The English set up in their campe three rich tents one for their Commissioners one for those of the City and the third for the one and the other to conferre together in The King named the Earles of Warwicke and Salisbury the Baron Fitzhugh Sir Walter Hungerford Sir Gilbert Humfreville and Sir Iohn Robsert together with Iohn Vasques of Almadas the City Iohn Buttler and six more The eight daies were spent in contentions accusations excuses demands and denialls nothing being concluded Whereupon when those of the City tooke their leaves they compassionately begged a prorogation of the truce till the suns next rising and obtained it When they were returned to the City they found the people in such an uproare as that they ran in danger of their lives so as they went early the next morning to Sir Iohn Robsert intreating him to interceede for a second prorogation of truce for foure dayes To the which the King againe giving way the surrender of the Towne was agreed upon the first day of the foure upon three and twenty Articles The chiefe of the which were That they should pay unto the King 365000 French Crownes that Robert Linet Vicar generall to the Archbishop Iohn Giordane Captaine of the Crosse-bowes and Allen Blancard should be delivered to the Kings disposall That they should sweare perpetuall fealty to him and all the Kings of England and that so doing they should enjoy all immunities and priviledges which they had enjoyed in the reigne of Saint Lewis That those who would might have leave to depart carrying nothing along with them but one ordinary suit of apparrell That the Souldiers marching out unarmed with a white staffe in their hands and one onely suite should sweare not to beare Armes against the King for one yeare next ensuing This Citie was surrendred the 19 day of January 1419. Guy Buttler accompanied by the best of the Towne brought the keyes and the Duke of Exceter tooke possession placing Corps de guarde and Sentinels where he thought necessary The next day the King made his entrance waited upon by foure Dukes ten Earles eight Bishops sixteen Barons and a great many Knights being met by the Clergy and Citizens who led him to the chiefe Church where he was received by the Archbishop and Cannons As soone as hee had given thankes he gave order for repaire of the ruines and causing proclamation to be made that all such Cities and Townes as would willingly submit themselves to his obedience should enjoy their former priviledges Caudebe Monstravillier Diepe Fescampe Arques Chasteau Neuf Dencourt Vernon Mante Gourne Honfleur Pont de Mer Triet Tancarville Abrichier Moleurier Vallemont Nucaville Ballacombre Fontenes Nugondeville Logembre Saint Germaine upon Calli Bodemont Bray Villaterra Ciarles Menill Ferefonte Beccrispin Baqueville and many other Townes sent him their keyes and received in English Garrisons The Countrey people and such as lived in the fields did the like so as the white Crosse of France was changed into the red of England Normandy fell into the hands of the English 229 yeares After the time that Philip the second tooke it from Iohn King of England which was the yeare of our Lord 1190. Allen Blancard was beheaded and the other two reserved to bee disposed of as the King should please were sometime after restored to their liberty having payed therefore great summes of money and the government of the Citie was conferred upon the Duke of Glocester The Duke of Burgony was hee who suffered more then any other in this losse whose authority being grounded upon the peoples good opinion was in danger to have fallen upon his opposite The evils which happened thereupon were to be imputed to him alone hee was the directer if not rather the corrupter of the State hee who by his evill practises had got possession of the Kings person had through his ill government obscured his lustre lost his reputation and lessened his command not void of suspition that he had intelligence with the King of England to suppresse the Dolphin a fault not to bee averred because it was not true the opinion thereof though likely to cause his ruine He could not contest against two enemies it behoved him to reconcile himselfe with one of them His naturall hatred his faction his ancient and new injuries his opinion of him to be of an humour not to be trusted his behoving to yeeld the government to him and the often denyed agreement between them made him despaire of reconciliation with the Dolphin With King Henry set the warre aside which may notwithstanding be maintained between generous Princes without malignity or hatred he had nothing of injury or offence His affaires being reconciled to him were not onely to be continued in thir present condition but bettered for his forces would be preserved entire to contend more vigorously against another The which being well weighed by him hee chose the later and sent expresse messengers unto Henry to perswade him to send Embassadours with whom at Troyes in Champania a truce was concluded by meanes whereof the two Kings meeting in a Parke neer Melune might treat of a peace And though King Charles came not thither hindered by a new accesse of his accustomed indisposition the Queene her daughter and the Duke failed not to come This fair Princesse was by them of purpose brought out of hopes that the beames of her beauty dazling King Henries eyes might make him desist from his rigorous pretences so as peace might be the easilier made and upon more advantagious conditions but where honour and love doe intershock Honour though a friend cannot but treat Love like an enemy Honour is not Honour if encountring with passions it overcome them not So as the King though he were much taken with her did not forgoe any thing he had formerly pretended unto hoping if hee could not get her by peace to win her by warre They came not at first to the Rendevous but having made choyce of two neighbouring places the Queen tarried at Pontouse the King at Mantes where he kept his Whitsuntide and made there three Earles Gaston de fois a great man in Gascony hee made Earle of Longaville Iohn Grey Earle of Tancherville and the Lord Bourchiere Earle
up water a thing unheard off and whereby we may beleeve that they had made use of their sheets and all other things fitting for the like businesse The Dolphin this meane while was not at peace within himselfe for no torture doth more torment the soule of man then that which gnawes thereon betwixt resolution and execution of a premeditated wickednesse The feare he had the Duke of Burgony should make peace with the King of England had forced him to reconcile himselfe with the Duke The appearing end was the home peace betweene them that they might joyn in expelling the forreigne enemy So did every one thinke and not without reason having compassed his first desire in the breach of the treaty he betooke himselfe to a second to quit himselfe under the security of reconciliation of the association of an hated colleague the Kingdome was not capable of two heads he imagined that the Dukes ambitious spirit would never give way unto him nor would ever withdraw himselfe from government whilst he had in his hands the Kings person was favoured by the Queene and had the people at his disposall Besides all these provocatives he was naturally an abhorrer of such contracted friendship Resolving then to have his life he came to Monstreau upon the River Jone accompained by 20000. souldiers from whence he writ unto him that having a great many souldiers about him and desirous to imploy them about some usefull action he desired him to come unto him that they might consult what to make choice of The Duke were it either that he did not thinke good to resolve upon any such thing without the participation of the King and Councell or that he did not affie in him sent backe Tannigues who had brought him the letters with this answer that businesse of this nature required the assent of King and Councell and that since he the Dolphin could doe nothing more acceptable to the King and Queen he wished him to come himselfe unto them since their authority was requisite in such like resolutions But the Dolphin who had already put on his resolution which was not to be effected without him sent Tannigues againe unto him who knew so well how to perswade him as that he brought him to Bray where he tarried thinking more considerately upon his businesse hee bethought himselfe that to goe without forces was dangerous and not to goe was to proclaime a diffidency the first uncertaine the second most certaine and that if he should misdoubt him he should be thought a man of small beleefe being overcome by redoubled embassies he was perswaded to the worst The Bishop of Valensa brother to the Bishop of Langres one of the Dukes ancient and cabinet Councellors was he who most egged him on to this Valensa being abused by the Dolphin did abuse his brother and he his Master shewing him that under such promises such witnesse and between so great Princes faith could not be falsified that trechery would be too apparent which would not onely prove ignominious but dangerous to the Dolphin and that the Castle of Monstrueill which he gave unto him might be a pawne unto him of his true meaning and safety of the Dukes person wrought upon by these reasons he came thither his hower being come waited on by 400. horse and 200. archers upon Sunday the tenth of September 1419. at three a clocke after dinner a little before he came thither he was met by Anthony Tolongones who had bin to spie what was done at Montreville who wished him to bethink himselfe well for the bars that were placed upon the bridge the place appointed for their parley were to his disadvantage if the other had any intention to proceed fowly with him wherewithall some what surprised he stayed a while taking new advice some diswaded him from going shewing him that to beleeve well and have a good opinion in enemies was good in the golden age but for the present times they served onely to supplant the security of life others perswaded him to goe alledging an impossibility that the Dolphin would commit so infamous and unexcusable a treachery whereupon after having a while bethought himself he said he must goe lest it might be said a womanish feare had made him make a new breach which was not to be shun'd if he should doubt the Dolphins so many letters promises and oaths that though he had reason to proceed more cautiously in this businesse yet the world would not conceive the reason thereof nor would concurre in the establishing of peace if for the present he did not adventure his life that he might very well lose it but not without the greatest infamy that could befall the basest man alive much more so great a Prince as was the Dolphin Thus opinioned he passed forward he entred by the gate which opens into the fields into the Castle which he found trimd up for him with all pompe and hospitable magnificence he placed a hundred foote to guard the gate which opened into the Towne placing the rest in order without the which he had no sooner done but Tannigues came to advertise him that the Dolphin expected him making new promises and new oathes unrequired the ten which the Duke was to bring along with him were Charles of Burbon Iohn of Friburg Messieurs ae Novaile Saint George Montague and d'Ancre Antony of Vergi Guie of Pontaisler Ciarles of Lens and Peter de Giac to the which he added Peter de Sanguinat one of his Secretaries giving order to the rest to stay behinde when he came to the first barre he met some sent to meet him who by renewing the so often reitterated promises made him suspect somewhat and had almost made him returne backe but his owne men made him passe on alledging that so much treachery was not to be imagined and that they were likely to runne the same shipwracke as was he when he was passed the second barre it was presently locked which did a little amaze him yet resting his arme upon Tannigues shoulder who was come to receive him he said to St. George this is the man on whom I rely when he was come to the Dolphin who with his corslet and sword by his side stood leaning against a barre he kneeled downe before him saying he was come to receive his commands but he giving him but a cold welcome upbraided him with the not observancy of what was agreed on betweene them and for not having made warre against the English nor taken the garrisons from such places as should according to their articles be restored to him to which the Duke replying that he had done what was to be done against the English and that he had made surrender of all such places as by articles he was bound to doe Robert de Loyre tooke him underneath the arm saying he was too great a Prince to be so long upon his knees but as he lifted him up finding his sword behinde his backe as the Duke
with his hand would have put it in its right place Robert said will you lift your hand against the Dolphin and at the same instant Tannigues having said to his companions now is the time he struck at him with a hatchet thinking to have cleft his head but did onely take his chin away at which blow he fell with one knee upon the ground and laying hand on his sword wounded as he was with many blowes borne to the ground whilst Oliver Laiet thurst his sword into his belly up to the hilts Monsieur de Novaille brother to the Count de Fois as he was about to defend him was hindred by the Vicount of Narbone who opposed him with a dagger and whilst he flew furiously upon him to have taken his dagger away he was by others slaine Friburg doing his duty likewise was taken prisoner St. George was wounded in the flanke and d'Ancre in the hand Montaigne leaping over the bars got into the Castle the Secretary and all the rest were taken prisoners those of the Castle perceiving the bickering and not knowing of the Dukes death came forth to the palisado but driven backe by the bowmen fled to Bray beaten slaine taken and losing all they had Monsieur de Jouvelle and Montaigne with some souldiers and about some thirty of the Dukes servants and pages fortified themselves within the Castle but wanting victualls they yeelded it up their lives and goods saved All the Dukes furniture and jewells which were many and of great worth were reserved for the Dolphin such prisoners as would not take the oath had ransomes set on their heads and those who would were set at liberty Charles de Lens Admirall of France and who was constant in his friendship to the Duke till his last gaspe was slaine upon cold bloud Iohn Lovet President of Provence the Vicount Narbone William Butler Tanniques de Chasteau Francis de Grimaux Robert Loire Peter Frotiere Oliver Laiet and â—…onchore de Namae Marshall Seneshall of Auvergnia were the authors of this parricide Madam de Giac was thought a confederate in this businesse for that the deed being done she withdrew herselfe unto the Dolphin Monsieur de Barbasan not guilty of the treachery but present when it was done said unto the rest that they had ruinated their Masters reputation and wished rather to have beene dead then present at so wicked an action the Dukes body was laid upon a table and carried at midnight into a mill from whence it was taken away the next day and buried in his calsons with his hat upon his face his dublet on the which they had not taken off because it was bloudy and full of holes with his bootes and spurs without any Christian decency save a dosen masses which were likewise the oblations of bleeding hands and teares of woe This was the end of Iohn Duke of Burgony surnamed the Undaunted by him deserved by reason of the murther committed twelve years before upon the Duke of Orleans person by his command but his fault did not wash away theirs that slew him and though in the former ambition was the onely cause so as he could not be more wicked and in the second hatred and reason of State yet the so often plighted faith and swearing by the name of God in witnesse thereof makes the latter more wicked and inexcusable The Dolphin who had promised himselfe great advantage thereby found he was deceived for effects are not alwaies taken away by the cutting off their causes unlesse they be wholly rooted out the sonne remained a branch from which did bud forth more ruines then either could or would have done from the stocke if the advisers to this businesse had had respect to the subjects relation to the good and honour of the Prince more then to the jealousie of his authority the which whilst the Undaunted lived was fading they would have seen that dying he left clients subjects and servants ready to revenge him that so detestable an action was sufficient even to alienate the Dolphins owne friends that the King his father was subject to those that governed him that his rulers were the defuncts creatures his mother more then ever irreconcilable the King of England fastned in France The new Duke of Burgony as well heire to his fathers injuries as to his estate and authority that being descended from a turbulent family he was not likely to be quieted without bitter revenge though the worlds welfare should therein consist so as the interest of servants which for the most part doth ruine such Princes who are either very yong or ill advised did undoe the Dolphin who not able in sincerity of truth to excuse so scandalous an act indeavoured to cloak it by a falshood giving out that the Duke came with an intention to kill him the Dolphin but Montaigne published the truth of the businesse whereat the King was troubled the Queene offended who as was thought did love the Duke more then became her reputation after hee had delivered her from Towers and the people which had alwaies sided with him were herein confirmed the Court remained as before governed by such as did depend upon him not staggered by his fall He had a sonne by surname and actions good who afterwards was called Philip the good not violent as was his father but more wise so as of the whole of so great a Kingdome a little cantle did onely side with the Dolphin his more southerne Provinces which disjoyned from the low Countries had no occasion to be annoyed by the Undaunted were those alone which did sustaine him and which after a tempestuous voiage brought him safe into the haven thanks to the disorder of others which are the chiefest and most frequent occasions of taking away of Kingdomes from some and conferring them on others for the death of King Henry the underage and weaknesse of his succeeding sonne and the bad intelligence betweene the Uncles and Duke of Burgony the reason of their reconciliation did after many yeares contrary to all likelihood set him on foote againe Philip Count Carelois whom henceforth we will call the Duke of Burgony understanding his fathers death after his sorrow and obfequies consulted upon what was to be done he had two advices given him the one hee should treat well the Dutches his wife sister to the Dolphin since she did not share in the injury done unto him by her brother the other that being to revenge his fathers death he should seeke out the most effectuall meanes how to doe it that friendship with the King of England being of all others the likely best hee should offer him peace and his assistance in his pretences to the Kingdome and his marriage for the Dolphin could by no other means be debarred of the Kingdome he who had cooled in his affection to his wife his passion overswaying his reason and who knew her vertue did deserve this advice honoured her and made much of
her as long as she lived which was but a small time for what concerned friendship with England his father having chalked out the way unto him from whence had he not swerved he had not died he thought he could not chuse a better way of revenge wherefore he answered the Parisians who after their condoling with him desired his assistance against the English by Embassadors which they of purpose sent that they should not need to trouble themselves therein for he hoped with the Kings good liking to make a peace which should secure them and their friends the which he forthwith did he sent the Bishop of Arras and two more with such officers to King Henry as were very well approved and the Bishop being returned with satisfaction he sent soone after him the Earle of Warwick and Bishop of Rochester with whom the Duke concluded a truce to indure till such time as a peace might finally be concluded by meanes whereof the way was opened for commerce betweene them as if the peace had been already concluded so as the English souldiers as friends and confederates did joyne with those of France and the Duke against the Dolphin assoon as he had accommodated his home businesse having obtained of his subjects all he could desire he came to Trois where he plotted the peace and marriage for King Charles did what hee was perswaded unto and those who did perswade him were the Dukes dependants and such as were upheld by the Duke King Henry being advertised hereof and nothing now remaining to conclude the businesse but the formality of his Embassadours hee sent the Duke of Exceter the Earle of Salsbury the Bishop of Ely the Lord Fitshug Sir Iohn Robsert and Sir Philip Hall with whom the peace and marriage was agreed upon the latter to be celebrated in that very place as soone as the King should come thither As soone as the Embassadours were returned Robsert only tarrying with the bridge the King went from Roan waited on by his brother Clarence and Gloster the Earles of Warwicke Salsbury Huntington Eu Tancherville Longaville and fifteene thousand fighting men making his journey by Pontoise Saint Dennis and Sciarantone where having left some troopes to secure the passage he came to Trois by the way of Provence and was met 2 leagues off by the Duke of Burgony and the Nobility which upon the like occasion were in great number come unto the Court his first meeting with the King and Queen was in Saint Peters Church where he took his Bride by the hand and the marriage was solemnized on Trinity Sunday with the greatest pompe that ever was seen in that Kingdome Hee corrected and altered the Articles as he pleased the which being sworne unto by the King Duke of Burgony Princes and Lords were sent to bee published in both Kingdomes they were thirty three in number the chiefest whereof were That King Charles should enjoy his dignity title and Kingdome as long as he lived That King Henry should bee Regent thereof and afterward Heire That neither he nor the Duke of Burgony should make peace with Charles who tearmed himselfe Dolphin without the consent of the three Estates of both Kingdomes That the peace between France and England should bee perpetuall That these two Kingdomes should never be dismembred one from another but should bee governed by one and the same King but under their severall Lawes Sens and Montreville were the two most important places which the Dolphin did hold in those parts so as the marriage solemnities being over they besieged Sens. This Citie would have held out longer had it had any hopes of succour but having none it surrendered it selfe the twelfe day Such Souldiers as would stay in the Kings service were suffered to depart their lives and goods saved except those who had had a hand in the Dukes death And though many of them did for the present accept of the English Crosse they did afterwards at severall times for sake it betaking themselves to the Dolphins service of the inhabitants the oath of fidelity obedience was onely demanded Montreule held out longer the Castle was fortified provided for a longer siege but though they did valiantly defend themselves the towne was taken within a few dayes thanks to the assailants successfull rashnesse who charged it on sundry sides without directions from the King or Duke When they had taken it pursuing their good fortune and closely following those who fled into the Castle they were the cause why many of them were drowned they tooke twenty prisoners almost all Gentlemen whereupon the King having lodged his people in the towne over-against the Castle-gate did yet more narrowly inclose it bereaving it of all hopes save a rationall capitulation But Monsieur de Guitres resolute in the defence was cause why twelve of the twenty prisoners whom the King had protested he would hang if the Castle did not yeeld were immediately hanged before his face after they had in vaine requested him and had their request seconded by their wives teares and friends intercession His inexorablenesse was the more to be blamed for that after so deplorable an execution he made good the Castle onely eight dayes Hee came forth his life and goods saved as likewise all such as would not remaine in the Kings service those onely excepted as formerly who had had a hand in the death of the Duke Guitres who was accused to bee one of them did defie his accuser a Gentleman of the Dukes but no apparant proofes being found hee was let goe The Duke had sent divers Gentlemen to cause his fathers body to be taken up who finding it buried in so miserable a manner tooke it up and wrapped it in lead and it was sent to Chertosa in Dijoune where he was buried neere unto his father At the same time his people tooke Villenense situate upon the same river putting all the garrisons to the sword The Dolphin on the other side made his progresse for being resolved to out the Prince of Orrenge who fought on Burgonies behalfe from such places as he held in Languedocke hee besieged Saint Esprite and assisted by Avignon and Provence tooke it and drove all the Princes people out of that Countrey The which being done hee returned to Burges his usuall abode that hee might raise what force possibly hee might intending rather the enemies proceeding then to give him battle The Duke of Bedford was come from England before the taking in of Montreule with two thousand Archers and eight hundred horses and was by the King and his brothers received with much joy Thus reinforced he went to besiege Melune The King of France came together with his Queen from Bray where they had tarried during the siege of Montreule to Corbeile Melune was begirt by two Camps with artillery and such engines as were then in use for the taking in of places Messieurs de Barbasan and de Preux commanded seven hundred fightingmen who were within the
towne By battery mines and trenches the assailants got shortly underneath the ditch The Duke of Burgony who had made himselfe master of a Bulwarke did fortifie it much to the prejudice of the besieged The King built a bridge over the Seene to serve for commerce between the two Campes securing the Bankes on both sides with good corps de guard and to free his quarters from danger of surprise he cut some trenches on the outside of them and raised some workes upon each end thereof that so they might not bee assailed without great danger to the assaylors The breaches made by battery were made good by earth and bavens the besieged omitted nothing wherein either diligence or foresight might stand them in stead one ruine was answered by another wherein they fought at push of pike and wherein the King and Duke of Burgony managed theirs King Charles was come unto the Campe and together with him the Queene accompanied by the Dutches of Clarence newly arrived from England with a great traine of Ladies who were lodged by King Henry in a house erected of purpose neare to his owne tents without the reach of Canon so as making use of this occasion he would trie whether the besieged would yeeld to their King or no but being questioned thereupon they answered that if Charles King of France would vouchsafe to enter there he should be received with all due respects unto his Majesty but not Henry King of England nor Philip Duke of Burgony their professed enemies he sent this meane while the Duke of Clarence to Paris giving him the chiefe command of the City to the end that taking possession thereof he might by English forces secure the most considerable places therein as the Basteille the Louvre the house of Neele and forth there of the Boys de St. Vicenne the Count of St. Paule who was chiefe commander there was sent to Picardy to receive the oathes of the Cities of that Province touching the peace with England and to except of King Henry as Regent and heire the which was done without any opposition the besieged and besiegers were both but in bad condition the one being reduced for lacke of better nourishment to eate all manner of uncleanesse the other by reason of the Prince of Orenges departure who was gone with his people into Provence to defend his own affairs by the rage of a violent pestilence which had much lessened their numbers insomuch as the Duke of Burgony was forced to send the Signior de Luxenburg to Picardy to raise more men who returning shortly after with them appeared in so handsome aray before Melune as that the inhabitants beleeving they had beene the succour they had so long expected did not onely shew signes of joy by the ringing of bells but growne insolent did mocke the besiegers an error of small continuance yet not sufficient to have made them yeeld if the Dolphin had not at the same time advertised them that he could not succour them This Prince was governed by the wisdome and upheld by the purse of the Count de Vertu brother to Orleans and Angolesme prisoners in England but he being at this instant dead he was like a ship without sailes he could not move towards the preservation of a place of so great importance The Town was surrendred the eighth of September upon disadvantageous tearms those who were guilty of the Dukes death were condemned a prime article not to be forgotten the souldiers were to be forthcomming till they could put in good security not to beare armes under the enemies of either of the two Kings that inhabitants submitted to pleasure their weapons and moveables were put into the Castle Monsieur de Barbasan who was accused of being guilty of the Dukes death was saved for that there appeared no proofes thereof against him save onely insomuch as he was the Dolphins servant This notwithstanding he was sent prisoner to Paris and from thence to Chasteau Galliarde where after nine yeares space he had the good lucke to recover his liberty the place being then taken by the Dolphins forces who his father being dead called himselfe King Monsieur de Preaux together with five or six hundred Gentlemen and Gentlewomen and Citizens were likewise sent to Paris put into severall prisons the chiefest of them into the Basteile those who were put to death were few amongst which was one Bertrand of Chaumont a Gascoine a naturall subject of England for that he was bribed to save Amicron de Lau an accessory in the Duke of Burgonies death though the Kings brother did intercede for him for he had alwaies beene valiant yet could they not obtaine his pardon for reason of State would not permit Henry to give way unto passion and to be partiall in the Duke the sonnes just revenge moreover in right he was to lose his life who saved the life of a delinquent not through pity but avarice Winter growing on the souldiers requiring rest after having been so long in field the two Kings retired themselves to Paris being met by the people and Clergy with great magnificency they rid together the King of France on the right hand they lighted at the Church of nostre Dame and from thence Charles went to l'Hostell de Saint Paul Henry to the Louvre and the Duke of Burgony to his owne house l'Hostelle de Artois the next day the two Queenes made their entry in the like manner and were received by the City with great expressions of joy and met by the brothers of the Kings and Duke of Burgony followed by all the Nobility richly presented by the Citizens particularly the Queene of England and the King her husband The Dolphin had beene set upon all this while onely by the way of war now they endeavour to opugne him by the Law a businesse which did nothing at all import Henries pretences his foundations were of another sort not supported by these formalities for without them without his marriage with Catherine or his being adopted by Charles all of them workes of supererrogation in this case he was lawfull King but it redounded to his advantage to second the Duke of Burgonies desires that thereby or by what ever other meanes the Dolphin might be by the people abandoned Princes are subject to no seate of justice save that of conscience all others are but phansies and tricks fansies and therefore not to be despised for such are oft times more embraced by the people then is reason whence it happens that their authority being darkened and deprived of its lustre by contrary opinions they are subject to the eclipses of their subjects disobedience Burgony endeavoured the Dolphins ruine his fathers murtherer he was to open the way thereunto by the peoples fury perswade them hee could not for though the fault were very hainous the guilty party was by the common Law and Law of nature of too great authority with them being borne their Prince yet men alwaies
reserving some seeds of equity in them hee hoped that by objecting this case cloathed with the habit of justice dyed in the colours of so many perjuries treasons and breach of faith hee might cancell the respect the people bore him and by degrees draw them from pitty and commiseration to hatred and from hatred to armes Charles the Dolphin according to the pretended Law Salique set aside that Henries pretences were by the people repulsed that so they might repulse his person not onely as a stranger but as an English man was presumed heire to the Crowne Moreover the murther of the Duke of Orleans set aside the circumstances was in its originall more wicked then this if the Duke of Burgony had then beene punished as of right he ought to have beene in his estate the Dolphin had had no occasion to bereave him of his life so as the parity of fault requiring parity of punishment it was against reason the second should be punished by justice when by injustice the former scaped unpunished whilst having no respect to the diversity of the delinquents qualities the Dolphin being a priviledged person as Soveraigne should be punished for being so rather then the Duke for being a subject let us learne by this that mens particular interest is that which ever hath ever doth pretend and that severity is quick sighted when the question concerneth others but blind when we are our selves concerned This cause was pleaded in the presence of both the Kings the Princes and Judges in the low Hall of l'Hosteile de Saint Paul by the dowager Dutches of Burgonies advocate and the Duke her sonnes who accused Charles who tearmed himselfe Dolphin the Vicount of Narbone Monsieur de Barbasan Tannigues de Chasteau William Butler Iohn Lovet President of Provence Robert de Loyre Olâ—…ver Laiet and others of this murther he demanded justice and particularised in what punishment this plea was seconded by a Doctor of Sorbonne sent thither for this purpose by that Colledge who by many allegations drawne from the Scripture laboured to perswade the two Kings to punish those who had had their hands in so grievous a fault but no declaration being forthwith to be made without the due proceedings in Law the Chancellor answered in the Kings name that by the advice of the King of England Regent of France and his declared heire all should bee done that was requisite in so important a businesse so as the Dolphin being cited to the marble table with the accustomed solemnities and not appearing he was for his contumacy declared guilty of the aforesaid murther falne from the Crowne incapable of what ever present or future succession and banished the Kingdome the Dolphin hearing this appealed to his sword the which was that alone which afterwards by the helpe of the Duke of Burgony his chiefest enemy did annull the proces decide the question and cut in two the sentence King Henry was to go for England after Christmas to make new provision or warre and to cause the Queene his wife to be crowned so as having licenced the three estates who all had sworne obedience to him he went his way having the Duke of Exeter with five hundred fighting men in Paris and in other places good and faithfull governours he stayed a while in Roan to give order for things belonging to the Dutchy and left therein the Duke of Clarence his generall from thence he together with his other brethren tooke his way towards Callice and were received in England with such joy as Kings use to receive who returne crowned with victory and accompanied by wives rich in dowry grace and beauty as was his she was crowned at Westminster on Saint Matthews day where whilst the pompe and solemnity exceeded whatsoever of former times fortune prepared funerall solemnities for the Duke of Clarence in France a businesse which being very diversly reported by authors forces me first to recount what the English say thereof then how others relate it for passion within circumstances of winning or losing is very great amongst them makes them to contradict one another who doth not joyne them together will hardly be able to extract the truth This Prince had made a select choyce of Soldiers out of all the garrisons of Normandy hee entred Umena and passed over Loire placing himselfe underneath Angiers hoping that those of the Towne would have fought with him but they not issuing forth hee spread himselfe over the countrey where after having enriched his people with prey and prisoners he returned for Normandy Being come to Bewford he understood that a great number of enemies were at Beuges conducted by the Duke of Allanson the Dolphins Lieutenant who had in company with him 26 French Lords one Spanish Captaine Iohn Earle of Bow han Robert his brother sonnes to the Governour of Scotland Archibald Dowglas Earle of Vigtonia Alexander Linsay brother to the Earle of Crayford and eighteene Scottish Gentlemen lately come from Scotland with 700 Souldiers Buchanan saith seven thousand hee was about to set suddenly upon them but did not for to assaile an enemy not knowing his forces is like walking in a darke night in unknowne wayes He had at that time one Ardrea Fregosa an Italian who had been with the French and who assured him that the enemy was so few in number that halfe his company was sufficient to rout them so as beleeving this mans relation who did abuse him being desirous of glory hee took only the horse along with him commanding the Bowmen not to stirre and leaving them under the command of his sonne Iohn called the Bastard of Clarence betweene him and the enemy there was an uneasie and a narrow passage through which when without any opposition hee had passed he discovered the enemy not farre off and contrary to the relation made unto him in full and well ordered troops whilst hee not able to retire the passage being taken which if it had not been he could not passe over it againe in File as he did before without danger it did more availe him to hazard himselfe by making a stand then by giving backe to venture the being shamefully cut in pieces The one side fought desperately the other bravely but the English not being above one for foure were discomfited the Duke himselfe being slaine the Earle of Tancherville Gilbert Vmfreville Earle of Kent the Lord Ros Sir Iohn Lumblâ—…y and Sir Robert Verend and neare upon two thousand others the Earles of Somerset and Suffolke the Lord Fitzwalter Sir Iohn Barckley Sir Ralph Nevil Sir Henry Iuglos Sir William Bowes Sir William Longiton Sir Thomas Burrowes and many others were taken prisoners Of the French were slaine about twelve hundred of the best of the Army The Bastard of Clarence who after the Dukes departure was informed of the number of the enemies marched with all possible diligence to succour him but came too late and the French having notice thereof retired themselves with their
sacraments which by the Church of Rome were prescribed to dying men he dyed the last of August of a plurisie a disease not wel known in those daies which caused amongst the common people two severall opinions of his death the one that he dyed of a disease called Saint Anthonies fire the other of that called Saint Fiacree which is convultions or extention of the nerves hee raigned nine yeares five months and twenty three daies not having fully compleated his eight and thirtieth year his temperature according to the observations of physicke promised a longer life he was of a leane and sinnowie body of a black haire his limbs well proportioned and active of stature higher then usuall his face well shaped though somewhat long endowed him with a manlike beauty England hath had before and since his time many worthy Kings but of perfections exceeding his none he was just wiâ—… magnanimous valiant I would say fortunate if fortune had any abiding place with vertue he undertooke a difficult warre in a time when his enemies intestine dissention did facilitate it unto him he thereby appeased his Kingdome purging it of all its ill humours he healed it and made it greater by reducing slothfull and vagabond people the ordinary plagues of common wealths from idlenesse and vice to warfare and honour hee was served by inclination and affection the greatnesse of his spirit and his heroique actions were the loadstones which drew unto him his subjects love and reverence he was of an unblameable life and an enemy to all vice which may serve for a sufficient testimony for whatsoever else of good may be said of him at home he spilt no bloud save that of the Earle of Cambridge and his fellow conspirators under whose ashes as long as he lived and some while after all civill wars was buried and if he used severity abroad armes his enemies obstinacy and the lawes of war must suffer the blame The end of the first Volume THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY THE SIXTH BY the lives of the preceeding Kings wee have seene that the Civill Warrs had their beginning from the bad Government of Richard the second that Henry the fourth did first commence them and Henry the fifth suspend them but that after 40. yeares Peace they should againe breake forth under Henry the sixth when the Government was established Mens minds quieted and appeased is a matter worthy of consideration which ought not to bee passed over to the end wee may examine whether this hapned by default of the Subjects or Prince and which of them it was that after the cure of the first malady were causers of the second Wee shall find Arguments probable enough if wee consider the different natures of the two last Kings Henry the fifth found a Kingdome usurped by his Father so exasperated by the deaths and confiscations of many as he would never have beene able to have setled and maintained a Peace had not his valour caus'd him to be fear'd and his vertue belov'd by his Subjects in all the time of his life he met with no other Conspiracie then that of Richard Earle of Cambridge which was suppress'd as soone as undertaken not for that Richards Heires were Children since that Edmund Mortimer lawfull Heire to the Crowne outliving him pretences were not like to be wanting to any one who durst have molested him but for that Edmunds fearefull or were it peacefull nature the tender yeares of such as were to succeed him the ambition of great ones allured by honours and inriched by forraigne Warrs and that another King could not better their private conditions nor rayse the publike honour to a higher pitch were the true causes which did suppresse alterations being dead the fortune which did accompany him during his life did not for a long time forsake him in the person of his Sonne insomuch as in his infancy and two succeeding ages he was by his Subjects served without contradiction out of hopes that together with the Kingdome he had Inherited his Fathers vertues his tender yeares priviledged by his owne comlines and the love of others had not afforded them time to dis-deceave themselves in what concerned vallour and wisdome vertues in him of much expectation whil'st the bright sunshine of other vertues dasled the Eyes of the wisest for malice it selfe cannot but confesse that Henry the sixth was one of the best and holiest Kings that ever England had if goodnes alone without the helpe of other vertues were only required to the office of a King but there is difference betweene the vertues of private Men and of Princes what is sometime to be praysed in the one is to be blamed in the other not for that the faculties of operation bee not from the highest to the lowest uniforme in all but that being diversified by the differing condition betweene Princes and Subjects they produce contrary actions according as the condition of those who operate is contrary and as the wayes and imaginations of God are not such as are those of Men so all due and reverent proportion being given if any proportion at all be to be given the conceptions and proceedings of Princes ought not to bee such as are those of private Men. Very morall vertues though the same in all Men are not in them considerable but with a particular difference for that becomes them and they may do that which becomes not us nor may wee doe Henry was a good Man but no good King Hee was borne with good intentions but of himselfe simple Conditions plausible in a private Man misbecomming him that Raignes and in all cases harmefull for as wisdome without goodnes is a meere infirmity so goodnesse without wisdome is a meere defect Were it not the part of wisdome to put us upon those actions which in reason wee ought to doe but only to make us simply or meerly good he would have had no need thereof nor yet they who are naturally given to be good Those who imagin'd all vertues though differing in name not to differ in Office but that they all were so many wisdomes did not perhaps beleeve amisse experience shewes us that without wisdome fortitude is rashnes justice severity and temperance disorder other vertues are common or indifferent to all Men this of wisdome in Princes is singuler The goodnes of Henry the sixth was a Cloyster life goodnes but as the affections of a King doe not befit a Clergie-man so doe not the affections of a Clergie-man besit a King Wee are borne under two Lawes the one of God the other of Nature the which though distinct are not incompetable if wee do embrace the former which hath no other end but the spirituall health the choice is good and much the better if it be accompanied with contempt of the World and mortification of the Spirit If the second in which Princes are comprehended and which joyned to faith doth not exclude saving
health to command and to Raigne requires active Spirits as farre differing from this contempt and mortification as ought a Clergie-man differ from the lively and ready resentments which are requisit in him that commands The foure Beasts which are described to have Eyes before and behind ought to serve for a type to Henry for if the inward eyes of conscience were sufficient to him as a Christian the outward eyes of wisdome were requisite to him as a Prince A Prince cannot be said to be good and innocent though of harmlesse intention and customes when his simplicity proves hurtfull to his wellfare honour and Subjects Goodnes ought not to be borne a Sister with us but be begotten by us wee our selves ought to be the Fathers thereof our will the Mother and Election the Soule for though naturall simplicity or sincerity brings with it many advantages hee is notwithstanding more to be commended who hath not transgressed when he might have done so for well doing is not defined by Ignorance of evill or an impotency thereunto but when a Man is able and knowes how to do amisse and doth it not A bound which does not exclude the faculties of civill actions as did Henryes goodnes which was borne a Sister with him but makes them so much the better by how much after the primary cause its objects are the second without which there is no corporeall nor civill life I know not whether his education did concurre with his nature to the making him what he was but doubtlesse faults enough are committed in the education of Princes in their Childhood they are observed with too much respect whilst their discreet Governours knowing that some Witts require the spurr some the bridle ought to make use thereof alternatly and with respect but not excesse for by thus doing they will not only make them be reverenced and beloved by their Subjects but respected and feared by all Nations However it bee 't is evident that Henry's ruine did derive it selfe from this simple inanimate goodnes which lame in its owne judgment rested it selfe upon that of others so as loosing reputation the Soule of Government he therwithall lost Authority Kingdome Liberty and Life The Conditions of affaires in both Kingdomes at Henry the fifths Death was such as by reason of the good directions he left could not be amended His Subjects were ready to obey drawne by the glory of so many famous Victories and by the profit which accrewd unto them by so many considerable acquisitions In France the home discentions of that Kingdome the wisdome and vallour of the Duke of Bedford and the good Commanders and Souldiers which waged Warre under him nourished hopes of more happy proceedings And the two Brothers Unckles to the Infant King free from jealousy and evill intelligence the Duke of Bedford remaining chiefe in France with the Title of Regent and the Duke of Glocester commanding in England under the Title of Protectour did conspire not only to preserve what they had gotten but to acquire more but the cause being tane away the effects cannot continue Charles the fifth King of France dyed within lesse then 3. Moneths after King Henry the fifth who being incapable of Government and govern'd by his Wife a revengefull Woman and bad Mother had by her meanes alienated his Kingdome deprived his Sonne thereof and set dissention among his Subjects to the increase of Englands greatnes Philip Duke of Burgony who according to the Councell of deceased Henry was to be insnared by allurements was by Glocester distasted driven thereunto either by ambition or love or both Whereby Men may learne not to build too much upon their owne knowledge but to watch over their selves every little intrest being sufficient to change us to the worse Since Glocester a good and wise Prince ceased to be so when he suffer'd himselfe to be transported by his passions and private intrests seldome meeting with publique respects those who looke after the one abandon the other or else do ruine both the one and the other together with the State and themselves as did he These were the true causes of the English retrogadations in France civill discentions in France had establish'd the English and the reconciliation betweene the Duke of Burgony and Charles the seaventh was their ruine So as though the recomencement of the Civill Warres be chiefely ascribed to the losses in France yet since they began not till the King was growne a Man and that the Affaires of France were little better then quite lost there would have beene no liklyhood of any disorders in England if things had succeeded well and the Sonne had beene like the Father for in the same manner as the one supprest the Conspiracie of the Earle of Cambridge and thereby wonne reputation the other might have quell'd the Duke of Yorkes audacity and have preserved his Kingdome but the Sword wherwith Scanderberg cut off arm'd limbs was not of the same temper when manag'd by another Hand and therfore the reall difference is that wheras the Earle did Justle with a strong and fierce Lyon his successors encountred with a weake milde lowly Lambe King Henry was proclaymed King when he was about 8 Moneths old the Duke of Exceter and his Brother the Bishop of Winchester were deputed for the Government of his person and the Queene his Mother for his Diet whilst the Duke of Glocester Protectour of the Kingdome took care for all things which might make for Peace at home or Warres abroad the Infant King was brought from Windsor to London to be showne in full Parliament his Mothers bosome was his Throne and generall acclamations serv'd as the earnest penny of obedience Ayds were willingly contributed for the perservation of what his Fathers worth had won The Duke of Bedford on the other side surprised by the disadvantageous Death of Charles the sixth which hapned in October the same yeare and by his being forsaken by many who had formerly followed his Standard to follow the Dolphin who was proclaymed King by the Name of Charles the seaventh knowing how contrary to their naturall affections that obedience was which those who remained with him had sworne to the King his Brother did in a solemne Assembly cause new Oaths to be taken in the behalfe of the now Heyre a thing readily obtained but very irreligeously observed and had it not beene for the power and authority of the Duke of Burgony a Prince of great Possessions and attendance the affaires of England would not have lasted so long as they did but they grew worse and worse according as he slackned his vigilancy therein by reason of Glocester and the City of Orleans wherewith he was not trusted by reason of the death of his Sister who was Wife to Bedford and by his totall alienation when having appeased his anger against Charles the lives of those first Warriers who were his friends did cease Henry in Paris was likewise proclaymed and sworne King of
France and England Monyes were there Coyned with his stampe and the Armes of both the Kingdomes whilst Charles of more yeares but lesser power and excluded from the Metropolitane Citty possessed nothing on the other side the Loire save the Countries of Berry Forest Bourbonne Lyons and Auvergne the greatest part of Poictou and St. Onges did submit to him in consideration that the Nobility of those parts depended on him or else that they Neighbourd upon him these parts were reduc'd to such a point that one part of their Territories being under him the other under the English they were necessitated either by complying with the one faction to offend the other or else to declare themselves partiall for the one of them conformable to the intrest of their possessions On the other side of the River hee held the Countries of Mayne and Anjou some few places in Champagnia and Picardie being forced to tollerate the insolencies of his owne Souldiers for not being by reason of his poverty able to pay them they paid themselves by rapine and extortion upon the poore people afflicted and impoverished by all sides The Count de Fois had recovered Languedoc for him from the Prince of Orange and as for Guienne the Count Cominges by inclination and Count Arnigniac for hate to Burgony by reason of the Constable Arnigniacs ignominous Death in Paris neare his Bulwarkes All which effects proceeded from the Subjects love for who shall consider his undisolvable difficulties will find he could not possibly have overcome them without the resolv'd patience of those who did obey him who were constrained to indure not only Hostile injuries but likewise the injuries and rapine of such Souldiers as were their friends who being uncorrected and undisciplind were more of damage to them then was the Enemy hereunto may be added that they had no Prince of the bloud to uphold them The Dukes of Orleans and Burbon were Prisoners in England the Duke of Anjou resolute upon the recovery of the Kingdome of Naples and Burgony their inexorable Enemy but to dispute the contrary 't is likely that was not so much the love to Charles as the hatred to the English which made them willing to suffer so much for being but a yong Man about 22. yeares of age he could not have obliged them by benefits nor in those yeares have given such proofe of himself as to cause him to be desired 't is rather to be beleev'd that being born their presum'd King their desire to exclude the English was that which did only foment their affections All Nations do naturally abhorre being subjected one to another the diversity of Language Customes and Humours causing the reciprocall aversion and hatred which wee find in them and if there were no other reason for that it is a kind of wretchlesnes though not alwayes to be overcome by Strangers was a prevalent cause of making him be belov'd he being the Naile by which the other of the English Empiremust be driven out When Charles had understood his Fathers Death and caused his Obsequies to bee celebrated in Espalles a small Castle in Overgnie where he then chanc'd to be after one Dayes Mourning he caused him selfe to be solemnly proclaymed King and going from thence to Poictiers he was with Title of solemnity Crowned Reens a placeantiently destinated for that Ceremony was by the Enemy forbidden him so as France had now a divided Crowne not easie to be peiced together since two did equally intitle themselves King Whilst it was easie for Charles to peece the divided minds of such who either were not incumbred or wavering in Burgony's faction whence it insued that to preserve what the English had wonne or to augment it depended now no more upon the hope of ayd from France but upon the proper strength and Councell of England upon Councell that they might keepe Philip firme unto them for friends by reason of their passions are changeable upon strength since the obstacles which dayly increased by the going over of so many to the adverse party were by no other meanes to be removed After the two Kings Death skirmishes were made in all parts wherin certaine petty places were taken and retaken not worthy to be mention'd in story The Pariseans had sent a solemne Embassy into England to require speedy succour against the injuries done by Charles The English Writers say this Embassy was sent to cloake under this pretended zeale the treason which they were a hatching how to yeild themselves up unto him which whether it were so or no cannot absolutely be sayd but Du Pleis perverting the times and mentioning the Conspiracy before the Embassy augments the suspition they were sent back loaded with promises the effect wherof the English did better make good then did the Parisians their Faith Charles was by this time come to Rochell being somwhat startled at some forces raysed by the Duke of Brittany beleeving it to be done to his prejudice and contrary to what was lately agreed on betweene them during his Fathers Life where sitting in Councell part of the Chamber fell downe which with certaine others indamag'd Iohn of Burbonne Seigneur de Preaux he himselfe being in evident danger had he not beene suddenly drawne from thence At this time hapned the surprizall of Ponte de Melone under the Conduct of Iohn de Greiville who slew as many English as he found there as likewise their punishment who trusting upon the Duke of Bedfords absence had appointed time and place for Charles his People to enter Paris a plot which very well might have succeeded had not the Duke by his making hast hindred them for comming upon them with good forces unexpectedly he put many of them to Death some few escaping by flight and now no longer trusting them he put strong Garrisons into the Citty and parts adjacent wherof some yeilded themselves and some he tooke in He sent for the recovery of Ponte de Melone Thomas Mountaigue Earle of Salisbury a man according to the witnes of such Writers as are not English to be compared to whosoever of the Antient Romans and together with him the Earle of Suffolke the Lord Scales the younger Lord Poinings and many others This place was beseiged all Ianuary and February those which were within the Towne defending themselves valiantly upon the hope of succour which to the number of 6000 was Musterd together upon the confines of the Dutchy of Berry under the conduct of the Count d'Omale Count de Buchane and the Vicount of Narbone but being come within 6 Leagues of the Enemy and ordered in Battell array there fell such disorder amongst them that they return'd disbanded the greatest part of them being defeated by the English which were at Chartres and thereabouts the which when those of the Towne understood they grew into such a fury as throwing downe in the sight of the Enemy Charles his Collours which were set upon the Gates they tore them in peeces as also
all his other Ensigns cursing those who had perswaded them to shut themselves up in that Fort upon perjur'd Oaths of succour they yeilded themselves their lives only saved the which was denied to such as had served Henry the fifth to those who had sworne the finall Peace to those who were Complices in the Death of the Duke of Burgony and to such Souldiers as were Scotts Irish or Welsh together with Melene they surrendred all other Forts which were in their hands amongst which were Marchuse and Monliere those who would sweare fealty and Homage had their liberties granted them without Ransome the which all of them almost did in particular Greville mov'd therunto as I beleeve by his beleeving Charles to bee dead at Rochell for when hee knew the contrary hee was not long in forswearing himselfe This meane while Arthur Count de Richmond Brother to Iohn fift Duke of Britanny escaped away from the Earle of Suffolke Lord Lieutenant to the King in Normandy with whom ever since the Battell of Agencourt he had beene Prisoner A civill liberty was permitted him upon Oath and promise not to depart the which as long as the King lived was precisely observed by him not listning to his friends who had sundry times offered to backe him if he would fly away now thinking that by reason of the Kings Death he might with safety to his honour escape he fled pretending himselfe to be free from his Oath as personall to him that was dead but who shall well observe it shall find that bare promises not aggravated by curtesies no wayes due nor inforced as was this the largnes of his Imprisonment are of as much force in morall affaires with Princes and amongst such as are Nobly borne as is an Oath in Religion especially when as pretensions not dying with the King they together with their estates remaine in title and in substance intire unto their Successours if when the King dyed he had beene close Prisoner he could not without a note of folly have said himselfe to be disoblig'd from his promise so as having escap'd hee seem'd to repent that resolution which though at all times requisite was then the more to be esteemed of as it was now the more blame worthy since his owne Death and not the Death of any other was only able to acquit him of his Oath and promise made His first flight was to his Brother in Britanny from thence to his Cousin Philip in Flanders from whom he received a Commission to procure a Parley betweene him Britanny and Bedford so as being return'd from his Brother and having concluded the Interview Bedford went to receive them upon the confines of Normandie all three of them comming into an appointed place where Philip stayed expecting them the Confederacy which was contracted betweene them was confirmed by a double Marriage the one betweene the Duke of Bedford and Anne the younger Sister to Philip together with the County of Artois in portion in case they should have any Issue the other betweene Count Richmond and Philips eldest Sister Widdow to the Dolphin Lewis This being done Burgony and Richmond withdrew themselves to Arras Bedford to Paris and the Duke of Britanny to his owne Country to whom Bedford paid 6000. Crownes for his expences in that journey The inconstancy of the Dukes of Britanny in their friendship may seeme strange to some being subject to often and momentary changes but who will examine passages from the time that that State grew litigious will not wonder at it I have thought good to give you a short breviat thereof for the better understanding of the History and to ease the Reader of the paines of seeking that in others which I should have omitted Iohn the third Duke of Britanny who dyed without Issue married his Neece Iane of Britanny Daughter to Guy his next Brother but now dead to Charles of Blois second Sonne to Guy of Chatillione Count de Blois and Margaret Sister to Philip the sixt King of France to the end that shee being the true Heire other Woemen having beene formerly Heires to that Dukedome shee might have a Husband that might defend her When he was dead Iohn Count de Montfort his third Brother who during his life had no wayes opposed his Neece pretended by prerogative of sex to be Heire unto the State so as Blois relying upon France and he on England they had fierce Warre together for 23. yeares in which time 200000. Men were slaine in that quarrell To Count Montfort who as not having intirely possessed Britanny was not numbred amongst the Dukes therof did his Sonne Iohn succeed named Iohn the fourth after that Charles de Blois slaine in a great Battaile left him possessor therof The King of France who could not by force take from him his Estate indeavour'd to weaken him by Interposition Hee agreed upon this with the Widdow and the Sonnes of Charles the Defunct who renounced their pretensions to the Dutchy and he his pretences to the Vice-county of Limages restoring unto them together with other obligations the County of Pointevere an agreement which lasted not long among ulcerated minds The Duke beside these had two other great Enemies Beretrand de Gueschin and Oliver de Clissenne his naturall Subjects who having betaken themselves to the service of Charles the fift against the English proved so gallant Men that both of them one after the death of the other were Constables of France so as they having drawne unto the Kings pay the greatest part of the Lords and Commanders of Britanny who under their command had fought against Charles de Blois they left the Duke quite bereft of Captaines and Military affaires and but badly obeyed by his Subjects who were naturally inclin'd to the French so as wrought thereunto by gratitude Edward the third being his Father in Law who had put him into his Estate and by necessity the King of France being his Neighbouring powerfull Enemy hee turned sometimes one way sometimes another till being abandoned by his Subjects it behoved him to retire himselfe into England forsaking his Countrey least he should be made Prisoner by them not for that they hated him but for that they hated his friendship with the English whom they thought to be the cause of their ruine being at last aware that the King of France molested him not out of the pretended suspitions but to bereave him of his Estate they sent for him backe a little before the Death of Charles the fift wherby hoping now to be in quiet to please them he renounced his friendship with England and sided with Charles the 6 t who succeeded to Charles the fift Clissonne who was of greater power with the now King then he had been with the former finding him without his leaning stocke Ransomed Iohn Count de Pointevere from his Imprisonment in England upon whom as Sonne to Charles de Blois and Iane of Britanny Heire to Iohn the third the pretences to the Dutchy
for their security On the contrary side the Marishall Tolongonus at his returne found not foretime with so smiling an aspect for beleeving that by Monyes he had corrupted the Captaine of a Fort called la Busiere he was abused through too much beleefe for whilst he went to actuate the bargaine the Captaine having fitly placed two Ambushes brought him together with 11. others into the Castle where taking him Prisoner he at the same time caused almost all those that were without to be slaine and had it not beene for the Imprisonment of the Count de Ventadoure for whom he was changed he had not beene soone set at liberty This Yeare in the Moneth of Iuly was the first Sonne of Charles borne who in his due time succeeded him in his Kingdome by the name of Lovis the 11. a phantasticall Prince and almost ever rebellious towards his Father so as whilst he thought to have beene at quiet being free from the English Warres he gave against his Sons turbulencies which brought him to his end before his time marcerated by jealousy and slaine by suspition His birth notwithstanding so uncertaine are wee of future events brought unto him great cause of joy for the pledge of a Successor increaseth the Subjects love he was howsoever a great Prince who proved successefull in the rules of dissimulation rather borne together with them then learnt of any other Ghirard de Hallian describes him to be malicious wary cruell and full of Cousenage In England this meane while it was resolv'd to give libertie to Iames the first King of Scotland after 18. yeares Imprisonment which caused to the first mover therof since home hatred not love nor Charity had moved him to indevour it instead of gratitude unhappy successe and an ignominous end Robert Duke of Albany Governor of Scotland being dead the yeare 1420. just 15. Yeares after the Death of his Brother Robert the third his Sonne Mordecay succeeded him in the Government one who resembled his Father in the profuse spending of the goods of the Crowne amongst the Nobility to the end that forgetting the Prisoner King they might be content with the present condition and was like the King his Unckle in his Children for having neither ability nor wit to cause himselfe to be obeyed by them he was through desparation and despite reduc'd to ruine at the same time both them and himselfe Of the 3. for 3. they were Walter was the most insolent although they shar'd all alike in haughtines and disrespecting others Pride and the neglect of Inferiors was by them esteemed gravity and what became them and such insolent actions as arise from them proper and naturall to Men of royall Lynage and to generous and magnanimous Hearts Mordecay had often times admonished them but because in stead of reaping fruite therby he was laugh'd at by them he tooke no further care therof placing all his dislikes upon the backe of Patience till such time as the burthen grew too heavy for him to beare He very much lov'd field sports especially Hawking and having one Day an ex'lent Faulkon on his Fist Walter did with such incivility require it on him as he denying it the other snatcht it from his hand wrung off the necke and threw the Carkasse at his feete at which the Father being incensed sayd unto him that since he had in vaine used all meanes possible to bring him to obedience he was resolv'd to find out one whom both his Sonne and he should be forced to obey and he effected his words for a Parliament being immediatly called the Kings freedome was resolv'd upon Embassadors were chosen and sent into England where their request was maturely consulted on those who were against it alleadged that having beene detained so many yeares his Captivity was by him to bee esteemed an injury never to be forgotten and for the which he would take present revenge since England was now busied abroad that being at liberty he would regulate the disorders of Scotland the Governors authority not being sufficient to quench the contentions which Day by Day grew greater among the great ones nor to remedy the Thefts Murders and Rapines which as it were by reprisall was committed by the common People so as since nothing could prove more advantageous for the affaires of England all alteration was pernitious Others being of a contrary opinion affirmed his Captivity was so unlikely to raise in him any such conceits that it was rather by him to be accounted the originall of all his good fortune since that living there safe from his Unckles snares he was falne into the hands of two Kings who proving Fathers to him in education were not therfore much commended by such who preferre what is usefull to what is honest who argue that a worser resolution could not have beene taken then to have perfected wisdome by study and strength by the exercise of Armes in a Prince of so sublime inclinations whilst to do well they should have brought him up in all common vices and have made him effeminate amongst the worst of conversations that to have done otherwise was as much as to expect what befell him who nurs'd up a Snake in his bosome which when it had recover'd his heate slew him that had preserv'd it fitting considerations for Tyrant Princes but not for such as were so given as were these two Kings for if the one by making him Prisoner the other by detaining him had had respect to their owne proper intrests they would have treated him as an Enemy but their having inrich'd him with so vertuous education not to be lost neither by liberty nor Imprisonment was so rare and unparalell'd an example as he beyond all others was ever to acknowledge such The Duke of Glocester who thought there could bee no better meanes then this to joyne Scotland and England and sever it from France concluded his freedome setting a fine upon him of 100000. Marks and giving him for Wife Ioane Daughter to the Earle of Somerset Cousin-german to Henry the fift and Neece to the Bishop of Winchester whom he loved so as having payed part of his Ransome with his Wifes Portion and given in Hostages for the rest the which was afterwards payed by the Subjects in so good a manner as that they seemed not to be therewithall any whit aggreived he went his wayes nobly waited upon to his confines by his ancient friends by his new allyes and richly presented by his Father in Law Being come into his Kingdome he found it like a Ship tossed by the Seas Nothing remaining for maintenance of the Crowne save only the Customes the rest was all squandred away and bestowed upon particular Men by the two succeeding Governours Robert the Father and Mordecay the Sonne to the end that not minding his returne they might adhere unto them to publique grievances private ones succeeded the first complaints were against Walter who was Imprison'd and after him Mordecay and Alexander Iames who was
the third growing hereat mad thinking to redresse evill by evills assaulted Dumbartaine a populous Citty where letting loose the raines unto his fury he put Men Women and Children unto the Sword none being excepted from this Cruelty save such as fled being by the King pursued he fled into Ireland leaving his Father and his Brethren in the Hangmens hands who were shortly after beheaded He carried himselfe towards England as did his predecessors notwithstanding his Allyment Oaths and benefits received wherof the English Writers accusing him and the Scottish recriminating mov'd by passion they leave the story and fall to invective speeches whereas the accusers should consider that as our understanding works diversly in us according to the diversity of our temperatures so Princes who are the states understanding worke only according to the interest of state which is their temperature Obligations and curtesies things apart and externe give place to this interne inseparable disposition in like manner as desire gives way to nature in that which by nature cannot bee otherwise It made not for Scotland that England should bee Master of France since they might then feare their owne subjection Henry the seaventh bound to the French in having receiv'd ayd from them against Richard the third as wee shall see forbore not notwithstanding to worke according to the temperature of his state doing what in him lay to keepe them from making themselves Masters of Britanny being a place farre of and disjoyned from his Kingdome whereas Scotland being neare and Contiguous was fitter for Invasion yet was he not blamed for this the first law of States is indemnity and selfe safety Neither would the French have formerly moved in his behalfe not being any wayes offended nor molested by Richard had they not hoped by nourishing Civill Warres to better their affairs an end which tooke away the Obligation for Princes can hardly oblige one another save for their particular intrests it may bee alleadged that his sworne homage ought to have oblidg'd Iames to have kept his word In conscience he ought to have done but yet ought he not so to be upbraided as if he had done what never had beene done before the French accuse Edward the third for that having done homage to Philip the second hee awhile after layed pretences to his Crowne the pretension not arising since but before his doing of homage if the one bee excused the other ought to bee so likewise necessity inforced Edward he ran hazard not doing it to loose what ever he held in that Kingdome having as then neither forces nor intention to make his pretences nor is it likely he ever would have had without the favour of the Emperour Duke of Geldres and of his neighbouring Provinces Flanders Brabant Hannault Iuliers Leige and Collen I was willing to alleadge this Example passing by the many others which in like case I could produce for that I thought the sincerity of my pen did require it but the rest are not for all this to be excused There is no State so innocent but for what concernes promise and by no meanes excusable as this is besmeared with blemishes blacker then is the blackest Coale never to be washed off but by the Water of Oblivion and in that promiscuous generallity I accuse none I only accuse and condemne Reason of State the generall Idoll of all Governments Buchanan who upbraides the English with having undone whatsoever of good they had formerly done unto Iames by loding him with so insufferable a Ransome do's them much injury for neither does Hector Boetius blame them for it neither could Iames being a King be tax'd at lesse David one of his Predecessors paid the same summe to Edward the third and Iohn King of France three Millions of Gold besides the Provinces which he bound himselfe to restore so as there was no injury done to Iames being taxed with the like summe as a King of Scotland formerly was and so farre inferior to a King of France for what remaines the Fatherly and Brotherly piety of Henry the fourth and Henry the fift in giving him such instructions as made him prove the most famous and vertuous King that ever Scotland had frees them from all calumny and makes it appeare that since therin they had none of the common intrests of State spoken of but rather the contrary it did proceed meerly from the magnanimity of those two valiant and excellent Princes Ten thousand Souldiers were come from England to Paris just at such time as the French had made themselves Masters of two important places Compaigne equally distant from Paris and Amiens and Crotoi a place of consequence on the Sea side upon the Coast of Picardie The Earle of Suffolke was sent by the Regent to recover Compaigne accompanied by the Messieurs de Ligni and de Lilliadam with whom he incamped himselfe on both sides the River Oise incompassing the Walls thereof with Souldiers Trenches and Artillery to the end that he might the easelier and the sooner winne it but he was likely to have lost there many men and much time had it not beene for a happy exigent which hee luckily layd hold of Sir Iohn Falstaffe an English Knight had not many Dayes before taken Gerolumus Raymond surnamed Mariolanus Prisoner a valiant Captaine who having formerly commanded those Souldiers who were now shut up in Compaigne was by them passionatly loved Hee made him bee brought from Paris to the Campe and putting him in a Cart they presented him to the sight of the besieged with a rope about his Neck threatning to put him to death if they would not surrender themselves they had not much adoe to prevaile with them for those of the Fort thought it bootlesse to trouble themselves with the maintaining of a Fort which not being succour'd was to be lost they surrendred the Towne their Captaines life and liberty preserved and in their owne behalfes their Lives Horses Armes and Baggage Iames de Harcourt Charles his Lievetenant Generall for that Province was he who defended Crotoi one of his best and most inriched commanders this Man having lost Noel a Castell belonging to himselfe surrendred by those who did defend it and Rues a place not to be defended being abandoned had put himselfe into this Towne with intention to indure the Siege which Paul Butler an English Commander layd to it by Sea and Land by Shipping and Land forces brought from Normandy he defended it from Iune till the midst of October but both of them being weary not so much in respect of the time they had spent but for what in all appearance was of longer duration either for the ones atchievement or others succour capitulation was made for the surrendring of it up upon the third day of March ensuing alwayes provided if in the three first dayes of that Moneth the Regent nor those that should be by him sent to receive that place should not bee by him or some other of Charles his forces
Carriages and Prisoners and not without some difficulty defeated them 300. of them being left dead upon the place and 600. taken Prisoners amongst which their Conductors the rest saving themselves by flight Hallian and Argentres say that the number of the dead were 1400 a difference of no small consideration having obtained this victory hee passed on forwards hoping by the good luck hee had therein to take Auranches wherin he failed so as firing the Suburbs of St. Loe he returned to Mayne but fortune which ballanceth her adventures that shee may seeme to be just though indeede shee be not so did by contrary events put life into the one party and mortifie the other for the Bastard de Baume and Monsier de Craignar making the like incursions into the Countrey of Macone were unexpectedly met by Matthew Goches who having with him a number of English not inferior to them set upon them and did so behave himselfe as that the French were almost all slaine the Bastard of Baume having done all that a brave Souldier and Commander could seeing there was no other help clapt spurrs to his Horse to save himselfe but Goches who was upon as fleete a Horse as he overtooke him at the Castle Gate where he thought to have entred and tooke him Prisoner presenting him to the Earle of Salisbury who to incourage the rest did together with the Prisoner give him one of the best Horses he had The English possessed all Normandy except Mount St. Michael a Fort situated upon the top of a Mountaine in a little Iland named by the same name some two leagues distant from the continent and some three leagues from Auranches unaccessable and not to be wonne but by Famine they had layed siege thereunto debarring them of being come unto by any or of going forth themselves so as it was impossible to Victuall it the Sea being guarded by many Shipps the Duke of Britanny who could not brooke the losse thereof for feare least the English forces might advance to his prejudice not minding the late capitulations at Amiens resolved to rayse the siege the chiefe of this enterprise was Monsier de Beufort Admirall of Britanny the principall authors William Monfort Cardinall of Britanny and Bishop of St. Malo Messieurs de Limbour de Montalban and de Coutchen who having armed a good number of Ships in the Haven of St. Malo filled them with Souldiers and Bow men having made all this preparation with such secrecy as they were upon the Enemy before he was aware Terrible was the bickering navall fights not being subject to escapes or retreats and much lesse the English at this time blockt up by the Brittish Vessells and fast tyed by their owne Anchors they grapled together but came not to handy blowes by reason of the English Shipps fight so as having a long time labour'd with Weapons Fire and Arrowes the Britons who were well provided of Souldiers had the Victory over the English who were but meanly stor'd with men designed only for the safeguard of the Shipps they slew them almost all together with the Marriners and Pilotts some few only escaping by saile Argentres sayes that the besiegers seeing their Men lost and not daring to expect the Enemies landing fled away abandoning their Houlds had it beene so t' would have beene by the assistance of an ebbing Sea for otherwise being in an Island and without Shipps they could not have saved themselves The English Historians make no mention of this nor many French those that do write it thus that the Admirall of Britanny having sunke some of the English Vessells he gave chase to the rest and that the besieged joyning with those that came into their succour assaulted the besiegers defeated them and freed themselves from them but that escaping to Ardenon 3000. paces distant from the Mountaine they there built a Fort from whence issuing forth they had many skirmishes with the garrison and that the Baron Colonsus having agreed thereupon with those of the garrison came at an appointed time and slew above 200. English taking Sr. Nicholas Burdet Prisoner a rich and valiant Knight a Narration much differing from that of Argentres who relates it somewhat obscurely but yet ends it the rest giving it no end at all neither can it bee gather'd from them if besides the 200. that were slaine or 240. according to Giles any others remain'd besides they name not any one head in this expedition which they forget not to doe in businesses of lesse consequence This meane while Victories and losses were had by both sides but not equally worthy notice and therefore rather to be pointed at then described Iohn of Luxenburg besieged Guisse a place belonging to Renato D' Anjou Duke de Bar and Brother to the King of Sicily who forbore to succour it being so advised by the Duke of Lorraine his Wives Father for they should both of them have put their States in too great danger if they should have declar'd open Warre with two such potent Enemies as were England and Burgony so as they thought it the lesser evill to suffer it be lost then to hazard the rest the defendants did what they could to defend it under the command of Iohn de Proisi their Captaine but not being succour'd they surrendred the Towne it fell otherwise to Sadone in the County of Vertu which being besieged threatned and taken by force by the Earle of Salisbury met with the last of ruines being sackt and the Souldiers almost all slaine but such were the Burgonians Insolencies under Iohn de Luxemburg and so insufferable even to such as sided with the Duke as they resolv'd to make an Assembly at Roie where having consider'd their condition and expostulated their injuries they resolv'd to change sides but all would not doe so not that they did not desire it but for the danger they were likely to incounter those who declared themselves for Charles were Mussieurs de Longeville de St. Simone de Maillis de Reicourt and others some of which falling afterwards into the Enemies hands were severely put to death being this meane while all banished they furnish'd their owne Habitations and Governments with good garrisons entring into mortall Warre with the English and Burgonians to such as accused them of breach of faith they answer'd that it made more for them to have an open declar'd Warre then to indure the insolencies of such as under title of friendship and defence did every where commit injuries roberies and contumacies A good example to Princes not to suffer the Dogs which are to defend their Houses turne Wolves amongst their Flocks But the incorrigiblenesse of Military men proceeds not alwayes from them it is impossible that Souldiers be well disciplin'd in long and Civill Warres especially if their Commanders bee avaritious such inconveniences have been and will bee no remedy being to bee had for it For where Warres grow inveterate and where hatred together with damage doth increase humanity
taken care to assemble together such as were escaped hee had beene wholly destitute of Souldiers Steven de Vignolus called la Hire did the like for considering in what condition his King was without Souldiers Commanders and Princes of the bloud all of them being all most Prisoners to the English Hee quitted Vitres and other places in Champagnia to joyne his troopes with the others Charles had not any time before beene in a worse condition Monsieur de Rombarres deputed to the custody of Vernuille with 3000. men as hath beene said yeelded it up two dayes after comming all of them out of the Towne their Lives Armes Baggadge and Horses saved Hee likewise was of some comfort to the common apparent ruine The Duke of Bedford who after so happy successe had withdrawne himselfe to Roan and from thence to Paris sent the Lord Scales with 2000. men accompanied by Sr. Iohn Montgomery and Sr. Iohn Falstaffe to annoy Aniou and Mayne where though a number of Castles yeelded unto them yet this seeming but a small affaire the neighbourhood of these two Provinces being dangerous for the safety of Normandy and requiring greater effects the Earle of Salisbury with 10000. fighting men went to besiedge Mans the Metropolitane of Maine battering it in such a sort as throwing to the ground the Houses Walls and Toures thereof Hee wonne it to his obedience and giving the command thereof to the Earle of Suffolke and the Lieutenancy to Falstaffe hee passed forward to S. Susanna defended by Ambrogius de Lore assaying it on that side which hee thought fittest for assault but having got no good thereby the Walls being manifully defended Hee bethought himselfe how to have it without so much bloud Hee played upon it with his Ordnance two whole dayes together so as having layd flat its defences and reduc'd it to such a point as that it was not able to endure any other assault they were inforced to surrender paying some certaine monies and the Garrison comming forth onely in their Doublets their lives saved From hence he went too before Forte Barnardo where being advertis'd by the Gascons of Alansons Garrison how they had made agreement with Iohn de Villiers to sell unto him that place for 400. Crownes hee sent thither the Lord Willoughby and Falstaffe with 2000. Souldiers who surprised the purchaser whilst he thought to have made his entry with 200. Horse and 400. Foote which hee had brought to guard the place they slew him none of the rest escaping save 25. thankes to their Horses heeles The place which hee besieged being then yeelded up unto him together with a many more hee frighted France which thought fortune too partially favourable unto him At this time Edmund Mortimer Earle of March formerly deprived of his liberty died at Trimmes in Ireland whereupon his just and lawfull pretences fell upon Richard Plantaginet sonne to that Richard Earle of Cambridge who by the commandement of Henry the fift was beheaded at Antona wee shall shortly heare newes of his claime unfortunate to him the King and kingdom for though he turned England topsey turvy he did not notwithstanding compasse the government thereof the which was reserved with better fortune for his sonne This his death was accompanied by the death of Iohn Mortimer his Cousin who accused of treason to the scandall of all men suffered the punishment of the Law his faults being beleeved to bee calumnies and himselfe brought to so ignominious an end for that alone which by vulgar Politicians is called Reason of State The same resolution which as wee have said made the Duke of Glocester marry Iacoline of Baviers contrary to the Law made him likewise resolve to take up Armes against him who of all others was most requisite for the friendship of England neither could hee after the first errour forbeare committing of others for he was inforced to recover for her her possions injoy'd by the Duke of Brabant her legitimate husband the which hee now pretending himselfe to be the like must account his Neither thought he that he should neede any great forces since Hannault which was to be the seat of the warre was thought to favour him for the people of the Country had alwayes sided with their true and naturall Princes so as both of them imbarking themselves at Dover with 5000. fighting men conducted by the Earle Marshall they went to Calis Duke Philip according to appointment formerly made with the Duke of Bedford was come for this cause to Paris and after having friendly disputed it amongst themselves they framed an agreement to be accepted of by both parties the Duke of Brabant did not refuse to accept thereof but Iacolina and Glocester did who said they might goe to take possession of what was their owne without the interposition of others A resolution which did inwardly wound the brother who foresaw the evills that were to ensue thereupon and did touch Philip to the quicke being interessed in these states and Princes by neighbourhood and pretensions besides he thought Glocester did too little value him whilst the English ought rather to set an esteeme on him then on any other Neither did hee forbeare to say to Bedford that since his brother would not condescend to the agreement made between them two he was not to be blamed if he should imploy all the forces he had in the behalfe of Brabant against Glocester to the which Bedford knew not what to reply no reason being to be given for his actions who not respecting friendship equity nor publik interest is resolv'd to pursue his owne Caprichies Glocester passed through Artois into Hannault where he and his wise Iacolina were received with all expressions of obedience all the Lords and Gentry of the Country comming into their service except the Counts Conversan Angebert and Anguiere and Iohn de Iumont who were the onely men that with their Townes and Fortresses observed the oath they had formerly taken to the Duke of Brabant who growing more powerfull by reason of the concourse of men from Artois and Flanders for Philip had made it be proclaimed that such as were obliged to weare Armes should goe to his service he began the warre to the great incommoditie of the Country the which growing cooler towards their Princes would have shewed some effects had not not their places of chiefest importance beene in the power of the English Glocester did not beleeve that Philip would have opposed him but hearing of the Proclamations and seeing the effects hee made his grievance knowne unto him by letters which though in some sort modest yet were they not void of injury for he had let fall from his pen that in his Proclamations there were many untruthes whereupon Philip replyed that hee had taken upon him the defence of his Cousin the Duke of Brabant as by reason hee was obliged by accepting the Articles of that agreement which Glocester refused to doe whilst both law and conscience required that the deciding
condition that herein hee humbly intreated the Duke of Bedford and all the lords spirituall and temporall of that Parliament since they were the lawfull Judges for the administration of justice especially in this case and because the aforesaid letter written to the Duke of Bedford suffered a sinister interpretation hee interpreted it according to its naturall sence the end for which it was written not admitting of any other If this busines had hapened betweene private men or that it had beene judgeable where Lextalionis is practised it would not have beene so easily ended but being betweene two great Lords almost equall in authority bloud and followers and where hee who layes treason to anothers charge though calumniously undergoes no punishment but the hazard of single Duell the remedy was easy the condition of the times the necessity of peace at home and the evils which by doing otherwise were likely to ensue being considered for the cure of a Fistula differs from the cure of a wound the one as soone as cut must bee suddenly closed the other being newly made must bee kept open to the end it may purge But there was no probability in this accusation the 3. first articles though they had some shew yet was there no proofe of them and that appearance wiped away by a more solid recremination the fourth and fifth not to bee spoken of since the dead are not call'd to witnesse nor cited before Earthly Tribunals they were alleadged onely to make the party accused ill thought of not that there was any reason to condemne him for them Moreover it is not likely that in England where the accusation witnesses defence and judgement are all made in publique and in face of the Court an accessary should bee privately drowned by night the King not being advertis'd thereof the party not delivered up into the hands of justice nor confronted with his accuser whilest the Prince who could not love the Bishop seing the ill will hee bore him had so large a field to revenge himselfe in by Iustice not being withstood either by any interest of feare or want of proofe the case being cleare the guilty convinc't the fault inexcusable treason in the highest degree The order which was taken in this busines was to sweare all the Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall to proceed therein without passion and with secresy it was by them put over to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Dukes of Exceter and Norfolke the Bishops of Durham Worcester and Bath the Earle of Stafford the Lo. Privy Seale and the Lo. Cromwell who after having made them promise to stand to their judgements as well themselves as their adherents Glocester in the word of a Prince and sonne of a King and the Bishop in the bare word of a Priest they framed certaine words which they were to speake one to another causing them the King being present to come to the Parliament The Bishop seeming much grieved at the scandalous speeches layd to his charge pressed much either to bee declared innocent of what hee stood accused concerning the two last Kings since hee was not nor could not bee convinst thereof or else that he might be permitted to justifie himself and being gone out of the house to allow them time to consider hee was shortly after cald in againe and Bedford in name of the whole house sayd unto him that upon the examination of his request the King and all the Lords declared him to be an honest man and faithfull to both the Kings which declaration was ordered to bee regestred amongst the Acts of Parliament then saying the conceived words one to another and having shaken hands the businesse was ended and they pacified The King was willing to witnesse his gladnesse of this accord by solemne mirths and Court solemnities he created Richard Plantagenet sonne to the Earle of Cambridge beheaded at Antona Duke of Yorke This title ceased in this family through the death of Edward Plantaginet slaine in the battle of Aiencourt elder brother to the forenamed Earle of Cambride and not to bee ransomed by this Richard his nephew and next heire without his being restored in blood as now hee was this was hee who afterwards deposed the King and who was the first cause of exturpating the house of Lancaster having boldnesse enough to contest for the kingdome with him and to lay claime thereunto in full Parliament as wee shall hereafter see in its due place neither was hee likely to have arrived at so immense a bouldnesse had he not beene promoted to this honour and honord by those high places of trust which by the King he afterwards was But God governes things here below by meanes contrary to wordly reason for whilst men foolishly beleeve that good turnes make past offences be forgotten examples shew us that the correspondencies due to vertue and reason ought not to be expected from men but such as the interest of profit dayly produceth profit is that alone which surpassing vertue or reason spurnes at any other gratitude the which though it ought not alwayes to be supposed 't is notwithstanding a want in judgement to thinke otherwise in great offences especially such as were these of this Richard on whom no benefit being to be conferred which was not inferior to the kingdome usurped from him it was the chiefest of all others to chalke out vnto him the wayes to the conquest thereof and by conferring upon him honors riches and power to indow him with an ability of doing what he did An errour whereunto the best of men are onely subject who expect not that from others which they themselves would not doe this creation was accompanied with another of Iohn Moubray who being Earle Marshall was made Duke of Norfolke which title was unluckily enjoyed not above three yeares by his Father who died in Venice being banished for England the first yeare of Henry the fourth this solemnitie was concluded by the order of knighthood which the Duke of Bedford gave into the King accompanied by 35 great Lords or some of great Families and the liberall contribution which by way of subsidie was given in Parliament in consideration of the warre with France no one City being exempt from the payments of monies or raysing of souldiers At this time the Duke of Exceter died a man of great wisedome who having no sonnes made the King his heire though besides the Bishop his brother and the Countesse of Westmerland his Sister hee had by her a great many Nephewes Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke whom the Duke of Bedford had left his Lievtenant in France was not this meane while faultie in what belonged unto his charge for entring the County of Maine hee tooke there many townes and being returned to Paris met with this newes of his being chosen to the government of the King in place of the deceased Duke of Exceter though he went not into England till a good while after advancing in the meane while by
some small skirmishes 300. men that is as much as to say shee had taken Senlis if there had beene none but English there that the like befell her before Paris from whence shee retreated wounded in her legge In a word Sodome was spared as long as Lot stayed there but if it were so I see not any reason hee had to beleeve much therein since these contrary events shew the falshood of her revelations for since errour did ensue thereon they proceeded not from God from whom comes no errour and if hee will have them to bee true but not obeyed he will find that the Lord God delivered up a disobedient Prophet to bee the prey of a Lion and that hee tooke away his grace and kingdome from the first disobedient King The chiefe reasons which the French produce to prove her being sent by God are her requiring that sword which shee had never seene as placed in a Church where shee had never beene and her having said many things in secret unto the King which were never by him retold to any man the argument of the sword is very light for if her comming was by cozenage other things were effected by the same deceit without the which shee was not to bee beleeved in the principall but the diversity of writing of the place of the miracle of the rust which fell off of it selfe and of the diversity of the marke there is no man who will not account it a manifest signe of falshood I forbeare to mention in the necessity of this sword the supposall of somewhat of fatality according to the Ethnickes opinions and that France should bee delivered by the vertue thereof and not of other weapons smels of a Romansa and inchantment The Kings keeping her Counsell doth no wayes take from but rather aggravate the former suspitions Hee should have averr'd the fact at least after her death since such secrets appertain'd onely unto himselfe and were one day to bee knowne unlesse it were that taken up into the third Heaven as was Saint Paul shee had participated such things unto him as are not lawfull to bee told to man Finally to cry downe them for Hereticks who doe not beleeve in her is an apparant vanity wee are then infidels when wee have not that sanctified sense of faith to the which wee are by faith bound when the usuall and dayly workes of God which march under the name of nature are not received and admired by us as the workes of his omnipotencie and when wee doe not beleeve his extraordinary workes the which being at the same time supernaturall and yet visible as Miracles cannot bee denied without infidelity but such as doe or may depend upon humane cunning or wariness unlesse the proofes thereof bee more then evident wee may without any scruple of infidelity not onely doubt thereof but absolutely deny them The true causes why this was so strictly prest were two that which hath already beene sayd to raise up mens spirits to the end that out of the imagination of speciall help from Heaven they might undertake what their owne faintnesse made them give over the other that fraud being turn'd miracle Charles his pretences might bee declared just and Henries unjust for God doth not protect injustice Monstrelet describing her as doe the rest agrees with the English in that point of her having serv'd a long time in an Inne and that as shee watered Horses shee rid them without any manner of feare having abilities not usuall in that sex the which the French deny in words but in effect confesse when describing her entry into Orleans and arming her with white Armes they make her ride upon a Courser of the same colour whilest it is to bee supposed either that shee would not have knowne how to have govern'd him if shee had not formerly practised to â—…ide or els that shee did it by miracle to affirme it done by miracle is too much to abuse miracles by too profane boldnesse if otherwise it was a couzenage handsomely plotted to chuse out a Woman which knowing how to do things which other Women usually know not the simple sort were made to beleeve them as extraordinary not in the sexe but in nature The assembly of people and victuall's which were to bee brought into Orleans was made at Blois whither the maid came and marched on with the succour Her Standard was borne displayed before her wherein were painted three Angels one in one corner another in another with a flowre de Luce in their hand in the midst the image of the Virgin Mary opposite to the which stood the third which presented a flowre de Luce unto her Her intention was to enter fighting but the Conductors who did not beleeve it knowing that the greatest part of the besiegers were on Beaux side left that way and tooke the other of Soulogne as the more safe When they were come to the River they passed over their victuall's the English not stirring one foote and entred the City with great applause of the Citizens but the English say they made their entry by night favour'd by a darke season wherein it did both thunder and raine so as they were neither heard nor seene The chiefe Conductors returned backe to Blois to bring more victuall's and munition which yet remained there while the Bastard of Orleans sent for all the forces that were at Montargis Schattadune and other strengths there abouts with the which accompanied by the maide hee went to meet them and passing by the enemies forts none of the enemy budging they entred safely into the City the easines of this second succour ought not as I suppose bee ascribed to a miracle as well for that the like hath hapned upon the like occasions and in other places as likewise for that two things did facilitate it the one that upon the beleefe of the Maids being sent by God 7000. Voluntiers came flocking to them who without this would not have tane up armes for all that Charles could either have said or done unto them the other for that as some of them do write they were purposely let passe out of hopes that the City would the sooner bee famished by the increase of her number thus was it twice victualled the night in the former and the multitude of Souldiers in the second making the miracle by the meanes of who nor hoped for nor expected before the maide being to doe great matters shee as a Messenger from Heaven would first perswade her enemies peaceably to depart by this Letter translated and set downe in its owne naturall antient phrase as it is more succinctly registred by Serres KIng of England doe reason to the King of Heaven touching his bloud royall deliver up unto the Maid the keyes of all the good Cities you hould by violence shee is come from God to demand what is due to the bloud royall shee is ready for peace if you will doe her reason paying and quitting what you
possesse if you doe not this King of England I am the Head of Warre in whatsoever part of France I shall meet with your people I will drive them out will they nill they If they will obey I will receive them to mercy The Maid comes from the King of Heaven and if you will not obey her shee will make you so great an Hahai as the like hath not beene heard this thousand yeares in France for you ought firmely to beleeve the King of Heaven will give to her and her good Souldiers more force then you are likely to have goe to your owne Country in Gods name and bee not stubborne for you shall not hold France by permission of the King of Heaven Sonne of Saint Mary but King Charles the true heire shall hold it to whom-God hath given it and who shall enter Paris with a faire company You William Poole Earle of Suffolke you John Lord Talbot you Thomas Lord Scales Lieutenants to the Duke of Bedford and you Duke of Bedford who call your selfe Regent in the Kingdome of France spare the innocent bloud leave Orleans in liberty for if you will not doe reason to those you have done wrong unto The French will doc the bravest deed was ever done in Europe thinke well upon what God and the Maid sayes unto you No man will thinke it could produce any thing but laughter but by what soone ensued that laughter was turned to an other tone The Frenchmen say that the Trumpetter who brought the Letter was contrary to the law of Nations detained and that hee hardly escaped being burnt Chartier and Dupleix adde that after the siedge he was found in shackles which whither it was so or no I cannot tell for the English say nothing in this point and the French doe not all agree in one relation therefore let it bee lawfull for every one to beleeve as hee listeth but it is hard to beleeve if it were so that the rage of those who were driven away who formerly had a minde to burne him should not provoke them to kill him before they went since they did not depart in such hast as Chartier will have them to have done but that they might have time enough to have done it since it consisted onely in the striking of one stroake The besieged consulted what they had to doe being by the Maiden assured of certaine victory they resolved to begin with the Fort of Saint Lupe plac't over against the gate of Burgony and guarded by 400. Foote Fortune favoured their forwardnesse they set upon it the fourth of May with so much resolution as that though it were manfully defended it was after long contestation more manfully gotten the garrison was put to the sword the Fort burnt the Artillery and munition brought into the Citie and since Serres writes that the maid was the first that entred the towne crying Monjoy Saint Denis victory let us grant her this honour though the rest who speake of her as the head of the enterprise speake not one word thereof They left the towne the next day and tooke two Forts St. Iohn and Londre the first was easily taken the second not so easily where the Souldiers were cut in pieces and many French prisoners recovered the sixt day they assailed the tower upon the bridge defended by Gladisdale by them called Classidas and highly commended the fight continued from breake of day till Sunne set Gladisdale was slaine together with the Lord Merlin and Poinings and many Souldiers The maid was wounded with an Arrow betweene the necke and the backe but shee forbore not though to fight and to incourage her men Dupleix saith that the Bastard of Orleans seeing the stout resolution of the defendants would have sounded a retreate but being intreated to the contrary by her he did not That having retired herselfe to her Oraisons for halfe a quarter of an houre she returned more couragious then before emboldening the rest by her example and againe that shee having till then beene undervalued by the English they seeing her valour began now to thinke that there was somewhat more then humane in her which formerly they did not beleeve and that they were led to this by one of Merlins prophecies which foretold that they should be ruinated in France by the meanes of a maid To the first 't is answered that it was by him invented since that hee sayes that which others doe not the more to confirme the opinion of her pretended sanctity so the second that amongst all Merlins prophecies there is not any one such there is none of any understanding in England who doe not hold Merlins prophecies as invented tales the diversity of editions the one not agreeing with the other as every one of the compositors best liked his owne proves this clearely unto us but to leave generalls no historian mentions any such thing save himselfe so as the English could thinke no otherwise of the maid then as of an imposture chosen for that purpose neither is it they alone that doe beleeve this for the sharpest sighted of France did and doe beleeve it Things were brought to that passe as hath beene said to the besiegers great disadvantage so as the besieged pursuing their good fortune provided to invade such Forts as yet remained in the possession of the enemy the first was that of the Lord Talbot who not waiting for them lockt up within met them abroad fought with them and forced them to retire with the losse of some men and Artillery but this imported nothing to what remained to continue the siege was dangerous the Citie was free on the side of Soulogne the number of the enemie was increased and daily to increase more in number already then were they victualls could not be inhibited them to recover what was lost was impossible so as they resolved to rise from before the towne which was no sooner mention'd then put in execution but to take away all appearances that they should be driven away they resolved their Forts being forsaken to put themselves in battle array to expect the enemie to fight with them if they should come if not to retreat as they did for the French making them a bridge of gold by keeping within the Citie having expected them the greatest part of the day they marcht away in good order after seven monethes siege The Earle of Suffolke came with 400. men to Iergeau Talbot to Meune and the rest to other places Iohn Chartier sayes that at the end of the the siege there were left but 4000. of the English Serres sayes that they stole away by night in a squadron of 9000. and marched towards Baugences but since he is noted of falshood by his owne country men t is needlesse for me to endeavour to confute this flight by night for the rest relate it as we have done this was the end of the siege of Orleans A game blow for as in the losse there of Charles would have
the Cardinall Santa-croce about so holy a worke he came treated but did nothing at his first comming both parties seemed to bee well dispos'd their words in generall were complementall full of honest and good intentions but those which were in fact essentiall were high in demands resolute to keep what they had and obstinate in pretensions so as perceiving he did but loose his time that he might not returne home and doe nothing he concluded a Truce for six yeares which according as was foretold prov'd changeable and of short continuance the more needfull France was of rest and quiet the lesse prone was she to suffer it Monstrelet Chesnes and Dupleix say not that it was made with Henry but with Philip Polydore Hallian and Serres affirme it to be made with both Paulus Aemilius Chartier Belleforest and Giles doe not at all mention it The Cardinall of Winchester went by order from the King to allay some tumults raised there under pretence of Religion by two seditious spirits William Mandeville and Iohn Sharpe who indeavoured to insinuate two things into mens hearts that the Clergy should possesse nothing that the lay people should by way of charity have all things common amongst them a superfluous division the last article being sufficient for that which was pretended from the one was indifferently demanded of all the direct way to introduce carelesnesse and sloth amongst the people instead of Charity and to punish Industry vertue and all good acts They were severely punished their extravagant and contagious opinions ceasing with them The Cardinall was to returne to France with provision of Souldiers and mony the truce not thought likely long to continue whereupon a Parliament being called the Duke of Glocester tooke order for this busines as likewise to the concluding a peace with the King of Scotland who being troubled with home dissentions had sent Embassadors to demand it for it made little for his purpose to have warre abroad and at home whilst France as he beleeved had by meanes of this truce laid downe armes But I wonder that Buchanan and Ascu make no mention at all hereof The King and Regent were at Roan when the Cardinall came thither Consultation was had what was to be done the souldiers expence in time of truce as in time of war seemed superfluous to some the wisest amongst which the three Dukes of Bedford Yorke Sommerset did not onely diswade from lessoning the Souldiers but would have their numbers increased to the end that if a breach should happen as was expected they might have forces enough to end the enterprise or at least to make good what they had won for the ordinary provision did not resolve the war but did onely draw it out in length with danger of loosing what they with so much expence of blood and coyne had already won But the appearing good of sparing prevailed over the other more essentiall one though it was not afterwards put in execution the regulating of companies being deferr'd till the truce was broken The King this meane while went to Calais from thence to England where he was received with great solemnity and joy But the Souldiers sorry to live under the Lawes of France the Garrison of Calais accustomed to pillage mutinied not alleadging the want of pillage for their cause though it were so but the smal nesse of their pay not able to maintaine them the Regent hasted thither putting foure of the most seditious to death cashiering and banishing some and putting others in their place appeased the rest The Dutchesse his wife sister to Philip was some moneths before dead the onely preserver of that lukewarme intelligence which after so many ill satisfactions remained betweene them so as going to Terrovane he there married the daughter of Peter de Luxenburg Count Saint Paul one who was no great friend of Philips this he did not giving Philip any account at all thereof increasing the former distasts by the little account he seemed to make of him since being his Ally and confederate he had pretermitted those offices with him which among friends and Princes who are friends use not upon like occasion to be pretermitted the last occasion save one of severing him wholly from England According to the opinion of the wisest the truce in stead of six yeares lasted but six moneths Charles his people deprived of their pray and accustomed to Rapine could not live upon the ayre the greatest and worst part of them were handicrafts men and country people who wonted to the sword scorn'd to turne backe to the Plow Harrow and Pick-axe The first beginnings were pilferings and robberies from whence they came to the taking of men and setting them to ransome but this they did onely with the Burgonians till such time as having taken free libertie they shocked likewise against the English So as their insolencies causing reprisalls and those reprisalls incounters so as the Warre was as easily kindled againe as are firebrands which full of vapour and smoake sucke the flame unto them the parties offended knew they could not be righted but by armes and that all appeales as untimely refuges would bee ridiculous so as interchangeably and with the liking as I thinke of both parties they threw themselves upon all inconveniences The French took S. Valleri in the mouth of the River some confining upon Normandy a little distant from Abbeville seated on the other side of the River and with diversitie of fortune made many attempts and conquests in Aniou and Maine Ambrogius de Lore being gone from St. Scelerin with 700. men passed over the River Orne he went towards Caen to surprise the Faire which was held every Saint Michaels day before S. Stevens Church in the fields he divided his 700. he kept a 100. Crossebowmē and 50. Horse with himselfe with the which he placed himselfe betweene the Faire and Caen to beate back those of the Garrison if they should sally forth to hinder his designe He sent the rest to the place of businesse which succeeded luckily unto them for the English ignorant of what was done came not forth and none being in the Faire but buyers and sellers they found no opposition the booty was rich with which repassing over the Orne he made a scrutiny of the prisoners he detained such as were ransomable which were 800. and suffered the rest to depart home which were in number 2000. The Regent seeing that by the open breach of Truce Laignes hindred the commerce and victualls which were brought to Paris sent the Earle of Arundel to besiege it hee gave him 1200. souldiers and for his companions the Earle of Warwicks sonne and Monsieur de Lilleadam who was Marishall of France for Henry but little good could bee done his forces were but few and the place was well provided for so as having by Canon shot broken one of the Arches of the bridge which crossed Marne and burnt the Ravelin finding himselfe the weaker in
horse and those wearied resolved to set upon him before his bowmen should come up vnto him And to make the Earle the more confident hee sent forth 50. horse as if there had beene no more in the Castle The Earle sent Sir Ralph Standish with 100. horse to encounter them who had hardly begun the skirmish when the rest that were within the Castle sallyed forth slew him and his companions and without any interposition of time set upon the Earle who as hee was manfully fighting was defeated by a Culverin which being shot among the thickest of his men swept away a great many of them and at the second shot broke the Earles legge above his ankle who in a swound fell from his horse and was taken prisoner with Woodville and a hundred other horse Two hundred were slaine the rest saved themselves by flight The Earle was carried to Beauvois where within a few dayes hee died His losse was as much bewayled as his valour had hee lived was full of expectation and hope Hee was the fift Earle of Arundell of the noble house of Fitsallen Six others of the same succeeded him the last of which was Henry who dying without heires male the Earledome and the title fell upon Philip Howard eldest sonne to Thomas Duke of Northfolke and Mary his wife daughter to the said Henry This Thomas was father to the now present Earle of Arundell Earle Marshall of England who married the Lady Alithea daughter to Gilbert Lord Talbot Earle of Shrewesbury lineally descended from Iohnâ—…ord â—…ord Talbot of whom wee have spoken in this our story I was willing to â—…ist upon this particular here which I desire may not bee imputed to me as a superfluous digression but rather to the gratitude which from mee and all Italy is due unto them both Tenne yeares were past since the battaile of Aiencourt where and since when the Duke of Bourbon was prisoner in England when having payed his ransome of 18000. pounds sterlin the very day destinied for his returne hee was seized upon by his last infirmitie which brought him to his grave dying a free man after having lived so long a captive The confederacy friendship and affinitie of the two Couzins Bedford and Burgony were come to the period of their dissolution not so much for the death of the ones wife the others sister as for that the distasts caused by divers passages betweene them had afforded field-roome to such as desired a breach betweene them to whisper such tales in both their eares as being supposed to be spoken in the prejudice of each other could by neither of them be taken in good part but with a great resentment of their honours an Idoll which amongst imaginary deities especially betweene Princes is the most supreame though as too suspitiously false sometimes with much losse too much idolatrised friends enterposed themselves but 't was not sufficient the gangren'd sores of their soules were not to be cured by Lenities A meeting betweene them was treated of out of hopes that by an enterview and speech together they might come to understand one anothers minde better then by reports 't was obtained Saint Omers was named and agreed upon for the place A place which belonging to Philip redounded to his honour since Bedford went to him not he to Bedford Bedford came thither first whilst Philip being in his owne dominion and his owne house should have beene there to have met and welcomed him But hee was so farre from doing this that though he came last he pretended to be the first visited Perhaps a just pretension in a neutrall place hee being the last commer thither For as for other respects which give precedency to Princes there goes not much difficultie to the deciding of the question Bedford had two which argue for his precedency the one casuall and but for a time the other borne with him and whereof hee could not bee bereft His regency of France was that which was casuall and therefore I build not upon it as well for that Philip might have beene regent if hee had so pleased though what might have beene gives place to what is as likewise for that France held it an unjust usurped dignity though hee ought not to esteeme it so who held Henry for King of France for that that was borne with him and whereof hee could not bee bereft Bedford was the Sonne Brother and Uncle of a King And tooke these prerogatives from him superiour without question to any thing that Philip could alledge they were in their genealogies equall For if Iohn King of France were great Grandfather to Philip Edward the third King of England was the like to Bedford and if any difference bee made betweene the Princes of the bloud in France and the Princes of the bloud in England where there is no such title by Law the former being priviledged by the pretended Salique Law the latter not since women doe succeede t is a reason whereof Philip ought make no use since that Law was by him broken and so much the lesse against Bedford as that if Henry should dye without heyres hee was the next presumed heyre to the Crowne In titles they were alike in soveraignty and peculiar power Philip was before him But if soveraignty were ever to precede there are little soveraigne Lords and no Princes who should take place of great Princes who are no soveraigne Lords and power which contributes advantage doth nor contribute degrees of dignity But let all bee granted civility will not permit the affecting of the best place in a mans owne house but rather wils that it bee given alwayes to our equals yea sometimes to our inferiours To end this difference Philip propounded that the businesse might bee discust by third persons which Bedford would not condescend unto so as parting without the sight of one another their friendship was broken and all memorials of their former affinity were cancelled wherein if the English lost all hee got not much for one would thinke that in the fall of this great tree hee should have seized upon one of the greatest boughes for himselfe the which if hee had not formerly done the fault was his since he by their assistance which did divert those who might have troubled him obtained territories else-where to the unjust and violent possession whereof I meane Hannault Holland Zeland and Frisland he had never come their naturall Princes being alive if France had beene at liberty Hee had sundry times given fast signes of this his bad inclination especially when notwithstanding the heate of warre hee was contented that his brother in law the Count de Richmont should receive the sword of Constableship and that Charles de Bourbon the now Duke a great sider with King Charles and an implacable enemy of the English should marry his sister Agnis powerfull meanes for the accommodation which his delayes did not cut off but deferre Hee had thus two strings to his bow Moreover when the councell
it would bee a greater shame to France to shew her selfe cruell to his bones who whilest hee was alive none durst oppose that hee was sorry that the memoriall was no more stately and that none was to bee found answerable to so great a worth none of the Sonnes of Henry the fourth did degenerate a thing not usuall in so large a family Henry the fifth dyed gloriously in the pursuite of his conquests the Duke of Clarence valiantly fighting and though Bedford of a naturall death and Gloster of a violent yet dyed they not with lesse fame then did the others so as nature having done her utmost in them if shee failed in the present Henry it is not to bee wondered at for having clade him with a rich shirt of goodnes shee was scant unto him in an upper roabe of reall vertues and of fortune Bedford being dead a new choise was made of who should succeed him of two that pretended thereunto the Duke of Yorke bore away the bell whereat the Duke of Somerset was scandalized who being the Kings cousen thought to have beene preferred before him but the councell was of an other opinion Yorkes true pretences unto the Crowne though at that time not spoken of was perhaps the cause why they would not discontent him Somerset finding no other remedy endeavoured the hindring of his dispatch to the common losses for Paris and the chiefest places which the English held in France were in this interm lost which would not have hapned if hee had had his dispatch time enough Disadvantages which infant Kings are usually subject unto who governed by many and shared by the emulation of great ones cannot favour private interests without disfavouring the publique to the ruine of King and Kingdome Yorke seemed not to take notice of these practises a dissimulation which caused an inward impostumation in him wherewith Somerset being afterwards infected it in a few yeares after brought them both to immature end In the same month of September Queene Isabell mother to Charles King of France and Katharine Queene of England dyed in Paris shee was buried by the side of her husband in Saint Denis without any funerall pompe the times not suting with such like solemnities shee lived not much esteemed of by any no not by the English which made them undergoe the imputation of ingratitude though without reason since nature hath endued us with a secret not well understood light which cleer's unto us all ambiguities so as the imagined good which is not is will wee nill wee not taken by us for good No man denies but that ingratitude is of all vices the most abominable but neither is it to bee denyed that benefits sprung from charity or any other species of courtesie and love not from ostentation or interest are those alone which denominate an ungratefull person Isabels good turn's had their rise from selfe interest if shee sided with the English 't was to side against her sonne shee favored them not as friends but as instruments of her revenge her daughters marriage was from the like cause shee loved her as having beene her companion in her misfortunes but t is not likely shee would ever have sought her advantage to the injury of Charles had shee not hated him shee confounded the World ruinated her Kingdome disinherited her owne bloud and out of dispight not any inclination favored the enemy so as if the English seemed not to bee over gratefull to her it was because her benefits were none of those which conduce to gratitude The rebellion of Normandy was one of the first evill effects caused by the death of the Duke of Bedford for seeing herselfe freed from that chaine which held her in obedience to England shee gave her selfe up unto the French Charles de Marest accompanied by the Marishall de Rieux Messieurs de Bousack and Longaville two houres before day scalled the Walles of Diepe neere to the Gate and met with no opposition by reason of the intelligence they held within the Towne hee had the like successe in forcing open the Gate which leads to Roan through which the Marishall and all his People being entered hee made a stand in the market place crying out according to the military custome of France the City is taken these acclamations awakened those who slept who with stones and dartes made some short defence but they were forced to give way to the last commers there were but few that were slaine The Lieutenant Mortimer with some few others saved himselfe the rest remained prisoners together with such Citizens as had almost affectionately favored the English their goods were ransackt but not theirs who were willing to receivè the oath upon the newes of this acquisition Anthoni de Chabanus Sentraglie Estouteville and many other Lords with betweene three and foure thousand horse came thither to whom one Kernier a leader of the common People followed by 6000. of the Country-people joyned himselfe and all of them did willingly take the oath being marched forth into the field with these and many other Gentlemen of the Country which daily flockt unto him Fescan yeelded it selfe up unto him on Christmas eve and on Saint Stephens-day Monsieur Villiers the Gnascoigne Captain who commanded there having revolted hee assaulted Harfluer but being beaten back and forty of his men slaine whilest hee put himselfe in order for a second assault the Inhabitants capitulated to surrender up the Towne upon condition that the English garrison which consisted of 400. men should be suffered to depart peaceably with all their goods Beccrespin Tancharville Gomesseule Loges Vallemont Graville Longerville Neneville Lambraville and other Townes did the like Upon this flood of fortune the constable Richmont arrived to whom Carles Mesull Aumerle and many other Townes yeelded themselves all which having Garrisons put into them he with-drew himselfe for want of victualls the rest doing the like So as in a short time Normandy was dismembred of the greatest part of the Country of Caux the English were not now to defend themselves against one onely enemy The treaty at Arras as pointed out unto them a second viz. Philip and though warre was not yet declared betweene them they forbare not to bethinke themselves how they might prejudice each other the Garrisons of Callais and the adjacent parts had a designe upon Ardres and those Burgonians which were in the Country of Ponitean upon Crotoi designes wherein they both failed The low Countries were not well pleased with this Breach for the losse they thereby received by want of commerce having acquainted Philip with the importancy hereof they prevailed so farre with him as to permit them endeavour the continuation of peace Iohn of Luxenburg Count de Ligni who had not yet revolted from the English was thought fittest for this imployment hee writ hereof to his Brother the Archbishop of Roan one of Henries chiefest Counsellors in France who writ over into England where the proposition being
father Iohn was in the like manner abandoned before Mondediere And as for the Flemmish Authors Meierus Henterus and Petit if I understand them aright they say no such thing and Speede an English Authour sayes that Philip was excused by many out of reasons suffiently probable Glocester came to Callis as some say with 300. as others with 500. vessells loaded with 25000. Souldiers finding the enemy gone entered Flanders meeting none that did oppose him he tarried not to besiege any place but burning and destroying where e're hee went put all to ruine great was the prey hee made especially of beasts He burned Popernence Bailleul Chasteauneufe Rimesture and Vallor-Chappule he dismantled many Castles forsaken by their Garrisons till weary of going about and wanting bread hee retired to Guienes and from thence to Callais Many women at the price of a peece of bread recovered the ruines of their houses the scarcity of bread was the cause of much sicknesse in the Army But Glocester having onely selfe interest for his occasion hee returned to England where he found new troubles appeased first by danger and then by the death of the King of Scotland King Iames had married his daughter Margaret to Lewis the Dolphin whereat England was distasted since this affinity could but not be prejudiciall to her so as the two nations being netled began to endamage each other the Scots pretended a double injury that England had endeavoured to hinder the Brides passage into France since not able to breake the marriage they would have interrupted it by taking taking her prisoner and that the Earle of Northumberland unprovoked had assailed the confines of Scotland Vpon these dislikes Iames commenc't the warre and went with 30000. men to besiege Rosburg This place was commanded by Sir Ralph Gray who though hee did valiantly defend it yet was not hee the occasion of the Kings raising the siege nor yet the succour which the Earle of Northumberland was to bring him 't is likely some more urgent occasions was the cause thereof the true reason then was his wives hasty comming unto the Campe who being a woman and a Princesse would not have hazarded herselfe at such a time without some urgent occasion which since it doth belong unto the story I will take leave shortly to relate it shee came to advertise him of a conspiracy that was plotting against his life which caused him raise the siege to prevent it though his intentions did not succeede for blowes from heaven are not to be evaded Walter Earle of Atholl his unckle was chiefe of this conspiracy wrought thereunto by wicked ambition which lay lurking in him many yeares before 'T was he that had incited Robert Duke of Awebeny to kill Prince David that hee might serve this Iames with the same sawce had not his father sent him away had he beene saved by being prisoner in England his designe was when these two Princes should be murthered himselfe to kill Robert and his sonne that hee might without any competitor remaine the sole heire unto the kingdome and 't was not unlikely to have fallen out according to his wish for Robert after so many detestable wickednesses grew to be hated by all men But Iames his preservation having broken both their designes it tooke life againe in him alone When Robert being dead Mordecay his sonne and the sonnes of Mordecay executed after Iames his returne to Scotland none stood betweene him and the accomplishment of his tyranny but the very King neither did hee beleeve that the people would be thereat displeased for Iames had mightily distasted the people by putting a great taxation upon them for the Fleete which did conduct his daughter to her husband which was by many of them denyed and but unwillingly paid by the rest In so much as though Iames had given order to the Collectors to gather no more monyes and to restore what already had beene collected to those that gave it yet did hee not sufficiently sweeten them for such favours as are caused by necessitie doe not content the people but that which did the most of all offend them was his unexpected rising from before Roseburg for having beene at great expence for this enterprise and no man guessing at the reason of his quitting it it could allow of no good construction Atholl was the chiefe actor in this Tragedy but would not bee seene therein till he appeared as King not as guilty His chiefest instruments were two bold Roberts the one his owne Grandsonne the other of the Family of the Griâ—…es the former drawne by his Grandfathers authoritie and his hopes after him as being his heire the other out of an eager desire of being revenged upon the King by whom he reputed himselfe doubly injured for having long before for some misdemeanors beene imprisoned and banished the King had lately taken from him the guardianship of a nephew of his which was falne unto him by his brothers death The Queene had discovered the conspiracy but not the conspirators so as the King using all possible dilligence to find them out made them hasten the effecting of their businesse for feare of being discovered he had withdrawne himselfe together with his wife and some familiar friends without any guard to the covent of preaching Friers neare to the walls of Pearth amongst which was one of the conspirators named Iohn whose Sir-name I find not written The Traitors entred into the Friery rewarding the Porter and being come into the Kings Ante-chamber and met not with any body they stood expecting that the said Iohn should open the doore that they might enter without noise when one Walter Stretton came forth for some businesse concerning the King who seeing so many armed men and not able to get backe cryed Treason treason but him they instantly slew and ran unto the doore and found it shut by one Katherine Douglas a Lady worthy remembrance This Lady missing the great Barre wherewith the doore was wont to be shut and which was purposely hid away by Iohn supplied the place thereof with her owne Arme but they forced open the doore and brake her Arme they slew all that withstood them the King was slaine with 28. wounds the Queen who when her Husband fell fell upon him to serve him for a Buckler so as she could not easily be dragg'd from him received two wounds and Patrick Dunbarre brother to the Earle of the March who defended the King as long as he was able was left for dead sorely wounded and his fingers struck off This cruell treason was forthwith divulged every where filling all mens mindes with horrour and pitty those who formerly hated the King did now celebrate him they called to minde how he had passed all his life in afflictions his childhood practised upon his unckle his youth bittered by imprisonment his Kingdome annoyed with perpetuall seditions and now slaine in a Court of government the most moderate and most just that ever Scotland enjoyed there
was not any Lord though never so farre off who did not hasten to revenge this death all the actors whereof were it out of their overdaring confidence or did it onely proceed from the will of God were taken brought to Edenburgh and severally punished The three principalls Atholl his Grand-sonne and Graines were the last reserved for punishment and all of them suffered death I know not whether more examplary or cruell Atholls punishment was divided into three dayes suffering the first day he was led through the Citie in a Cart wherein was framed the forme of a Crosse in wood with a pully at the top of it with a rope fastned to it wherewith his hands being fastned behind him and hee all naked having his privy parts onely covered hee was at certaine appointed places drawne up to the toppe of the pully having leaden waights at his heeles within two foote of the ground and after having had many of these draughts hee was set in a Scaffold and had a crowne of red hot Iron set upon his head a punishment invented as they say for that he was once foretold by a Sorceresse that hee should one day be crowned King in the concourse of a great many of people the which whether it be true or no or whether beleefe ought to be given to such predictions I leave it to be decided by the learned the knowledge of things to come belong properly to God alone and if it should bee granted that the divell have some share herein by his observation of the Starres and their Aspects wherein he may be a great master being Coetanean with the Plannets and immortall yet should I thinke him altogether ignorant herein were it not contrary to the schoole of Theologists who say that by sinning hee lost what hee had received by favour not what was naturall in him I should resemble him to a cancelled writing for perfection of knowledge which was naturall in him being a Species of beatitude there doth no beatitude belong unto the damned but allow the opinion of the Schooles wee may affirme that his knowledge of things to come being uncertaine and conjecturall as are all such things as depend upon the like principals hee doth not communicate them but by uncertainties and equivocation Athols prediction proved this unto us since pronounced in a sense of exaltation and glory it proved to bee base and infamous but formy part I beleeve these predictions are invented when things have succeeded one part of the World delighting in being deceived the other in deceiving and seeming wise by affirming what is not The second day hee was laid upon a hurdle and drawne at a horse taile through the chiefe streetes of Edenbourough The third day hee was laid upon a table his Belly ript up his Bowels throwne into the fire his Heart torne out and burn't his Head cut off his Body quartered and his Quarters sent to the foure chiefe Cities of Scotland his Grand-sonne faired the better for his being young and set on by his Grand-father hee was onely hanged and quartered Robert Grames was put naked into a Carte had his hand wherewith hee slew the King fastned to a ladder erected therein was pincht with hot yrons in all the parts of his Body his vitall parts excepted and then quartered England was grieved at the death of this vertuous King though her enemy but not thereby incommodiated for Iames the second not being past seven yeares old was not of age enough to annoy any one hee himselfe being sufficiently annoyed by the ambition of such who strove to bee his Governour I observe one thing remarkeable in the story of Scotland that of one hundred and eight Kings that have raigned there our gratious King Charles that now raignes not comprehended in the number 54. have dyed naturall deaths 49. have come to violent ends by misfortune conspiracy and battells and for the other five which remaine to make up the number one renounced the Kingdome and foure fled from thence and were banished so as if you will account them happy who come to naturall ends and number the five who did not dye Kings amongst the unhappy the number of happy and unhappy is equall each of them making 54. the like will not bee met withall as neither the succession of so many Kings in any one Kingdome or any Kingdome of Europe After the havock Gloster had made in Philips territores both parties drawne either by the perswasion of friends or commodity of trading were drawne to treat of truce at Gravelein whither for Henry went the Cardinall of Winehester the Duke of Norfolke the Earle of Stafford with others verst in law and busines and for Philip the Dutchesse his wife the Bishop of Arras Monsieur de Croy and others a truce was concluded in the name of the Dutchesse Philip not being so much as named therein which caused two opinions either that Henry would not treat with him as being a perjured man and a breaker of former agreements and therefore not better to bee now expected from him or els that it was a peece of cunning in Philip not to cause jealously in Charles and that it might bee lawfull for him to undoe what was there done when it might turne to his advantage since wives promises doe not oblige their husbands which of these was the true cause it is hard to say neither doth it much import the onely certainty is that it lasted but a while The death of Queen Katharine mother to King Henry hapned at the same time who being left a widdow in her time of youth and without hope of marrying her selfe otherwise did secreetly marry Owen Tewdor a young Gentleman of Wales whose laudable parts added to the Noblenes of his birth for hee was descended from Cadwallader the last King of the Britons moved her to take him for husband by him shee had three sonnes and one daughter the sonnes names were Edmond and Iasper the third sonnes name who became a Benedictine Frier is not exprest as neither the Daughters name who became likewise a Nun the two first being brothers by the mothers side to King Henry were by him created Earles Edmond of Richmond Iasper of Pembrooke Edmond who did marry Iane the onely daughter and heire of Iohn Duke of Somerset was Father to Henry the seaventh but Katharine being dead Owen was questioned for marrying a woman that had such relation unto the King without his consent whereupon Gloster having caused him two severall times to bee imprisoned and hee having twise made an escape the third time hee was caught and lost his life But this is not the common opinion of Authours as wee shall see George Lille layes hee was descended from a base originall and toucheth no other particulers Meirus makes him the Bastard of an Alehouse keeper in Walles Katharnes Taylor and very lately married by her to the end that the children shee had by him might by her marriage bee made legitimate Belleforest affirmes
the same I cannot imagine where Lille can have had this if not from Meirus none of all the English Writers I have met with having so much as dream't thereof Belleforest by alleadging Lille and Meirus and giving word for word what Meirus saith doth plainely shew hee had it from him and from whence Meirus had it it is not hard to guesse since hee was a Dutchman his Author was Margarita the Sister of Edward the fourth second wife to Charles Duke of Burgandi Philips son Of all women that ever were she was the most passionately given to the faction of her owne family for if shee had a hand in the false supposition of an Edward Plantagenet and afterwards by her owne invention did suppose the sonne of a Iew turned Christian to the end that he might personate the Duke of Yorke when he together with his brother Edward the fifth was smoothered in the Tower and so trouble the affaires of Henry the seaventh as wee shall hereafter see t is no wonder if shee invented this Genealogie to defame him and make him to bee by the World despised besides it is not likely that a young Queene Dowager lately come into the Kingdome who neither had had time nor occasion to raise herselfe a faction in the Kingdome without regency or authority without meanes either to punish or reward should be so long permitted to live in so dishonest a manner not onely in the face of her sonne a milde youth but in the fight of her too powerfull and sensible brother-in-lawe of the nobility and all the Kingdome for it is not to bee supposed that the Court could bee hud winckt in foure great bellies shee was therefore undoubtedly married and her marriage wincked at by reason of her husbands birth which though it was not answerable to her present condition yet to be tollerated in respect of his fore fathers for nobility doth not lose it priviledges for want of fortune and want of worth which hee wanted not if wee may beleeve them who were likely to have better testimonials thereof then Meirus and if hee were put to death which is not certain it was not for his basenes of birth but for his offence in having dared contrary to the lawes to marry the Kings mother Queene Katharine was followed in her death and imitated in her marriage In death shee was followed by Queene Iane daughter to Charles the second surnamed the wicked King of Navar Dowager to Henry the fourth King of England and before him to Iohn the fourth Duke of Britanny by whom shee had Iohn the now present Duke and Arthur Count de Richmond Constable of France In her marriage shee was imitated by Giva Colinia daughter to the late Count Saint Paul who for fancy sake like her did marry Sir Richard Woodveil afterwards created Earle Rivers without acquainting her brother the now present Count St. Paul therewithall nor yet her uncle the Bishop of Tirrovane and as from Katharines marriage Henry the seaventh did proceed and all the Kings that have succeeded him even till this present day so from Iacholinus marriage did Elizabeth wife to Edward the fourth proceed from whom came Elizabeth wife to Henry the seaventh the first mother of the Kings of England and great Britanny they were both French women married to two brothers alike in resolution and fortune so as if those that blame them could have foreseene their succession they would have commended them for bad actions are stiled good by their happy events In the last insurrections in Normandy the English had lost Harfluer a losse of great consequence for the preservation of that province the Duke of Somerset went to besiedge it and to recover it accompanied by Faulkonbridge and Talbot Estouteville commanded there in chiefe with a Garrison of 600. Souldiers and though the Towne did suffer much by battery the walles being thereby defaced and the houses beaten downe yet could they not come to an assault The Bastards of Orleans and Burbone presented themselves before it in the way of succour and did on all sides molest the besiedgers hoping by disordering them to succour the Towne but not succeeding therein they abandoned the enterprise The Duke of Somerset got as much honour in the winning of this Towne as shame in the losse of it for having wonne it in the Duke of Yorkes regency hee not long after lost it in his owne Tancherville yeelded it selfe likewise to Talbot after a siedge of foure monthes as did also Beauchastaean and Maleville Charles on the other side having past the Loire with the Constable and Count de Marsh did by assault take Chasteau Landone hanging up all the French they found there Charni and Nemours yeelded themselves up unto him hee battered the Towne of Monteaâ—… till such time as Thomas Gerard who did defend it sold it to him for a summe for mony so say the English not Chartiere who saith hee wan it by force so as the Castle afterwards yeelded all the French wherein were hanged and the English set at liberty at the Dolphins request from thence hee went to Paris where having not beene since it returned to his obedience hee made his entry with great solemnity and acclamation all these losses hapned in the interim when the Duke of Yorke being called from his regency and the Earle of Warwick appointed in his place no man thought how to regaine them for Yorke being out of authority and Warwick seaven weekes weather bound so as hee could not passe into France for lack of winde this was the cause why Monstreau without any further contestation yeelded it selfe unto Charles Yorke during all the time of his regency in Normandy was not personally present at any act of Warre saving at the taking in of Fescampe yet at his departure hee left the fame of a wise and just Man Florimand de Brimaâ—… Balieffe of Pontieu had private advertisement that the Fort of Crotoi was ill provided of victuall and not likely therewithall to bee supplied if it were beguirt with an unexpected siedge Hee advertised Philip hereof who suddenly dispacht away Messieurs de Achi Crovi Kenti Iaques de Brimeau Boudlers Lavense and Graen with good forces to besiedge it but hee did not provide for the most essentiall thing which was to block up the heaven for it had not victualls wherewithall to sustaine it selfe for 8. dayes The Garrison which feared nothing but hunger an engine against which there is no defence finding the Sea open sent forth a vessell which by severall returns freed them from the pressing affaire and were no wayes affraid of being otherwise oppugned The Burgonians were too lateaware of their errour so as manning forth foure ships they tooke from them the liberty of the Sea and there land forces were daily augmented Philip was come for this purpose to Hedine and leavied new forces in Hannault and Piccardy This Fort was a place of great consequence a Sea haven the inlet into Picardy
months and halfe a siege Reolle a City seated upon the River of Garrone seaven leagues distant from Burdeaux was taken by force but when Charles returned into France the English repossessed themselves of Ayes and Saint Leverine and kept Ayes but lost Saint Leverine which was retaken by the Count de Fois their great enemy in an other part the Towne of Galerdonne did much molest Shartres as being neare unto it in so much as the Bastard of Orleans did besiege it but raised the siege when Talbot having taken Conches came to confront him and Talbot being assured that it would againe bee set upon as soone as the Bastard was gone did demolish it to the very ground whilest businesses went thus in France the ground works of Glocesters ruine were laid in England who relying upon his quality was not aware that his brothers death had lessened that authority which was due to him as Uncle to the King and Protector of the Kingdome whereupon provoked by his antient hatred of the Cardinall of Winchesters pride hee laid many faults unto his charge wherein though there might bee some likelyhood yet were not his proofes sufficient to convince him hee objected unto him 24. Articles some of which touched likewise upon the Archbishop of Yorke that hee had dared to doe many things without the authority of the King or him the Protector to the offence of Majesty and of the lawes to the end that in honour and dignity hee might proceed wheresoever els of greater degree that to enrich himselfe hee had defrauded the Exchequer and practised things prejudiciall to the affaires of France and that hee had beene the cause of the King of Scots liberty contrary to the interests of England there were the contents of his most waighty objections which were by the King referred to the Councell and the Councell consisting much of Ecclesiasticall persons the Duke was deluded not with oppositions or difficulties but with hopes promises till such time as the controversie falling into oblivion there was no more speech thereof hee had plunged himselfe into this busines upon extraordinary disadvantage his nature and the Cardinalls were too much differing for being more violent then revengefull and satisfied in that hee had vented his choller hee did not sollicite expedition whilest so harmefull carelesnes made him subject to bee despised and encouraged the Cardinall to revenge This great Prelates ambition was growne so high as that hee did pretend that King and Kingdome depended upon his directions wherein hee did so artificially behave himselfe that though his actions were blameable and unjust yet did they to all men seeme praise worthy and just dissimulation and cunning are the characters of a wary Courtier but not of a good Christian as simplicity and candour are of no use but of more danger to Princes then private men Henry and Gloster lost themselves for not having taken the other Councell the Cardinall did with the Duke as doth a well experienced Captaine with a Fort who not battering the Wall undermines the foundations being sure that the Battlements and Walles withall fall at once without any hazard to himselfe the foundations were the Dukes reputation which falling it behooved him to fall hee caused Elianor Cobham Dutchesse of Glocester to bee accused of treason witchcraft and enchantment for having made the Kings image in wax purposing that the King should consume away and perish as that image should doe to the end that the Duke her Husband might come unto the Crowne her complices were Thomas Southwell one of Saint Stephens Canons in Westminster Iohn Hum a Priest likewise Roger Bullenbrook reputed a great Negromancer Margery Iordan surnamed the Witch of Eie they were examined and convinced in Saint Stephens Chappell before the Archbishop of Canterbury the Dutchesse was sentenced to do publike pennance in three severall parts of the citie and to perpetuall imprisonment in the Isle of Man Iohn Humme was pardoned the other Priest they say did die the night which did immediatly preceede his punishment according to what he had prognosticated of himself that he should die in his bed The Witch was burnt in Smithfield and Bullingbrooke being drawne at a Horses tayle to Tyburne was hanged and quartered whether this imputation were true or no may be disputed by reason of Iohn Hummes being pardoned and Bullingbrookes constant affirmation at his death that no such wickednesse was ever imagined by them how ever it was this businesse was in it selfe so shamefull and scandalous as the Duke did not any wise meddle therein but patiently endured the affront and the being parted from his wife The losses which this meane while were suffered in Guienne made Henry resolve to send thither some little succour till such time as hee could provide greater Sir William Woodvile was dispatcht away with 800. men and Proclamation made that whosoever would transport any victuals thither should be exempted from all taxations which caused so much provision be sent thither as did supply the necessitie of that Province which being environed enemies could not make any use of the adjacent countries Talbot was likewise dispatcht away with 3000. Souldiers into Normandy and that he might goe with honour answerable to his deserts he was by the King created Earle of Shrewsbury a title which had not beene made use of for 340. yeares from such time as William the Conquerour having bestowed it on Robert Montgomery who came together with him from Normandy and who had but two that did succeed him It fell upon the person and family of Talbot who have injoyed it the space of a 190. yeares with a successive descent of ten Earles Whilest these provisions were made in England Count Armignac proffered his daughter for wife to Henry together with all the places which hee or his predecessors either by their owne acquirement or by gift and investment from the Kings of France had possessed in Gascony together with monies and assistance in the recovery of such places as were detained from him by Charles by Monsieur d'Albret and others of that Province till such time as hee should be intirely Duke thereof as anciently he was of Aquitane the councell did well approve of these offers and Embassadours were sent unto him but this businesse was not nor indeede could not be handled with so much see resieas to be kept from Charles his eare who caused notice to be given unto him for his personall appearing at the Parliament to be holden within 15. dayes at Tholouse and from thence at Paris That which mooved the Count to this offer to boote with his ambition of having his daughter a Queene and his dislike for not having a share in Court answerable to his greatnesse and his fathers great deserving was his desire to appropriate to himselfe the county of Comminges whereunto he layd pretence Iane Countesse of Comminges daughter to the Count of Bullen and Comminges and widdow to Iohn Duke of Berny who married her when
she was but 13. yeares old and he himselfe above 50. was married a second time to Matthias Count de Castelbuono of the house of Fois who had by her one daughter but being hardly handled by her husband she made a will whereby she made King Charles her heire in case her daughter should die without lawfull heires for the which her husband shut her up in prison when she was fourescore yeares old upon this her daughter dyed and Charles having his hands full else where Matthias maintained by the Count de Fois and by agreement with Count Armignac both his cousen smade himselfe master of many places of that County Amignac doing the like who laid pretences thereunto the King who was obliged to assist Iane and desires to enjoy in his due time the inheritance that was given him commanded her husband to present her at Tholouse where asperation between her him being declared halfe the county was assigned over to her the other half reserved for the kings use but she dying some three moneths after and Count Armignack having usurped many places Charles sent the Dolphin against him so as being abandoned by Count Perdriak his brother by Count de March and by Salatzar a Captaine of Arragon who did all sustaine him hee shut himselfe up in a Castle where thinking to couzen the Dolphins young yeares by simulation and treaties he was by the same arts cozened by the Dolphin who was a great master therein for when he suffered him to enter into the Castle hee tooke him prisoner and sent him his wife his second sonne and two daughters to Carcassonne from whence he was delivered at the intercession of Count de Fois his desire then to revenge this affront and to regaine this County from Charles made him offer this marriage which tooke no effect as wee shall see The Pope and all the other Princes of Christendome continued in the desire of making a peace betweene these two Kings to the which they thought the expences they had beene at and the reciprocall evills they had suffered would make them more inclinable to this purpose an Assembly was appointed at Tours whither came most of the Princes of the blood and those who came not sent their substitute amongst which the Duke of Burgony sent his for Henry came William Poole Earle of Suffolke Doctor Adam Mollins Lord Keeper the Lord Robert Rosse and others for Charles the Duke of Orleans Lodovick of Burbone Count de Vandosme and Monsieur de Pesigni but meeting with the wonted difficulties not likely to be ended in a short time A truce for 18. moneths was concluded by which meanes they hoped they might meet with the necessary expedients for the desired peace some report that upon this occasiō Henry demanded Margaret of Aniou daughter to Renatus King of Scicily for wife which was not so for his marriage with the daughter of Count Armignack was at that time thought as good as concluded her fathers performance of his promises being only expected for the consummating thereof the onely moover in the other was the Earle of Suffolke who did it of his owne head not acquainting any of his Colleagues therewithall and wherein hee did too boldly exceede his instructions if hee did it out of beleefe that this new allyance by blood was requisite to the joyning of their mindes he was much too blame for if consanguinitie be of no moment amongst Princes when particuler interest is in question much lesse affinitie if not Henry being the sonne of Charles his sister no tie save that of father could more strictly have united them so as it did not much import that the Queene of France should bee Aunt by the Fathers side to her whom he should marry since Charles was Vncle to himselfe by the mothers side what was credited was that the Earle did this to advance himselfe by meanes of this Lady intended by him for wife to Henry without any further respect The conclusion was that the King of Scicily should have all restored unto him which did patrimonially belong unto him in Aniou and Maine and which were now enjoyed by the King of England so as it was not sufficient that this unlucky marriage should neither bring profit with it nor any hopes thereof but that to make it on all sides disadvantagious hee should endow his father in law with these countries which had beene wonne at expence of blood and which for safety and reputation ought to be unallienable from the Crowne of England but the fate if any such thing there be which led him unto ruine was in-evitable for the Eà rle of Suffolke being returned to England figured forth this match as a meanes to end the warres to procure peace and make the Kingdome happy whereby he blinded the Councell and painted forth the Lady in the most lovely colours that beauty could bee set forth in and in conditions the most sublime that might become a Princesse whereby hee allured Henry so as though no man did approve of it as thinking it good some seemed to approve of it not to displease Suffolke and all to please the King who was perswaded to it for it is dangerous for such as councell Princes to have more regard to the Prince his profit then to the humoring of him in his affections Which were it otherwise Princes would be too happy and peradventure not acknowledged God the author thereof who doth therefore counterpoise the power of their might with the impotency of their passions The Duke of Glocester was hee alone who to his cost opposed it thinking the former intended match not fit to be broken as well for that it was amisse to faile the Count Armignac as likewise that his alliance was more advantagious and of more pregnant hopes of honorable atchievements whereas the other brought nothing with it but losse the Citie of Mens Mayne and that part of the Dutchy of Aniou which Henry possessed serving as a Bulwarke to Normandy did to the first losse of their surrendring adde a second of weakning the affaires in France which ought to be maintained in their full force to the end that the treatie of peace might bee made upon the better termes but all these reasons were to no end since the heavens had decreed that the Duke should for this cause loose his life the King his life and state the Crowne all that it possest abroad and the kingdome that peace at home which till then it had injoyed When Charles understood that Henry was herewithall contented he sent unto him the Count de Vandosme a Prince of the blood and the Archbishop of Rheins who concluded the match the more to honour this unfortunate marriage Henry created three Dukes and one Marquesse he made Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington Duke of Excester Humphrey Earle of Stafford Duke of Buckingham Henry Earle of Warwicke Duke of Warwicke and the Earle of Suffolke who was the authour thereof Marquesse of Suffolke and for his further
those of the Garrison were furnished with shipping to transport them and had safe conduct by land together with their weapons and goods the Souldiers without suffered much in this short siege for the season was very violent in raine and inundations so as the waters entered into all the Huts throughout the whole Campe this notwithstanding they willingly underwent all incommodities seeing the King expose himselfe to all dangers his example made them willing to suffer with him the onely way to infuse patience into the French for being led on by their King they out did themselves doing that under his command which under anothers had beene impossible for them to doe and because wee have diciphered this King else where with affections much differing from these present actions wee must cite Hallian for our discharge who will free us from reproach telling what happened in the yeare 1445. he falls upon these words In the concourse of so many affaires the King suffering himselfe to be transported by pleasures fell in love with a Gentlewoman belonging to the Queene his wife called Agneta Sorrell borne in Onvergne a Lady so faire as shee acquired the name of Agneta the faire and to the end that shee might have the title the King gave her during her life le Chasteau de Beante neare to the Boys de Saint Vincent and caused there to be erected that great Pavillion which at this day is there to be seene all covered When shee was called the Lady of Beauty the King had by her foure daughters all married into good houses of this Kingdome though some say hee had but one married to Monsieur de Bresse Of Normandy and others That she lived not long and that the King did not avow her for his but though the affection the King bore her lessened his due respects unto his wife and tooke from her much of of the rights of marriage yet was she faine to swallow this bitter pill and patiently permit the faire Agneta enjoy the best of her husbands affections 't is said that when she saw the King carelesse effeminate not minding the affaires of his kingdome nor the victories which the English wonne she one day said unto him that when she was a very young girle she was told by an Astrologer that she should be beloved by one of the most couragious and most valiant Kings of Christendome and that when she had the honour to be beloved by him shee thought hee had beene that valiant and couragious King foretold by the Astrologer but seeing him so soft natured not minding his affaires normaking head against the English and Henry their King who before his face had taken so many Cities of his shee very well perceived she was deceived and that this valiant couragious King could be none other but the King of England and therefore said shee I will goe finde him out for he is that King foretold me by the Astrologer and not you who neither have courage nor valour since you suffer your kingdome to be lost and doe not resent it These words pronounced by her whom he loved better then hee should have done did so touch him to the quicke as that hee fell a weeping and awakening himselfe tooke courage upon him gave not himselfe so much to hunting and dalliance as hee was wont so as by his good fortune and the valour of his good Commanders who faithfully served him he drove the English out of all France Callis excepted I was desirous to place here the words of this Historian not so much to shew that I did not lie in my other contrary descriptions as that it being my dutie to praise vertue and blame vice I have done it in their due places as every writer ought to doe particularly where they speake of Princes to the end that those who are alive may thereby be admonished that when they are dead the same rules will be observed in the writing of their story The affaires in Guienne Though they did not precipitate so fast of as those off Normandy Guichus a strong Castle foure leagues distant from Bayone was besieged with a formall army by Monsieur de Lantree brother to the Count and Bastard de Fois 4000. English went to succour it and that their comming might be the more unlooked for they embarked themselves in the River that passeth by Bayone and landed not farre from Guisches Lantree who by spies was enformed of their designe left the siege and treated them as they thought to have treated him for they not dreaming of being discovered were taken at such unawares as not having time to put themselves in order they fled towards their Barques were followed by the enemy and 1200. of them slaine George Stapleton one of their Commanders mistrusting to escape by flight passed through the middest of the enemy and was followed by 600. Launces who valiantly fighting saved themselves within Gueschin but it did but little availe him for the towne being blockt up and no body to succour it he departed at unawares with his men hoping to get into Bayone but being followed by the Bastard de Fois hee and many of his men were taken prisoners the Castle was yeelded up the next day and therewithall all the country which lies betweene Auxe and Bayone wherein was contained 15. or 16. strong holds which afterwards caused to the French the more easie winning of whole Guascony Charles did not forbeare to prosecute his designes in Normandy for all the frost and cold in Ianuary hee sent the Dunnesse to besiege Honnefleur whither hee afterwards came in person and was lodged in an Abbey not farre from thence valiant was the defence and furious the onset wherein neither wit nor labour was wanting The towne articled to surrender if they should not bee succoured by the eighteenth of February but the Duke of Sommerset not daring to trust the Citizens with Caan which if he had done wanting men to resist the French Forces Honnefleur was enforced to runne the same fortune the other townes did Iearnsy yeelded and paid downe 10000. peeces of gold not so much that the Garrison might be suffered free with their goods as for the ransome of Momfort their Captaine not long before taken at Ponte de Meere This meane while the English though at variance at home sent Sir Thomas Terrill into France a renouned Captaine and who had beene trayned up in these warres from his youth but being landed at Cherreburgh with 1500. men he could doe no good with so small a number and though in a short time hee tooke in Liseux and Valonges the matter was not so much since the enemy being severally busied else where had not leasure to divert them hee added to his number certaine troopes drawne out of the few townes which yet remained to the English conducted by Sir Henry Mowbery Sir Robert Vere and Sir Robert Gough which in all made us 5000. with these he judged it best onely to march towards Caen
and her Children remaine any longer in so eminent danger Caen was by King Henry given to the Duke of Yorke so as though the Duke of Somerset as Lieutenant generall had all plenary authority in all other places yet had hee not so in this without Sir David Halls consent Commander of the Towne under the Duke of Yorke But Somerset summoning together the chiefest Citizens told them that it was impossible to defend the Towne and that in endeavouring it they would endanger being taken by force His proposition was gladly entertained by them all Hall opposed him shewing him that though his authority was generall yet had hee nothing to doe in that place which did belong to the Duke of Yorke and whereof the charge was committed to him that the Towne was not in such danger as hee pretended for it neither wanted men munition nor mony that therefore it behooved them to spin out the time till the Duke himselfe might come to the succour thereof or els give order for the surrender thereof That in the meane while hee would defend it against whatsoever power since the Castle was impregnable and though subject to the thunder of a cannon yet onely Women and Children were there at to bee affraid not men of warre Long were the disputes hereupon but the Inhabitants siding with the Duke all of them naturally enclined to the French and fearing to bee sackt they mutined against the Captaine vowing that if hee did not yeeld up the Towne within three dayes they in despight of him would throw open the Gates to the King their threats were not to bee despised since the common sort of Souldiers and the Duke sided with them so as hee was constrained to yeeld but would not have his name used in the articles which were signed in this manner the next day of the Feast of Saint Iohn Baptist that in the Towne Castle should be yeelded up on the first of Iuly in case they were not before that succoured that the Duke Dutchesse their Children all others that had a minde to depart might do so the Souldiers with their horses harnesse the Inhabitants with their Wives Children and moveables but at their owne charges that they should pay what they ought unto the Citizens and should leave behinde them all sort of Artillery Sir David Hall tooke shipping for Ireland to advertise the Duke of Yorke his master hereof who was so much offended thereat that if his former injuries received from the Duke of Somerset did touch him to the quick this vext his very heart Of a 100. Townes enjoyed by the English they now enjoyed but foure Lisieux commanded by Gough yeelded their lives and livelyhood saved but the Garrison was to march forth with a white truncheon onely in their hand Falce whereof the Earle of Shrewesbery was Master by gift from Henry held out a while the souldiers sailed forth to surprize the cannon which they saw appeare but being repulsed and Charles himselfe comming thither in person they demanded parly which was granted them they agreed upon two articles one for each side for them that they should surrender the place if they were not succoured within twelve dayes For Charles that hee should set the Earle of Shrewesbery at liberty who was prisoner in Dreux Dumfronte yeelded the second of August the lives and goods of the Inhabitants saved Chereburg held last out it was valiantly defended as long as their munition lasted from thence the Governour thereof Captaine Thomas Gonvall and the Garrison went to Callais where he found the Duke of Somerset and the rest who after so many adverse fortunes had retired themselves thither Normandy returned back againe to the possession of the French 30. yeares after it had beene conquered by Henry the fifth and 3. were the causes of her losse the first that a small number of Souldiers were not sufficient to retaine it in obedience for though it did patrimonially belong to the Crowne of England yet did it not any longer retaine those former good affections to England which had beene cancelled by the interposition of the government of two ages from the time that King Iohn of England was deprived thereof by Philip the first so as being French in scituation tongue and customes it was impossible to preserve her with the weake forces of bare garrisons devided conquests and which are aloofe of are not kept without great Collonies or without the totall rooting out of the people especially when they neighbour upon great Princes that may helpe them the common wealth of Rome doth antiently teach us this and in moderne time the Turke and the Spaniards the Turke in the Easterne Countries and parts adjacent the Spaniards in Cuba Muxico Pera and the rest of America wherein destroying as many as could hurt them they reserved none alive save some few that they thought might doe them service the second was the Duke of Somersets avarice for that hee did not keepe such garrisons there as hee should have done but pocketted up the money in his owne purse as appeares by his conniving during the truce at the robberies which with suppository beards were done upon the high wayes by his Souldiers whereby hee gave just occasion of complaint unto the French and by not paying of his Souldiers lost all power either of suppressing their out rages or punishing their selves the third home divisions of these three the first is not to bee questioned the second though some what obscure yet cleare enough by the effects the third may suffer a dispute for though ill humours were conceived they were not ripe enough to cause the ruine of the state â—…or would they have beene at all conceived or bred under a princely spirited King 〈◊〉 proceed from ill government ill government from the want of judgement insufficiency and easinesse and cruelty in the Prince now to come to these ruines I say the chiefest of them had their beginnings from the Duke of Suffolke of whom there are divers opinions Polliâ—…ore Holinshead and Hall judge evilly of him following the vâ—…lgar opinion which never adheres to favorites Caniden and Speed evilly but not with ingratitude grounding themselves upon many truthes I in like manner beleeve both well and ill of him the good in him was that he was very vertuous and of heightned conditions for what concerned himselfe he waged warre in France 44. yeares without intermission in seventeene of which he never saw his owne country when he was taken prisoner his ransome cost him 20000. pound sterling though then he had no greater title then bare knighthood he was of 30. yeares standing of the order of the Garter his father was slaine at the siege of Harflore his elder brother in the battle of Ajencourt and two younger brothers in the same warres so as it cannot be denyed but that his Prince and country ought much unto him since he spent his life and livelihood in the service of the one his reputation in the service
of the other his bad that suffering himselfe to be gulded by a prodigious ambition a usuall disease amongst great wits hee of himselfe did negotiate in an unexpedient and harmefull match and which was likely not to bee denied since that thereby those territories were surrendered which ought not have beene quitted for any whatsoever cause that he did too indiscreetly make use of the Kings favour occasioned by the Queenes more then ordinary inclinations The Parliament was summoned at the Blacke Friers in London wherein treaties being had against the Duke and the Queene fearing least he might therein suffer she thought she might reape some advantage by remooving the Parliament to Lecester but very few of the Nobilitie comming thither she was forced to remove it againe to Westminster where both houses being full the lower house presented many complaints against the Duke whereof some were true and some false The Articles were many the chiefest that hee had treated with the Bastard of Orleans when he was sent Embassadour to Henry to move Charles to make warre with England to the end that hee might make Iohn sonne to the said Duke King by marrying him to Margaret daughter to the late Duke of Sommerset the presumed heire to the Crowne in case the King should have no children Secondly that suborned by the sayd Bastard he was cause of the Duke of Orleans freedome Thirdly that the losse of France and Normandy was happened through his advise which was represented to the King of France by the said Duke of Orleans Fourthly that being sent Embassadour to make peace or truce he had condescended to the surrendring of Aniou and Mayne without the knowledge of the other Embassadours his fellow Colleagues and that being returned to England he perswaded the King thereunto so losing him the inheritance of those countries Fiftly that having at the same time discovered the Kings counsell unto the enemy together with the defects of the Forts and number of Souldiers the English by reason of these informations were driven out of France Sixtly that he had given the like informations to the Dunnesse when he was Embassadour in England seventhly that the King having sent Embassadours into France to treate of peace he was the cause why peace was not made having by way of Anticipation advertised Charles of his advantages Eightly that in the Starre Chamber hee had made his boasts that hee had as much power in the Councell of France as in that of England and that by his power hee could remove whatsoever Counsellors there Ninthly that corrupted by Charles hee had retarded the melitia that was to goe to France Tenthly that in the conclusion of the peace hee had not comprehended the King of Arragon nor the Duke of Britanny both friends to the King so as being comprehended by Charles hee alienated the former and made the other so great an enemy as Giles brother to the said Duke remaining firme in his friendship to England lost first his liberty and then his life His answers to the first three Articles were that hee never had committed nor so much as thought any such thing To the fourth that the businesse of the truce being left to his discretion it could not bee concluded without the surrendring of those states which was but a weake answer since the marriage of the Queene in consideration whereof this surrender was made was not so much as dreamt of by any save himselfe But on the other side it being approved of in Parliament wherein both the houses did joyne in Petition to his Majestie to reward him for this his great good service it followes that either the one Parliament or the other did amisse since the one desired reward the other punishment for the selfe same action the fift sixt seventh and ninth have no proofe at all but the accusers bare narration In the eight he may be convinc't but more of vanitie then of any other errour in the tenth his fault was omission but as it was not excusable in a personage of his condition so it was not to be punished in the highest degree his other accusations contained the topicall faults of favorites which in like persecution are usually alleaged that he had enricht himselfe out of the Kings treasure monopolized things belonging to the Crowne diminished the revenues thereof removed worthy men from the Councell placing such in their roomes as had dependancy upon him that he was the chiefe instrument in the death of the Duke of Glocester which though it were likely enough yet were not their proofes sufficient to condemne him Vpon these complaints he was sent unto the Tower as to be there forth comming till hee should give an account of what he was charged of but being set at liberty about a moneth after the people were thereat so highly incensed that to avoyd sedition it was requisite to take from the Lord Say his place of Treasurer all their places from all his other friends and so banish him for five yeares out of England But being imbarked in Suffolke to goe for France he was set upon by a man of warre belonging to the Earle of Excester was fought withall taken beheaded neare unto Dover in the same ship and his body throwne upon the shore from whence it was taken by one of his Chaplaines and buried in the Colledge of Winkefield in Suffolke This was the end of this man in whom so many causes both of blame and of praise concurring I know not whether hee ought to bee blamed or praised Vices are like Clouds which though they doe not totally obscure the day yet the thicker and blacker they are the more horrid and fearefull doe they make it Vices are not to bee ballanced with vertues no more then is ayre and water with earth and fire yet if amongst punishments the law givers could have taken away the memory of what was good in the guiltie I beleeve they would not have done it If there had beene no other evill in the Duke of Suffolke then the death of the Duke of Glocester whereof the signes are too manifest for him to cleare himselfe 't were sufficient to ecclipse all his other vertues in the estimation of all honest men but bee it as you will his misfortune was very prejudiciall to the King since thereby he was deprived of a servant as necessary for his preservation as by his Councell and valour he was ready to preserve him This chance did much inanimate those who syded with the Duke of Yorke who spared not in what they could to render the King dispised and hatefull they forgot not to inculcate the ignominious losse of France enough to bereave of reputation the most valiant Prince that is much more him who was given to idlenesse and wretchlesnesse that the state was governed by a proud woman the chiefe cause of all their evills Thus said the people should doe well to take example by the government of Ireland where the wisedome and valour of the Duke
of Yorke had domesticated a savage people reduced them to discipline and to obedience that England stood in neede of such a King who were to bee sought out if there were not such a one and were to be chosen were it not by nature and by the Lawes due unto him so as if he were not priviledged by his lawfull pretentions his onely vertues were sufficient to purchase him the Kingdome That Henry was illegitimate yet a King to be borne withall did hee resemble his grandfather or his father but that degenerating in worth usurping the lawes and being by nature incapable hee was unworthy and not to bee tollerated since that as France had beene lost by him England would likewise runne danger of being lost if his preservation should bee endeavoured That necessity the times and chiefely the danger the common wealth was in required other resolutions that advantage and the common weales good being joyned to justice it would bee injustice injury and ruine not to provide for it They did not preach this Doctrine in private but disperst it abroad to the end that like seed sowne in due time they might there out reape to harvest which they expected Every man had the vanitie to publish these things to shew their wisedomes and their affection to the publique necessitie and to the end that these seditious practises might bee followed by effects Yorke before the death of the forenamed Duke had wrought the end of Adam Molleins Bishop of Chichester and Lord privy Seale beleeving that hee being a man of integritie might oppose his designes hee caused him to bee assassenated by Fishermen at Ports-mouth to the end that hee might bee thought to bee slaine by the outragious commotion of that baser sort of people but all these things tending more to undoing then to the doing of any thing hee thought to beginne his worke by some popular sedition which precipitating the Rebells into a fault unpardonable and their feare of punishment making them obstinate in their errours hee might make use of them either joyned together or separated as occasion should serve hee perswaded one Iacke Cade an Irishman a bold man and who had a spirit which did not correspond with his low condition to faigne himselfe to bee a Cosen of his of the house of Mortimer to the end that winning beleefe by reason of his blood hee might bee favoured by the true Mortimers who did not know him and might seduce the rest which hee was to worke upon hee chose Kent for his scene beleeving it to bee fickle and fitter for his designe than any other place as being neare to London There did Cade exagerate the wickednesse of the Counsellours and of the government the grievances and such other like things till such time as having sufficiently enflamed the Inhabitants of those parts hee made offer of himselfe to bee their Leader promising them that when hee should have possessed himselfe of the Kings person the which hee faigned hee would doe and driven away those who governed him amisse hee would put them in a way of so just a government that the grievances introduced under spetious pretences and which framed the chaine of their servitude should totally bee taken away and the chaine broken Thus perswaded hee assembled a great number of people with whom hee encamped himselfe not farre from London and calling himselfe the Captaine of Kent hee sent for one Thomas Cocke a Woollen Draper under a safe conduct commanding him to bring him certaine numbers of Armes and Horse and a thousand Markes of ready money at the charge of the strangers that did inhabit the Citie by the name the Genowayes Venetians and Florentines threatning that if these things were not sent unto him hee would kill as many of them as hee could come by and 't is to be beleeved hee was herein obeyed For when afterwards hee entered the Citie hee did no harme at all to any forreigner the Citizens were not displeased at his commotion who did not consider their owne danger and the little beleefe which ought to bee given to such people But the King and Councell who foresaw the consequences sent to understand from him the reasons which had mooved him to take up Armes and make the people rise hee answered to amend the evills under which the kingdome suffered to chastise those who were the ruine of the Common-wealth and to correct the errours of the chiefe Counsellours which being said hee gave unto those that were sent unto him two writings the one was intituled The Commons of Kents complaints the other their demands from the King The Articles of the former were that it was reported that Kent should bee destroyed and reduced into a Forrest to revenge the Duke of Suffolkes death whereof the Countie was no wayes gurltie that the King had taken a resolution for the time to come to live upon the peoples contributions and to give his owne revenue to particular men that those of the blood royall were excluded from the government of the state and people of meane condition introduced so as businesses were not dispatch't according to the Lawes but by corruption that provisions for the Kings household were had and not payd for that by the Kings giving of confiscations unto his servants the innocent were falsely convinced and by being kept in prison lost the benefit of the Law so as they could not defend themselves that the like was practised against them who being justly possessed of their goods were denied to shew their title that they might bee thereof deprived That France being lost through the faults of certaine Traitors they should bee enquired after and condemned without pardon the writing which contained their demands was to this purpose that the King that hee might live conformable to his royall dignitie should retaine unto himselfe the patrimony of the Crowne and not participate it unto others That he should banish all Suffolkes kindred should punish according unto the Lawes such of them as had deserved punishment and should take neare unto him the Lords of the blood Royall viz. the Dukes of Yorke Excester Buckingham and Norfolke and all the Earles and Barons for that so doing hee would bee the richest King of Christendome that those who were guiltie of the Duke of Glocesters death who was injustly declared to bee a Traytor should bee punished the Commons declaring that they would live and die in this quarrell and maintaine the imputation to bee false that the Duke of Excester the Cardinall of Winchester the Duke of Warwicke France Normandy Gascony Guien Aniou and Mayne many Lords Gentlemen and others were lost through the fault of these Traitors to the Kings great prejudice Finally they demanded the Abollition of divers things which they termed extortions the Councell was much vext at the Arrogancy of these men and since there was none there who did not condemne them Henry with fifteene thousand men marched towards them himselfe in person to give them battle but Cade
thereby set them at liberty and armed them but this did but little availe him for the Archbishop of Canterbury having wisely framed a generall pardon and authorised it with the great Seale hee himselfe being Lord Chancellour hee crost the River over against the Tower accompanied by the Bishop of Winchester made it bee proclaimed in South-wark where it was so welcomly received by the rebells that without taking leave or seeing their Captaines face they returned to their owne homes so as being suddenly forsaken and those aydes not appearing which were promised by such as sided with the Duke of Yorke hee fled in disguise into Sussex and was pursued by many to gaine the 1000. marks which were promised to him that should kill him this good fortune befell Alexander Iden who did well deserve it by reason of the danger wherein hee put himselfe for finding him in a Garden hee slew him hand to hand without any manner of treachery and brought his Body to London where the Head being taken of it was put upon a spear's end and set it upon the Bridge as are usually the heads of Traitors and Iden received the 1000. marks which hee had generously wonne The Archbishop of Canterbury plaid a discreet part in this busines by applying the generall pardon to the seditious in a time when many of them being slaine or hurt the rest shreudly affrighted and fearing yet worse hee did that with a few stroakes of his pen which many a stroake of sword neither could nor would have done an act of a wise Minister for the common people are for the most part like pettish children who grow wilde at the whisk of a Rod and are made tractable at the sight of a red cheekt apple The King was advised to goe into Kent where having chastised some hee made good the pardon to all the rest to the great satisfaction of the Country Charles made use of these dissentions in England to impatronize himselfe of Gascony just as hee did of the disorders of Normandy to make himselfe master of that Province the experience of so many yeares wherein hee had governed himselfe amisse had made him more minde his busines Monstrelet observes that the conquest of Normandy was an effect of his good order taken with his Souldiers for hee had reduced the horse which was the chiefest part of his strength to so perfect a discipline by well arming of them and well paying them as that the Country people did in safety enjoy their own goods any transgression in that behalfe being severely punished which if all Princes would doe they would seldome bee loosers Nothing did more preserve the Guascons for 300. yeares and upward in their obedience to the English not withstanding all the forces pollicies and proffers of France then good government for they were ruled under the liberty of the lawes as if they had beene naturall English-men not that when a goverment is come to it's period any thing is able to uphold it since the orders of fortune and of nature have their bounds prefixt as well in what is good as what is bad Bergerac was the first place besieged in Guien a place seated upon the River Dordon in Perigord Charles made the Count Pointeverres who was likewise Count de Perigord and Viscount de Limoges his Lieutenant in those parts hee was accompanied with many Gentlemen and with 2500. horse 500. whereof were lances for every lance consisted of five horse the man at armes his page his servant armed and two bow men When the artillery came up Bergerac yeelded the English came forth on horseback and with their goods the Inhabitants enjoyed their owne as formerly Iansack seated upon the same River was taken by assault 35. English being there slaine the rest taken prisoners Monferat Saint Foye and Chalois yeelded for the Inhabitants were affrighted and resolved not to hazard their lives and livelyhoods since the Lord Cameile had written into England for succour and no order was taken for any by reason of the home broyles there so as no Towne now durst any longer hold out but that which did chiefely quell their Spirits was the defeat given by Monsieur de Orvall the third sonne of the house of Albret to the Maior of Burdeaux Orvall was parted from Bazas to make an inroade into the Island of Medock with 4. or 500. fighting men when night came on hee staid some two leagues short of Burdeaux and the next morning being all Saints day as hee was on horseback to enter the Island hee was tould that betweene 8. and 9000. of those of Burdeaux what Townesmen what English were marched forth to give him battell whereupon hee set his men in order expecting to bee set upon When they came to blowes hee slew 1300. of them and the Maior fled away abandoning the Infantry which hee had placed in the front of the enemy and besides those hee slew hee tooke 1200. prisoners this is according to Monstrelets relation Hallian who taxeth the Geographers of ignorance for calling the country of Madock an Island since it is onely environed on the one side by the River of Garronne and on an other side by a little arme of the Sea all the rest being firme continent joyning to the lands of Burdeaux doth agree almost in all things with Monstrelet save that hee saith that the English Authours write that the French were twise as many as they and that their victory cost them the lives of 1000. of their owne men Chartier saith that Monsieur d'Orvall had betweene 6. and 7000. fighting men that as hee returned with his booty hee was set upon by the English that hee slew about 2000. of them and tooke 2200. prisoners The English writers on the contrary side say that the Maior of Burdeaux was overcome more by number then valour that those who were slaine and taken prisoners were about 600. and that 800. of the French were slaine Which of these is the true relation is left to the judgement of him who will take the paines to examine them if Chartier bee to bee beleeved the 2200. prisoners will proove likelier to bee sheepe then men for every one of the Victors must binde at least 3. or 4. and if it bee said that they who could kill every man 14. which is not granted might much easier take every man his 3. or 4. prisoners The argument holds not for it is easier for one man to kill 14. then to take and detaine 4. The English have divers times fought against 7. or 8. and have overcome the French themselves will not deny it but there is some reason given for it for though valour bee to bee accounted in the first place since without it no so disadvantagious resolution can bee taken yet in the second place may bee alleadged the disorder of the enemy their owne good order and their arrowes which gawling and disordering the horse were cause of the victory In this present affaire neither the valour nor the
fortune of the one side is described nor the cowardise nor disorder of the other no man doubts but that 150. Spaniards may have defeated great armies of the Indians And t is no wonder the novelty of their horse the resistance of their armour the noise made by their muskets and field peeces made them bee beleeved to bee descended from heaven and were causes of their victories if Hallian had read the English historians hee would not have thought them so vaine gloriously light hee would there have feared the death of 800. French not of 10000. as hee saith however it was this defeate was the cause of the surrendring of many Townes this yeare which were neither beleaguered nor summoned and the next ensuing yeare 1451. was the decider of the generall disputes in Guascony which was by the sword taken from the English and given to the French The chiefe Commander in this enterprise was the Dunnesse Lieutenant generall to Charles hee was accompanied by his brother the Count de Angovelesme this being the first service hee did his King and Country after his imprisoment in England Monguione held out against him 8. dayes and then yeelded from thence hee went to Blaye to block up this Towne great forces were brought both by Sea and Land Iohn Bourchier generall of France brought thither great store of vessells loaded with men armes and victualls and finding five great English vessels there which had brought provision to the besieged hee fought with them forced them to weigh anchor and flie and gave them chase even to the haven of Burdeaux Messieurs de Bessiere de Chabanes and Count Pointever came thither by land a great breach being made they gave an assault wherein the City was taken about 200. English were slaine and taken prisoners Messieurs d'Esparre and d'Monferand both of them Guascons saved themselves within the Castle the which together with themselves they soone after yeelded up Bourg held out 6. dayes Libourne summoned by the herauld delivered up its keyes Whilest businesses proceeded thus in these parts men were not idle as els where every man of any account imployed himselfe about some thing or other foure Princes of the bloud Cleremont Angovelesme Vandosme and Eu did joyntly besiege Fronsac a place thought impregnable both by Land and Sea Count de Fois Lieutenant of Guienne beyond Garronne accompanied by many Gentlemen particularly by Messieurs d'Albret and Laurec bretheren by Tarras and Orvall sonnes to the former went before Arques and had it upon composition Count Armignac not forgetting his affront touching the marriage of his daughter went to besiege Rions Count Pointeverres besieged Castelon which yeelded to him as did likewise Melion where hee stayed and sent his troope to Fronsac which was the most important place of all the rest as hath beene said Charles had foure armies in the fields which were all at the same time busied in severall places so as it is no wonder if the English were enforced to yeeld since to boot with the mighty forces of the enemy the Townes whereof they were masters denyed to doe their duties in defending themselves being wrought upon either by inclination or feare Fronsac was a very strong place but likely in a short time to bee brought to extremity if not succoured foure armies did environe it so as if the English had beene in case to have kept the field yet would they not have beene able to succour it as well by reason of the besiegers great forces as likewise for that the two Rivers Dordonne and Darronne by reason of the very great encrease of waters were not navigable Being thus difficulted the defendants demanded a truce untill Saint Iohn Baptists-day upon these conditions that if they were not succoured before that time so as the Dunnesse should bee enforced to raise up siege they would surrender up the Fort and hee was to give safe conduct to whosoever would bee gone and to fit them with carriages and shipping for themselves and goods at their owne charges That the garrison should march forth with their horses and armes and leave their artillery behinde them that those who would sweare obedience to Charles and to bee his good and loyall subjects should enjoy their goods in whatsoever part of the Kingdome and bee pardoned for what was formerly past that such as would serve him in the warre whether Citizens voluntiers or of the garrison should have the like entertainement as the other souldiers that of the prisoners that were taken at Blaye Gaches Charnali and 6. other should bee set at liberty without ransome and that the like was to bee understood oâ—… Iohn Stafford who was taken prisoner at the Battell of Iermingi the 23. day of the Month being come and the besiegers not fought withall the City was yeelded up and the Castle the English oretired themselves to Burdeaux whither likewise the Dunnesse did immediately goe The English stories doe not mention the particulers of the surrendring of this Citie onely that finding it selfe abandoned it shared in like fortune as did Fronsac but those of France doe specifie that Burdeaux agreed to yeeld if Fronsac should yeeld and that they would expect it till then to pay the duty they ought to Henry and yeelded with the more honour to Charles I forbeare to speake oâ—… its long capitulations as likewise of those made by Gastonne de Fois Knight of the Garter and Bartrand de Monferanda the former not desirous to live in France disposed of his goods to his grandchild who bore the title of Count de Candalle a child of three yeares old who when she should bee of yeares was to sweare allegiance to Charles the second agreed to yeeld up the places he held to the French upon condition that when hee should have sworne Allegiance to Charles they should be againe delivered up unto him Burdeaux was easily brought to execute the agreement The Dunnesse made his entry thereinto the 29. of the same moneth and on the sixt of Aâ—…gust he besieged Baâ—…onne which held ouâ—… till such time as the Artillery being come up and a breach made so as it was in danger of being taken by assault it yeelded with power for the Garrison to retire and a penaltie layd upon the Citie to pay 40000. Crownes halfe of which was afterwards remitted by Charles Charter reports a miracle which hapned the next day after the surrender thereof he saith that the ayer being cleare a white crosse appeared in the skie for the space of halfe an houre at the sight whereof the inhabitants tooke from of their ensignes the red Crosse the badge of England saying that God by that white Crosse which was the badge of France did admonish them for the time to come to be good Frenchmen And because Hallian writes that this effect which proceeded from the clouds was ascribed to religion and prodigie Dupleix calls him a destroyer of all miracles pretending him to bee convinced no lesse by the serenitie of the
ayre then by the Testimoniall letters of the Count Dunnesse authenticated by his seale both which are very slender reasons The ayre ceaseth not to be tearmed cleare though some little cloud may appeare wherein may be formed the forenamed Crosse and for the testimoniall letters alleaged they might be beleeved had they beene written by some English Generall Factions are like Sexes the one doth not succeed unto the other especially when the one doth disagree within it selfe Hallian one of the same faction not beleeving that the Pucell of Orleans was sent from heaven was therefore reprehended and now not beleeving this Crosse his beleeving in the Crosse of Christ doth not exempt him from being reputed by Dupleix a bad Christian. We have the first and the second causes and ignorant people not able to give a reason for the second have recourse unto the first which is by all men knowne to cover their idiotisme with piety and religion but the learned though alleadge the second causes they omit not the first though they name it not supposing that no existence can be without it God in the creating of nature hath given her her orders to the end that without the name of Miracle though all his workes are wonderfull shee may operate accordingly So as if the earth yeeld not ' its fruites so abundantly one yeare as another and they alleadge for reason thereof the inequalitie of seasons some conjunction of unfortunate Plannets or some such like influence they forbeare notwithstanding to have recourse to God Almightie Knowing for certaine that he is able though contrary to the course of nature absolutely of himselfe to provide therefore noâ—… is there any so ignorant nor wicked body who doth not confesse this but in miracles 't is otherwise the Church must alwayes examine them Hallian denies not miracles nay I doe verily beleeve he beleeves them so much the better in that not admitting of them indifferently upon simple testimony hee according to true Pietie discernes betweene devotion and superstition as good Graine is discerned from Tares but pietie is not there simply required by Dupleix though hee make shew thereof hee useth it for a vehiculum he would make us swallow a falsehood wrapt up in religion with the same end hee had in the Pucells case which was to strengthen Charles his pretences by the meanes of miracle and in this case hee alleadges his testimonies with such seeming sinceritie at the businesse required The Dunnesse letters containe these words that the Crosse appeared in a cloud with a crucifix crowned with an Azure Crowne which afterwards changed to a Flower de Luce according to the relation of more then a thousand that saw this prodigie This was the end of the English government in Guascony which had ' its beginning in the yeare 1155. by the marriage of Ellinor Dutchesse of Aquitany with Henry the second King of England and came to its period after 296. yeares in the yeare 1451. in Henry the sixt his dayes and as William the father of Ellenor forsooke his stake the world and his daughter to undertake a pilgrimage and peacefully ended his life in an Hermitage and was canonized for a Saint So Henry the successour to two Williams the one a Guâ—…scoyne the other a Noâ—…man did not quit it but lost it for having too imperfectly imitated the sanctitie of the one and no whit at all the valour of the other and being opposite in nature to the Conquerour and in pietie not equall to the canonized Saint he came to a violent end with the reputation of being innocent but no Saint The Duke of Yorkes machenations were a chiefe cause of all these losses where withall the people being corrupted nothing was thought of but homebred rancour the praise worthy ambition of publique reputation which so long had warmed every mans heart was extinct the evill satisfaction given by the Queene augmented and Sommerset so much hated as that his house was broken open and ransack't every one detâ—…sted his actions envied his power and lay in Ambush for him as being the obstacle of their worst designes The Duke of Yorke who was in Ireland had notice given him of all these proceedings and because the Kentish sedition had had but an ill successe hee resolved to come for England his chiefe friends and Counsellors were Sir Iohn Mawbery Duke of Norfolke Richard Nevill who was stiled Earle of Salisbury in the behalfe of his wife daughter and heire to the valiant Thomas Montague who was slaine before Orleans Richard Nevill his son who was likewise Earle of Warwick in the right of his wife Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Edward Brooke Barron of Cobham all of them personages not inferior to any for their power followers and valour of these five the first two were drawne to forsake the allegiance they ought to Henry their King and kinsman by reason of their affinitie with the Duke of Yorke the rest were onely moved by Englands ill genius the Earle of Salisbury discended from Iane Beaufort daughter by the third wife to Iohn Duke of Lancaster Henries great grandfather so as being so neare a Kin unto him he had no reason to take part against him but the marriage of the Duke of Yorke with his sister Sicily was the reason why both he and his sonne for sooke their former duty Iohn Duke of Norfolke tooke part with the Earle of Salisbury as being the sonne of one of his daughters but more in the behalfe of his Father who was banished and of his Uncle who was beheaded at Yorke in the time of Henry the fourth I know not what moved Thomas Earle of Deuonshire who married the Daughter of Somerset first to side against him and afterwards to his misfortune to joyne with him the Lord Cobham had no other interest save his owne proper disposition alwayes enclined to actions of the like nature their resolution was for to cloake their first commotions as that they should not seeme to bee against the King but the people should bee prest under pretence of the publique good That the Duke of Somerset should bee their baite who was fit by reason of the bad successe in Normandy to colour the reason of this insurrection and consequently they intended his ruine without the which they could not hope to effect their ends since hee was the onely remaining Buckler for Henries defence and preservation Having taken this resolution hee went to raise people in Wales many flocking unto him from all parts under the plausible pretence of publique good with these hee marched towards London The King at first newes hereof had got together a good army to meete with him but hee shund him hoping to encrease his numbers and like fame to yet by going he would not hazard to trye his passage through London the deniall thereof might lessen his reputation but passing over the Thames at Kingston hee went into Kent and pitched his campea mile from Dartford some ten or
Yorke to insnare the King and Kingdome his pretensions were just according to the lawes of England but according to the chiefest of all lawes which is the peoples welfare directly unjust for it is more convenient that a private man suffer and smart alone then the weale publique be ruinated and every one smart for if the meanes to claime be unjust there cannot any thing be thereunto framed but an injurious and blamefull justice he doubted that Henries knowne goodnes would render this his busines difficult and that the people borne by their love to a Prince who bore the Crowne not by his owne usurpation but by two successive discents from Father and Grandfather both worthy Princes the house of Yorke never having beene in possession thereof his pretensions would appeare a dreame and if not such yet not such as were likely to be applauded The evill consequences considered which were to ensue such controversies not being to bee decided but by the bloudy law of the sword and the losse of many an innocent life that therefore they were not likely to forsake Henry long in possession for him a new pretender these considerations prevailed so far with him as to keepe him within the bounds of simulation for doubting that the danger might consist in making knowne his designes he thought it best to make that be beleeved to be done for the weale publique which was indeed done for his owne ends and that by taking his former pretences touching the Duke of Somerset he might take revenge of a mortall enemy free himselfe of his greatest obstacle deprive the King of his chiefest leaning stocke and afterwards purchase the love of all men the love of the people by the ruinating a man detested for the losse of Normandy the love of the Nobility by reducing him who by reason of his too powerfull authority and greatnes was by the most of them infinitely envied Not herewithall contented hee forbare to villifie Henries reputation giving him out to bee poorely spirited and affirming that the condition of the now present times required a King who would not bee governed by his wife nor any third person but by his owne judgement a wiseman and endued with such vertues as not being to bee found in him were requisite in a Prince who was to governe so as having by these meanes prepared the peoples inclinations he made firme unto him such as sided with him especially two the Father and the Sonne the one Earle of Salisbury the other Earle of Warwick the first excellent for matter of councell the second endued with such qualities as vertue doth not impart but to those who are ordained for heroicall actions he wonne the good will of all men by approving his wisedome and valour with his innate liberality and magnificence Vertues by how much more solide then others and proper to make him be esteemed so much the lesse to be commended in this occasion altogether unworthy of any manner of praise he ordered things in this manner by the assistance of those forenamed he caused the Duke of Somerset to be arrested in the Queens lodgings and sent unto the Tower the which he was emboldned to doe by reason of the Kings being at that time sicke whose double weakenes both of minde and body had encourag'd him assisted as he was to worke himselfe into the government But as soone as Henry recovered his health he did not only restore him to his liberty but made him chiefe commander of Callis the then the most important charge the Kingdome had which caused great alterations for he was thought unfit for the custody of the only place which remained beyond the Sea who had lost all Normandy but Yorke perceiving that he had twise failed in his endeavours of ruinating him went into Wales where having got together a good army he marched towards London being accompanied by the forenamed Lords and many others the King so much distrusted that City as that he would not expect his comming there but went to encampe himselfe at Saint Albans where the adversary presented himselfe to give him battell the King had in his campe the Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham the Earles of Pembrook Stafford Northumberland Devonshire Dorset Wiltshire and many Barons amongst which Clifford Ludley Berneis and Rosse and proceeding according to the peacefull instinct of his nature he sent some unto him to know why hee came in that hostile manner and what hee did pretend unto but the messengers were hardly arriued when the Earle of Warwick at unawards set upon the Vantguard Royall and disordered it before the Duke of Somerset could remedy it so as all forces on both sides giving together a bitter battell was begun each side made good its station no man recoiled so many were slaine as it was thought there would not be a man in all the field left alive The Duke of Yorke stood observing all occurrences and sent fresh men to supply the place of such as were wounded whereby he made good the fight which Somerset could not doe as not having so many men and being more busy in fighting then in making provision The Royallest were almost all slaine The chiefe that dyed there were the Duke of Somerset the Earle of Stafford sonne to the Duke of Buckingham the Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Clifford the Duke of Buckingham the Earle of Wiltshire and Thomas Thorp Lord chiefe Baron together with some few that escaped fled away wounded This victory which hapned the 23. of May was a good Omen to those that ensued and to the putting an end to this difference for the prevailing party though not without shedding their owne teares and bloud did some few yeares after effect what they desired the Duke of Somerset left three sonnes behind him Henry Edmond and Iohn who adding their Fathers revenge to the hatred of the faction came all of them to miserable ends as wee shall see in middest of this good successe The Duke of Yorke would confirme the people in the beliefe that he had taken up armes onely for the good of the commonweale For the Duke of Somerset being dead who was the pretended reason of his commotion nothing remained for him to doe but to assume the Crowne so as having the King in his hands and under colour of his name power to frame the golden age which all seditious people promise in their rebellions he resolved to arrive at his end by degrees not thinking to meete with any more oppositions but he was deceived as are all those who not able to effect their desires but by wicked meanes dare not withstanding bee so wicked as it were requisite for them to be Some report that the King in this occasion was but ill served by the three Lords that fled and by his domestique servants their flight caused him to forsake the field and mightily dishartned the few that remained the King had withdrawne himselfe to a poore mans house where being found by the
the Duke of Yorke was to bee acknowledged King The people joyfully received this declaration and the next day which was the fourth of March hee went to Saint Pauls where Te Deum being sung hee made the offering which Kings use to doe and was in Westminster proclaimed King by the name of Edward the fourth FINIS THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND Between the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke WHEREIN IS CONTAINED The Prosecution thereof in the lives of EDWARD the fourth EDWARD the fifth RICHARD the third and HENRY the seventh Written originally in Italian By Sir Francis Biondi Knight late Gentleman of the Privy-Chamber to His Majesty of Great Brittaine Englished by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of Monmouth The second Volume LONDON Printed by E. G. for Richard Whitaker and are to be sold at his shop at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard 1646. To the Readers his beloved COUNTREY-MEN I Know it is not usuall to say any thing before Second parts of the Same continued Story nor truely am I so inamour'd of my own Pen as to write more then according to some acception may be thought Needfull The reasons then that drew me to this otherwise Unnecessary Epistle are First to let my Readers know lest I may seem to derogate from my Authour by tacitely arrogating to My Selfe that the three Last lives of this Volume are not yet as I can heare of printed in Italian and the Authour being dead out of whose written Papers whilst he was here in England I translated them I know not whether they may ever undergoe the Presse in the Language wherein they were by him penn'd or no. My next inducing reason is That the subject of both parts of this Treatise being Civill Warres and this Second comming forth in a Time of Civill Warres in the Same Countrey I hope I may be excused for doing what in me lies to perswade to a Happy Peace whereunto I know no more powerfull Argument then by shewing the Miseries of Warre which is a Tragedie that alwaies destroyes the Stage whereon it is acted and which when it once seizeth upon a Land rich in the plenty of a Long Peace and full with the Surfeit of Continued Ease seldome leaves Purging those Superfluities till All not onely Superfluous but meere Necessaries be wasted and consumed as is sufficiently made to appeare throughent this whole History I know no Nation in Christendome that could till of some late yeeres more truely have boasted of the blessings of Peace Plenty and Ease then this nâ—…w Miserable Kingdome of Ours insomuch as it may be truely said of Us Quae alia res civiles furores peperit quà m nimia faelicitas Ariosto sayes Non cognosce la pace è non la stima Chi provata non ha la guerra prima We have now sufficiently try'd both Peace and Warre let us wisely betake our selves to the Best choice and say with Livy Melior tutiorque certa pax quà m sperata victoria illa in tuâ haec deorum in manu est And what though the ballance of Victory may leane some times much more to the one side then to the other many Checks may be taken but the Game is never wonne till the Mate be given and if you will believe Guicchiardine who was a Solid and Experienced Statesman be will tell you that Nelle guerre fatte communemente da molti Potentati contra un solo suole essere major le spavento che gli effetti perche prestamente si rafreddano gli impeti primi cemminciando a nascere varietà de pareri onde s'indebolisce tra loro la fede e le forze e cosi spesso auviene che le imprese comminciate con grandissima riputatione caggieno in melte difficultà e finalmente diventano vane If all be true that is of late reported ouâ—… two great neighbouring Kings are concluding a Peace if so we may invert the Proverbe of Tunc tua res agitur c. I believe we are most concerned when Their walls are Least on fire and unlesse it please Almighty God so to inspire the hearts both of our King and Parliament to the speedy piecing up of these unfortunate Rents and mischieveous Misunderstandings as that we may have a happy and speedy Peace cordially agreed on by all sides I am afraid we may finde my beliefe to be too true for Civill Warres give faire Advantage to Forraigne Powers Remember then that an honourable Peace is the Center of Warre wherein it should rest and that when Warre hath any other end then Peace it turnes into Publique Murther and consider that if injustissima pâ—…x justissimo bello sit anteferenda as it is held by some how Blessed will the Peace-makers be in setting an end to that warre which is by all sides acknowledged to be Unnaturall having our Saviours word for their attestate that they shall be Own'd for the Children of God Ita bellum suscipiatur saith Cicero ut nihil aliud quà m pax quesita videatur That this may be the endeavour of all parties interressed is the Sincere Counsell and Humble Advise of him who is a Faithfull and Loyall Subject unto his King an earnest Interceder to God Almighty for a Blessing upon the Parliament a Hearty Well-wisher to his Countrey and who wilâ—… conclude all with the words of the man according to Gods owne heartâ—… Seeke Peace and pursue it Imprimatur May 18. 1645 Na. Breut THE SIXTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fourth WIth what ease Edward came unto the Kingdome is worthy of observation but hard it is to give a just reason thereof whether power Justice or the peoples inclination It was not power since he was admitted of by election not Justice for to decide the right of the Crowne without an Assembly of Parliament is not a duty belonging to the people especially the tumultuous people of a City though Metropolitan without the joynt approbation of all the Shires and say it did by right belong unto him a businesse of such importance against a King that was no usurper who succeeded to two who for the space of more then threescore yeares his owne reigne comprehended were acknowledged and received for Kings was not to be decided in so short a time he being Sonne to the last one of the best deserving and most glorious Princes that England ever had and being King himselfe ever from his cradle for the space of eight and thirty-yeares so as he had his goodnesse been as usefull as it was innocent the Duke of Yorke durst not have contested with him for the Kingdome nor Edward bereft him of it The peoples inclination was then the onely thing which tooke the Kingdome from the one and gave it to the other whereby Princes may learne that long possession without the practice of Princely actions and the foregoing such affeâ—…tions as are hurtfull and hatefull to the people is
King to advertise him of the sad event hee lighted off horse-backe and thrust his Sword into his horses belly saying Flie who flie will I will not flie here will I stay with as many as will keepe me company and kissing the hilt of his Sword by the way of vow he put it up againe But Edward who did very much resent this misfortune not that it was of so great consequence in it selfe but for that being the first encounter it might be taken as an evill omen and deject his men made Proclamation that it should be lawfull for whosoever had not a minde to fight to depart hee promised large recompences to those that would tarry but death to as many as should tarry and afterwards runne away with reward and double pay to any that should kill them No man accepted so ignominious a leave they all chose rather to die than to declare themselves so base cowards This good successe of Clifford was in the meane time of no long continuance for the Lord Faulconbridge had passed the Ayre at Castleford three miles above Ferrybrigs accompanied by Sir Walter Blunt and Robert Horne with intention to surprize him as he did though not in that place for Clifford being thereof advertised whilst hee thought to shunne the enemy by going another way he met with him and having his Helmet off by reason of the heate of the day he was with an unexpected shot of an Arrow one of the first that was slaine and together with him the Earle of Westmerlands brother the rest were almost all left dead upon the place This death was too good for him The innocent blood of the Earle of Rutland did require of him a foreseen painfull cruell death But the punishment which he failed of his sonne met withall who being saved by a poore shepheard he lived a begger and unknowne during the reignes of Edward and Richard till such time as Henry the seventh comming to the Crowne he was by him restored to the honour and inheritance of his family The Duke of Norfolke who led Edwards Vanguard was at this time sicke so as Faulconbridge tooke the charge upon him and marcht by breake of day towards Saxton to see how strong the enemy was and finding him to be 60000 men strong he advertised Edward thereof who though much inferiour in number went forthwith to encounter him The day was Palm-Sunday Edward tooke his stand in the middle Squadron sent the Bow-men forwards and recommended the rere-ward to Sir Iohn Venloe and Sir Iohn Dinham both of them valiant Gentlemen He gave command that no prisoner should be taken but all indiffereetly put to the Sword The Lancastrians marcht towards them and met them in the fields betweene Towton and Saxton The first saluation was given by Arrowes but with different event for at this time there fell a showre of snow and the wind driving the snow upon the faces of Henries men they were therewith so blinded as they shot in vaine and their Arrowes beaten backe by the wind fell halfe way short the which Faulconbridge observing after the first volley hee forbad his men to shoot and when the enemy had shot all their Arrows he drew up neerer unto them letting flie at them not onely with his owne Arrowes which assisted by the wind did hit where they were intended but those likewise of the enemie which in his march he found sticking in the ground Hereupon the Earle of Northumberland and Andrew Trolop who led the Van-guard perceiving the disadvantage made haste to come to handy-blowes The combat endured ten houres it not being known who had the better and all of them fighting as if they had overcome Such was the hatred of the two factions and their resolution not to yeeld as the command not to take prisoners was bootlesse for they resolved either to overcome or die Nothing doth more encourage an Army then the presence of the Prince and the Captaines example Edward was an eye-witnesse of his souldiers valour as King and they of his Captaine-like courage A sight which made them choose rather to die than not to imitate him The Lancastrians were at last enforced to yeeld by reason of the small number that was left not able to make resistance They gave backe but not as men overcome they were still pursued but did not still flie away they oftentimes reunited themselves and though in weake Troopes they made such resistance as those of Yorke could not be termed Conquerours till the next day Those who remained alive went toward Tadcaster-bridge but not able to get so farre and thinking to wade over a little rivelet named Cocke the greatest part of them were drowned The waters of that River and of the River Warfe into which it disgorges it selfe seemed all to be of blood The number of the dead was 36776. amongst which the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland the Lord Dakers and Wells and amongst many Knights Sir Iohn Nevill and Sir Andrew Trolop The Dukes of Somerset and of Exceter saved themselves and the Earl of Devonshire was I know not how taken prisoner I believe for that they were weary of killing Had not France had a yong King at this time or had the new King found France in a better condition after so many yeeres warres or had not Scotland had so yong a child for its King and distracted with intestine factions England had runne a danger having lost the flower of all her Warriers who were fit not onely to have defended her but to have made whatever difficult atchievement Edward having obtained this bloody victory went to Yorke where he caused the Earle of Salisburies father and other of his friends to be beheaded as likewise the Earle of Devonshire and some other This meane while Henry was got to Barwicke and from thence to Scotland where he was with all humanity received comforted and had provision made for him of some small pension by that young King who likewise agreed that Princesse Margaret his sister should marry Prince Edward Henry's sonne but this marriage was not afterwards consummated and Henry to requite these courtesies did what if hee had been in his former condition hee would not have done He gave the Town of Barwicke to King Iames a place very advantageous to the Scots and long before desired by them The Queene his wife went with her sonne into France to procure some meanes by her father the King of Sicily whereby to recover what was lost She obtained of Lewis King of France free accesse for as many English as were of her side and banishment for those who sided with her adversary businesses of no great consequences Edward returned triumphant to London the 29. of Iune He was Crowned at Westminster in a Parliament which was there held he revoked all such thing as had been done by Henry to the prejudice of the House of Yorke and of himselfe he reformed many enormities which civill dissention had brought in he created
having sworne allegeance to both sides was before his death degraded from the Honour of Knighthood in this manner He had a Coat of Armes put on him reverst his gilt Spurs were by a Cooke hewed off his heeles and his Sword broken over his head a thing much more ignominious than death it selfe especially to a man of so Noble and Worthy a Family Edward having thus with a little water quencht a flame which was likely to have set all England on fire fortified all the Frontiers built Forts upon such parts of the Sea as were fittest for landing hee denounced heavie punishments against any who should favour or give receptacle to Henry Queen Margarite or any of their associates He forbare not to use the like care in the other parts of his Kingdome especially in the Southerne parts where landing was easiest for such as should come from Normandy In the places of the Earle of Northumberland and Earle of Pembrooke who were fled with Henry hee created Iohn Nevill Lord Montague Earle of Northumberland and the Lord William Herbert Earle of Pembrooke But Nevill soon after gave up this title to the King againe that he might restore it to Northumberland who had his pardon and in recompence he had the title of a Marquesse Henry together with his Wife and Sonne was now in Scotland where all men his conditions considered thought any fortune indifferent for him as his humour differing from the humour of other men made them believe a Kingdome and Cottage to be all one to him But wee may easily erre in our judgements not so much that we are altogether blind as by reason of the falshood of the objects which we propound unto our selves the which presumed to be permanent doe vary either because of the alterations of the humours of the body or by reason of the change of opinion proceeding from the inconstancy of imagination which together with the diversity of time doth diversifie the thought of our affaires King Henry were it either that his understanding was troubled or that he was impatient to live in this condition or that hee hoped by his presence to put life into his affaires which required another manner of man to worke such a miracle or that his Wife perswaded him thereunto went himselfe alone into England in disguise I rather believe his Wife was the cause thereof for that if it had sprung totally from him shee would not have suffered him to have put it in execution knowing how little was to be expected from his dexterity This resolution though it were rash and not to be done but by men of singular judgement and valour was hazzardous enough Desperate affaires require desperate resolutions The good King had no sooner set foot into England but he was known taken and with his legges tied underneath his horses belly sent to London and met by the Earle of Warwicke not out of any respect but that he might the more safely be brought to the Tower where hee was shut up and a good guard set upon him The Queen hearing of this misfortune all her hopes being frustrated went with her Son into France the Duke of Sommerset together with his brother Iohn went into Flanders where they lived miserably till being long after known by Charles Duke of Burgundy whose Father Philip died not till the yeare 1467 they had a small pension whereon to live conferred on them by him Charles was descended from the King of Portugall Son to Philippa sister to Henry the IIIl and therefore very affectionate to the house of Lancaster Philip Commines writes that hee hath seene a Duke following this Princes Court bare foot and bare legged begging from doore to doore not being knowne by any man that hee was the nighest a kinne of the house of Lancaster and Husband to a Sister of Edward the Fourth that being at last knowne hee had a small pension for livelyhood given him by Charles That the Duke of Sommerset and divers others were there likewise But he is deceived in his name hee in the margent calls him the Duke of Chester whereas there was never any such Duke the County of Chester belonging properly to the Princes of Wales since the time of Edward the black Prince to this very day The begger Duke who had to wife the sister of Edward the Fourth was Henry Holland Duke of Exceter who escaped in those parts and chose rather to begge his bread from doore to doore than to be knowen for feare of danger Amongst so many unfortunate men none did better outlive their calamities than did the Earle of Pembrook Brother by the Mothers side to Henry for though hee went a long time wandring up and downe full of feares and dangers yet he outlived his enemies hee saw the extirpation of the house of Yorke and that of Lancaster reestablished in the person of Henry the Seventh his Nephew and dyed peacefully in the eleventh yeere of his Reigne Earl of Pembrooke and Duke of Bedford Henries imprisonment his Wives and Sons being in France the flight and banishment of the chiefest of that faction did secure Edward and quieted the Kingdome for a while This calme afforded him occasion of reforming such disorders as by reason of civill dissention were sprung up in Courts of Justice in his Revenues in Monies and foraine correspondences and to shew his liberality and gratitude to those who had served him by distributing the confiscated goods which were very many as many they were who had merited reward wherein he dealt so fully as there was not any one unsatisfied By his affability he afterwards wonne the hearts of all men but with some observation of excesse for vertues when they part from their center doe usually insensibly passe from one denomination to another for if affability become familiarity it loseth its name not that familiarity accompanied with decency doth not become a Prince for if he desire to recreate himselfe no recreation can be had without some kind of domestiquenesse but that it is sometimes to be used not alwaies and therein choyce alwaies to be made of the best most vertuously given and those of the noblest sort for they being in next relation of greatnesse to the Prince they free him of indifferency which would make him be despised by all men Affability which is commendable consists in giving free accesse to such as demand Justice in listning to good counsell and in looking upon the people with a gratious eye all which may be done without that excesse which was observed in Edward To his affability he added clemency which did not slip like the other out of its naturall precincts for it being a difficult matter to pardon ones enemies he pardoned all those who in what manner soever had formerly opposed his greatnesse so as they would forsake further adhering to such as did yet persist in their aversenesse to him The part of a wise man for by this meanes hee got the hearts of those who were
opposite unto him before and hee afterwards found the good thereof when losing his Kingdome as hee did he never had recovered it had he not thus wonne upon the peoples affections which is the Prince his chiefest safeguard Publique affaires being thus accommodated he descended to what more particularly concerned himselfe which are not notwithstanding to be separated from what concernes the State Marriage from whence proceeds lawfull successours is the strength as well of Kingdomes as of private families Three marriages were propounded to him The first Marguerit sister to Iames the third King of Scotland whose advantages were the breach of the marriage with Edward sonne to Henry and thereby the undoing the chiefest hopes of the house of Lancaster That upon any new occasion of civill broyles he should either have Scotland side with him or remaine neuter He should thereby free himselfe from the daily troubles nourished by the obstinate enmity of so hardy and warlike a neighbour But understanding that she was of a sickly body and consequently not likely to beare children he would none of her The second was Isabell sister to Henry the fourth King of Castile his hopes by her were the succession of that Kingdome and by the assistance thereof the recovery of Gascony in like manner as by the assistance of Gascony given by Edward the blacke Prince King Peter father to the great grand-mother of this King Edward recovered Castile The English writers say that her being too yong as not being then above six or seven yeeres old was the cause why that match was no further proceeded in But I finde that she being married to Ferdinand and dying Queen of Castile not when she was three and fifty yeeres old and in the yeere 1506. as Edward Hall doth calculate it but in the fiftieth yeere of her age and in the yeere 1504. she must be in the yeere 1464. which was the time when this marriage was treated of thirteen yeeres old so but ten yeeres younger than Edward so as their yeeres were not unproportionate Halls calculation is grounded upon the stories of Spaine which he does not particularize in and upon an Epitaph ingraven upon this Queenes tombe in Granado which he never saw Mine upon the Spanish storie written by Lewis Myerne Turquet my father in law a most exact writer and by the Jesuit Iohn Mariana who saith she was borne the 24. of May in the yeere 1451. So as some other cause made him not choose her The third was Bona daughter to Lodowicke Duke of Savoy and sister to Charlotte Queene of France with whom she at the present was This was imbrac'd the Earle of Warwicke was sent to Lewis the eleventh to demand her of him neither could Edward put on a better resolution For his affaires in England being setled by Henry's imprisonment no feare was to be had of Scotland without aide and provocation from France which was not better to be eschewed by any meanes than this for though Charlotte bore not such sway with her husband as to governe him as shee listed yet held shee very good correspondency with him And Lewis whose onely ends were to lessen the power of the Princes and great Lords of France particularly that of his brother Charles and the two Dukes of Brittany and Burgundy laid willingly hold upon this occasion to acquit himselfe of the impornity of Margarite Queene of England who endeavoured to perswade him to a dangerous and fruitlesse warre and which was averse to his genius and designes by withdrawing him from the other to the which reason and his owne inclination bore him Moreover the Duke of Savoy having been an ancient confederate and neere allie to the Duke of Burgundy this would be a meanes to marre their intelligence for though he were his father in Law such ties amongst Princes unlesse they be knitted with new knots are subject to be loosed and broken by every daies occasioned interest For these reasons this match was agreed upon between King Lewis and the Earle of Warwicke and Monsieur de Dammartin was sent into England to strike it up with Edward But whilst Warwicke thought he had succesfully executed his Masters commands he unexpectedly heard that hee was married Edward was gone a hunting progresse towards Grafton a house belonging to Iacoline of Luxenburg sister to the Count St. Paul wife to the Lord Rivers and widdow to the Duke of Bedford who died Regent in France With her was a daughter of hers named Elizabeth widdow to Sir Iohn Gray who was slaine in the second battell at St. Albans siding with Henry so as having lost a part of her Jointure by the confiscation of her husbands goods shee desired him to conferre it againe upon her She was a woman of no extraordinary beauty but of such conditions as surpassing what was in her of beauty made her to be valued and beloved by all men The King did not onely grant her what she desired but growing in love with her became her petitioner for wanton dalliance which she resolutely denied to yeeld unto His appetite increasing by meeting with an obstacle he resolved to marry her taking therein advice of those who never counsell Princes contrary to their inclinations Yorkes Widow the Kings mother foreseeing the evils that were to ensue admonished him She bid him beware of the injury hee did his cousin the Earle of Warwicke the Dutchesse was sister to Warwickes Father whose spirit would not endure such an affront since the King of France would not believe that he was come to treat of a match but to cousen him laugh at him and pry into his state nor was it likely hee could thinke otherwise since that hee having got the Crowne by the Earles valour and the pursuit of his friends it was not likely that beeing so neere a kinne unto him and a man of so great an esteem he should offend him by doing so mis-becomming a thing without his knowledge She shewed him how that the marriage of Princes had for their ends the good of their State the alliance of such as could or doe them good or harme and portion proportionable to the charge of a wife and their own reputations That none of all these were met withall in this which was now treated of rather in laying a foundation for a peace hee should offend a great King and expose himselfe to so unjust a warre the cause whereof being blame-worthy as he should not therein finde any friends or confederates That yet if she were a maid it might admit of some excuse but being a mother of children a subject and without portion these were conditions likely to produce instead of benefit hatred and enmity abroad hatred and enmity at home danger and blame every where Edwards answer was that he doubted not but that his cousin would conforme his will to his that he was sure enough of his love that the King of France was not in a condition to hurt him having other thoughts which did
considering that they were likely to meete with many such bickerings before they should come to London and not likely to hold out against them all their numbers not being answerable to the way they were to goe they turned towards Warwicke intending to expect the comming of the Earle thereof who being come from Calleis did together with his Sonne in Law raise people in all parts But before either the King or Warwicke got thither fortune brought the two Armies face to face within three miles of Bambery in a certaine place where were three hills In two whereof the two Armies were encampt the third left to the successe of fortune not assayed by the Welch because they could not without much hazzard make themselves masters thereof though they had a great minde so to doe The Earle of Pembrooke and the Lord Stafford were lodged in Bambery where to shunne disputes which upon the like occasion might arise they agreed each of them to take such lodging as they first should light upon The Baron being lodged to his liking the Earle forgetting his agreement and using his authority would I know not why have him change lodging the which he unwillingly did because so doing he was to quit the company of a Gentlewoman whom he found lodged there And having no other meanes to shew his resentment at the present hee together with all his people left the Towne leaving the Earle without any Bowmen who by their shooting were likely to bee the best advantage of the Battell The Earle was not herewithall dismayed but going to the Campe tooke any resolution rather than to retire It was just the day after St. Iames his day when Sir Henry Nevill Son to the L. Latimer thinking hee had been too long idle went forth to skirmish early in the morning being followed by a company of light horse But delighting more therein than he had reason hee so far advanced himselfe as not knowing how to retire hee was taken and soone after put to death upon coole bloud His youth nobility and valour the chiefest of all endowments not being sufficient to save him This act of cruelty incensed the Northerne people who resolving to revenge his death let flie their darts at the hill where the Welchmen lay whereby inforcing them to come down into the plaine where the battel began It was not sufficient for the E. of Pembrook who fought upon disadvantage to execute the part of a Commander it behoved him to play the part of a souldier whilst his brother Sr. Rich. Herbert minding nothing but the battel did so behave himself as the true story of his valour is not to be exceeded by any fabulous Romanza for making way through the enemies troops with his sword in his hand he passed twice through the whole length of their army returning to his own men if not untoucht yet without any mortall wound The which as I believe was occasioned for that his worth admired by those that saw it did by joyning delight with danger and wonder with delight with-hold the hands of all men from injuring him The battell did almost totally lean to his side when Iohn Clapham a Servant of the E. of Warwicks who had gathered together 500 of the poorest basest sort of people about Northampton appear'd upon the top of one of those hils with a white Beare in his Ensigne crying out a Warwicke a Warwicke the which did so much frighten the Welch as believing Warwicke to be there with all his forces they began to fly Sir Richards valour not being sufficient to detain them In this flight the prisoners not numbred 5000 men were slaine The Earle of Pembrooke his brother Sir Richard and many other Gentlemen wer taken prisoners and without any triall at Law beheaded at Bambery The Earle who was appointed first to suffer addressing himselfe to Conniers and Clapham entreated them in the behalfe of his brother hee objected unto them his youth and comelinesse of stature answerable to his Martiall mind that his valour even by themselves admired might one day be serviceable to his Countrey But Sir Henry Nevils death had so exasperated them as that it occasioned his death the death of his brother and of many others A lamentable Tragedy presented by so worthy men So as it is no wonder if vertue be hated since it is not usefull but rather harmefull to the owners thereof Sir Edward Herbert Baron of Cherbery doth at this time live descended from them a Gentleman who hath given such proofe of his valour as well in his owne private occasions in England as in the warres in the Low-Countries as hee may justly be said to sympathize with the said Sir Richard but in schollership he hath the advantage of adding that glory to his Ancestors by his famous Philosophicall composures which in the like kind hee hath not received from them Their cruelties did not here cease for those of Northampton having chosen unto themselves one Robert of Risdale for their Captaine and joyned certaine others unto him they surprized the Earle Rivers father to the Queen and his sonne Iohn in his mansion-house of Grafton brought them to Northampton and without more adoe beheaded them The Lord Stafford was generally accused for the losse of this battell who for so sleight a cause and upon so urgent an occasion forsooke the Kings service to revenge himselfe upon the Earle of Pembrooke And to say the truth this misfortune had not hapned at least not with the death of so many and so worthy men had hee been there Edward therefore sent forth Commissions to the Sheriffes of Devonshire and Somersetshire to seeke him out finde him and upon paine of their lives to put him to death They were not wanting in diligence they found him where he thought he had been sufficiently concealed and executed their command The victors this meane while had retired themselves to Warwicke whither the Earle thereof was come with a great body of armed men And understanding that the King was marching towards him hee advertised the Duke of Clarence who forthwith joyned with him bringing along a great number of armed men They were likely presently to have come to blowes according to the custome of England had not some great personages desirous of peace and of the good of the Weale publique interposed to finde some way of accommodation This negotiation made Edward so carelesse as that confidently believing in peace hee neglected all duties of Military discipline whilst Warwicke more wary than he being by his spies certified of the Guards negligence and the heedlesnesse of all the rest who behaved themselves as if no enemy had been set upon the King by night and without any resistance tooke him prisoner A blow likely to end the difference without blood-shed He first put him in the Castle of Warwicke from thence that no man might know what was become of him he sent him to Medlam a Castle in Yorkeshire then in the custody of the Archbishop
to comfort the mother Vauclere sent unto him willing him to retire else he should be enforced to treat him rudely But by what ensued I believe Philip Comines report to be true that by secret message he had desired him not to wonder at what had hapned that all was done for his service that if hee should have suffered him to come in hee had been utterly lost since England Burgundy the Towne and a great part of the garrison were his enemies That his best course was to retire into France not taking any further thought concerning that Fort assuring him that in due time he would give a good account thereof But by naming England to be his enemy hee onely meant Edward not the generality for never was any man better beloved by the people than was he which was the onely cause of Edwards aversion and feares for the peoples love doth usually raise jealousies in the Prince Edward seeing him gone thought himselfe rid of a troublesome burden which turned little to his advantage for the continuance of his jealousies would have made him more cautelous than hee was The reasons why Burgundy hated him were because Warwicke had ruined the house of Lancaster to which hee was most affectionate his mothers mother being a branch thereof That hee was a friend to the King of France a Prince by him infinitely hated and the opposing of his marriage for no other end but that he thought hee should thereby become too powerfull for France The inhabitants of Calleis opposed him not for that they hated his person but because the warre would have broken their commerce with London for the Company of Wollen-drapers kept a Store-house in Calleis from whence the Low-countries and all Germany were furnished to the great benefit of particular men and the King did thereby receive a yeerely toll of 50000 Crowns Comines saith but 15000 and that it came all into the Earls coffers As for the Garrison it cannot be denied but that the greatest part of them had dependence upon him But Monsieur de Duras a Gascon and the Kings Marshall being then there with a great many souldiers under his command hee would have runne danger of being taken prisoner if he should have entered the Town Vauclere by his dissembling compassed his ends for the newes of this his unexpected behaviour comming to the Court of England the King tooke the command of that Towne from Warwicke and bestowed it on Vauclere And the Duke of Burgondy to confirme him in this his charge sent thankes unto him by Philip de Comines and gave him a pension of 1000 Crownes a yeere Notwithstanding all this Vauclere served and deceived them all as the effects shewed Hee demeaned himselfe in this manner not out of any loyalty to the King or love hee bore unto the Earle but that hee might have two strings to his Bow and doubly secure his owne interest For had hee been loyall to the King hee could not have given the Earle any hopes nor have effected them when hee might doe it without danger and if hee had loved the Earle hee would not have denied him entrance into the Towne it being the onely place hee could receive succour from But hee not knowing which of them would prevaile chose not to endanger himselfe whilst being in good condition hee might betake himselfe to that side which should be most availeable for him Mens ends are commonly their owne interests for the which they thinke it lawfull to abandon vertue which alwaies goes accompanied by some crosse which they abhorre The Earle of Warwicke finding that now hee had no hopes in Calleis but what were future sayled towards Diepe as hee was advised by Vauclere and according to his first intention By the way hee tooke as many ships as hee met withall belonging to Charles his subjects gaining thereby great riches which did furnish him at his present need and forced Charles to send a great Fleet into those Seas to revenge himselfe either by taking him prisoner or inhibiting his returne for England Being come to Diepe and by command from Lewis received with all manner of respect hee was by the said Lewas met at Amboise where causing him to be provided with all things necessary hee promised him his best assistance and caused a great many ships be rigg'd out for him well provided with Souldiers and Mariners And this hee did the sooner for that Charles had threatned him if hee should assist Warwicke Queen Margaret came to meet him as soone as she heard he was arrived and with her the Earles of Pembrooke and of Oxford the last of which had lately escaped out of prison and was fled from England Lewis to have the surer tie upon him caused Prince Edward the Queens sonne to marry with Anne the Earle of Warwicks second daughter Warwicke taking thereby to sonne in law the sonne of him whom he had formerly deposed that he might now depose him that he had placed in his place As soone as the marriage was concluded Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence tooke an oath never to put a period to the warre till such time as Henry or in default of him his sonne Edward should recover the Kingdome And Queen Margaret promised to make them two Governours of the Kingdome till such time as her sonne should be of yeeres King Edward was daily advertised by Duke Charles what treaties were in hand to his prejudice the Duke complaining that Edward should more minde his pleasures than his affaires But it was in vaine to object the feare of danger to a courageous Prince a lover of pastimes vaine it was to perswade him to quit his sports and plunge himselfe in troubles since it was so unlikely that should befall him which did He advised him to oppose the Earle at Sea for that if hee should set foot on Land and have his partakers joyne with him the danger and difficulty would be the greater Hee on the other side desired hee might land believing that at his pleasure hee might take him prisoner or kill him before hee could be succoured He made diligent inquiry after such as hee might suspect to be Warwickes friends so as those that were knowne to wish him well were in an ill condition Many of them tooke Sanctuary Marquesse Montaigne brother to Warwicke obtained his pardon and came over to the Kings side But the wisest resolution hee could take was to send over a Gentlewoman into France who under pretence of visiting the Dutchesse of Clarence might worke upon her husband This woman being arrived at Calleis made Vauclere believe that businesses were likely to be accommodated and that the King had sent her over to this purpose When shee was come to Amboise she so well performed the trust imposed in her that having shewed the Duke what danger hee was in by taking part against his brother she made it appeare that the house of Lancaster could never raigne voyd of jealousies whilst any one of the house
increased and finding no place safe for him since hee wanted forces hee went not without great danger to Linne where he found two Holland ships and one English hee imbarkt himselfe and was waited upon by the three said ships and seven hundred men without any manner of baggage or one penny of money A great and unexpected misfortune but that which immediately after presented it selfe was farre worse had hee not luckily eschewed it For had hee been taken hee had none to ransome him so would have lost both liberty and Kingdome Eight of the Easterlings ships the Easterlings were then great enemies to the English and did them all the mischiefe they could discovering these three Ships and believing them to be English gave them chase but could not come up unto them till they had cast Anchor before Alchemar in Holland the ebbe being so low as they could not winne the Haven The Easterlings cast Anchor likewise but a good way from them the burden of their Ships not permitting them to doe otherwise so as they were inforced to expect the returne of the tide to board them But Monsieur de Gretures Governour under the Duke of Burgundy in Holland being luckily at that time in Alchemar and understanding of Edwards being there by some whom hee had sent of purpose unto him in flat bottom'd Boats forbade the Easterlings to use any manner of hostility and went himselfe to bring him and all his men into the City Edward was at this time so bare of money as not having wherewithall to pay for his wastage hee gave the Captaine a rich vestment lined with Sables promising not to forget the curtesy and to satisfie him better afterwards A strange change of Fortune happened in a few houres to such a Prince meerly out of negligence and carelesnesse Hee lost a Kingdome without one blow striking and was forced to have recourse unto a Prince whose onely presence did upbraid unto him his carelesnesse lust and bad government Charles hearing of this was very much displeased finding himselfe charged with so needfull a King and so great a retinue whom hee could not bee wanting unto in assistance not out of any humanity or alliance but for that Warwicke enjoying the Kingdome it behooved him to maintaine the contrary party and drive him out or else to suffer the incommodities of a long War Queene Elizabeth the originall of these alterations seeing her selfe abandoned without succour and the enemy upon her back tooke Sanctuary at Westminster where with small attendance she was brought to bed of a Sonne named Edward hee who for some few weekes after his Fathers death was the V. King of that name and who symbolized in birth name and death with his cousin the Sonne of the Dutchesse of Clarence borne a Shipboard before Calleis The pompe of Baptisme had nothing in it of royall save the Mothers teares accompanyed by many mens commiseration which is then greatest when most concealed Many of her best friends betooke themselves likewise to sundry other Sanctuaries who proved afterwards serviceable to her at Edwards returne The Kentish-men prone to insurrections seeing there was now no King of two the one being fled the other a prisoner came to London and sack't the Suburbs and it may be would have sack't the City it selfe had not the Earle of Warwicke diverted them whose comming thither was noysed and who punished the Complices of the insurrection This piece of Justice added to his reputation and the peoples love Upon the 6 of Octob. he entered the Tower accompanied by many Lords in particular his brother the Archbishop of Yorke the Prior of St. Iohns the Duke of Clarence and the Earle of Shrewsbury some of them drawne by affection some by feareâ—… he set King Henry at liberty after nine yeares captivity he brought him to the Bishop of Londons house where hee tarried till the thirteenth day and then brought him in person and in royall attire to Pauls carrying his traine himselfe and the Earle of Oxford the sword accompanied with the peoples acclamations who cried out God save the King forgetting that a little before they had prayed for Edward against him A Parliament was summoned wherein Edward was declared a Taytour to his Countrey and an usurper of the Crown his goods confiscate all Statutes made in his name and by his authority annull'd the Crownes of England and France confirmed upon Henry and the heires male of his body and for want of such upon the Duke of Clarence and his posterity who hereafter was to be acknowledged the next heire to his Father Richard Duke of Yorke and Edward for his faults committed deprived of his birth-right and the prerogatives thereof The Earles of Pembrooke and Oxford were restored in bloud and to their dignities and goods The Earle of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence declared Governours of the Kingdome Marquesse Mountague was received into grace and his fault pardoned since revolting against Edward hee was the chiefe cause of his quitting the Kingdome those who sided with him were deprived of their Honours Titles and Faculties and such punished as in this quarrell had taken up Armes against Henry Whereupon Iohn Tiptoft Earle of Worcester Lord Deputy of Ireland for Edward was found in a hollow Tree brought to London and beheaded in the Tower The Parliament being ended the Earle of Pembrooke went into Wales to take Order for such Lands as hee possest before his confiscation and finding there Henry the Sonne of Edmond Earle of Richmond with the Widow of William Earle of Pembrooke his brother that was beheaded at Banbury who though held as a prisoner by this Lady was alwayes nobly entreated hee tooke him from her when hee was not yet full ten yeares old and brought him to London where hee presented him to King Henry who after hee had ey'd him a while said to the standers by that this child should succeed him and put a period to all the quarrells which afterwards happening confirmed the opinion that was held of his sanctity since by the spirit of prophecy hee foresaw the succession of Henry the seventh Queene Margaret who was then in France being advertised by Letters from Henry of the regainment of the Kingdome did together with her Sonne forthwith put to Sea but the windes being contrary drove her on Land and kept her there a long time and had they forever kept her there they had beene the more favourable for then shee had not met with the mischiefe shee did in the losse of her Sonne When Warwicks returne to England and King Henries re-establishment was knowne at Callis every one tooke unto him the Earles Impressa Vauclere was the first that did so His Impressa was a ragged staffe made of Gold Silver Silk or Cloath according to his condition that wore it As this unexpected inclination made the Duke of Burgondy more sollicitous so did it inwardly displease the Duke of Clarence who had already alter'd his opinion Neither did nature and
common sense faile to suggest unto him what injury hee was to suffer by the rule of the house of Lancaster notwithstanding the seeming favourable proceedings of Parliament in his behalfe hee cloaked therefore his sorrow and seemed to be glad at what did inwardly afflict him hee endeavoured to fit himselfe to the present times till fortune might afford some other occasion When Warwicke had thus taken order for things at home hee applied himselfe to foraine affaires his first thoughts were to divert Duke Charles from assisting Edward beleeving that whilest hee was busyed with the Armes of France in Picardy and those of England in the confines about Callis danger would enforce him to mind his owne affaires and not trouble himselfe with what concerned other men hee sent 400 men to Callis to make inrodes into the parts about Boloigne which were with all dutifull respect received by Vauclere which freed him of all suspition of being any way inclined to the contrary party Before Edward landed in Holland Charles was informed that hee was dead neither was hee troubled at the newes moved by his antient inclination to the house of Lancaster and though Warwickes power did much molest him not hoping ever to gaine him hee hoped notwithstanding strongly to oppose him by meanes of the two Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter who had beene by him maintained in their miseries but when hee heard hee was arrived in Holland he was altogether amazed for should hee assist him he should draw upon him Henries enmity neither could hee deny him aide since his Wife was his Sister Charles knew not that Callis was at Warwickes command building much thereon hee sent Comines to see what hee could promise to himselfe therein for Vauclere having denyed entrance to Warwicke and accepted of a Pension from him hee had reason to believe him to depend upon him the Duke and not to be reconcileable with Warwicke but as soone as Comines was come to Callis hee found hee had lost his labour hee was not received as formerly all hee met wore the Earles colours the gate of the house wherein hee lay and his owne Chamber doore were marked with the White-crosse Songs were every where sung of the firme friendship and intelligence betweene Lewis and Warwicke Being by Vauclere invited to Dinner hee met there a great many Gentlemen who talked neglectfully of Edward and those most who had formerly seemed most to affect him none but Vauclere himselfe spake modestly of him Comines faining the first report of Edwards death to be true said to them that 't was now to no purpose to talke any more of him since hee was dead and that if hee were yet alive the Duke of Burgondy had contracted no other friendship with him then with whatsoever other King That the Articles of contract mentioned onely England and the King thereof that the friendship between England and Burgondy should still continue the same the names of Edward and Henry onely altered Charles was not displeased with this agreement though it was not as he could have desired for under-hand hee could do what he listed whilst hee was free from suspition of being molested by England which was that he most feared The Wollen-Drapers of London wrought well for him in this businesse for Warwicke having taken 4000 men into pay to send against him the Merchants for feare the War might overthrow their Trafficke did so behave themselves as they made him alter his resolution which had it not happen'd much mischiefe might have ensued to him for this fell out just at the same time when Lewis had taken from him Amiens and St. Quintines so as his affaires were likely to have succeeded ill he not being able to defend himselfe in two severall parts against two so potent enemies Charles had not yet seene Edward their first encounter was in the Towne St. Paul the perswasions the King used to him were that he himselfe shared with him in his losse since that he had not now to do with Henry of Lancaster but with the Earle of Warwicke whose Friendship was never to be hoped for as long as Lewis his amity did prevaile that by assisting him hee should not onely assist a Brother in Law and one that would alwayes be his friend but hee should do a worke becomming a just and a great Prince without exposing himselfe to a long and impossible businesse since hee had such intelligence such friends and servants within the Kingdome as hee needed onely to shew himselfe with some Convoy of Ships armed with a few men rather for reputation sake then any neede These perswasions were but coldly entertained by Charles for the Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter shewed unto him what hee owed to his Birth hee himselfe comming of the house of Lancaster and promised him what hee could desire against Warwicke to whom they were both irreconcileable enemies Edward was not well pleased to be nourished with hopes whilest Charles made him believe that his dissembling was necessary for them both for him because hee was not to fight with two Kingdomes at one and the same time and for Edward because opportunity might render his succour more usefull But Edward not satisfied with these put-offs considering that his designes were the lesse likely to succeede well by how much the more firmely Henry grew settled in his Kingdome hee caused foure Ships to be made ready for him at Vere in Holland which being a free Haven not denyed to any one the Ships might seeme to be set forth by Edward himselfe and hired 14 more for him of the Easterlings bargaining that they should passe him over into England and serve him fifteene dayes after he should be landed Hee caused moreover 50000 Florines to be secretly delivered unto him and that this aide might not seeme to be given by him he made it be proclaimed that whosoever should assist Edward should incurre great punishment hereby hee freed himselfe from giving suspition to England and come what might come remain'd friends to both sides Edward had 2000 men with him besides Mariners with which having landed at Ravenspur in Yorkeshire he sent forth some light horse to discover how the Inhabitants were inclined and finding them wholly turned over to Henries side not so much as willing to heare him named hee changed his resolution hee gave out that he did not pretend to the Kingdome Fearing lest the troubles that might thereby arise might alienate the peoples hearts but to his patrimoniall estate of Yorke under the obedience of Henry It cannot be imagined what good effect this his crafty wisedome produced for this his pretence being thought not onely moderate but just no man opposed him therein Equity orany thing which resembles it is of so great efficacy amongst men as that hee who but a little before was banished declared a Traitor and had his Lands confiscated yet being so great a Prince by birth as hee was and having beene King it moved all men to compassionate him
in due time with equall cruelty The Duke of Somerset the Prior of Saint Iohns and fourteene others were beheaded on a munday This battell was the last of the Civill warres during Edwards time The Queene was brought to London and some yeeres after ransomed as some say by her father Renatus King of Sicilie for fifty thousand Crownes which were lent him by Lewis the eleventh and not having wherewithall to re-pay them hee sold unto him his pretence unto the Kingdome of Naples by which title Charles afterwards went and laid claime to it Tillet is alledged for one of those who writ this I confesse I never found any such thing in his Collection I remember I have therein read that Charles the Count of Provence who tooke upon him the Title of King of Sicily after Renatus his death made Lewis the eleventh his heire by vertue whereof Charles the eighth pretended to that Kingdome The two brothers of Sancta Martha in their Genealogicall History of the house of France affirme the same and speaking of this Queene they say she was set at liberty in the yeere 1475. having renounced all she could lay clame unto in England by the way of Joynture they mention the opinion of the fifty thousand Crownes but they believe it not to be true However it was she was sent backe to France to spend the rest of her life in perpetuall sorrow not for the losse of her husband or Kingdome but of her sonne whose sad memory accompanied her to her grave After this Edward visited the neighbouring Countries chastising in sundry manners such as had appeared against him from thence he went to London to remedy an inconvenience which if it had hapned at the Queenes arrivall his affaires had not succeeded so prosperously Authors observe him to have good fortune in such accidents as might have hurt him since they hapned at such times as they could not doe so Had the Queene come before Warwickes defeat he might peradventure have been enforced to a second forsaking of England if the Duke of Somerset had stayed for the Earle of Pembrooke at Tewkesbury or that the like accident we are to speake of had then hapned he had met with much of danger and difficulty The Earle of Warwicke after Edwards flight into Flaunders had given the charge of the Narrow-seas betweene England and France to Thomas Nevill a base borne sonne to the Lord Faulconbridge Earle of Kent a man well knowne for the greatnesse of his courage and Spirit The Earle of Warwicke being dead and he having lost the profits of his place which was Vice-admirall being declared an enemy to the King and consequently an exile void of meanes he betooke himselfe to live by piracy robbing all ships that past by whether friends or foes But thinking that by doing little harme he could doe himselfe but little good he bethought himselfe that Edward being now with his forces in the Westerne parts of the Kingdome a faire occasion was offered of handsomely handling his affaires With this designe he landed in Kent he had many ships full fraught with desperate people and such as abhorred poverty and parcimony not knowing how to live but by rapine and wickednesse flocked unto him to these were joyned seventeene thousand men more if not better yet upon better pretences They gave out that they would set Henry at liberty re-invest him in his estate and drive out the usurper the pretence bare with it a specious shew but their ends were to sacke London they assaulted it on three parts upon the Bridge upon Algate and upon Bishopsgate but not able to force the City they were by the inhabitants thereof beaten backe and many of them slaine Thomas Nevill their chiefe Commander hearing that Edward hasted towards him retired with his first followers to Sandwich leaving the rest to returne upon their perill to their owne homes but not long after having mis-governed himselfe in his charge or given some signes of infidelity or were it that the King thought it not safe to trust his Fleet with one of the Lancastrian faction especially in a time when the Earle of Richmond was in Brittany he was arrested in the Haven of Southampton and executed paying for his former defaults which to the hurt of all men hee had committed by Sea and Land The Earle of Pembrooke was yet in Wales after all the rest of his faction were either slaine or fled which much troubled Edward he commanded Roger Vaughan a man much followed in that Countrey to kill him in any whatsoever manner but the Earle being informed thereof prevented him using Vaughan as Vaughan would have used him he then retired himselfe to Pembrooke a strong place where hee thought himselfe safe but he was there besieged by Morgan ap Thomas who so blocked up the Castle with ditches and trenches that it was impossible for him to get out had it not been by the meanes of David ap Thomas brother to Morgan This man brought him forth and embarked him and his nephew Henry Earle of Richmond who were both by fortune driven into a Haven in Brittany his intention was to have landed in Normandy and to have put himselfe into the protection of King Lewis who was likely to runne advantage thereby for after the warre made under the title of the Common good Lewis was very jealous of his brother and of the Dukes of Burgundy and Brittany and feared that England now free from home dissentions might assist them He apprehended nothing more then that the English should once more set footing in Normandy so as the Earle of Richmond next heire to the Crowne after Henry and his sonne was likely to serve him as a powerfull meanes to keepe Edward so busied at home by such as sided with the house of Lancaster as that hee should not dreame of forraine enterprizes but being falne upon Brittany the Duke thereof which was Francis the second knew very well how to make use of this accident to his advantage for hee was now sure he had a pledge which would upon all occasions enforce Edward to comply with his desires Hee graciously received them and promised them all security hee sent them to Uannes in appearance free and at liberty but in effect hee set a good guard upon them This Princes escape was the deadly blow to the house of Yorke for though Edward left no meane unassayed to have him in his hands hee could never get him When Edward had setled the businesse in Kent he himselfe being gone thither to punish the faulty hee thought not himselfe sufficiently established as long as Henry lived and till hee had extirpated the roote from whence did budde forth all the rebellions Some have thought that Gloucester put this into his head That even from that time hee began to have thoughts of the Kingdome and that to have hereby one lesse opposition thereunto he advised his brother to it the which I believe but not upon that designe there was
Horses great store of Foot but Authors do not name the number Fifteen thousand Bowmen all on Horseback infinite was the number of men employed about the Artillery and Tents and amongst all this number there was not one unuseful person Commines says Never did King of England passe the Seas with a more powerful Army nor with better men nor more richly armed To boot with these Three thousand men were set apart to go for Britanny Edward before he went from Dover sent Gartier a Herauld and a Norman by Nation with Letters to Lewis wherein he demanded the Kingdom of France as properly belonging to him which if he should deny he denounced fire and sword against him as against one who usurped what belonged to another Lewis would read the Letter aside to avoid the occasion of whispers which thereby might be given When he had read it he said unto the Herauld He knew his Master the King of England came not into France out of any motion of his own but egged thereunto by the Duke of Burgondy who having ruinated himself thought by his means to raise himself up again and the Constable who as Uncle to his wife had found more credit with him then he deserved but let him be assured they would not make good any thing they had promised him the Duke by reason of his impotency and the Constable by his disloyalty being born to deceive all men and to sowe distrust where he hoped for advantage that he had made him Constable to boot with other favours and Acts of Grace with which since he could not oblige him Edward was not likely to do it for that it was impossible for him to tread in any path but that of Fraud and Treachery That Edward having to do with such people in a season so neer Winter he might do better to agree with him then to hazard his Person Reputation and People trusting on two whereof the one was unable the other unfaithful and run hazard of too late Repentance This being said he with his own hands gave unto the Herauld Three hundred Crowns and promised him a thousand more if the King his Master and he should gree whereby he obliged him to do him the best service he could Gartier allured by his liberality promised to do what he was able but that the businesse was not to be moved till the King his Master had past the Seas that then he would advise him to send a Herauld to demand safe-Conduct for Ambassadours who might addresse himself to the Lord Howard or the Lord Stanley to whom he would bring him in With this he took his leave and was by Lewis in publike besides what he had given him in private presented with Thirty Ells of Crimson-Velvet When Edward was come to Calais he was troubled not to finde Charles there who according to appointment was to have waited for him in that place but he was more offended that whereas the War should have been begun three Moneths before his arrival he had not yet begun it nor was he like to begin it being busied in the Siege of Nuz He sent forthwith to him to know what he meant to do Charles after the getting of Guelders and the County of Zutphen was carried away with new conceits he was made Heir to those Countreys by Arnaldus the last Duke who had disinherited his son Adolphus who had behaved himself ungratefully and cruelly towards him so as being possessed thereof he thirsted after the neighbouring Countreys and neglected the War of France which most imported him but being confirmed in this humour by the slowe proceedings of Germany by the avarice and wretchlesnesse of the Emperour Frederick the Third who was not able to oppose him without the power of the whole Empire he bent himself thereunto to this purpose he procured a Truce with Lewis for some moneths Lewis his Counsellors were averse to the granting of this Truce but himself was of a contrary opinion foreseeing that if Charles were once entangled in these affairs he would never rid his hands of them for by having the Emperour the Empire and the Princes thereof his enemies he could not have leasure to employ himself elsewhere Charles his designe was to get the dominion of Rhine as far as Basil which he thought he might do for he already possessed all the Lands between Holland and Collen and between Collen and Basil he enjoyed the County of Farrata which was pawn'd to him by Sigismund Duke of Austria the which he intended never to restore and this his designe was occasioned by his having taken into his protection Robert of Bavaria Archbishop of Collen Brother to Lodowick Prince Elector who with a joynt consent was by the Clergie and Commonalty driven out and they placed Nortmannus Brother to Lodowick Barbarus Landgrave of Hessen in his place But because Nuz a Fort of great consequence Three miles distant from Collen held with the City he besieged it it being defended by Henry Brother to Nortmannus believing that when he should have taken this place Collen would not long hold out Lewis seeing him thus madly minded it redounding to his advantage that he should more and more be engaged therein prolonged the Truce and took from him all manner of scruple of breaking it Charles laid Siege to Nuz at the same time that he had perswaded Edward to war with France and was a whole yeer before it when he thought suddenly to have taken it and to have been time enough to have met Edward with his Fleet which was as fair a one as any Prince could have The Emperour and all the Germane Princes came to the succour of this Town hoping to meet 20000 fighting men there which Lewis had promised to send but they came not he having need of them himself to oppose the English who were hourly expected in France Lewis rather endeavoured to have peace with Charles or to prolong the Truce the which he did not obtain for Charles presumed he could at the same time take Nuz drive the Emperour away and ruine Lewis being set upon by three enemies himself England and Britanny Lewis on the other side favoured by the length of the Siege and the slacknesse of the English assoon as the Truce was expired took many Cities of his burnt all his Countrey between Abbevile and Arraz and took Iames of S. Paul Brother to the Constable prisoner He made the Dukes of Lorrain and of Calabria his enemies who entred Luxenburg and likewise the Duke of Austria and the Switzers who took from him the County of Farrata He notwithstanding all this was obstinate in continuing the Siege nor did he rise from before the Town till forced by necessity and divers incommodities the which had he endured but Ten days longer as he might very well have done the Fort had been yeelded up unto him for people died there of hunger but he raised the Siege not knowing their necessity and would have raised it before all
hopes of gaining it being lost had it not been that out of ostentation he might say that the Emperour accompanied by all the Princes of the Empire as well Ecclesiastical as Secular could not make him raise his Siege though the Emperours Army was four times as great as his but seeing his Army consumed through long sufferings the death of 4000 of the best Souldiers he had the losse of Farrata the Dutchy of Luxenburg pillaged the Counties of Poictiers and Piccardy burnt the King of England so much desired by him and so hardly wrought thereunto at Calais expecting him and threatning to return he was content to raise it remitting Nuz to the Popes Legat to dispose thereof as the Apostolike Sea should think good Thus having sent the remainder of his people into Lorrein and Bar that by sacking them they might refresh themselves he himself with a very small attendance went to Calais where he was but coldly welcomed as one who was expected in a Warlike not in a Complemental posture They did notwithstanding follow him and were by him led by the way of Bullen to Peron whereinto he suffered but few of them to enter being jealous of the place as if they had been his enemies The Constable had sundry times promised Charles to give up unto him Saint Quintines but not having done it and meaning nothing lesse he now sent to him Lewis Creville with his excuse saying that if he should have delivered it up to him he should have done him a disservice by bereaving him of all belief of his service in France but that now seeing he was joyned with the King of England he durst do it He sent him likewise a Letter of Credit wherewithal to serve himself with the King and to assure him of his best assistance in his behalf this was accompanied with a Writing sealed up wherein he promised to assist and serve all the Confederates of Burgundy namely the King of England against any whosoever none excepted The Constable was by nature perfidious and full of falshood but no ways wise so as it is no wonder if notwithstanding all his cunning he was ruined for evil doings seldom end well especially when craft and treachery are used towards one more crafty and more powerful The Fox loseth all his wiles when in the Lions paws The Constable while he was but Count S. Paul had served Philip Duke of Burgundy and gained the good will of his son Charles whom he governed in all his ways the which Lewis observing he thought to win him over to his side by making him his Constable believing by this new obligation to corrupt his former ancient friendship whilst Charles was confident the Count would never abandon his Cause and both of them were deceived For though he might at the same time have kept his old Master pay'd all Duties to his new one and inhansed his deserts with the one and with the other yet would not his bad inclinations suffer him so to do for instead of being a means of peace and friendship between them he stirred them both up to war and hatred Sincerity and Candor were not merchandise for his Ware-house nor could he have made use of them had he been willing whilest he believed his present greatnesse could not be augmented nor yet preserved but by his nourishing Discord between these two Princes and causing all their actions to have a dependency on him by making himself the Needle of the Dyal which sometimes points to this sometimes to that side He was to blame to justle with two the one of which was not inferiour to him in craft to wit Charles the other surpassing him therein which was Lewis the former was indued wth little wisedom as was he the other with so much as he might have been therein master to them both 'T would be too tedious to number up his disloyalties it may suffice to say that he fomented the War between them that he might necessitate Charles to marry his daughter to the Duke of Guienne If he did it not he threatned him with ruine shewing uuto him Lewis his Forces and if he did it he promised him S. Quintines and to procure the Duke of Britanny and his son-in-law to declare themselves against Lewis whilst Lewis waging War with Charles and being by him egged on not knowing what he did made War against himself by enforcing him to implore their aid against him by a Marriage equally detested by them both The Duke of Guienne dying he continued their Discord lest if they should agree they might discover his evil Offices the one unto the other whereby that might befal him which indeed did and believing that in case of danger his refuge might be with lesse hazard to Charles then to Lewis the former not being so wary as the other he allured him by the promise of S. Quintines the which in time of peace and by the instigation of the said Constable was by Lewis taken from him together with the Town of Amiens He proposed surprisal for the way of delivering it up promising he would suffer it to be taken the which Charles having divers times offered at was continually mockt and deluded and those who went against it were treated ill whereat though Charles was scandalized yet was he forced to admit his excuses he made him believe he had sent to surprise it at an unfitting time that if he had suffered it then to be taken he should have lost all his credit with the King and with France to the losse and prejudice of the Duke of Burgundy Lewis knew part of this dissembling and saw even into his bosom but he knew not how to punish him unlesse he should make an agreement with Charles for the Constable being possest of S. Quintines and having much of his own Patrimonial Lands lying round about it being very well followed well ally'd and of great Revenue he feared he might lose the Fort if he should discover himself to be his enemy But the King of England's coming was his bane Edward believed that S. Quintines the other adjacent places might serve him for places of Gariosn the next Winter the Constables last promise the Writing which was sent and the credit given him by Charles would not suffer him to think otherwise Whereupon he marched towards it and Charles led on the way but when they were neer the place and some of Edwards Troops advanced themselves believing they should have been received in assoon as they were within sight of the Walls the Canon plaid upon them and they might see themselves charged by sundry Troops of Horse and Foot which slew two or three of them This made the King believe he was as indeed he was basely betrayed The Duke not knowing what to say to it went his way the next day for meer shame and left these new people unacquainted with the Countrey abandoned to Fortune in danger of not being able either to serve him or themselves and Edward
seeing he was used but as an instrument to work the designes of others began better to bethink himself His men had taken a servant of Iames de Gratsi a Gentleman who then served the King prisoner Edward would have him set at liberty without ransome and the Lord Howard and Lord Stanley having furnished him with Moneys for his expences loaded him with the presentment of their services to the King in case he should come to speak with him which at his first coming he did This News seeming strange to Lewis who did not reflect upon the names of those that sent him his naturall jealousie wrought so far upon him as that he made Irons to be clapt upon him taking him to be but a Spie the which he the rather did for that his Masters brother was in great favour with the Duke of Bretagne But after he had made him be privately examined by some and had spoke with him himself he remembred the English Heraulds words That if he did resolve to treat with Edward he should send a Herauld to demand safe-Conduct for his Ambassadours prescribing unto him that he should make his addresse to the Lord Howard and Lord Stanley Having well bethought himself herein some time past before he could resolve whether to do it or no At last he resolved and pitcht upon a person to send wherein his choice seemed very strange Monsieur de Hales had a servant with whom Lewis had never spoken but once he thought this man fit for the employment he was a man poor in aspect but rich in understanding who could at the same time expresse himself boldly enough and yet with modestie whereupon it may be said that in this his choice he shewed his wisedom He caused a Heraulds Coat be made for him whereof there was none at that time in the Camp for Lewis was an enemy to Apparences no great friend to Decency and no ways curious in the accustomed Formalities of Princes This man received his Instructions and presented himself before the English Camp He made known to the Lords Howard and Stanley that he desired to speak with the King and chancing to come when the King was at Dinner he was led into a Tent to dine When he was brought unto the King he told him in Lewis his name He was come from the King of France his Master who was desirous of Peace with his Majestie and his Kingdom as that which was to be sought for by both of them by reason of the commodity of Commerce and which was necessary for the Subjects both of the one and the other That the King his Master wondred to see him come into France since he had never given him occasion to wage War That if he had favoured Warwick it was not out of any ill will to him or his House but in respect of the Duke of Burgundy his inexorable enemy who had made his Majestie of England take Arms against him not for that he intended any advantage or honour to him thereby but that the Forces of England might better his own condition and that of his Colleagues That the Dukes affairs needed Accommodation not War the which might be witnessed by the state his Master found him in since being undone by a long and unfortunate Siege he was reduced to such a passe as that he could not sustain himself but at the charge of others He wished Edward to consider that he had Winter at his back That he was in the Field and unprovided of Towns not being come out of his own election but called in to please his Subjects who if they desired War with France 't was out of passion since reason shewed them there was no appearance of their reaping any profit thereby but rather the contrary for building upon the Duke of Burgundy and the Constable they were certainly to be deceived their Coyn being of a false alloy That he knew the King of England had been at great expence to come into France but that if he would give way unto a Treaty his Master would give him such satisfaction as that he his Nobility and Countrey should have reason to rest satisfied That if it would please him to send Lewis a safe-Conduct for a hundred Horse he would send Ambassadours to wait upon him where he pleased either in any Village or between the two Camps and that Lewis would not fail to send the like to wait upon his Ambassadours Edward and the major part of his Counsel were well pleased with this Proposition The Herauld was suddenly dispatched away being presented with a hundred Angels in a gilt-Cup and had along with him the Safe-Conduct he desired and was accompanied by an English Herauld who might bring back the like with the which assoon as he returned the Ambassadours met in a Village neer Amiens the two Armies being four Leagues distant from thence And though the Demands of the English were exorbitant standing still upon their old Pretences of demanding the Crown and in the second place the Dutchies of Normandy and Guienne yet the one being desirous to return home the others to send them away assoon as possibly they could this Treaty ended upon two chief Conditions besides such as concerned Commerce The one That Lewis should pay to Edward Seventy five thousand Crowns Seventy two thousand says Commines before he went from France the other That the Dolphin who was afterwards Charles the Eighth should marry ELIZABETH eldest Daughter to Edward who was afterwards Wife to Henry the Seventh allowing her for her Maintenance Fifty thousand Crowns a yeer which were for Nine succeeding yeers to be paid her in the City of LONDON at the end whereof the Marriage being to be consummated the married Couple were joyntly to enjoy all the Revenue of the Dutchy of Guienne the annual payment of the abovesaid Fifty thousand Crowns ceasing And that the Peace between the two Kingdoms should be understood to continue during these Nine yeers their friends therein comprehended namely the Dukes of Burgundy and Britanny Many blamed Lewis for these Agreements and not looking into the reasons thereof imputed pusillanimity and cowardise unto him but they did not well understand the businesse Commines says that besides his declared enemies who were the Dukes of Britanny and Burgundy and the Constable he had so many private concealed ones in the body of his Kingdom as without this Agreement he might have suffered losse He meaneth as I believe such Princes and Lords who not approving of the Person of the King would have caused the good o France which Charles said once he wisht her to wit That in stead of One King she might have Six But suppose there were no such dangers there yet remains one reason not spoken of by him which of it self ought to have perswaded him to do what he did The end of War is Victory but all Victories are not equally profitable there is difference between overcoming to preserve our own and overcoming to get
thereunto departed so much distasted as there never was after this any good Intelligence between them If Charles were angry at this Truce it amazed the Constable much more before he knew the certain conclusion thereof and when he knew it he sent his Confessor to Edward to intreat him not to give belief to Lewis his words or promises That he would be pleased to accept of the two Towns of Eu and S. Valleri which should be delivered up unto him That he might lodge there the beginning of the Winter promising him better Towns within two moneths space but he named them not He offered likewise to lend him Fifty thousand Crowns to the end that he might not be necessitated to make the Agreement But Edward answered The Truce was concluded and was to be observed if he were displeased thereat he might thank himself for if he had kept his promise to him he had not done it The place of Parley between the two Kings was Pichines a Town belonging to the Vidame of Amiens three Leagues distant from the Citie where whilst a wooden Bridge was cast over the River of Some and parties from either side were sent to view it Edward came within half a League of Amiens and was by Lewis presented with Three hundred Cartload of the best Wines that could be found and his people had in the City free egresse and regresse Lewis had caused many Tables laden with all sorts of salt-Meats which might provoke to drink to be set at the entring in of the Gate they were guarded by the best drinkers of France Besides all this he gave Commission to all the Innes and Taverns that they should feast the English and not suffer them to pay a peny Upon which occasion Nine thousand English came into the Town Some of the more cautelous French seeing this were not void of suspition in somuch as they did advertise Lewis thereof who having set people to observe their behaviours Finding them all singing and making merry and the most part of them drunk he found no cause of fear 'T was a wonder that in three days all which time this open Court was kept there hapned not any falling out or quarrel amongst so many drunkards Assoon as the Bridge was fully finished Edward marched towards it with his Army in a glorious manner Lewis his Army being nothing in comparison to his Lewis was come thither before Edward Amongst the Orders of the Parley one was That each of them shoule send Four of their men into the company of the others to have an eye upon what should be done to the end that if they should finde any cause of suspition they might advertise their Masters But this was needlesse The two Kings were to be attended upon the Bridge by Twelve men onely of which those that are named were Iohn Duke of Burbon the Cardinal of Burbon his Brother and Commines Lord of Argenton who had a Suit upon him like to that which King Lewis wore for it was his custom oftentimes to have some-body neer him clad in like manner as he himself was Commines writes that when Edward appeared his very presence spoke him a King and that though he begun to grow somewhat fat he was notwithstanding very handsom though not altogether so comely as when Warwick made him flee to Flanders at which time he was the handsomest and most comely man that ever he saw There were with him his Brother the Duke of Clarence the Earl of Northumberland the Lord Hastings his Chamberlain the Bishop of Ely his Chancellor and others to the number of Twelve The Duke of Gloucester came not thither for that having not given his consent to the Truce he would not be present when it was to be sworn unto When Edward was come within Five spaces of the Grate he took off his Cap which was of black Velvet whereon was a rich Jewel of Diamonds they made â—…owe Reverences each to other and embraced each other thorow the partitions of the Grate Lewis was the first that spoke he said He never coveted any sight so much as this and that he blessed God that had brought them together to so good an End Edward having courteously replied in French the Chancellor of England read the Treaty asking Lewis whether it were the same that he had sent and if he were therewithal content he answered Yes as likewise with that which was sent him from the King of England Hereupon the Masse-book and the Crosse being brought they laid their hands thereon and swore to observe the Truce of Nine yeers comprehending therein those that were within named and the Marriage between their children This being done Lewis said merrily to Edward He might do well to come to Paris to see the fair Ladies there and take his pastime and that if he should chance to commit some trivial trangressions he would assigne the Cardinal of Burbon to him for his Confessor This Cardinal was a young Prince no enemy to good-fellowship So as Edward being well pleased with the complemental Invitation Lewis for a good while play'd upon them both Lewis after this commanded his men to retire and Edwards men forth with withdrew uncommanded They discoursed a pretty while together it not being well known whereon but as it is believed to the prejudice of the Constable Lewis asked him what he would advise him to do if the Duke of Burgundy should not accept of the Truce as it was likely he would not in regard of the proud terms he had used to him Offer it him the second time replied Edward and if he shall not then accept of it do what you think best Lewis made this enquiry concerning Burgundy onely that he might enquire of Edward as he did and discover what his opinion was of the Duke of Bretaigne Edward said The Duke of Bretaigne was his friend and such a one as he had not found the like in his need that therefore he desired Lewis not to molest him but suffer him to live in quiet Lewis was not well pleased with this answer for his intentions were not good towards that Prince and he was the worse pleased for that he knew not the reason of it which was his detaining of the Earl of Richmond for it was in Bretaigne's power to trouble Edward if he listed for though he should neither have assisted Richmond with Men nor Money yet the permitting him to return to England would be sufficient to shake all the foundation of that Kingdom Lancasters faction was ready to rise hearing of his name and to trouble the possession of the Crown the which he having peaceably enjoy'd since Henry's death he was not likely to do so long so opposed Lewis was ignorant of these interests but cloking his dislike they took leave each of other having embraced such Lords and Princes as were there Edward returned to his Camp and Lewis to Amiens from whence he sent to Edward whatever he thought behoveful for him even to
Torches and Candles The Duke of Gloucester that he might pay the dues of Civility went to visit him and returned presented with silver Plate and horses most richly caparison'd This King spared nothing where he might win those that might either be serviceable to him or harmful He met with two things at this Interview which displeased him the one Edwards inclination to come to Paris for being a Prince amorously given he might by falling in love with some Lady fall likewise in love with the Countrey and so perchance take an humour to tread in the footsteps of his Predecessor the other his having declared himself so passionate in the Duke of Britanny's interest He endeavoured to withdraw him from the later of these two he caused him to be sifted by two several persons as if they had casually faln upon this discourse but he perceiving their drift said the onely cause to make him passe the Seas again would be the molestation of the Duke of Bretaigne and therefore wished them to talk no more thereof Some of those that had to do in the Treaty of the Truce went to sup with Lewis at Amiens amongst which the Lord Howard was one who told him in his ear that if he pleased he would use some means to make Edward come and recreate himself with him at Amiens and perchance at Paris This discourse wounded Lewis his ears but smiling and putting a good face upon it without further answer he fell to wash his hands The Lord Howard did not notwithstanding forbear to talk of this with some others who formerly aware thereof answered 'T was impossible for the King to make any stay in any one place for such were Charles his insolencies as did enforce him to wage War But Howard conceiving them aright forbare the further pursuit Many of Edwards servants were displeased with this Agreement believing he had not considered his Honour therein One of them named Lewis de Bretailles a Guascoigner being with Commines and demanded in how many Battels Edward had been present replied In eight or nine and that he was victorious in them all except in this which you have made him lose for to return to England without fighting or losse will redound more to his dishonour then all his former won Battels will do to his honour Lewis being told of this answer swore according to his custom that this mans mouth must be stopped he caused him to be sent for to Dinner to him he made him many offers to draw him to his service but he not accepting of any he gave him a thousand Crowns he promised him to prefer his Brethren who were in France and he made Commines tell him in private that if he would endeavour the continuance of the good intelligence and friendship between the two Crowns to boot with the doing an office worthy of a man of Honour he should oblige the King of France to reward him These Artifices did Lewis use One day after Dinner being come into his chamber and laughing at Edward for having suffered himself to be caught with presents he turned himself round and saw at his back a Guascoigne-Merchant who lived in England and was come to beg leave for the transportation of certain Gascoigne-Wines without the paying of a certain Impost he was somewhat out of countenance perceiving he had heard all he had said he therefore granted his request and caused him to be brought to Bourdeaux where he gave him a good Office in that City to the end that he might not return for England and to that Office added a thousand Franks by means whereof he might send for his wife and children and would not suffer him to go himself for them but made him send his brother His having been too carelesse of his speech and his fear lest the Merchant should tell what he had heard forced this liberality and favour from him against his will One named Rapines a servant of the Constables was come to Amiens before Edward departed thence with Letters of Credence at the same time when Monsieur de Contay was likewise returned from Charles His businesse was to complain of his Masters misfortune who was subject to the misreports of wicked men whilst the King had no one servant more faithful nor more affectionate to his service then was he He made the same offer as formerly had been made in the Constables name To make the English in their return be set upon by Charles But being told this was not to be done since the agreement was concluded Lewis gave him a Letter written with his own hand to deliver to the Constable and made him read it before it was sealed up so as Rapines thought his dispatch was very gracious He in this Letter by way of trust made him a relation of what had past and added That he was so over-burdened with the present affairs as he stood in need of having by him such a head as was his A conceit which Rapines did not truely understand but Lewis explaining himself to some of his familiar friends that were about him said He stood in need of such a head but without the body to the end it might no more deceive him Assoon as Edward had received the Moneys agreed upon he went his way leaving with Lewis the forenamed Hostages and although in some of his passage he was way-laid by Charles his people yet he arrived safely at Callis It seemed strange to many that he having past the Seas with the fairest and most powerful Army that ever King of England did so small a sum of Money should make him return Commines believes that his avarice to pocket up the Moneys he had received from his people for this Enterprise was the cause thereof but he is deceived he had almost spent it all nor had he as yet though afterwards he did given occasion to be noted of this vice The true cause was the failing of the foundation of the Enterprise by the default and negligence of Charles and the Constable his cozenages Charles believed that when Edward was once in France he should be enforced to fight whether he would or no and that he would entertain Lewis whilst he might do his affairs elsewhere just as his father Philip did with the Duke of Bedford under Henry the sixth but the condition of affairs was altered Edward could not make War alone as did Bedford The English did then possesse in France all that lay between the River Loire and the Sea and a great part of Guienne now scarcely Calais Henry the sixth was born King and a King by Succession having then no Competitiours Edward a new King a stranger to the Crown perturbed with jealousies of the contrary Faction chiefly of the Earl of Richmond the head thereof who though at his request he were detained in Bretaigne yet did he not live free from fear of him The expences of those times besides that France did contribute thereunto it self what was by way of
aid given by England did not much burden the Countrey which did abound in men and all things else the now-expences were to be drawn from England onely which being exhausted by Civil Wars could not well furnish things needful to so important an Expedition so as it was great wisedom in Edward if failed by the Duke cheated by the Constable and allured by Lewis with Moneys Pensions and chiefly with the promise of so honourable and advantageous a Match he did withdraw himself shunning thereby such snares as the contingencies of War might make him fall into as well at home as abroad Edward was not well landed when Lewis began to rid his hand of what other businesse he had to do which was the Truce with Charles and the Constables ruine The later was now no longer to be evaded his wife Mary of Savoy sister to the Queen of France she who always made up the breaches between her husband and brother-in-law was dead and his friends of all sides forsook him amongst which the Count Dammartin and Messieurs de Tremoville and Lude who were very powerful at Court so as imagining the King would come to S. Quintines as he did he withdrew himself from thence and abandoned that place not affying in the Garison which immediately yeelded up the Town Passing from hence to Varuins he there received Charles his Ambassadours who were come to treat of the Truce and were waited upon by handsom and well armed Troops There were in the Kings train besides the English Hostages many Gentlemen of the same Nation who bare them company and who wondering to see the Ambassadours so well attended one of them said to Monsieur de Commines that if the Duke of Burgundy had been accompanied with such men when he came to Calais Edward would not so easily have made an Agreement Monsieur de Narbone who was then present in a jesting manner replied They were too simple to believe that the Duke of Burgundy wanted such men as those but that their desire to return into England Six hundred Tun of Wine and a Pension had made them believe any thing This sort of jesting pleased not the English Gentleman who answered that it was true that he had heard that the French gybed at the English but they might gybe so long that their being gone might not hinder them from returning back again and although Monsieur de Commines would have smoothed over the businesse the English-man did notwithstanding complain thereof unto the King who being of a contrary humour to Narbone chid him as detesting his ill-advised indiscretion After much Dispute the Truce was at last concluded for nine yeers and all who had forfeited their estates by following the contrary party were suffered to return and take possession of them except Messieurs de Commines de Renti de Chasse and de Baldwin a Bastard of Burgundy the Duke who was inexorable in the behalf of such as had once quitted him would not be perswaded to suffer them enjoy any such priviledges as others did The chiefest Articles of the Truce were That the King should renounce his League with the Emperour and City of Collen should slight some forts that he should proceed against the Constable by way of justice according to the Treaty of Bovines that he should restore S. Quintines to the Duke and that he should not assist the Duke of Lorrein When Edw. understood that Charls would not accept of the Truce made by him he sent Sir Tho. Montgomery to intreat Lewis not to make any league with him save what was answerable to that which was made between them two and that he should not restore unto him S. Quintines and that if he were to make War against him he would crosse the Seas again to fight on Lewis his behalf on two Conditions the one That he should satisfie him for the losse he should have in his Customs of Wools at Callis which being taken from the Commerce of Dutch-men who were Charles his Subjects were worth unto him Fifty thousand Crowns a yeer the other that he should pay half the men which Edward should bring over But Lewis thanking him for his offer said he had already made the same Truce for nine yeers with him without any difference save the giving of Letters apart With this answer did Montgomery return and together with him the Hostages But Lewis would never have accepted of this offer though he had stood in need of it he thought it ominous to have the English in France besides the Commerce with Flanders and the ancient pretence to France might haply without much difficulty make Edward joyn again with Charles against them The Constable this mean while sinding himself abandoned by them who foreseeing his ruine absented themselves he knew not what to resolve upon nor whither to retire himself he durst not trust himself in Han though it were a very strong Fort and for the like occasions so fortified by him as it was thought almost impregnable because the Garison thereof were all Burgonians and French to flee into Germany with Moneys and Jewels would be dangerous at last after many consultations privately with himself he resolved to have recourse to Charles to demand safe-Conduct and under colour of important affairs to get accesse to him and win his ear Having got it he went to Mons with not above Fifteen or Twenty Horse where contrary to all faith he was at Lewis his request detained and sent to Peron The Duke according to the tie of his Articles was either to deliver him up unto the King within eight days after he should be his prisoner or else to see justice done upon him himself but he detained him longer cavilling from one day to another for above the space of a moneth not out of Charity but for fear lest when the King should have him he might break his word with him and hinder him in the taking of Nanci which he then besieged but making his account to take it on such a day he gave order that on the same day he should be delivered to the Kings Officers as he was Perceiving afterwards that he had cast up his accounts amisse Nanci holding still out he revoked his direction the very same day by an expresse Post who though he made all possible haste came three hours after the Constable was delivered up who being brought to Paris examined and out of his own Letters to the King of England and Duke of Burgundy convinced of high Treason he was beheaded in the Greve a place where malefactors are put to death paying so at once sufficiently what he ought sundry times to have done for his so many deceits He was descended from the most illustrious Families of Christendom the Families of Emperours and Kings allied to the chiefest Princes son-in-law to the Duke of Savâ—…y brother-in-law to the King of France and Duke of Millan Uncle to the Queen of England rich in Fee farms Copie-holds Rents and Moneys
but so full of tricks ambition perfidiousnesse and deceit as nothing but ruine could betide him whereas had he served Burgundy and France with such loyalty as he ought to have done amongst Princes he would have been thought worthy of the title of a Prince and amongst Captains been esteemed one of the chiefest of his time His father had served England and so had he but leaving her in the recesse of her Fortune he became one of Charles his favourites then Count Carolois and was not likely to have fallen from thence but an ambition having brought him to the eminent place of Constable the next man to the King in France Generalissimo of his Forces and at whose command even Princes did obey enriched besides his Office with Pensions and Commands there remained nothing more for him to covet had he not like sick men by longing after what was hurtful for him contaminating his faith and honour put a period to his life and honour In this many erre encrease of honour or riches causes still a thirsting after more such examples have been before and since the Constable and shall be as long as the world endures for the avarice and ambition of such as come to what they formerly were not makes them see amisse and whilst they think to go beyond the period of their Fortunes thinking to transport it from its natural circle to an imaginary one as he who should think to passe from the Sphere of the Moon to that of the Sun for that as it is of a larger circumference so is it of a more elevated and lasting efficacie they in their passage tumble down headlong and break their necks Happie is he who possessing the favour of his Prince with temperance enjoys an alway-permanent Fortune grounded upon the justice and integrity of his own actions and if he prove not as rich as Croesus yet need he not to be ashamed of his riches which if they be but small the greater signe 't is of their being well come-by whilest the Princes favour the testimony of a good conscience and the being able to do good to others are the most glorious and most advantagious riches the world affords In such extraordinary Fortunes 't is better to sympathize with Agrippa and Maecenas then with Sejanus Edwards Ship had cast Anchor in a place secure from all windes save such as blew from Bretaigne which were those alone that were able to split or overwhelm her He enjoy'd his estate with out the disturbance of forreign enemies by means of the new Treaty with Burgundy's enmity did no ways trouble him for though the desire of subduing Lorrein and the humour of provoking the Switzers which cost him his life had not been predominant in Charles yet the interest of Flanders to which Commerce with England was necessary did secure him Scotland was in a condition not to be doubted by reason of the Truce which yet endured of the quality of her present Government and her not being stirred up by France for the most part the first causer of her movings At home he found himself freed of all such as might have harmed him who were come to their ends either by the Civil Sword or by the Hang-man wherein he was not sparing Clemency and faith are banished when Kingdoms are in question and Kingdoms in contention shut the doors upon all vertues as may cause alteration or suspect The life of young Henry Earl of Richmond was that alone which did molest him he could not possibly live content and attend such pleasures as he was naturally given unto so long as this worm did gnaw upon his heart he was the onely remaining relike of the House of Lancaster likely enough to deprive him of his quiet and Kingdom should he not be taken from the world whereby himself his house and children might live secure He esteemed the good offices he had done the Duke of Bretaigne with the King of France sufficient to deserve such a favour he sent unto him three Ambassadours the chief whereof was Doctor Stillington They desired the person of the Earl of Richmond in way of Honesty and affection concealing their cruelty and evil intentions neither could they proceed otherwise with Francis the â—…econd Duke of Bretaigne one of the best Princes that Fame celebrated in those times These made him believe that the King desiâ—…ous to abolish the enmity of the two Factions and quiet such spirits as were affectionate to the House of Lancaster there was no more fitting means to effect this then by marrying the Kings eldest daughter to the forenamed Earl who was Heir to that House They desired him to lend his helping hand to so good a work assuring him that as Bretaigne in former times had found no more advantageous nor more faithful friendship then with England so should she finde it every day more and more by this obligation of delivering up the person of this Prince The Marriage did not at the first appear unto the Duke to be the cause of this their so fervent desire it did not correspond with sense 't was a favour not to be expected from an enemy especially since the Earl himself had never been treated withal therein nor had heard any news thereof before but they reiterating their desires and adding to their efficacie by a great sum of Gold which they presented him withal he was perswaded to let him go But they were not well gone for S. Malo where they intended to take Shipping when the Duke looking narrowlier into the businesse repented the surrender of him Polydore saith that Iohn Chenlettes a very upright Gentleman and therefore beloved of the Duke was the cause of this Argentres says the same but he says he findes it not in the Chronicles of Bretaigne nor knows he from whence Polydore Virgil hath it Chenlettes was in the Countrey when he understood of the Ambassadours coming and the delivery of the Prince so as zealous for his Masters honour he hasted to him to lay before him the blame he was likely to incur by having delivered up the Earl of Richmond after having received him into his protection to his chiefest and most cruel enemy how that the obligations of assisting and giving entertainment one to another was reciprocal amongst Princes that many of his Predecessors had in the like case been received in England and Flanders and had tasted the loyalty and noblenesse of others in like manner as Richmond ought to taste his the which if he should not do his reputation would thereby receive so much the deeper stain by how much his past-goodnesse and greatnesse had been to all men known The taking his Remonstrance in good part answered that this his resolution could not redound to his blame since the Earl was to be the Kings son-in-law and to be readmitted into all his possessions Cheâ—…let replied He was deceived for that the Ambassadours being sure he never would have delivered him but upon fair terms had made this
pretence lest they might have been gainsay'd he told him he had given up the Lamb unto the Wolf and that he might be sure assoon as he was out of Bretaigne he should be miserably put to death since the King of England could not bear him any such affection contrary to his own pretended end That the King was not so simple as to marry his daughter to an enemy who laid claim unto the Kingdom nor was it likely he could believe that Affinity would root out Jealousies but rather encrease so as it would not make for him to nurse up this Adder in his bosom The Duke listned to these reasons and finding them to be true commanded Peter Landois his Treasurer who by chance was then present to post after the Ambassadours and come what come will to bring back the Earl He found them ready to imbark themselves at S. Malo and the Earl sick of a violent Feaver occasioned by the apprehension of his approaching death He told them the Duke was surprised by their request that every honest man would blame him for it that he could not deliver unto them this Gentleman without a great stain to his reputation that therefore the Duke desired them they would be pleased he might put such Guards upon him the which he promised to do as that he might not go out of that Sanctuary whither by reason of their unadvisednesse he had had recourse the Earl had taken this Sanctuary by the secret means of Peters servants or that if he did he would put him in so safe a place as Edward should have no occasion to fear him The Ambassadours were not well pleased after having found him out and paid for it to lose both cost and labour But they durst not complain thereof the Earls promised imprisonment being of more worth then their charges And though the King was thereat displeased yet the belief he gave to the Kings promise freed him of that suspition which likewise freed him of all other trouble so as according to his humour he gave himself up to all familiarity yea sometimes with such as were far unfitting company for him He invited the Maior and Aldermen of London a hunting he ate and drank with them and at the same time presented their Wives with Venison and Wine to the end that they might likewise recreate themselves the which though it relisht too much of familiarity yet was it not prejudicial since used to such as might be serviceable to him As there is no better means to win upon mens affections then affability so when it falls into excesse it causeth such a loathing as quantity of meat causeth to weak-stomacked people He was not sparing of himself to any whatsoever woman he had three Concubines besides such by whom he had had children 't was usually said when men would be bold with him that the one of them was delightful the other wilde or phantastical the third holy who was so termed because she could not be drawn from forth the Church but when sent for by him But natures too much given to the pleasures of Sense are if they be offended bitter in resentment For example as he was hunting in Warwick shire in the Park of one Thomas Burdet who was servant to his Brother the Duke of Clarence amongst many other Deer he slew a white Buck which Burdet made much account of insomuch as not knowing how otherwise to be revenged he wisht the horns in the Kings belly This wish was adjudged Treason and he together with his white Buck lost his head and all that he had I must spend the yeer 1476 in the misfortunes of Charles Duke of Burgundy since England was then unemployed and his affairs altered the face of businesse amongst Princes Charles answerable to the Agreement made with King Lewis had received S. Quintines Han Bohaine and all the Constables moveable goods together with the shame of having under trust betrayed him his brain full of vast designes bore him to difficult undertakings which chewed by imaginary confidence caused in him such evil digestion as we shall see His first wrath and the first expressions thereof were against Renatus Duke of Lorrein wherein succeeding luckily as in the taking of Nanci and the rest of that Dutchy he was blown up to fresh undertakings Because the Switzers had assaulted Burgundy and had taken many places under Iames Count de Romont Brother to the Duke of Savoy whilst he was at the siege of Nuz he resolved at one and the same time to revenge his own and the others injuries nor could they pacifie him though they offered to renounce all other Confederacies namely that of France for the heavens having ordained him to ruine did obdurate him in the wilfulnesse of his obstinate humours making him deaf to all honourable and advantageous offers He entred their Countrey with Five thousand fighting men he took Iverdon besieged Granson where Four hundred Switzers of the Canton of Berne not able to defend it retired themselves into the Castle they yeelded it up their lives saved but not observing the Agreement Eighty of them were hanged Two hundred drowned and the rest put to ransom whilst Eighteen thousand of the same Nation were come in unto their succour The Duke taking it in disdain that they durst raise their Colours against him set upon them forthwith he lost the Battel his Artillery and Baggage the particulars whereof were by him esteemed at three Millions of Gold in Tapistry Silver vessels and Jewels which for ostentation and pomps sake he had taken along with him This was the first of his three mortal misfortunate blowes which not being accustomed thereto made him fall sick this sicknesse changed his constitution and nature insomuch as where before he drank nothing but water boyled and used Conserve of Rosâ—… to qualifie his natural heat his melancholy had now so much cooled him that his Physitians made him drink lusty Wines with out water and applied Cupping-glasses to his heart to heat hiâ—… and excite blood but what is most remarkable his Senses were hereat so weakned as that his Judgement was disquieted so as the blowe which would have infused understanding into any one not totally void thereof did not so to him who was become in capable of it Gathering therefore greater Forces he went with Eighty thousand fighting men to besiege Morat a Town not very great some two leagues distant from Berne belonging to Couâ—… Romont but usurped by the Switzers The Switzers came to the succour thereof with Thirty thousand Foot and Four thousand Horse accompanied by the Duke of Lorrein they gave Battel and though the Dukes Artillery made very great breaches upon their Battalions yet did they not break not stop thereupon but making good the empty places they passed on cutting in piece very many of his men and making the rest either run away oâ—… drown themselves in the Lake the Duke with much ado saving himself In my Travels thorow those
had not any to intercede for him He left behinde him two children born unto him by the Earl of Warwick daughter Edward Earl of Warwicks and Margaret Countesse of Salisbury both of them born under the like unfortunate Constellation for He lost his head in Henry the sevenths time She hers in Henry the eights King Lewis when Charles was dead thought to make himself master of those States believing he could not meet with any obstacle since all the men of War were almost slain in the three Battels of Granson Morat and Nanci neither had he been deceived if he had persisted in his resolution of marrying that Princesse to the Dolphine his son of working upon her Counsellors by gifts promises and additions of Honours and of winning the peoples good-will by feeding them with hopes of being well treated but his thirsting after this Conquest which to him appeared easie diverted him from the means of coming by it lawfully and was the ruine if not of all yet of his most principal designes Abbeville was the first City which fell into his hands but as of right belonging unto him being one of those which were to be surrendered to him after Charles his death Han Bohin S. Quintines and Peron out of the same reason did the like Arras was by agreement delivered up unto him Heâ—…ine Bullein and Doway yeelded themselves All this progresse of affairs appertained to Picardy In Burgundy he employed the Prince of Orange a man of great power in those parts and Monsieur de Cran with a distinct Army who in a few days brought the County and Dutchy to his obedience Neither did he pretend usurpation in this the Dutchy was the Patrimony of the Crown given in Fee-farm to Philip the bold by his father Iohn the second King of France upon condition it should revert again unto the Crown in default of Issue male such Grants not falling according to the French phrase unto the Distaff And he had some pretences to the County though not from the Crown The Infant Princesse seeing her self thus hardly dealt withal all her Embassies Supplications and Submissions nothing availing her she sent a Dispatch into England to shew to Edward what prejudice he suffered by having the King of France so neer him possest of Abbeville Bullein Hedine Arras and other places upon the Sea neer Callice and in the face of England But though in all reason he ought to have assisted her his private interest made him notwithstanding be a Spectator of all those ruines without budging his Counsellors being almost all of them Pensioners to Lewis preferred private interest before all reason of State Edward though sent Ambassadours to mediate that no more harm might be done a very good means certainly before a Prince hath put on a resolution of War but as ridiculous as unprofitable without a mans sword in his hand The hopes of marrying his daughter the Fifty thousand Crowns which were ready to be paid and his chief men being won by Pensions were the obstacles which withstood all good Resolves Lewis received the Ambassadours courteously and was bountiful to them at their going away so sent them away without any answer the which he said he would send by Ambassadours of his own who a good while after were sent with directions to spin out the businesse upon pretences of having no Instructions working by this means his own desired ends and hindering Edward from doing had he been so disposed what he ought to have done and though many free from corruption advised him to the contrary shewing the damage he thereby received without any hopes of advantage for if Lewis had any minde to make the Marriage he would have sent for the Princesse away after the first yeer according to the Treaty sworn at Picquigny divers yeers being now past and she not sent for yet were they not listned unto Any the least obstacle to boot with the defence made by the Infant Princesse would have been sufficient to have made Lewis keep within his own Precincts and if nothing else his unwillingnesse to see the English in France would have slackned his proceedings and though he invited Edward to passe over into Flanders whilst he busied himself elsewhere and seemed to be content that the English might win Flanders and Brahant for themselves he did it for that he was sure by reason of the many strong places that were there they would make but a slowe and costly progresse and when Edward seemed to accept of this invitation if in stead of such places as he should win in Flanders Lewis would deliver unto him those he had won in Picardy namely Bullein no more was heard of the businesse Edward would willingly have assisted the Princesse if she would have married the Earl Rivers brother to his wife and she needing assistance would have married him but the disparity of their conditions would not permit her Counsellors to suffer her so to do so as Lewis found none that crost his Fortunes nor she any that would assist her in her misery which made her conclude the Match with the Archduke Maximilian son to the Emperour Frederick the third not listning to any other that was propounded to her not to that of the Dolphine for that he was but nine yeers old and she twenty or one and twenty and for that she hated his father not to that of Charles Count d'Angoulesme who was afterward father to Francis the first because Lewis would not consent thereunto being jealous of the Princes of the bloods power not to that of the Prince of Cleve because she liked him not Edward had this mean while prodigiously alter'd his nature from being affable and liberal he became austere and a varitious to the great wonder and worse satisfaction of his people The Laws of England grant many things in favour of their Kings as their penal Laws which the Kings themselves make no use of as being too full of rigour He by vertue of those Laws took such penalties as those that were rich fell into by their not punctual observance of them and making no difference neither in respect of Blood Quality or Title he put the Kingdom into a great fright making them believe he would become formidable for having abated the courage of other men by his Brothers death there was not any one that durst contradict him But the greedy heaping up of Money which he used was so much the more monstrous in him by how much it was contrary to the constitution of his nature so as such a change shewed his death to be at hand Ambassadours were frequently sent from England to France and from France to England the former that according to their Obligation the French might send for the betrothed Princesse the others to excuse their delay laying it upon the Wars of Burgundy and the Low-Countreys in the which all the principal men of the Kingdom being employed she could not be sent for in manner becoming the
with King Iames who did not suffer any one to come into the Castle he made a publike Proclamation to be made in the chief Market place by Garter King at Arms that if he would not make good to Edward what under his hand he was by agreement obliged unto if he did not before September next make satisfaction for the damages and injuries done to England and did not put the Duke of Aubeny in his former condition without the diminishing of his Possessions Authority or Offices he would put his whole Kingdom to fire and sword But the King returning no Answer neither by message nor writing being equally unfit either to give satisfaction or make resistance the Nobles who had encamped themselves at Haddington with a great number of men being abandoned by the King and not willing to abandon themselves and Countrey sent Ambassadours to the Duke of Gloucester offering for what belonged to them to effect the Marriage and requiring the like of him promising that it should not fail on their sides if all the Articles agreed upon were not put in execution and an inviolable Peace for the time to come were not made between the two Kingdoms To the which Gloucester answered that the Match was broken by means contrary to the end for which it was made That he did not know the King his brothers intentions and whether he was not resolved as he had good cause not to think any more of it That his Instructions were To demand restitution of the Moneys the which he did requiring speedy payment for what concerned the Peace That it was not to be had unlesse they would promise to deliver up unto him the Castle of Berwick or unlesse in case they could not do it they would oblige themselves not to assist the besieged nor molest the besiegers till such time as it were either taken or surrendred These Demands seemed very hard to the Scots They answered The cause why the Marriage was not effected was by reason of the young couples yeers not through any default of theirs That the Moneys could not justly be demanded the time of repayment being not yet come That if the security given in for the repayment of them did not suffice they would give in other That Berwick was situated upon the very Bound of Scotland built by the Scots and by just Title always possessed by them nor was their claim thereunto the weaker because the English had made themselves Masters of it since violence doth not prejudice the right of a just ancient natural and primary possession But the Duke of Aubeny put an end to all these differences for Gloucester permitting him to go into the Scotish Camp and the Lords there promising him that if he would submit himself to the King they would procure his pardon and the restitution of all his goods he was declared under the King Lord Lieutenant of the Kingdom and it was resolved though not without much opposition that the Castle of Berwick should be surrendred and a Truce for certain moneths was agreed upon to the end that the Peace might be treated on without disturbance oâ—… hostility so as the Duke of Gloucester having recovered Berwick One and twenty yeers after Henry the sixth had given it to the Scots he retired himself to Newcastle where he expected directions from his brother who having weighed the concernment of this Match the Kings decaying condition the danger he was in of being deposed he being hated and the Duke of Aubeny beloved he demanded his Moneys which were forthwith payed him leaving Scotland to its turmoils the which though the Duke of Aubeny did sincerely endeavour to quiet by remitting the King his brother to the plenary possession of his Kingdom yet could he not reconcile the King unto him For if the remembrance of injuries be never to be forgotten by men of perverse natures good turns are the more easily forgotten ingratitude being an enemy to all Christian and Moral vertues King Iames his minde was so contaminated and depraved as it would not suffer him to think well of his brother though the effects demonstrated the contrary nay he was likely to have made him follow his other brother had he not by his friends been advertised thereof which made him flee into England from whence having delivered up to Edward the Castle of Dunbarre he went to France where running at Tilt with the Duke of Orleans who was afterwards Lewis the twelfth he was unfortunately slain by the splinter of a Lance which wounded him thorow the sight-hole of his Helmet Edward had long suffered Lewis to take his advantage not onely in such parts of the Heir of Burgundy's Countrey as were far distant from him but even in those which were neare to Callice permitting him contrary to all reason of State to make himself master of Bullein and other Forts upon the Sea onely out of the hopes of his Daughters marriage but growing too late suspicious of it he sent the Lord Howard to France to sift out the truth who though he saw the solemne receiving of Margaret Daughter to the late heire of Burgondy and Maximilian of Austria and saw her married to the Dolphin in Amboyse yet when he tooke his leave Lewis according to his wonted dissimulation confirmed unto him his former promises as if a new match contracted with all the Church-Ceremonies and the Bride in the house did not prejudice the former so as being returned to England hee truly related the difference of what his Eyes saw and Lewis told him Lewis had handled this match according to his wonted craft not seeming to be therein obliged to those of Gaunt who had concluded it maugre their Prince the Brides Father and they did it willingly for taking from him the Counties of Artois Burgondy and Carolois the Counties of Macon and Auxorres which they gave in portion to the Dolphin they made him the lesse able to offend them they would likewise if they could have given him Hainault and Namours not considering that these Provinces in the hands of so great a King were like to forme the chaine of their servitude But Fortune favoured them beyond all expectation for this marriage so advantageous for that Kingdome was together with the Bride yet a Virgin not many Yeares after renounced by Charles the eight that he might take to Wife Anne the Daughter and Heire of Francis Duke of Britaigne and thereby to possesse himselfe of that Dukedome and the aforenamed Margaret borne under an unhappy constellation for matter of Husbands was in a very short time Widow to three To Charles who did yet live and to two others who died Iohn Prince of Aragon who lived not many moneths and Philibert the 8th Duke of Savoy who within a few Yeares dyed so as she had no issue by any of them Edward was so sensible of this his great abuse as that he resolved on revenge every one with cheerfulnesse provided for War the Clergy supply'd in monies
be thereat troubled for all should be well The Archbishop differing in opinion from the Chamberlaine answered He knew not what good to hope for from such demeanours The Gentleman being gone hee rose from bed made all his Family get up caused them to Arme themselves and taking the great Seale along with him he went unto the Queene he thought he was come into a Pallace newly pillaged he saw nothing but confusion and people justling one another for haste some carrying in stuffe some going out to fetch in more sighes and teares hee met with everywhere The Queene was set upon the floore no more now what shee formerly had beene It added to the immensity of her affliction to see her selfe bereaved of her eldest Sonne and other kindred who were her onely stay to consider that though she were sorely opprest with Pre sent evills yet was she to expect greater oppressions Whence it may be gatherâ—…d that fore-sight is the bitter fruit of most mature wits a gift which graciously conferr'd for a Reliefe to mankinde workes a contrary effect the present imagination forestalleth future evills and afflicts the apprehension which ought onely to be caused for what hath already happened So as it can hardly be decided whether the fore-fight of Evills through the excellency of judgement be not a bad effect of a good cause and whether at this rate stolidity bee not rather to be chosen then the most refined understanding since such as are dull and stupid suffer onely in the present Act of their misfortunes The Chancellour having comforted the Queene with such reasons as in such desperate occasions hopes may suggest acquainted her with what the Chamberlaine Hastings had let him know supposing that Hastings who had beene obliged to the late Edward would side with his Children and Family but the Queene loathing to heare that Name reply'd hee was in an ertour to believe him to be her friend who hating her bloud indevour'd the utter extirpation of it The Archbishop not able to perswade her to the contrary discoursing from the least of dangers to the greatest that might happen bad her be assured that if any other King should be crowned then that King which now they had in their hands they would crowne the Duke of Yorke who was now in her possession And that you may bee hereof certaine Loe Madame said hee the Great Seale of England his Father your Husband gave it mee I give it you that you may keepe it for your Sonne and if for the present I could give you a greater Testimonie of my good will you should have it Which being said hee left the Seale with her and departed about breake of day not weighing of what importance the thing was that hee had done and how prejudiciall it might be to him But being come home and seeing the Thames out at his Window full of Boates which were fill'd with Glocesters Servants who observed if any went by water towards Sanctuary and hearing that there was part-taking and tumults raised in the City Lords and other people appearing in sundry Assemblies Armed hee bethought himselfe that if any extravagant courses should be taken his delivery of the Great Seale to any whosoever without the Kings Command since it was delivered to his custody might redound much to his dammage whilst the Queene could reape no advantage thereby whereupon he privately sent for it againe and when he had it carried it according to custome openly in the sight of all men This meane while commotions in the City did still continue it being believed that the proceedings at Northampton were not onely caused for what concerned Rivers but out of a designe to hinder the Coronation and troubles had beene likely to have ensued had not the Lord Chamberlaine assured them that those Lords were imprisoned for certaine Conspiracies plot ted against the Dukes of Glocester and Buckingham as would be made appeare by due processe of Law That no doubt was to be made of the Duke of Glocester since he had alwayes continued constantly faithfull to the King but that to suspect it might be of dangerous consequence if they would not lay downe their Armes with the same facility they had taken them up This Testimony quieted the greatest part of the people especially when they understood the King was comming waited upon by the Duke his Unkle with all manner of respect as also that amongst Rivers his carriages certaine Barrells full of Armes were found which though it were not believed by the wiser sort yet Gloucesters followers insisting much upon it it raised doubts in some who otherwise would not have beene perswaded to it For nothing is more prejudicall to Truth then Falshood boldly affirmed with Confidence and Obstinacy The King was met by the Lord Major of London the Sheriffes and Aldermen all in Scarlet accompanied with five hundred Citizens on horse-back cloathed all in purple Gloucester shewed such appearance of Reverence and Love to the King his Nephew as hee changed their former suspicions into a great good liking of him insomuch as when a Protectour was to be chosen as usually is done in the minority of Kings hee alone without any manner of contradiction was named thereunto not onely as he was Unkle and the next Prince of the Bloud but as he that was loyall most loving and of all others the fittest for a charge of such weight Many were forthwith removed from their Offices whereof the Archbishop of Yorke was one of the first not without sharpe reproofe for having left the Great Seale with the Queene Doctor Russell Bishop of Lincolne a man of Laudable conditions succeeded him in his place Earle Hastings was continued in his place of Lord Chamberlaine All which were businesses of small importance not being those which troubled Gloucester and though to have won the Peoples good will and obtained the Protectours place was the right way to his designes yet were they not things hee could have missed of the peoples good opinion depending upon his naturall dissembling and the Protectours place upon his neerenesse of Bloud Royall and consequently without Competitour That which most troubled him was that he could not ridde his hands of the One brother without the Other for if the Elder brother were made away the Duke of Yorke was to succeed In this it was that he was to use his best wits for the Queene being jealous of him and the Duke of Yorke being in a place not to be violated he could not come by him but by Deceipt and Sacriledge But it was no hard matter for him to overcome these difficulties a fraudulent perswasion eased him of the trouble of seeking out Other meanes He at the Counsell Table spoke against the Queen in these or the like words That there was no malice could parallel hers since to work the Kings Counsell into an ill opinion with the World she together with the Duke and Princesses had taken Sanctuary as if there were apparant cause of
Spring which issuing from its undefiled Fountaine would not onely water with his favours such as had deserved well of His House but would make them bud forth by the opulency of his rewards That Hee was sorry Hee could not fully expresse Himselfe upon this occasion since the Dutchesse of Yorkes reputation was therein concerned as well Mother to the Protectour whom hee feared to offend as to King Edward but necessity had enforced him to say more then willingly Hee would have done He referr'd himselfe therein to what the Preacher had said the preceding Sabbath day at Pauls Crosse whose integrity was not to be contradicted hee being a Messenger of the Word of God so wise intelligent and indowed with so much worth as it would not suffer him to say any thing especially upon such an occasion and in such a place which was not certaine truth that great was the efficacy of truth which had opened his Mouth formerly shut up by the way of circumspection that Hee had fully layd open the claime which the Protectour Duke of Gloucester had to the Crowne since Edwards Children being illegitimate as the issue of an unlawfull Marriage the Kingdome fell to him the which being maturely considered and therewithall the Valour and Worth of so gallant a Prince the Nobility and Commons especially them of the Northerne parts being resolved not to be governed by Bastards they had resolved humbly to Petition Him that He would vouchsafe to take upon Him the Government of the Kingdome which by Nature and by the Lawes belonged unto Him For his part he knew not whether he would Accept of it or no for being free from all manner of Ambition and sufficiently acquainted with the troubles of Government he was affraid he would refuse it Howsoever the necessity of the Kingdome being great King Edwards Children not onely excluded by the Lawes but very Young hee hoped that the threats of the holy Scripture Woe be to the Kingdome whose King is a Child would move him to condescend to the generall supplication of the State which needing a Prince of mature age who might be Wise and of Experience would never cease to call upon him till they were heard in what they desired That he had taken upon him the charge of delivering the Petition but considering it might be the more graciously accepted if the Citizens of London would joyne with him therein hee was come to intreat them that weighing the Publique good and their owne particular advantage they would be the first that might doe it and that their forwardnesse herein would make him more favour the City then all the preceding Princes had done His Speech being ended and expecting when the people applauding his discourse should cry up Richard King he was amazed to finde the contrary he found he was abused in his hopes of the Lord Majors having prepared them for it so as drawing neere unto the Major he asked him what might be the reason of the peoples so great Reservednesse and silence who not knowing what to say answered hee thought his Grace was not well understood whereupon believing that that might be the cause of their silence and that his eloquence might yet prevaile with them he in a lowder tone and in other words repeated all he had said before whereat all that heard him marvelled for he could not have spoken better though he had penned it and gotten it without Booke But for all this the people altered not their silence He then would have had the Recorder of London to repeat once more what he had said wherein he desired to be excused as being but lately entered upon the Office and not having as yet had any occasion to speake unto the people but the truth was he did not like the businesse thinking it to be unjust Yet notwithstanding the Major urging him and alleaging that the Dukes too eloquent and Court-like Speech was not well understood he unwillingly obeyed interposing ever and anon this Parenthesis He saies to the end they might not believe his Vote went with it But the people still more deafe then formerly the Duke said unto the Major He never met with so obstinate a silence and preparing to speake a third time he said He was come hither to perswade them to concurre in a businesse wherein peradventure their assistance would not be requisite for the Nobility and Commons of the other Provinces would doe it without them but that he bearing a particular affection to that Noble City did not desire it should be done without them but rather would have them have the first part therein Hee desired them to say whether in conformity with the rest of the Kingdome they would name the most Noble Prince Richard Duke of Gloucester at the present Protectour of the Kingdome for their King To the which though no man answered yet was not the silence so great as before for one whispering in anothers eare a noise was heard much like the noise of a Hive of Bees but in the lower end of the Hall where were many servants and shop-boyes who in the crowde were gotten in they began to cry aloud the Dukes servants being the Ring-leaders Long live King Richard throwing their Hats up but the Citizens turning about to see what the matter might be continued their former silence The Duke wisely making use of this disorder and being seconded by the Major said Hee was much overjoyed to heare that with so much conformity and without one Negative voice they had desired this Noble Prince for their King hee would acquaint him with it so as it should redound to their advantage He wished them to be ready for the next morning he would present him with their supplication to the end that the Pròtectour might be perswaded to accept of the Kingdome so much desired by Them and by the Kingdome Which being said he went away few or none appearing well pleased The next morning the Major assembled all the Aldermen and chiefe of the Common-Counsell of the City into Pauls Church from whence they went to Baynards Castle the place where the Kings of England had formerly kept their Courts where the Protectour now lay and where according to appoinment made came the Duke of Buckingham accompanied with a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen who sent word to the Protectour that a great many men of great account were ready there to waite upon his Grace in a businesse of great importance The Protectour seemed unwilling to come downe the staires and give them admittance as if the businesse had been New unto him feyning as though their unexpected comming the cause not knowne why had made him somewhat jealous Buckingham by this His refusall strongly argued the Protectours integrity as being farre from imagining what the businesse now in hand was Hee sent him word againe that the businesse was not to be imparted to any save Himselfe securing him in so humble and submissive a way as was sufficient to have
treason in Henry the Sevenths time confest what had beene sayd after the same manner 't is here not knowing what became of their bodies after they were taken from the place were hee had buried them He suffered for other faults the punishment he deserved for this as did likewise the rest God doth not alwayes punish all faults in an instant but seldome suffers evill actions to have good ends for being approved of neither by men nor by the Lawes if they escape one punishment they fall upon another and for their second fault receive the punishment due for the former As long as Richard lived after this He was both outwardly and inwardly troubled with feares and agonies and according to the relations of some that were most inward with him He after this so execrable act injoy'd not one houre of quiet his countenance was changed his eyes were troubled and ghastly Hee wore coates of Male underneath his clothes and had almost continually His hand upon His Daggers-hilt ready to strike as if Hee had then beene strucken He spent whole nights in watching and if at any time He chanced to take a little rest He would be wakened with fearfull Dreames which would force him to quit His bed and so walke up and downe His chamber full of prodigious feares The other two though they escaped humane Justice yet were they met with all by Justice from above for Miles Forest dyed having almost all his members first rotted and then cut off if Deighton fared not altogether so ill yet was hee in daily expectation to be made an exemplary spectacle by some ignominious death for it is affirm'd by one who writes of him that in his time he was alive in Callis but so universally hated and detested by all men that hee was pointed at as he went along the streetes Others affirme that he lived and dyed there in great misery The first intestine troubles which Richard was afflicted withall were occasioned by the bad intelligence which was held betweene Him and the Duke of Buckingham What the occasion thereof might be is onely knowne by conjecture yet such as is not likely to erre They were both naturally proud therefore prone to breake and though Buckingham first endevoured Glocesters friendship before Glocester His he did it not in respect of his alike Genius but fearing least hee might fall from the greatesse he was in under the authority of the Queene and her kinred to shun this Rock he gave against the Other which though it were the more dangerous yet did he rather chuse to submit himselfe to a Superior who was borne great then to his Inferiors who had acquir'd greatnesse It is said that Edward being dead he sent his servant Persall presently to Yorke where Richard then was who being privately admitted by night made offer unto him of his Masters service in this change of King and that if neede should be his master would come unto him in Person waited on by a Thousand fighting men that he made the same be said over to him againe when he came to Nottingham and that when he returned to Yorke he went to visit him attended by three hundred horse where a close friendship being contracted betweene them things followed as hath been said even to the Usurpation of the Crowne after which they cooled in their affections to the amazement of those who observed their friendship for they came to the point of not Trusting one another and 't was thought moreover that in the last journey to Glocester Buckingham ran hazard of his life The cause of their distast was supposed to arise from some claime Buckingham had to the Duke of Hertfords Lands for that reputing himselfe to be his Heire he thought that Richard would not have denied them unto him neither in Justice nor yet in Recompence of his service But these Lands were so linkt to the Crown as that being falne from the house of Lancaster upon the late depos'd Henry and from Him upon the Crowne they were to be free from any privat propriety or pretension which still continuing in the Duke Richard feared least his thoughts might exceed the condition of a Subject insomuch as when Buckingham demanded them he received so sharpe so threatning and so scornefull a deniall as not able to endure it he fained himselfe sick that so he might not be at the Coronation and Richard sent him word that if he would not come he would make him be brought thither whereupon he was forced to go in all the rich and stately Equipage which at an Extraordinary charge he had prepared before their distasts Others notwithstanding will have that the distasts between them rose after this not having as Then any being that the King standing in need of him would not have hazarded the losing of him in that manner and that the Duke very well acquainted with his Nature would not have hazarded his Life being assured that upon any whatsoever occasion he could not expect better dealings then his Nephews had met withall Notwithstanding the first opinion was thought true in respect of his proud behaviour as likewise for that in the very act of Richards Coronation he turned his Eyes another way as Repenting he had bin the occasioner of it and that Richard though he knew him to be distracted treated him civilly and presented him at his departure to Glocester but his Alienation grew after he was come to his house at Brecknock and had had discourse with Dr. Morton Bishop of Ely This Bishop was a learned man and of a good life a constant part-taker with Henry the sixt neither did he ever forsake him even till his imprisonment He fled with the Queen and Prince into France and returned with them into England But their affaires succeeding ill and Edward being established in the Kingdome He was by him received into favour for knowing him to have bin Loyall to his First master he thought he would be the like to Him so as leaving him Executor of his last Will and Testament he continued his wonted loyalty to his Children which Richard knowing to be such as was unalterable he put him in the Tower and afterwards assigned him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham with whom discoursing of Richards iniquities he gave the rise to his Ruine for they found the true way to put a period to the Civill warres by marrying Henry Earle of Richmond to Edwards eldest daughter But having retired himselfe to Rome with intention not to meddle any more in Worldly affaires he returned not till sent for by the said Earle when he was King by whom hee was made Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England and who likewise procured him to be made Cardinall in which Honours he died as vertuously as he had lived This man at the Dukes returne found a great alteration in him towards Richard He hoped to worke some good effect thereout not by propounding any thing but by seconding his opinions
He was so innocent as it never entered into his imagination and that when he heard of it he was so heartily grieved as it was impossible for him any more to looke upon the King abhorring his sight and being resolved never to returne to Court till he had wrought Publique Revenge but that finding it hard to get from him for Tyrants have no more faithfull nor vigilant guardians then their owne Suspitions he at last so farre prevailed as dissembling the True cause and finding excuses to make his journey seeme necessary hee had got leave Richard believing that hee went away very well satisfied whilst in truth he was much discontented That wherewith he entertained his thoughts in this voyage was to finde out a meanes how to depose Richard but a Successour being to be found out he could not light upon any one more lawfull then Himselfe for having made a mentall scrutiny and finding that his Grandfather Edmund Duke of Sommerset was Twice removed from Iohn Duke of Lancaster the Founder of that house and Henry the sixth Thrice it followed that His mother daughter to Edmund being removed as Henry the sixth He her heire should after Henry the sixth be the undoubted Successour the line of Sommerset descending from the said Iohn Duke of Lancaster in like sort the other having onely precedency by Birth-right in Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth so as feeding himselfe with this imagination assisted by Vanity and Ambition he though he might have grounded Richards ruin upon the foundation of his Owne pretence not finding any opposition therein But meeting with the Countesse of Richmond wife to the now Lord Stanley betweene Worcester and Bridgnorth his ill-grounded Fabrick was soon overthrowne For calling to mind that shee was the onely daughter and Heire to Iohn Duke of Sommerset elder brother to his Grandfather Edmund it followed that Her sonne the Earle of Richmond was the true heire and pretender which he had formerly thought Himselfe to be And that believing himselfe to be so he had proceeded even to the point of weighing the Dangers and amusing himselfe about what meanes he were best to make use of whether of his naturall Right or of Election and though the Lawes both of the Kingdome and of Nature appeared sufficient to him for what concerned his Naturall Right yet the Succession having been Interrupted and the house of Yorke in possession he had thought it requisite for him to have the Votes of the Lords and Commons for that the generall lawfull Election would corroborate his particular Right and exclude the Tyrant Touching Dangers he found they would be great in a litigious Kingdome in which let the title be never so apparent some will not be wanting who will oppose it particularly upon the present occasion the house of Yorke reigning Edwards daughters being well Beloved and by reason of their Unkles evill intreatment Pittied by all men so as though they might have a great desire to free themselves of a perverse King yet was it not such as to make them favour Another to their prejudice who were held the true Heires But the seeing of the Countesse having made him aware of the Injustice of his pretences and that if he should continue Obstinate therein dangers were likely to increase if Edwards daughters joyning with the Earle of Richmond He were by their partakers to be set upon on both sides hee had changed his mind Not that the Countesse had spoken to him of it who had no such Thought but that he had observed Here a Neerer Propinquity The discourse she held with him was To conjure him by the Neerenesse of his Blood and by the memory of Humphrey Duke of Buckingham his Grandfather and sworne brother to Iohn Duke of Sommerset her father that he would entreat the King to reassume her sonne the Earle of Richmond into his favour and suffer him to returne to England and that for her part shee would oblige her selfe to make him marry which of Edwards daughters the King would please without Portion or any other thing save onely his re-patriation The which hee promised to doe whereupon they parted she with New Hopes and he with New Thoughts For calling to mind the Earles claime with the same apprehensions which were by Him the Bishop propounded the night before he fell upon a resolution to assist him with all Might and Meanes as true Heire of the house of Lancaster in the defence whereof his Father and Grandfather had beene slaine upon this condition notwithstanding that hee should marry Elizabeth eldest daughter to King Edward for that this marriage joyning together the two houses of Lancaster and Yorke in the two persons who could onely pretend unto the Crowne the Kingdome would be established and all occasion of Warre or Civill Dissension would be taken away for the time to come The which marriage if the Mother and the Sonne of the House of Lancaster would accept of on the one side and the Mother and Daughter of the House of Yorke on the other none would be to be feared but the Boare that wounded all men with his Tuskes and who would doubtlesly be soone destroyed since all men were to joyne in a worke from whence were to issue both Publique and Private ease and quiet It cannot be conceived how overjoy'd the Bishop was to heare this his Conclusion being the same he desired so as praising the Dukes Goodnesse and Wisdome and now longing to see the businesse on foot he asked him with which of the two he intended to treat first who answered with the Countesse of Richmond for that it was necessary first to know the Earle her Sonnes mind Which the Bishop approving of he offered to bring unto him Reynold Bray a Houshold-servant to the Countesse a wise discreet man and who being verst in the negotiation of great businesses would be fittest to be imployed in this The which the Duke approving of hee wrote unto him and sent the Letter by an Expresse wherein he desired him to come to Brecknock for a businesse which concerned the Countesse his Mistresse He forthwith obeyed who 't was sent for him The instructions he received were that considering the Kingdome could not be brought to quiet but by advancing the Earle of Richmond to the Crown by meanes of uniting the two houses of Lancaster and York by marriage that the Countesse of Richmond should treat thereof with Queen Elizabeth and having obtained Her good will and Her eldest Daughters shee should send into Brittany to treat thereof with her Sonne who if He woud promise to marry Her after He should have obtained the Crowne they engaged themselves by joyning the Forces of the Factions to make him King Bray being dispatched away with this Embassie the Bishop took leave likewise of the Duke the Duke was loth to part with him needing his Advice but he resolved howsoever to be gone and whilst the Duke fed him with hopes under pretence of raising men who might secure
fight with him or hinder his landing on the English shoare In other parts he left no place unprovided for people were not suffer'd to land without diligent search that so some news might be had of the Duke of Buckingham Banister into whose hands the Duke had trusted his safety hearing of the Proclamations and the Rewards therein promised were it either for Feare or Avarice discover'd where he was to the Sheriffe of Shropshire who going to Banisters house found the Duke in a Day-labourers apparrell digging in a Garden in which habit he sent him well guarded to Shrewsbery where Richard then was He denyed not the Conspiracy he hoped by his free confession to have gotten admittance into â—…he Kings Presence some think with an intention to beg his Pardon others to kill the King with a Dagger which he wore underneath his Cloths But Richard not suffering him to be brought unto him he was beheaded on All-soules day without any other manner of Processe in the Market place To Banister the chiefest of all ungratefull Traytors nothing that was promised was made good Richard who was unjust in all things else was just in This denying him the reward of his Disloyalty which amongst his many Faylings worthy of Blame was the only one worthy of Commendation Punished thus slightly by man he received much more greivous punishments from God his Eldest son died mad his second of Convulsion fits his Third son was Drown'd in a Standing poole and his Daughter a very Beautifull young Woman was crusted over with Leprosy he himselfe in his later Yeares was convict of Man-slaughter and condemned to be Hanged but was saved by his Booke The Duke was in his death accompained by many others amongst which by Sir George Browne Sir Roger Clifford and Sir Thomas Saintlieger who was the last husband to the Dutchesse of Exeter the Kings sister The Earle of Richmond assisted by the Duke of Britanny had got together five Thousand Britons and forty Ships furnished for all purposes wherein he imbarked himselfe and made for England But the next night he met with a terrible Tempest which disperst all his Vessells carrying them into severall places insomuch as there remained onely One with him with the which he found himselfe neer the Haven of Poole in Dorsetshire where he discoverd the shore all over pester'd with men whereat he was much afraid for they were placed there to hinder his landing in like manner as others were sent for the same purpose to other places He cast Anchor expecting the arrivall of his Other Ships he commanded that none should go on shore without His leave and sent forth a boate to see who those men were when the boat was come within Hearing those on shore said they were sent to conduct them to the Duke of Buckingham that was not far from thence with a great Army expecting the Earle of Richmond so to give chase to Richard who had but small forces with him being abandoned almost by All men But the Earle finding out the cosenage for had it beene so they wanted not Boates to have sent some known man abord him no newes being heard of the rest of his Fleet and the wind being reasonable faire for him to re turne he hoisted Saile and with a fore-winde landed in Normandy Charles the Eight Reigned then in France his Father Lewis being not long before dead the Earle was desirous to returne by Land to Britanny and being to go through France he durst not adventure without a safe conduct he therefore dispatcht away a Gentleman to the King for one he was graciously heard by the King who commiserated the Earles misfortunes and together with a safe conduct sent him a good sum of money by meanes whereof he past safely into Britanny whether likewise he sent his Ships But understanding there what ill successe his affaires had in England how the Duke of Buckingham was dead and that the Marquis of Dorset with the rest of his companions who having many dayes expected some news of him in that Court grew now to dispaire thereof believing some mischiefe had befalne him and therefore had withdrawne themselves to Vennes was come he was much grieved and tooke this frowne of Fortune at his first beginning for an ill Omen yet was he comforted at the arrivall of his Friends promising some good to himselfe through their safeties When he was come to Renes he sent for them and welcomed them with termes of Curtesy and Thankefulnesse The condition of affaires being well weigh'd they resolv'd to effect what formerly had beene but spoken of to wit The war against Richard and his deposing and the making of Richmond King upon Condition that he should promise to Marry the Lady Elizabeth Daughter to Edward the Fourth These Articles were agreed upon and sworne unto by all parties on Christmasse day in the Cathedrall Church of that City where likewise the Marquis with all the rest did Homage unto him as to their actuall King swearing to serve him Faithfully and to employ their Lives and Estates in endevouring Richards destruction The Earle failed not to acquaint the Duke with all these proceedings and to make knowne unto him the cause why he undertook this businesse and what he stood in need of to effect it the cause was his being sent for Called in and Expected Richards government being growne intolerable that he stood in Need of was Another Fleet and supplies of money he having in setting forth the Former spent all that his Mother had sent him and what he had gathered amongst his Friends he therefore desired the Duke to lend him some monies promising to boote with the never to be forgotten Obligation sodainly to repay him when God should have given a blessing to his just endevours The Duke was not backward either in Promises or Performance so as the Earle had conveniency of furnishing himselfe with Men and ships â—…hilst Richard did what he could in England to hinder his designe though to no purpose for if God keepe not the City the Watchman watcheth but in vaine He in sundry places put many who were guilty or suspected to death and having returned to London Hee called a Parliament wherein the Earle of Richmond and all that for his cause had forsaken the Land were declared enemies to the King and Kingdome and had their goods confiscated They being many and the richest men of the Kingdome their confiscations would have beene able to have discharged the Warre against them had not Richard beene formerly too liberall in his Donatives thereby endevouring to reconcile mens mindes unto him and to cancell the uncancellable memory of his cruelty to his Nephews so as though the Summes were great which hereby accrew'd yet were they not sufficient nor did they free him from laying insufferable Taxes upon his people 'T was a wonder the Lord Stanley was not in the number of the Proscribed his Wife Mother to the Earle of Richmond being chief of the Conspiracy
but he freed himselfe from any the least signe of guilt and Richard seemed not to valve his Wife least if He should embrue his Hands in the blood of a Lady of so great quality He might yet more incite the Peoples hatred He was contented shee should be committed to the custody of her Husband with order that she should be kept in some private place of her House and that none should be suffered to come to her who might conveigh Letters to her Son or Messages to any Other He also caused William Collingborne who had beene High Sheriffe of Wiltshire and Dorsetshire to be executed for having written by way of jeare That a Cot a Rat and Lovell the Dog did Governe England under a Hog alluding by Cat to Catesby by Rat to Ratcliffe and by the Dog to the Lord Lovell who gave the Dog for his Armes as did Richard the Boare for His and these three were His chiefest Favourites Some were of opinion Hee was put to death for having had Intelligence with the Earle of Richmond and with Marquis Dorset for hee was convict to have proffered Money to a certaine man to carry Letters into Britanny wherein Hee perswaded them to come Instantly and Land at Poole in Dorsetshire whilst Hee assisted by others would raise the People To keepe himselfe from troubles out of Forraine parts and that He might the betteâ—… minde his Home-broyles Richard thought necessary to hold good intelligence with the King of Scotland who often troubling Him with Inroades diverted him from his Home-affaires wherein consisted the preservation of his Life and Kingdome This businesse was treated by Commissioners who agreed upon a Truce for Three yeares each of them being to keepe what they were possest of except the Castle of Dunbarre which was given to King Edward by the Duke of Albany the last time that Hee fled from Scotland which the Scots would have restored And that he might have a double tie upon them he concluded a Marriage betweene the Duke of Rothsay Prince and Heâ—…e of Scotland and his Neece Anne of Poole Daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke and his Owne Sister Anne a Lady so affectionately beloved by him as his Onely Sonne the Prince of Wales being dead he made Her Sonne Iohn Earle of Lincolne be proclamed heire to the Crowne disinheriting of meere hatred his brothers Daughters and for that having declared them to be Bastards his Owne title was preserved by the continuaâ—…ce of their such repute All these precautions did noâ—… notwithstanding free his perturbed minde from those furies which leaving their naturall habitation had brought Hell into his Conscience so as though Buckingham were dead and so many others Dead and Banisht yet could not he have any Security his 〈◊〉 commited his deserved Hatred and the Earle of Richmond would not suffer him to enjoy any one houres rest And albeit in his contriving how to usurpe the Crowne hee made no account of Him whilst his brother livâ—…d his minde being then fixt upon Henry that had beene King and was then in Being yet Times and Persons being changed He likewise changed Opinion the one being Dead the other Alive and at Liberty and who was the onely man that with Right and Justice could do that to Him which he unjustly and against all Right had cruelly done to others Hee therefore indevour'd againe to have the Earle in his possession or at least that the Duke of Britanny by bereaving him of his Liberty as he had done in his brother King Edwards time would secure him from the Mischiefe that might ensue by his comming into England and not believing he was likely to obtaine a favour of this nature by way of Friendship much lesse for any Rights sake he grounded his demands upon the basis of Profit and Interest the onely meanes to obtaine ones desire from such as have no feeling of Justice He loaded his Embassadours with Monies and Presents to present unto the Duke together with Them he offered him Richmondshire and all the Revenues of the Earle as likewise all that belonged in England to all those that were fled over to him into Britanny the which being very much would have sufficed to have corrupted any other save Duke Francis the second one of the Noblest and most vertuous Princes that lived in those times as he was held by all men This is Argeâ—…es his relation who affirmes hee hath found among the Records of Britanny the grant of this County together with the Names of the Churches Monasteries and Priories therein but if the Duke should die without heires of his body the Reversion should fall to the King The Embassadours or Deputies as Hee 〈◊〉 them could not have accesse unto the Duke being come to a season that He was beside Himselfe an infirmity He was often subject unto whereupon they made their adresses to Peter Landais who had power to dispose of the Prince and State as He pleased The large sums of English money made him listen to what they propounded his base minde not valuing Honour made him accept of the Offer but not in such manner as it was propounded For He being the man that was to deliver up the Earle the Duke not being in condition either to yeild him or to detaine Him He would have Richmondshire to himselfe whereupon many Messengers were sundry times dispatcht for England which was the Earles safety for these practises being discovered in England and the Bishop of Ely being adveâ—…tised in 〈◊〉 He speedily gave the Earle notice thereof advising him immediately to depart from thence for that He was bought and sold betweene Richard and those who were of chiefe authority in that State so as if He did not sodainely save himselfe He would fall into his enemies hands The Earle received this advertisement when He was at Vennes from whence hee sent 〈◊〉 France 〈◊〉 a safe-conduct which was by the King thereof without delay sent him and it being impossible to save Himselfe and all his Partakers at the same time he feigned to send the Lords that were with him to visit the Duke at Rennes giving order to the Earle of Pembroke who conducted them that when they should be upon the Confines He should immediately quit the Countrey as he did whilst He himselfe feigning two dayes after to visit a friend of his not farre from Vannes got on horse-back waited on onely by Five servants and when He was entred the Wood He put on one of His servants Coates and got by By-wayes out of the State and arrived at Aniou whether the Earle of Pembroke with the rest were but long before come His escape was the easier in that it was not suspected having left above three Hundred English all of His Retinue behinde him in Vennes otherwise it would have gone ill with Him For Peter had already raised people and appointed Commanders over them who were within three dayes to have beene at Vennes to have detained Him hearing by what meanes I cannot
tell of his Departure he dispatched so speedily after Him as those who had the Commission to stay Him got to the uttermost bounds of Britanny not above an Houre after He was gone out of them The Duke being this time returned to His perfect sence was displeased hereat thinking this might redound to his Dishonour He chid Landais and commanded that all the English that were left in Vennes should be suffered to depart making them to be defrayed not onely whilst they were in His State but till they came to their Master to whom He likewise sent the Money He had promised by Edward Woodvile and Edward Poinings two English Gentlemen for the which the Earle returned Him many Thankes saying He should not be at quiet till Fortune had befriended Him with some meanes whereby in some sort to requite His infinite Obligation to the Duke by whose favour only He lived King Charles was then at Langres whither the Earle went to Him and acquainted Him with the reason of His flight from Britanny and how the Nobility and People of England had sent for Him to free them from Richards tyranny Hee intreated his assistance which was not hard to obtaine from so generous a Prince as Hee was against one who for his notorious wickednesse was abhorred by all men The King bad him be of good comfort promised to assist him and brought him on his way to Montargis treating the Lords that were with him with hospitality becomming a King whilst thus he was ordering his affaires Fortune the better to encourage him sent unto him a man not onely forgotten but who was little better then thought dead Iohn Vere Earle of Oxford who after the Battell at Barnet had gotten into Scotland from thence to France and from thence had made himselfe Master of Saint Michales Mount in Coâ—…wall where being besieged and yeilding up the place King Edward had sent him prisoner This Noble-man had so farre prevailed with Sir Iames Blunt Captaine of that Fort and Sir Iohn Fortescue Porrer of Callis that he did not onely obtaine his liberty but got them to forsake their commands and go along with him to put themselves under the conduct of the Earle of Richmond But Blunt having left his Wife and all his goods in Hammes he fortified it compleately and added to the usuall garison an extraordinary number of Souldiers to the end that if they should be besieged they might defend themselves till Fortune had turned her back upon Richard The Earle tooke this unexpected Liberty of the Earle of Oxford as a good augury for being of Noble Blood of esteemed valour of praise-worthy constancy having beene alwayes a sider with the House of Lancaster one in whom vertues disputed for precedency in whom wisdome and valour were rivalls he thought God had given him his Liberty at this so necessary time that hee might assist him The King being returned to Paris the Earles retinue increased all that were fled from England as well as all the English that were in those parts either as Schollers in the Universities or returning from their Travells flockt unto him amongst which one Richard Fox a Secular Priest a man of very good parts who was shortly after advanced to great places and dignities Richard this meane while was not wanting to Himselfe his spirits were bent upon his Owne Preservation and the preservation of the Crowne which hee unworthily wore and though he saw both Heaven and Earth conspired against him yet hee thought by his own Wil nesse to make his party good in despight of them both But when he understood the Earle was fled out of Britanny he was much amazed his safety consisted in his hopes of having Him in his power vvhich now fayling him he began to feare his enemies forces consisted novv of both the factions for by the Match vvith the Princesse Elizabeth he had united the faction of Yorke to his owne of Lancaster so as the claime of Yorke falling upon him by his Marrying the right Heire he vvas sure to meet vvith great Opposition His onely remedy vvas to breake the Match but barely to breake it vvas not enough he must do more and by fore-casting the vvorst do vvhat vvas best for Him He thought how to strengthen himselfe by the same pretences notwithstanding his being therein opposed by the Laws Blood and Enmity he vvould marry his Neece Incest vvould serve but as a Laurell to crowne all other his abominations He could easily vvithout any scruple rid himselfe of his present Wife His conscience vvas so stecled over as it could not suffer compunction As for the opinion of the World vvho regards not Honour values not shame His subjects hatred vvas not to be respected so long as with a Rod of Iron he could keepe them in obedience That vvhich he pitcht upon vvas Deceit Slaughter and Incest for Deceit vvith Allurements and faire Promises to sweeten the Queene Mothers distastes and thereby to make vvay for the other two his Wives Death and his Marriage vvith his Neece He chose people fit for this office They excused what was past they made her believe the King was much troubled for his much beloved Neeces that he was sorry they should make themselves voluntary prisoners that they mistrusted the naturrall inclination and love of an Unkle who as if he were their Father thought of nothing but their Good That his chiefest desire was to treate them according to their Birth and his Affection to have them in Court to finde out good Husbands for them and see them well bestowed and that if it should be his fortune to lose his Wife whose indispositions were such as there was no great hope of her Life his resolution was to make the Princesse Elizabeth his Queene that the Neerenesse of Bloud would prove no impediment Lawes were not without some Exceptions and were to be dispenced withall when the Necessity of the State the Quiet of the Kingdome and the Peoples safety did require it They forgate not the Marquis Dorset promising him Mountaines of Gold if he would returne to England they shewed how the way he was in was dangerous that he should rather hope upon a fortune already made then to be made that old wayes were plaine and sure New ones slippery and Precipitious These men with these and the like conceptions knew so advantageously to behave themselves that the Queene at the very first Onset gave them Hearing and began to Melt and at the second gave consent to All that the King desired forgeting her sonnes deaths her Husbands Infamy who was divulged to be a Bastard her own shame her marriage being in the Pulpit said to be Adulterous she a Concubine and her Daughters illegitimate and which most imported the Promise she had made to the Countesse of Richmond concerning the Marriage of her eldest daughter sealed with an Oath All these things were to her as if they never had beene Ambition so farre prevailed with her as to make her faulty
as out of Faction or out of Envie could not endure that Henry should reign the one that the Duke of York son to Edward the 4 was Alive the other that the King was resolved to put the Earl of Warwick who was prisoner in the Tower secretly to death The First was divulged to nurse up Hopes in such as were ill affected the Second to encrease Hatred against the King as if equally cruel with Richard he were about to treat the Earl of Warwick as Richard had treated his Nephews Whereupon Simond meeting with so fit an occasion bethought himself to make Lambert personate the Duke of York but presently altering his Opinion he judged it fitter for his purpose to have him personate the prisoner the Earl of Warwick and that if his endeavours should succeed and that Lambert should be made King he himself should be recompensed with the Chief Miter of England and the Government of King and Kingdom Neither did he think to meet with any great Obstacle herein since that the love to the House of York remaining yet in the hearts of Most of the Kingdom they could not possibly endure that the King having married the Princesse Elizabeth he should not suffer her to be Crowned as she ought to be Resolving hereupon he began to give such instruction to Lambert as such a businesse required and met with an Aptnesse in him fit to receive whatsoever documents but considering afterwards that his pupil was to represent the person of one that was known to many and not known to him he thought it was unpossible to be done without the Assistance of some-body who was conversant in the Court who might be informed by those that had served the Earl of his childish conversation and of all things that had befallen since King Edward's death at which time he was but Ten yeers old None being fitter for such an Office then the Queen Dowager she was imagined to be the Instructresse for she was but little satisfied to see her daughter so little beloved and so coolly treated as a Wife and as a Queen wanting the usual Marks of that dignity for Henry had neglected her Coronation though he had lately born him a Son not that her intention was to make Lambert King but to make use of him to Depose her Son-in-law to substitute the infant-Prince the lawful Successor in his place and in case she should meet with too great oppositions Lincoln or Warwick which were Both of the House of York That which made people of this opinion was Her being shortly after confined to a Monastery upon no weighty pretence as we shall see The King thought it expedient to punish her under the colour of a Petty known fault for a heinous one which was not fitting to be known Howsoever it was Lambert took upon him the gestures and behaviour of a great Personage with so miraculous punctuality as that these being joyned to his Natural Sweetnesse a True Prince could not be formed out with more true Perfections then were these false ones which appeared to be true in Him The reasons which made Simond change his first designe and chuse rather to have his Comedian personate the son to the Duke of Clarence then King Edward's son though he that was Dead might easilier be counterfeited then he that was Alive was That when a speech went of his being escaped out of the Tower he observed so Great Joy in the People as he thought he should have more to further him in his designe and that it would be easier for him to insinuate a falshood in the Person of This man falsly supposed to have made an escape then in that Other whose escape would the hardlier be believed for in it Two Impossibilities were to be supposed Pity in the Varlets that were to murder him which could not without danger enter into such souls especially under such a King as was Richard and the Escape from the Tower which augmenting the danger took from the belief of any Compassion in Them or Life in Him But that which chiefly made him resolve upon This was that whilst he was doubtful what to do 't was said for a truth that Warwick was Dead in the Tower Now to act this Comedy well he did not think England a fit Scene a proportionable Distance being required in things which must be taken for what they are not unavoidable difficulties were to be met withal upon the place which might be avoided abroad where no Witnesses being to convince nor Acquaintance to confound boldnesse becomes impudence without which Cheats of this nature can hardly be effected He resolved to go over into Ireland a Kingdom affectionate to the House of York and wherein King Henry at his coming to the Crown had altered nothing neither Deputy Councellor nor Officer the same commanded there that were there placed by Richard a negligence to be blamed in so Prudent a Prince as He was who knew the inclination of that Kingdom and People wherein if alterations chance to happen remedies are hardly come by none being to be had from within it Self and all External helps the Sea interposed between them and home being Difficult Dangerous and Slowe All which made for Symond's purpose who coming before Thomas Fitz-Gerald Earl of Kildare who was Deputy a man ill-affected to Henry as he was well-affected to the House of York presented his pretended Prince unto him using such illusions as Lambert not having any one part in him which did not gainsay his mean Extraction the Deputy believed him to be what his Masters speeches and his Studied Nobility made him appear to be insomuch that acquainting some of his trustiest friends with this Secret under the Seal of Confession he found them and together with them the People prone to Rebellion They received this fancied Prince with great honour they gave the Castle of Dublin to him for his Lodging and few days after proclaimed him King by the name of Edward the Sixth There was not any one Province that denied him obedience and all of them joyned in declaring War against Henry whilst on the contrary side there was not any one that spake a word or drew a sword in his behalf But that Kingdom being but bare of Money and Arms and but meanly furnished with Souldiers they hoped that such in England as were friends to the House of York and Margaret Dutchesse of Burgundy would in a businesse of so great consequence assist them with their Supplies whom they advertise that Edward Plantagenet is escaped out of the Tower and come into Ireland where he was received and proclaimed King that they were purposed to bring him into England his hereditary Kingdom if they would be ready with their assistance to secure his Entry and that his Aunt of Burgundy would assist him with Money Souldiers and Commanders Margaret by reason of her vertue for she had nothing in her blameable but her inveterate hate to the House of Lancaster was in great
esteem amongst the Flemings she was the third wife to Charles Duke of Burgundy who being slain before Nanci left no Heir behinde him save Mary born to him by Elizabeth of Burbon his second wife who was married to Maximilian of Austria son to the Emperour Frederick the third to whom she bare Philip and Margaret which their mother being dead were brought up with much charity and affection by this window she doing for Them as she could have done had they been her Own children which caused the Subjects moved thereunto by her so great Charity to honour and obey her as if she had been their Naturally-reigning Princesse Her husband had left her a very great Dowry so as she having had no other occasion of Expence saving her frugal Domestick affairs she might by the Moneys she had gathered in so many yeers of her Self unassisted by any Other undertake this business She therefore willingly listened to the Embassie not that she was Ignorant of the Falshood of it for she knew her Nephew so strictly kept as he could not escape but that she might have an occasion to trouble Henry His marriage with her Neece which should have reconciled her to him did the more Incense her against him since it was the way to Establish him in the Kingdom and to take it from Her House without any Hope of ever Recovering it again whereupon she readily Promised Assistance and in it's due time Sent it more Readily The King when he heard of this Rebellion in Ireland was very much troubled being too-late aware he had done ill to leave that Nation under the Command of such as depended upon his Predecessor And though he could not have imagined such an accident as This yet was he not to be excused for Wisedom ought to foresee not onely Evident but Contingent dangers neither was it Contigency to trust Ireland in the hands of such as were Well-wishers to the Adverse party it was not to be believed that together with their Prince they would change their Inclinations for Hatred in inveterate Factions is seldome changed But having no ready remedie nor being able to exercise his own Valour upon this occasion as he had done upon Others by reason of the Sea's interposal he called his Council together to know their Opinions and to resolve upon what was to be done They propounded and concluded upon Three expedients First a General Pardon for All faults Treason against the Kings Person not excepted to all such as within a Prefixt time should Confesse themselves guilty a thing most Usual upon Other occasions but necessary at This time since Ordinary Treason which is usually pardonable was not Now treated of but treason grown to such a Height as makes the partakers therein Desperate even to the Uttermost Hazard their welfare being incompatible with the welfare of the Prince This Article was resolved on in consideration of Sir Thomas Broughton who had saved the Lord Lovel for being a powerful man in his Countrey he might have assembled many men who joyned to the rest might have done much harm and though there was no doubt of his Correspondency with the Irish yet it was Now no fitting time to proceed against him with Severity it was thought fittest for the Present Danger not to put him to Desperation not to Provoke him to Mischief and to shew him a way to save himself Secondly that Edward Plantagenet should be taken out of the Tower and shewn to the People to the end they might know he was not dead and that the supposed Plantagenet in Ireland was a meer Chimaera framed onely to trouble the State Thirdly that the Queen-mother should be confined to the Nunnery of Bermondsey and that her goods should be confiscated for that having promised the Princesse Elizabeth to the now-King whilst he was in Britanny she had contrary to the Articles of Agreement delivered Her and the rest of her sisters up to Richard The issue of these three Resolutions were Broughton bit not at this bait of Pardon Edward Plantagenet was led in Procession to Pauls being by the way discoursed withal by divers of the chief of the Nobility that knew him especially by such of whom the King had any Suspition to the end they might be convinc't in their reason The which though it availed in England yet did it no good in Ireland where the King was accused That out of an intent to rob Edward the Sixth of his Inheritance which he had Tyrannously enjoy'd he had shewed to the view of the People a young boy who was somewhat like him to the end they might believe a Falshood thereby cheating the World and by an unparallel'd Imposture profaning the Church and sacred Ceremonies The resolution concerning the Queen was that Alone which took Effect though not without Scandal for there being no other cause then what was alleadged the punishment savoured too much of Avarice and Cruelty of Avarice because the King got thereby her Confiscation which was very Great of Cruelty because the Weaknesse and Vanity of a Woman the Weaknesse caused by the Threats the Vanity by the Promises of a Tyrant and the Irksomnesse of a Sanctuary an End whereof she was Never to expect did not deserve so Severe a punishment Not but that her fault was very Great since she did what in Her lay to render the Kings return vain and to make those Lords for ever lose their Countrey and their Possessions who upon her promises were gone into Britanny but the Difficulty of so dangerous an enterprise under the conduct of a Young man without Forces against a powerful King a skilful Warriour together with the Example of the Duke of Buckingham who first began it with so Unfortunate Successe were able to have made a Stronger minde then Hers to have Waver'd the sufferings of her Body and Minde made her covet a Quiet which she could not hope for from a few Exil'd People and if This were her Onely fault wherefore was she not at first proceeded against before her daughter's Marriage and the Prince's birth in all which time the King shewed no distaste against her neither held her as a Delinquent But in my Opinion it is to be thought that the Kings nature though Covetous yet not Wicked did not move him to deal so injuriously with her rather that he was induced to these proceedings out of some Hidden cause and that those Forces above mention'd which made her guilty in the highest degree made him so exceeding Severe else he would have punisht her Before as in Justice he might have done But Princes Imaginations are not as manifest as their Actions This Queen was one of Fortune's greatest works whose Inconstancy in the enterchanges of her Felicity and Misery proved Constant from being a widow to a bare Knight she was made wife to a great King who being fled away deposed and banished she was enforced for the Safety of her Self and the Prince her son which she bare there to take
Little good in Ireland since he would want Supplies being likely to have None from England which peradventure he might Lose They were but Few that were of this opinion for they wanted there all the chief Ground-works of War strong Holds Arms Money and Souldiers an Enemy could not be Stopped without strong Holds nor Themselves Secured without Money Souldiers were not to be had nor could they encamp themselves in Open field without Arms. Reason perswaded to passe the Seas and make the war in England Henry had done the same with Greater Lesser company and yet had had Good successe it was to be believed that not having any One that sided with him in Ireland he would have but Few in England where if the Greatest part were affectionate to the House of York whilst they had No Head to follow what would they when they should have a lawful King attended on by a whole Kingdom an agreement which would invite and encourage England to do the like But all these arguments though Sufficient were not efficacious enough to make this resolution be taken the onely reason which bare sway to have the war in England was the Want of Money wherewithal to pay the Dutchmen and their no hopes of Enriching themselves by fighting in Ireland The needier sort of people flockt to the beating of the Drum those who had nothing but their Lives to lose were contented to venture them upon hopes to better their fortunes in so Rich a Countrey They embarqued themselves better furnished with Hopes then with Weapons and landed with Lambert clad in kingly apparel at the Pile of Fowdray in Lancashire they were conducted by the Earls of Lincoln and Kildare and Viscount Lovel followed by the Dutchmen under Colonel Swart Broughton met them at their landing with but a few men they marched towards York and passed peaceably where they went to shew that Lawful Kings come to Ease not to Oppresse their Subjects but shortly after their hopes began to grow cool when they saw not any one come in to them in their Solitary March especially since they could not with more reason expect any to side with them in any Other Countrey then in that which was so much enclined to the House of York and to Richard But Viscount Lovel not having found any safety there the yeer before they might believe They were not now likely to fare better Some were of opinion that the Alienation of those people proceeded from a Distaste they took that Two Forreign Nations the Dutch and Irish should pretend to present them with a King made by them and though Henry the 4 and Edward the 4 and the Now-King had in the like manner been presented by Strangers yet the case differ'd They the first and last were call'd in by a Part of the Kingdom to free them from the two Richards the 2 and the 3 the One for divers reasons more hated then the Other and Edward came of himself building upon the People's Love neither had Henry the 7 given any occasion of Hatred whereby to be driven out rather the opinion of his Worth and his having Matcht with the House of York had established him moreover the Procession made to Paul's wherein the True Plantagenet was seen made them not minde the False one Lincoln being brought to that passe as he could not retire without ruine resolved to perish generously by hazarding a Battel He marched towards Newark minding to make himself master thereof but Henry who at the first news of their landing was advanced to Coventry sent some Troops of Light-horse abroad to take Prisoners that he might learn News a superfluous diligence for he had Spyes amongst them who advertis'd him of all their proceedings Being come to Nottingham a Counsel of War was held wherein it was discust where 't were better to protract time or to Fight the King was for giving Battel being encouraged by the accesse of 6000 fighting men most of them Voluntaries under 70 Colours the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Lord Strange were the chief Commanders and that the enemy might not take the advantage of Newark the King encamped himself between them and the Town Lincoln seeing himself so closely pursued went to Stoke planting himself upon the side of a little hill from whence he descended assoon as the King presented him Battel the which was valiantly fought on Both sides but of the Manner how there is but Small or very Obscure knowledge 'T is held that of the King 's Three Battallions the Vantguard onely fought the other Two moved not at all which seems the Stranger for that having fought even to the Last man the one Half of the said Vantguard being Slain the King would purchase the Victory at so Dear a rate which if he would have suffer'd All his men to have fought he might have had it better Cheap All the Chief of the Enemy were slain Lincoln Kildare Lovel Broughton and Colonel Swart great slaughter was made of the unarmed Irish who budged not one foot from the posture they put themselves in at the Beginning of the fight the Dutch who were well armed and understood their work died not unrevenged The Conflict endured Three hours not likely to have endured so Long had the Main-battel and the Rere-ward fought 'T is said the L. Lovel sought to save himself but finding the Banks of Trent too high for his horse they were both drowned as not able to clammer up Others will have it that he got over the River and that he lived a long time in a Cave The King was displeas'd at the Earl of Lincoln's death not that he Loved him or out of desire of further Revenge but that thereby he was bereaved of the means of working out of him what Correspondency the Dutchesse Margaret had in England There died Four thousand of the Enemy the One Half of the Kings Vant-guard and the Other half were work for the Chirurgions So roundly were they dealt withal Not any one of Quality was slain on the King's side They took many Prisoners amongst which king Lambert Symnel otherwise called Edward the Sixth and Simond his Tutor and Seducer 't was thought he should have been rigorously proceeded against but his yeers he not being full Sixteen yeers Old freed him from the Highest of faults He confest who he was and the Meannesse of his Birth that the fault proceeded from his Governour whom he was not wont to disobey His punishment was the Kitchin where he was put to the vilest employments his Scepter and Crown were turned to Spits and Fire-forks he continued in the office of a Scullion till by what means I know not he was preferred to be one of the King's Falconers in which condition he died not giving any further occasion of Story The King shewed herein his Wisedom for had he put him to Death being so Young and for a fault not of his Own Chusing Severity might have had the face of Cruelty and Justice of
Injustice and together with his Life his Memory would have been Lost whereas by Pardoning him he gave life to a testimony of his Own Clemency and Others Wickednesse and instructed the People upon other occasions The being a Priest saved Simond though worthy of whatsoever punishment the King was pleased to afford him Penitence and Pennance by giving him leave during his Life to bewail his sin in Prison There is a great difference between Virgil's calculation of this Battel and that of Other Writers he affirms it to have happened in the yeer 1489 the rest in the yeer 1487 on the Sixteenth of Iune on a Saturday the day which was observed to be happie and propitious to the King I follow the Later The King went not from the Camp till he had given humble thanks to God for the Victory the which he did likewise three days together at Lincoln with Processions and other religious duties and he sent his Standard to our Ladies Church in Walsingham whither he had vowed it He caused some of those that were taken to be put to death doing the like in York-shire where diligent search was made after the Rebels and since it would have been a kinde of Cruelty to have punished so Many for One fault he was contented to commute the Blood of their Veins for the Blood of their Purses imposing great Pecuniary punishments upon them wherewith both He and They were satisfi'd He went to Newcastle from whence he sent Ambassadours to the King of Scotland to invite him either to a Treaty of Peace or to a longer Truce His being but newly setled in his kingdom and the Inveteratenesse of the Faction counselled him to be at quiet with his Neighbours especially with Scotland for these two kingdoms being almost Naturally given to be Enemies they did much harm one to another by fomenting Rebels and nourishing of Seditions Yet was this peace more requisite for King Iames then for Him For being a friend to men of Mean condition and an enemy to the Nobility he never wanted cause of Fear so as it behoved him to have Peace with England that he might punish the Contumacious and revenge himself upon his enemies He therefore courteously received the Ambassadours letting them know there was nothing which he in his heart more desired then that which they came for but that there would be great difficulty to make the Parliament condescend thereunto for that there was an ancient Law which did inhibite Peace lest the people growing carelesse through Idlenesse and losing their natural vigour which was conservable by the Use of Arms might become Lazie to the prejudice of the State that therefore they must content themselves with a Truce for Six or Seven yeers which being obtained they might Renew from time to time without much difficulty for what concern'd Himself King Henry might assure himself he would Always be his friend he intreated them howsoever to keep secret his free Communication with them otherwise they would ruine the businesse for nothing would be granted which should be known they had desired of him Henry was contented with a Truce of Seven yeers which being obtained he returned to London where being taught by the last events that his hatred to the House of York had been the cause of all the disorders that had ensued he prepared for the Coronation of his Wife which was effected the Five and twentieth of November which was in the Third yeer of his Reign and almost Two yeers after he had married her 'T was generally believed this resolution proceeded from Any thing else rather then from Good-will the affections wherewith we are born being as hard to be concealed as to be laid aside Neither is it to be marvelled at if Henry born during the time of Hatred and Civil wars wherein he had lost his estate and been kept Prisoner till he was Ten yeers old carried Exile into Britanny demanded from thence by Edward and Richard granted and sold to the former to the Second sold but not granted and saved as it were by miracle from the hands of Both of them it is no marvel I say if the Remembrance of these things did confirm him in the above-said hatred and that that Hatred was converted to his very Nature and Blood against the Blood of those who had laid traps to Ensnare and to Destroy him But neither did his memory fail him in what concern'd Good Turns for the cloud of Dangers and Suspitions being blown over he set the Marquesse Dorset at liberty and that he might know his imprisonment had proceeded from the Jealousies of the Times and not from any Evil he had Done him he suffered not those Ceremonies to be used to Him which usually are to such as are imprison'd for any fault His affairs being thus quieted he dispatched away an Ambassadour to Pope Innocent the Eighth to give him advertisement thereof and to thank him for having honoured his Maariage with the assistance of his Nuntio offering Himself and his Kingdom to be upon all occasions at his Service for which the Pope by way of correspondency gratified him by Moderating the Priviledges of Sanctuaries and other Priviledg'd places and by sending him a Bull which was welcome and advantageous to him for thereby Traytors became lesse bold We have hitherto spoken of the affairs Within the kingdom we must now passe on to External businesses to the which the King could not Before attend being busied about Home-affairs which more concerned him The designes of Lewis the Eleventh King of France father to Charles the Eighth who at this time reigned were to establish himself within the limits of his own Kingdom and such bounds as confin'd upon his kingdom by readjoyning unto it whatsoever at sundry times had been dismembred from it either by Appennages or Otherwise and to beat down the Authority of Princes and great Lords that hindered him in his designe which was to become Absolute to bring this to effect it was necessary for him to collogue with England which was the onely place able to disturb him and prodigally to present it whereby having laid it asleep as he desired he reunited to the Crown the Dukedoms of Burgundy and Anjou the Counties of Bar and of Provence together with all the best places of Piccardy He intended to do the like to the Dukedom of Britanny but not effecting it he left the care thereof to his son Charles who though very Young did fully bring it to passe For Peter de Landois a proud and insolent Officer of the Duke of Britanny having incens'd the Nobility of the Dutchy and called in Lewis Duke of Orleans to his aid by making Anne the Eldest daughter and Heir to that State be promised to him in Marriage by her Father the Barons had recourse unto Charles who being entred with Four several Armies into Four several parts of their Countrey made them too late perceive that they had not call'd him in to Assist them but to
desirous of Peace knowing that Ursewick's pains would be to no purpose for the Duke of Britanny was not in case to rely upon his Own Judgement having indeed None at all and the Duke of Orleans would not hear of it for being injured by him it was not likely he should trust him He on the other side should by this means justifie himself to Henry since the making of peace stuck not at Him so as he should not have any occasion to enterprise ought against Him the fault in all appearance not being His. Ursewick being come to Britanny found the Duke so very ill as it was impossible for him to treat with him who had lost almost all the faculties of judgement it behoved him to treat with the Duke of Orleans whom he acquainted with the King his Master's desire and with the good inclination he found in the King of France thereunto so as there remained nothing to establish a good Agreement but to conclude upon the means to every one's satisfaction The Duke being far from any such thought knowing that Charles his intention was other then he made shew for and he himself thirsting to make war with Another man's purse and with the hopes of getting the Dutchy of Britanny answer'd He wonder'd that so Wise a King as Henry would suffer himself to be over-reached by so very Young a King as Charles and that those reasons to which he was bound by Honour and Gratitude bore no sway with him that he should do well to remember the Duke of Britanny had been in lieu of a Father tâ—… him from his Childhood till his promotion to the Crown to the which though Nature Birth and the Kingdom had play'd their parts he had Never attained had he not used that charity towards him which obliged Henry to do the like for Him that the present Mediation did not correspond with the businesse that it was Destructive but Useful for Charles who thereby would gain time to do that which otherwise he could not that Aid was expected from Henry worthy of the Greatnesse of his Minde of his Tye of Friendship and of the imminent Danger the fair Appearances of France were nothing but Fraud and Cozenage 't would be too Late Dangerous and Dishonourable to know it by the Event that if Henry would believe Charles to be of as Candid a minde as was He himself he might do well to believe it with his Sword in Hand so that if it should prove Otherwise he might be ready to Chastise him that had abused him by doing this he should acquit himself on All hands nor could any one have just cause to complain of him And if the reasons of Gratitude which were the same with those of Honour were not of force enough to perswade him he ought to do it out of reason of State and take upon him that defence in Time without Offending Any One which should he undertake Unseasonably would be offensive to All Three to France by opposing it in Open War to Britanny by giving it too Late succour and to England by permitting a Great King to Increase in Power State and Situation hurtful to that Kingdom who was set upon on all sides subject to the discretion of England upon whose pleasure he depended having Seas Ports Commerce and all that could accommodate or incommodate secure or endanger England Ursewick was ready to answer That Princes could not chuse but in some sort believe one another especially where an Obliged friendship plays the part of a Surety not that Wisedom may not have her Exceptions but that she should too largely dispose of her self if where there is Parity of Friendship and Obligation she should believe a friend to be what he ought not to be that Henry's obligations to France arose from Britanny's failing him which if it were not through any fault of the Duke 't was through the fault of Landois Fortune and Chance 'T was Chance that when fleeing from England he would have gone to France brought him into Britanny Fortune when he would have stay'd in Britanny brought him into France whither he would not have gone nor have had any obligation to the King thereof had it not been for danger of being sold to Richard by Landois He did not accuse the Duke of this but neither ought the Duke to accuse him if Fortune bore him to Divide between Two that obligation which was formerly due to Him alone He could not but confesse this without the mark of Ingratitude neither could he take One of them into his consideration and leave the Other neglected More time was requir'd to arm by Sea and Land then to send an Embassie the One did not hinder the Other That an Ambassadour served for a Soul to such businesses as were to be brought to Life no resolutions of importance being taken between Prince and Prince but by Mediation But Ursewick not being suffer'd to say This nor what more he would have said for the Duke arose from him and would not hear him he returned to Charles who told him He had rightly foretold that the Duke of Orleans would not un-enforced yeeld to any Pacification that he would endeavour to force him to it as his obstinacy required in the mean time he desired Henry not to desist from doing good offices for by continuation thereof that Peace would be effected which He desired to which he for his part would Never be Averse and that under such conditions as Henry should prescribe him Lewis the father of this Prince would never suffer this his son to be taught more Latine then Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare wherein he so well profited as not having his brains troubled with any Other lesson and being thought by reason of his rough nature to have but a blunt judgement he deceived all men especially Ursewick whereby the King his Master was likewise deceived Some think that Henry's credulity was but feigned that he might have an Excuse not to intricate himself in a War he Hated and which would be of great Trouble to him But if he were not Deceived he deceived Himself for hoping it would be hard for Charles to make any Progresse in this businesse being unable at the same time to beat the Forces of Britanny and Orleans his party it proved clean Otherwise The French Army being entred Britanny and brought in by the confederate Barons made them soon repent it The Articles greed upon between them were instantly broken Cities besieged taken and Sacked no difference being put between the grounds and territories of the Confederate and Not confederate whilst the Duke abandon'd by his Subjects and not assisted by his friends escaped narrowly being taken at Vannes from whence with much ado he got to Nantes where being besieged and destitute of hope he sent the Count of Dunois and Viscount Coteman to get aid from England who having ridden by night thorow Forests and desert places in great danger the Countrey being wholly possest
by the Enemy got to S. Malo where they unluckily put four times to Sea and were as often driven back so as they gave over their employment believing the succour they went for would come too Late and that therefore they must look for some from Elsewhere but it was more then needed For the Frenchmen despairing to win the Town gave over the Siege Charles whilst he besieged Nantes had sent Bernard of Aubeny into England to re-assure the King of his desire of Peace and he either believing it or seeming so to do named the Abbot of Abington Sir Richard Tunsdal and the former Ursewick his Commissioners to treat thereof giving them full Authority though the circumstances afforded little hope Which Edward Woodvile Uncle to the Queen a gallant Gentleman perceiving he desired leave to go to assist the Duke with a Troop of Voluntiers with which he would Privately steal over so as the King of France should have occasion to complain of none but of Him It is not known whether the King did Privately give way thereunto or no but in Publike he denied his request charging him not to depart from Court notwithstanding he went to the Isle of Wight where of he was Governour and raised there Four hundred fighting men with which he sailed into Britanny causing thereby such an alteration among those of the Court of France as the Commissioners would have been evilly intreated had not Charles whose conscience accused him seemed to believe that Woodvile was come of his Own head since the Reputation of England and the Need of Britanny required Other manner of aid then Four hundred men The Commissioners having discover'd his minde return'd to England and acquainted the King that Charles his desire of Peace was but counterfeit the better to gain time and to make him lose the opportunity of hindering him from the Usurpation of Britanny Whereupon Henry resolved to Call a Parliament wherein succour being resolved upon he raised Moneys and muster'd Souldiers sending word to Charles that his Kingdom liked not this war with Britanny made by him there having always been an un-interrupted Friendship between that Dutchy and England wherefore they could not now abandon it since their Own commodity was concerned in the Losse thereof that He therefore could not oppose his People as Charles himself might judge that he thought good to give him Notice hereof as well to the end that his Moving or Marching might not be News unto him as likewise to entreat him that he would take away the Cause of his so doing which if he would not he assured him that his succour should onely tend to the Defence of Britanny from whence if the French would withdraw themselves they should not be Pursued by his men nor fought withal Out of Britanny so as their Friendship was not to go Lesse in the said War The Ambassadours arrived when Charles had brought the businesse to such a passe as he needed not greatly weigh the Late resolutions of England having received news of the surrender of Ancenis Fougeres Saint Aibine di Cormier and not long after that the Armies had met and that the Britons were discomfited The French-men thought that the Duke's Army would bend themselves for the Recovery of Saint Albine as they did whereupon following them and coming up to them not far from thence they fought with them and had the Victory they slew the Four hundred English with Woodvile their Commander took the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange prisoners who would not have purchased their Liberties at so Cheap a rate as they did had it not been for their Wives Orleans his wife being the King's sister and Orange's wife sister to the Duke of Burbon for after divers Removals from one prison to another they by the Intercession of their Wives obtained Liberty and Pardon Henry understanding of this defeat sent Eight thousand fighting men into Britanny under the Conduct of the Lord Brook which joyning themselves with the Duke's Forces marched towards the Enemy who knowing they loved not to Encamp themselves but to come to Blowes thought to cool their heat by Intrenching their Army and sallying out with their Light-horse which they did but with more Losse then Gain This mean while Francis the Second Duke of Britanny died leaving Two Daughters behinde him the younger whereof died not many months after and left the Inheritance wholly to Anne but the subversion of her State was caused by her father's death A month before this the Duke was constrain'd to Compound with Charles and subscribe to the Articles of Agreement remitting the Difference to Arbitratours Charles pretended to this Dukedom out of Two reasons by the pretences of Iohn de Brosse and Nicholas of Britanny which were yeelded up to his father Lewis the Eleventh and by the rights of the Viscount of Rohan descended from Mary of Britanny sister to Margaret the first wife of Francis the Second the which right or claim the said Viscount had surrendred up to this Charles and these Two sisters being Daughters to Francis the First would in succession have preceded Peter the Second Arthur and Francis the Second had not Women been excluded from men of Name and Coat of Britanny as were the Three above-named The which being then brought into question made the dispute more intricate though it should not so have done for the Former Two's grant was annull'd in the Abbey de Victoire by a Treaty made with Lewis himself and the Viscount Rohan's relinquishment made by him not that he believed he had any Right thereunto but to please Charles was of no Validity since he descended from Women and the Nullification of such pretences appeared in his Contract of Marriage in the Wills of the Dukes and in the Decrees of the State of Britanny Reasons which though they were all of force enough yet were they not able to weigh against the force of the Weaker for the weakest pretences are sufficient so they have power enough to prove their right by force The King was Young and every one about him pretended to get an Armful of Wood by the fall of this Tree the Sister for her part had already in her conceipt devoured the City of Nantes the Britons who were Partakers pretended to participate therein whilst the rest that saw their fortunes and welfare depend upon the Weaknesse of an abandoned Orphan Maiden and under the Sword of a Powerful King resolved to Declare themselves for him before they were by force Constrained so to do Whereupon the English not able to Save what ran to so Headlong a Ruine returned into England after they had spent Eight months in Britanny and done nothing The Parliament had given certain Subsidies for the payment of these men which were readily paid by all the Shires save York-shire and the Bishoprick of Durham which Two Counties flatly denied to pay any They alleadged that they had suffered great grievances the Last yeers past and for the
Present they had not backs to bear any More This contempt proceeded from the Love they bore to the House of York and their Hatred to the present King The Commissioners for the Assessing and Gathering of the Subsidies wanting means whereby to enforce them knew not what to do for all and every one of these Two Counties agreed in a joyn'd Negative to the Parliament's Decree They went to advise about it with the Earl of Northumberland who wrote thereof unto the King and received answer That the Subsidies were given by Parliament and pay'd by all the rest of the Kingdom and that he would have them of Them without the Abatement of one Peny The Earl calling together the prime Gentlemen of the Countrey acquainted them with the King's answer who believing he had framed it of his Own head broke into his house and slew him together with many of his Servants This being done they chose Sir Iohn Egremond for their Head and appointed Iohn à Chamber to him for Counsellour both which were Seditious men Their conceit was to meet the King and give him Battel in defence of their Liberties the which the King understanding he commanded Thomas Earl of Surrey lately before taken out of the Tower to compel them which he did by Discomfiting them and taking à Chamber prisoner Egremont fled into Flanders to the Dutchesse Margaret à Chamber was hanged upon a high Gallows at York and some others of the Chiefest of them were hanged round about him but somewhat Lower This was the end of this Rebellion Iames the Third King of Scotland and friend to Henry died this yeer who was brought to a miserable Period rather by evil Counsel then evil Nature He had naturally good inclinations but they were poison'd by the practice of a kinde of people which hath always been Ominous and Pestilential to Princes an inconvenience which always hath been and will be whilst the World lasts His thirst after Absolute Sovereignty was as great as is the thirst of one sick of a Burning Fever not to be quenched by all the water of Nilus He valued not Legal authority but sought for that which was not permitted by the Constitutions nor Laws of the Kingdom His ruine arose from hating Liberty in such as gave him Good Counsel and in loving Flattery in those who advised him Ill the which they did not to incur the danger of his Disfavour and so made him fall upon his Own Ruine Amongst the chiefest of his injuries to his Nobility was his breach of Faith so as they not believing any more in him nor trusting him there ensued a Rebellion and wanting a Head for a businesse of so great Consequence they thought to make use of the Prince a Youth of about Fifteen yeers of Age and under the shadow of the Son to send the Father to eternal Darknesse but the Prince being endued with much Worth would not accept so detestable a Charge whereupon they made him believe they would give themselves up to England deprive him of his Birth-right and possibly of his Life so as thus threatned he gave way to their Will Iames this mean while having made means to Pope Innocent the Eighth and to his Two neighbour-Neighbour-Kings of England and France might have been succoured all in good time had he had patience to expect them in the Castle of Edenborough a safe place but he judging Strivelin to be a more convenient place to receive those in whom he enpected from the Northern parts of his Kingdom was in going thither fought withal and beaten whereupon retyring to a Water Mill with intention to save himself in certain Ships which were not far off he was miserably slain and Iames the Fourth his Son by way of Pennance girt himself with a Chain of Iron to which he added one Link every yeer as long as he lived Pope Innocent had dispatcht away Adrian de Corneto upon this occasion for Scotland a man of noble conditions who came to London Two days before the news of this unfortunate accident he thought presently to have returned but was detained by the King enamoured of his good parts which were by Morton Archbishop of Canterbury commended unto him Neither were they any whit deceived for being a man greatly Experienced in the affairs of the world to boot with his Learning Polydore gives him the attribute of the Restorer of the Latine tongue and the most Eloquent next Cicero he came to the highest degrees of Preferment The King gave him the Bishoprick of Hereford which he refusing he gave him that of Bath and Wells and made use of him in all his businesses depending at Rome which made him being promoted to be a Cardinal acknowledge his favours and give him continual Advertisements of the affairs of Italy This man afterwards through ambition of being Pope ruined his Honour his Fortune and Himself it being verified in Him that Learning is unprofitable if the End thereof be not how to lead a good life The reason of his ruine was that Cardinal Alphonso Petrucchio having together with certain other Cardinals his Confederates plotted the death of Pope Leo the Tenth there were Three that were not Of this Confederacy but Knew of it Riario Soderini and this Adrian who not medling in the businesse did notwithstanding Wish it might take Effect for each of them aspired to be Pope Paulus Iovius relating the causes which made Riario and Soderini hate the Pope when he comes to speak of Adrian says But Adrian not moved by Hatred but by a vain Desire of Rule wisht Leo's death because he had conceived a hope to be Pope by reason of the words of a Woman-Soothsayer who having long before this being asked by him told him many things touching his Own fortune and the Publike affairs of the World told him for a truth that if Pope Leo should die an unnatural death an old man call'd Adrian should succeed him famous for his Learning who building onely upon Vertue had without any Help from his Ancestors gotten the highest Ecclesiastical preferments and it seemed all this was found in Him For being born at Corneto a poor Village in Toscany of mean mechanical parentage he by his Learning had arrived at all the preferment of Holy Orders Neither did the Old woman foretel a Falsehood for one Adrian an old Dutch-man son to a poor Artificer famous for his Learning was by much good fortune made Pope after Leo. And a while after he says Soderini by voluntary Exile withdrew himself to the Territories of Fondi but Adrian being fearful and suspitious not trusting to Leo's clemency went from Rome in a Countrey-fellow's habit and not being pursued by any changed from place to place still seeking to hide himself till he died And Guicchiardine speaking more clearly of him says Adrian and Volterra were not any ways troubled save onely that they under-hand pay'd certain sums of money but neither of them daring to trust their Safeties in Rome as neither did
for that the war with Britanny might move some jealousies in him the true Reasons whereof not being known he gave him to understand that that Countrey being Feudatary to him it became him in his reputation to preserve his rights therein amongst which one was that the Heir could not marry without his Consent that the Dutchesse having done otherwise in freely disposing of her self without the Consent of Him her Soveraign it behoved him with his good leave to match her so as might not be prejudicial to his Crown to the which he hoped He would give way as to a thing becoming the reason of State and Justice Henry perceiving that the King of France would have him swallow up a bitter Pill wrapt up in Leaf-gold caused answer to be made to the Ambassadours That Peace ought not to be treated of thereby to make War upon one's Friends that to Demand it was Unjust Most unjust to Grant it He had too much of interest with Britanny to abandon it That the proceedings held by Charles were not like those of a Lord who intends to keep his right of Fee-farm but like those of an Enemy which intends Usurpation That his Correction say it were just and necessary needed not to be imposed by so Unjust means and such Unnecessary Arms against a Maiden That he did not dispute whether it were Charles his Right to marry her as he pleased or no though he thought few Presidents could be given thereof That Britanny's tenure in Fee was not subject to the Justice Laws and Will of the Lord thereof as were Other Common tenures That Gascoigne and Normandy in Former times and Flanders at the Present were not under so Servile a Subjection but say they were Marriages ought to be Free not made by Force the parties not Constrain'd otherwise they would be against the Laws both Humane and Divine and suppose his disposal of her did not contradict the Laws it might yet be averse to the interest of Other Princes who peradventure might be content he should marry her to some Other and not unto Himself As for Flanders he wonder'd so Wise a King as Charles should use such slight Arguments in so weighty a matter that he should term the Oppression of the Prince the People's Oppression the Rebellion of the One the Injustice of the Other that after having so many months detained him prisoner slain his ser vants bereft him of his Son and injuriously put him under their own Government they should pretend by Injuring to be injured being protected and confirmed in their Rebellion by Charles himself A thing which had not formerly happened and which now fell out opposite to the Interest and Dignity of All Princes for in time that might happen to Each of them which now befel This so as all Princes were bound upon such like occasions reciprocally to Help one another the which if it became Others much more did it become Charles who being Soveraign ought to chastise Rebellion in the people not to Authorize and Nourish it He thanked him for his acquainting him with his Secret designes which were So secret as not onely Italy but the whole World knew of them For his ends of Passing into Macedonia to make war upon the Turks they were not onely Christian but Generous so as if in stead of his demanding Peace he would grant his request in accepting of Him for a Companion in so holy an Enterprise he should think himself happie but that his arguments were of too Repugnant a Construction God did not command Evil to be done that Good might come thereof nor that what is offer'd on His Altars should be taken from Another's flock Yet if he thought he might with Justice set upon the Kingdom of Naples and that his pretended right thereunto was good meerly by the Renunciation of the House of Anjou what might He think of himself that was bereft of Normandy Anjou Gascoigne and All France which falling upon his person by natural Inheritance not by Anothers Renounsal was his Legal Patrimony if being instructed by him He should not do the like He would therefore follow his example and run the same carreer he had traced out to him Therefore if he would have Peace he might have it upon condition either that he would Renounce that which by an unjust title he Possessed or else pay such a Tribute as might be proportionable to what he should hold The Ambassadours not expecting such an Answer said They had no Commission to any such purpose but that they were sure their King's Sword was able to defend his Crown from losing any the least of his Flower-de-Luces that for what concern'd his marriage with the Dutchesse he never had any such Thought being already married to Maximilian's daughter To which the King reply'd He lookt for such an Answer and that he would send Ambassadours to him the better to be satisfied therein whereupon he dismissed them and Gaguine stayed in England till he had dispatcht Thomas Earl of Ormond and Thomas Goldenstone Prior of Christs-Church in Canterbury Ambassadours into France for that purpose Charles this mean while labour'd to remove from the Dutchesse Ann all scruples and detestations which withheld her from taking him for her husband He employed people of all conditions Divines Ladies Lords Counsellours and all such as had accesse unto her The Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange newly freed from their imprisonment pleaded for him so did the Count Dunois who after Orleans was tane prisoner turn'd again to the King's party The Marshal de Rieux Chancellour Mountalban the Ladies and Gentlewomen that were familiar with her and almost the whole Counsel were his instruments herein Madame de Laval her Governesse and Lady of Honour took more pains herein then All the rest Much ado there was to perswade the Dutchesse to forget how unworthily she had been dealt withal for Three yeers together how the Agreements made with the Duke her father and after with her Self had never been observed that Charles had destroy'd and sackt her Countrey that he was married to the Daughter of the King of the Romanes and the King of the Romanes married to Her So that if the Divines were troubled to remove from her her Scruples of Conscience Madame de Laval was no lesse troubled to rid her of the Hatred she had conceived against his Person She at the last yeelded thereunto upon the remonstrance of Peace the Necessity of embracing it and that there was no other way to compose it then by this Marriage Maximilian being Far off and reduced to such Poverty as in a time of so great need he could assist her with but Two thousand men Charles on the contrary was Neer at hand Powerful and not likely to give over till he had bereft her of her Countrey and brought her to Poverty and Misery the which if it should so fall out Maximilian would no longer care for her whose end was to possesse himself of Britanny
and not barely of her Person that Promises of Marriage yea Marriage it Self were to be dispens'd withal in cases of Necessity that the Pope would not be found difficult herein since Blood War and Desolation would otherwise ensue which by Peace might be prevented and Peace was to be had onely by this Marriage that Maximilian's daughter was no impediment since she was not of Yeers either to Consent or Dissent For her Marriage with Maximilian's Self though Promised yet was it not Consummated the Solemnities used therein were meer Ceremonies invented to dazzle the World they not being valid by whatsoever Law either Canon or Civil And if nothing else would prevail with her the Preservation of her State her 's and Charles his Proportionable Youth and Yeers and her being to be the Chief Queen of the World ought perswade her Weary at last with so many Onsets she gave way though not yet freed of the Scruple of her Promise-breach to Maximilian but he being accused of having failed in his Duty and of not having kept any one whosoever neer her which he would not have done to the meanest Princesse alive she was likewise quitted of That The Ambassadours which were sent to Charles being come to Callis met with the Bishop of Concordia sent from the Pope to reconcile the Two Kings for through the molestation of their Wars Christendom was in great danger of the Turks who made daily further progresse thereinto The Bishop having dispatcht his affairs with Charles who feigned a willingnesse to Peace came to England where he did nothing for the Marriage with Britanny being published the Treaty was broken off and each King sent for his Ambassadours home Henry not in honour able to suffer any longer dissimulation and being by Maximilian promised strong succours from the King of Spain called a Parliament and there propounded war with France not to be made any more by Deputies as was the war of Britanny but by Himself in Person to recover those Provinces lost under Henry the Sixth against a Prince who for his Pride and for his pretending over every one was unworthy of All men's Friendship since having possest himself of Britanny by Force and Fraud and maintained the Rebels in Flanders against their Prince he pretended now to bring Italy to his Subjection that he might aftewards trouble all the Princes of Christendom honesting his thirst after Rule and his conceived Usurpation of the Kingdom of Naples by saying he did it with an intent to carry his Arms against the Infidels on the other side of the Adriatick Sea he told them it would be dangerous to let him advance so much for that England being already girt about with Piccardy Normandy and this new purchase of Britanny it would be easie for him to molest her if suffering her self to be Flatter'd as hitherto she had done she should be abused as she had been that the French forces were not unknown to the English as had been witnessed by their Battels Victories and the Imprisonment of one of the French Kings and if the English had at last had unhappie successe 't was not be attributed to Their Valour but to Civil Dissention which like tempestous Hail had beaten down the Fruit upon the very point of Ripening that his claim to that Kingdom was manifest that Fortune did second Justice and Valour accompany her that Their generous resolution would serve for an Invitation and an Example unto Others to Flanders and Spain for their Own Interests and to Britanny for that being won more by Corruption then by Arms there wanted not such as were evilly affected the People were discontented and the greatest part of the Nobility not willing to subject themselves to a Prince whom they abhorr'd the Pope would joyn with them for detesting to have Italy molested Diversion was that which would free him from Danger All which were thus presented not as the Ground-work but as the Adherences of an Enterprise which was not to be resolv'd on upon hopes of Assistance from Others that England was of it Self sufficient neither did it stand in need of any other Forces then her Own it being to be supposed that by the Death of those Ancient warriers the natural courage of those which Descended from them was not extinct but that they would make it appear to the world they did not degenerate from their Predecessours and though Honour have no reward worthy of her self but Her Self yet it was to be consider'd that this was a War to be made in a Countrey full of whatsoever Nature did afford sufficient to maintain the Publike expence to adorn the Nobility with Lordships Vertue with Employments and to satisfie the Souldier with Booty and Riches Riches which were to be shared out by sundry ways as is the Blood from Vein to Vein to England in general and that those who for the present should contribute towards it were to enjoy in the future aboundant Increase for what they should Now part withal that the war was to be made not as at the First at the expence of the Kingdom but at the cost of such Cities and Provinces as they should Conquer it had been done so Formerly and should be so Now so as they that would contribute towards it he wisht they might do it Readily for he was resolved not to have any thing from the Poorer sort but from such as without any incommodity might expect the Re-imbursing of their Moneys The War with France was with much cheerfulnesse approved of in Parliament They thought the Honour of the King and Kingdom had suffer'd somewhat in the Losse of Britanny But the King's intentions were not such as he made shew of he knew Maximilian's Forces were not to be built upon nor yet those of Ferdinand for the Wars of Granada had exhausted his Coffers and the recouery of Rossillion without Cost which he aspired unto was not to be effected by fighting with Charles but with Seconding him He knew moreover the constitution of France was not Now as it had been Formerly when divided into Two Factions it made way for the advancing of the English Forces it was now United the Burgundian Faction was faln to the ground and the Orleanists depended upon the Regal authority that she hath now brought her self to a custom of encamping Leasurely and to fight no more with Violence but upon Advice so as he should Weary his people Weaken his Forces and Impoverish his Kingdom Feigning notwithstanding the contrary he seemed to Desire what he Detested he so wisely fitted himself for what might happen as satisfying his Honour with the Appearances and Beginning of War he was sure to make Peace when he listed for Charles would be Desirous of it that he might bring to passe his intended Designes and he Himself would Accept of it as not being deceived in his opinion of Maximilian's Impotency and the vain hopes from Spain Yet he was sure to make Charles buy peace Dear who had his minde
fitting to be made and the Souldiers ready to give the Assault News came that Peace was concluded to the great Dislike of the Army and the Madding of such who having sold their possessions upon the hopes of this Warre found themselves deceived One cause which made Henry willing to accept of Peace to boot with what have been already alleadged was for fear lest Charles might foment a New Duke of York who began then to shew himself The substance of the Agreement was That Charles should pay Seven hundred fourty five thousand Crowns for divers considerations for satisfaction of the Fifty thousand Crowns Yeerly which ought to have been pay'd but were not after the Death of Edward the Fourth as also for the Succours he had sent into Britanny which the Dutchesse Anne acknowledged her self to stand indebted for and for the Expences he had been at in this Present war The French Historians agree upon the same sum but they do not specifie the Causes why Polydore affirming that the Peace was concluded by the payment of a great sum of money adds Five and twenty thousand Crowns a yeer for Succouring of Britanny which after Charles his death and Henry's were pay'd to Henry the Eighth by Lewis the Twelfth and Francis the First who durst not deny the payment of it for fear of being set upon by him whilst they made war in Italy Charles did moreover in imitation of his father give Pensions and Presents to the chief of Henry's Court that they might either favour him the more or hinder him the lesse whereat Henry connived for it behoved him to interesse the Greatest of the Kingdom in the Peace which was but badly construed by the Rest. He endeavour'd likewise to satisfie those who for their own particular respects were discontented by shewing them what Blood and Losse of Lives would have ensued in the assaulting of Bullein together with the Small hopes they had to come off with Honour and that if he had been Successeful therein yet had he deserved Blame since what was to be gotten did not answer to the Losse of the Valiantest of his Army He made use of the same arguments to make others perswade Him to make Peace that it might be thought to have ensued from the Motion of Others not from Himself This Peace was good for Both the Kings for Charles by securing to him Britanny which by occasion of this War was like to have Stagger'd and opening a way unto him to agree with Maximilian as he did so as his Confines being secured on that side they being formerly secured on all Other he might with a quiet minde totally intend the getting of Naples a resolution which proceeded not from Lodowick Sforza who first incited him thereunto but from his natural Genius which compell'd him to undertake it notwithstanding the many Difficulties he was to meet withal especially the Want of Moneys without any real foundation Fortune when she pleases is able to make impossibilities possible 'T was good for Henry for he thereby filled his Coffers and was freed from the danger which the new Fantasm representing the Duke of York might have brought unto him had it been so strongly backt by the King of France as it was witnessed by the Dutchesse of Burgundy and seconded by the King of Scotland He feared some Insurrection from those which favour'd the White Rose for the love which the people had born him in regard of their Hatred to Richard was grown lesse so as he was now to subsist onely by his Own worth and his Wives faction failed him he having failed Her in those respects which his desire of being King in his Own Right would not permit him to use unto her His Camp being raised from before Bullein he returned by Callis for England having written to the Lord Maior and Aldermen of London before he took Shipping his reasons for Ending the War not touching upon those we have spoken of but such as he thought would Please especially that the enemy had purchas'd Peace at so High a rate this notwithstanding pleased not those who had been liberal to him in their Benevolences 't is true their distaste was lessened by his returning with his Purse full which made them believe he would not of a long time expect any thing from Them Alphonso Duke of Calabria eldest son to Ferdinand King of Naples had intreated Henry to admit him into the Order of the Garter believing the War between the Two Kings to be Endlesse He thought that to have the Honour to be of the most famous Order of Christendom would make him be respected amongst Princes and reverenced by his Subjects especially at such a time he hoped that if France should stir against his Father the King of England with opportune assistance would discharge the duty of the Fraternity but he was deceived it doth not dilate it self to so prejudicial an Obligation Honours are the Alchimy of Princes which like Gamesters Tantoes are worth as much as they are made to be worth they are not burdensom to the giver enrich not the receiver Mines are not digg'd up for them treasure is not exhausted neither have they any other Being then what Opinion gives them he that hath not merit enough in himself to deserve them is like a Sumpter-horse marked with the mark of a stately Courser The King being come to London sent him the Garter and Robes belonging to the Order by Ursewick The Order was received by Alphonso with the greatest Pomp that could be invented by any one who believes that Ostentations dazzle mens eyes and bring things to their designed Ends which happening but Sometimes did not befal Him for neither did This nor any Other industry preserve him from ruine But for that his successe belongs not to Our Story we refer the Reader to Guicchiardine's Relation The King at his arrival in England heard that the Duke of York was not slain in the Tower as he was believed to be but that he was with his Aunt Margaret in Flanders the which though Henry understood when he was in France and in his agreements had made Charles with whom he then was send him away yet he did not think the noise of this fiction was to be despised since it might breed great troubles We will relate the Beginning thereof and the resolution which he thereupon took The Dutchesse Margaret had together with her Milk suckt in hatred against the Red-Rose-faction enemy to the White from whence She descended insomuch as she spared not either for Injustice or Fraud so she might oppresse it neither did Religion or any other Scruple withhold her from doing what in her lay to destroy it She might have been contented that her Neece Elizabeth was Queen of England in default of her Two Nephews who should have inherited the Crown since they failed therein not through the cruelty of the Lancastrians but of her brother Richard yet was she not satisfied but favoured Lambert Symnel one
as had their Husbands for if they were endowed with Absolute Soveraignty and Dominion they might wage War put the State into Combustion and utterly lose it but having learn'd that she had great power in the Council and that the Archduke could do no otherwise whilst the world would believe that Perkin was protected in Despite of Him he recalled the English Merchants from Flanders and banisht the Flanders Merchants out of England and transported the Staple of Cloth and Wooll from Antwerp to Callis the which though it were to the great losse of the People and that Philip knew they would exclaim against it yet did not he forbear doing the like by driving the English out of his Dominions The King moreover upon advertisements from Clifford imprisoned the Lord Fitz-water Sir Simon Montfort and Sir Thomas Thwaites William d'Aubeny Robert Ratcliff Thomas Cressenor Thomas Astwood William Worseley Dean of Pauls and certain Friers amongst which two Dominicans he would have shut up More but the scandal would have been too great Montfort Ratcliff and d'Aubeny were convinc'd of High Treason and beheaded the Lord Fitz-water being sent prisoner to Callis not in despair of Life by his endeavouring to escape lost both his hopes and life the rest were pardoned The King had created his second son Henry Duke of York in Westminster where as is usual at such Solemnities divers Knights of the Bath were made but when he heard that Clifford was landed in England he withdrew himself to the Tower that he might hear him There to the end that if he should accuse any of extraordinary quality they might be imprisoned without any great noise Clifford being admitted to his presence threw himself at his feet and begg'd his pardon the which being formerly granted he again confirmed unto him and being commanded to speak if he had any more to say concerning the Conspiracy he named the Lord Chamberlain Sir William Stanley at whose name all the standers by were startled it not being likely that a man of his quality rich the Favorite neerest to the King and the chief instrument of his Assumption to the Crown should be a Traitour whereupon being advised to think Better what he said he without Haesitation or Altering his Colour accused him as Before Stanley was shut up in his Chamber and was the next day examined by the Council he denied some few Circumstances but confess'd the Fault affying his Former actions for which he presumed the King would pardon him but he was deceived Deserts and Mis-deserts weigh not alike when they are of a like Excesse though he had Put the Crown upon his head by negotiating how to take it Away again he nullified his Former deserts his Repenting for the Service done cancell'd the Obligation the which though it were very great was in some sort rewarded Recompence cannot be given for a Kingdom by conferring Another Kingdom to the Donour or by resigning over to him the Same the Inequality of the Persons equals the Disparity of the good turn the Riches and Honour he received from Henry were equivalent to the Crown which Henry received from Him if it may be Formally said that he did receive it from him the one was Born for It the other for Meaner things Yet was Henry in great doubt with himself whether he should put him to death or no the love and reverence which he bare to his Father-in-law pleaded for Clemency Example and the Condition of the Times put in for Severity but if it be true which some Authors write his Riches bore down the balance he being esteemed one of the greatest money'd men in England Neither were men deceived in this their opinion for in his Castle of Holt were found Fourty thousand Marks in ready money his Jewels and Moveables not therein comprehended and in Revenues and Pensions he had Three thousand pounds a yeer a considerable sum in those days Whereupon after having deferr'd this businesse some Six weeks to the end that his Brother and the People might have time to Examine it he was condemn'd to die and lost his head His execution afforded matter of diversity of discourse those that were not of the Court who were ignorant of the Secrets of Government and made their conjectures upon Circumstances and doubtful Relations esteemed the case if not wholly void of Fault at least not worthy of the Highest punishment a belief which was occasioned by reason of a Rumour that was spread abroad That in his discourse with Clifford concerning Perkin he should say unto him That if he should for certain know he were the Duke of York son to Edward the Fourth he would not take up Arms against him A manner of Speech which though it did not Openly declare any ill-will to the King's Person yet such was it as did not sound well in His mouth his Example being sufficient to alter the whole Kingdom and the words not admitting of any other interpretation then his Opinion of Henry's unjust title to the Crown which derogated from the Pretences of the House of Lancaster and from the Authority of Parliament The reason which alienated him from the King is said to be That he desiring the King to make him Earl of Chester a Title and County which the Kings of England do for the most part give to the Princes of Wales their first-born Sons the King did not onely Deny his request but was Offended with him for it thinking him now arrived to those pretences which did exceed the condition of a Subject after he had rewarded his services with equivalent rewards having made him Privy Counsellour Lord Chamberlain given him daily whatsoever he demanded assigned Pensions to him and in the day of Battel wherein Richard was slain seemed not to take notice that he appropriated unto Himself the Prey and Booty of the whole Camp of which He himself stood in Need being but a New King permitting all things to him to the end that when he was grown Rich he might satisfie his own thirst of having This man's death put all the Court in a Quandary one man durst not trust another each one feared lest all his friends might prove Cliffords Yet such was the spirit of Back-biting that they made use of pen and paper to utter what for fear of danger they durst not do with their tongues Libels were written against some of the Council and against the King himself the authors whereof could not so well conceal themselves but that Five of them miscarried paying for their Errour with the losse of life Perkin's party this mean while decreased no man durst so much as think any more of him and they were but very few that tarried with him in Flanders amongst which Clifford's companion was the chiefest who notwithstanding afterwards alter'd his opinion and together with his Pardon got leave to return home But the death of the Conspirators and the dissipation of the Complices were not sufficient to make Henry rest in quiet unlesse
entertainment in Ireland which he expected for Poynings had an eye to the actions of the Rebels there he met with it in Scotland whither he went grounding his hopes upon the natural enmity of those Two Kingdoms and upon the recommendation of the Three above-written Princes he had solemn audience given him by the King in the presence of all the Lords that were then at Court His Lordlike looks which together with his being thought the true Duke of York were augmented by Art and by the gifts of Nature captivated the good-will of the standers by Having in a grave manner done his Obeisance to the King he told him That he was the unhappie Richard Plantagenet son to Edward the Fourth who drawn by fraudulent promises from his mother's bosom she having taken Sanctuary at Westminster was brought to the Tower of London there to be smother'd with his brother Edward but that charity arising in the brest of those who executed that cruel office they were contented with the death of his Elder brother and saved Him giving him life liberty and means how to scape away he desired to be pardoned if he did not tell the Manner how for that the interests of those that had saved him who were yet alive would not suffer him so to do that Fortune had posted him into divers places and God had given him the grace to conceal his condition lest being known the evil might have befaln him which the vigilancy of a wicked Uncle threatned who having usurped his Kingdom from him knew he could not enjoy it but by his death which he thought had already happened but that his Uncle being by divine justice rewarded according to his deserts and he grown in yeers after many circumvolutions he had withdrawn himself from France to his Aunt the Dutchesse of Burgundy who being a widow and on the Other side of the Sea could not give him such assistance as was requisite for the recovery of his Kingdom which being faln from One Tyrant to Another from an unnatural Uncle to a Kinsman who was naturally his Enemy he stood in need of some to assist him Arms being the onely Tribunal whereat pretences to Kingdoms are disputed that England knew very well his claim and his being which some of the chiefest there had witnessed with their bloods betrayed by their false corrupt friends that Corruption was easily effected where Jealousie and Suspition made men who were naturally covetous and sparing as was Henry liberall and profuse that Ireland was not ignorant of this but that being grievously opprest her weaknesse was such as she could not shew her fidelity and obedience to the House of Yorke and to Him the true heir thereof as shee formerly had done and would again doe neither was it to be doubted but that if he could find a place to take footing in and any one that would protect him he should both from the one Kingdom and the other receive such assistance as might make the regainment of his owne an easie busines that the Dutchesse Emperour Arch-duke King of France and Himselfe finding there was no other wheron for him to take footing then Scotland nor other Protector for him then the magnanimous King thereof they had advised him to present himselfe before his Majestie they being afterwards ready to joyne with him in so just a cause in defence of an Orphan and to the assistance of a Prince betraid usurp'd upon and driven out of this Countrey as was Hee Here enlarging himselfe upon Henrye's illegall pretences upon his base ignoble descent vilifying his Grand-father Tewder as descended from the Scum of the poorest sort in Wales he said that his title was in no sort good unto the Crowne nor yet his Wifes title as long as He the Duke of Yorke and of right King lived that Henry had endeavour'd to have him given up into his hands by Charles when he was in France but that being by Charles denied hee had not spared for Treachery Arms nor poyson to bereave him of his life by the means of divers of his Ministers more particularly by Robert Clifford the wickedst of them all so as when all his diabolicall designes failed him his last refuge was to slanders and to new inventions drawn from hell thereby to obscure the splendour of his Birth to the end that being believed to be what he would have him to be his tyrannie and usurpation might not be withstood that if he were such a one King Charles nor his aunt the Dutchesse would not have counsell'd him to have had recourse to the powerfull tuition of the King of Scotland with hopes that he would succour him as his generous Predecessours had formerly done the afflicted Kings of England whose name worth and Kingdome since he inherited he hope hee should inherit the like benefits as they had done that hee might shew himselfe having recovered his Kingdome to be the most usefull and truest friend that ever did or shall deserve to be celebrated for gratitude Perkins expressions the compassion of his case the recommendation of so many Princes and their promises or rather the Occasion to wage war with Henry whereunto he had a great desire moved the King to promise him his assistance the which hee readily effected though many who knew the Imposture disswaded him from him moreover he did not only appoint unto him an Attendance and Entertainment every way befitting a Duke of Yorke but that it might be beleeved he tooke him to be so he gave unto him for wife his neerest kinswoman Katherin Gordon daughter to the Earl of Huntley a Lady of excellent beauty Such provisions being made as the enterprise required he with a good Army entred Northumberland where Perkin under the name of Richard Duke of Yorke the true and lawfull heir to the Crown of England published a Declaration the Contents whereof were That being by the Grace of God and Favour of Iames the fourth King of Scotland entred into his Kingdom of England he declared his coming was not to make war upon his subjects but to free them from the tyrannie wherewith they were oppressed that it was known the Crown belonged to the Regall house of Yorke of which since after the death of Edward the fourth there remained no other pretender then Himself his Son He and no other was the lawfull heir thereof that Henry Teudor had usurped the Crown from him and by in humane ways sought to betray him and bereave him of his life that he had vaunted himself to have eased the subject of a Tyrant but by excluding the Duke of Yorke their rightfull King he had made himself their Tyrant that Richords tyranny was so much the more excusable in that his Nephews being supposed to be dead he had some Pretences to colour it with the difference between them two was that Richard a true Plantagenet had for his aim the Honour of the Nation and the Subjects Tranquillity Henry meanly born not regarding the Honour of
the Nation nor the Peoples Tranquillity had sold the Kingdoms best friends for ready money made dishonourable peace and not only oppressed the subject but unjustly put to death the Lord Chamberlain Stanley and divers others who were likely to have withstood his oppressions Ambition had moved Richard to tyrannie Henry Avarice Ambition had made use of cruell means Avarice not only of Cruell but Base extortive means his Cruelty was witnessed by the death of so many and by the imprisonment of the Earl of Warwick Son to the Duke of Clarence his Basenesse and Extortion by such extraordinary grievances Tenths Subsidies Taxes and Impositions under the name of Benevolences and by the wars and peace hee made only that he might heap up treasure and because his unjust possession of the Crowne made him live in perpetuall fear and suspicion not only of Men but even of Women hee had married Ladies of the blood Royall to people of mean condition amongst which a sister of Him the Duke of Yorke and a sister of his Cosin the above-mentioned Earl of Warwick that hee might have the lesse reason to fear so that as hee now came to free them from violence by such forces as God should assist him withall so by his plenary Regall authority hee did at that present free them from all Grievances by Revoking and abolishing in perpetuity All that had hetherto been imposed upon them contrary to all Law and Custom and to the end that the good will of his subjects might not be prejudiced by the Law for having illegally obeyed the Tyrant he granted to them a Generall Pardon for all their transgressions upon condition they would submit themselves to Him and acknowledge him for their King the which they that should be the Forwardest to do should be the First that should enjoy the Maidenhead of his Regall favours that he would maintain all that his Ancestors more particularly his Father Edward of glorious memory had sworn unto which was the Preservation of their Priviledges and Liberty the Franchise of the Clergy Nobility and People He promised a Thousand pound in ready money and Five Marks a yeare of Inheritance for ever whosoever should take or kill Henry he declared that the King of Scotlands assisting of him was not done out of any Bargain or Promise made Prejudiciall to the Kingdom of England but out of the near love to Justice a vertue wherein he excelled and that when he should have put him in a condition or posture that he might be able to defend himself by the forces of his own English subjects he would return to Scotland pretending to nothing else but the Honour of having Raised Him up This Declaration proved like seed sown on the sands whereupon King Iames after he had long in vain expected some Commotion be took himself to plunder and destroy with as little mercy as the Scots had wont to doe in former times and Perkin who till now had plaid his part extreamly well failed in This shewing too much Affection therein For having desired the King not to suffer his men contrary to the Laws of Arms to commit such out-rages for that no purchase whatsoever could be acceptable to him which was got with the Blood and Ruin of his own subjects the King who either had before informed himself of his being or else began to suspect it by this his so Affected and Impertinent request answered him smiling That he took too much care of what did not at all belong unto him and that to endeavour the preservation of an Enemies countrey was the most that could be done by a Perfect Christian. Having enriched his souldiers he returned back knowing that great forces were coming down upon him and that it would be dangerous for him to stay till they came finding himself encumbred by that great booty he took along with him Merchants were much troubled at the breach of Commerce between England and Flanders insomuch as meeting with a fit occasion they began to treate thereof with their severall Princes since that the reducing it to the former condition would make for the advantage of Both sides and therefore was to be desired by Both by the Arch-duke for being informed that Perkin the cause of the disorder was a Cheater he should have wronged his Reputation in favouring him any longer and have much injured his Subjects and Himself by the evill that might there hence have resulted by Henry for not valuing now Perkin any more the breach of correspondence with Burgundy was not only prejudiciall to Private men but even to Himselfe since that thereby his Customes a principall arrow in the quiver of Princes were diminished notwithstanding though he did desire it he would not seem to doe so but appeare to be drawn by the instance of others Commissioners were sent from both sides who renewed their friendship and reestablished the commerce in a better way then formerly and to the articles touching this busines and the Freedom of Fishing was added an Inhibition of either side to entertain the Rebels of one another in which article the Lands belonging to the Dutchesse Margaret were by Name inserted to the end that such as did adhere to Perkin might not be shelter'd there The affront offered by the King of Scotland stuck yet in Henrie's stomack which was not to be revenged but by war war was not to be made without money nor was money to be had without a Parliament wherefore he called a Parliament and therein acquainted them with the Losses he had suffer'd by the King of Scots in Northumberland who having no cause of enmity with Him had taken upon him for a Pretence to protect Perkin though he knew him to be an Impostour how the injury was aggravated by the Affront for finding that countrey unarmed and void of defence after having ruin'd and burnt up the countrey he had safely retired himselfe laden with booty into Scotland This busines was judged worthy of the Kings consideration such injuries not being without shame to be put up wherefore the Parliament decreed unto him good store of money to be raised according to the usuall wont which being paid in all parts else was only deny'd to be paid in Cornewall the Inhabitants thereof thought this an unjust exaction and that the Scotish Commotion was so farre from Them as they were not thereby to be obliged as were the countries thereby detrimented asif when the Head akes the Legs and Feet be not concern'd but may put over the execution of their duties to the Arms and Neck as neerer thereunto To make good this mutiny two mutinous heads appeared the one a Farrier by his trade the other an Atturney each of which had their ends Michael Ioseph the Black-smith was moved by Ambition beleeving such a seditious action would adde luster unto him and that his clownish loquacity would procure him the first place amongst the Countrey people Thomas Flammock the Atturney having gotten credit by his profession had so
into Cornewall as he had appointed for hearing that they were not totally appeased he thought it was not good to incite them any further To all the rest he gave a Generall Pardon so as in so scandalous a rebellion there were but Three that suffer'd those not being cast into the number which were slain in the Battell who perished rather by Fortune then by way of Punishment The King of Scotland hearing of this rebellion made use of it he went to besiege Norham Castle plundering the countrey This Castle belonged to Fox the Bishop of Durham who fore-seeing it would be besieged had doubly furnished it with all sorts of Munition causing the herds of Cattle what else might be helpful to the Enemy to be withdrawn into the greatest strengths The Earl of Surrey who was ready upon all occasions in Yorke-shire not far from thence hasted thither accompanied with good store of Souldiers the which when King Iames understood he with-drew himself and was pursued by the Earl who not able to over-take him sate down before Hayton Castle one of the strongest Castles between Barwick and Edenborough the which he quickly took and not meeting with any opposition he returned to Yorke-shire not doing any more these two actions having produced no matter of Note but the Preservation of One Castle and the winning of Another At this time came Pedro d' Aiala a man of praise-worthy conditions to Henry being sent Embassadour from Ferdinand and Isabel King and Queen of Castile The pretence of his Embassie was to compound the differences between Henry and the King of Scotland but the true cause was to negotiate a marriage between Katharine their second daughter and Prince Arthur My opinion is that these two wise Princes were cautious of entring into a busines of this nature till by this peace they might see Henries state setled for considering him to be a New King they did not a little weigh the machinations of an Impostour which being grounded upon the appearances though but of a False name were upheld by the King of Scotland who if he should forsake him they would soon vanish Henry willingly embraced the Offer being no way inclined to the unprofitable wars with Scotland by the cessation whereof two great advantages were to redound to him the one he would unkennell Perkin from out the Kingdom with hopes to get him into his power or else that wanting that leaning stock he might easily end the busines Himself the other his desire to reign in Peace being weary of so many molestations which rising one in the neck of another had always troubled him So as agreeing to whatsoever d' Aiala should treate of his Honour and all wherein it might be concern'd always preserved he suffer'd him to go into Scotland where having rough-cast the busines and perswaded the King to listen to Peace for his endeavours were seconded by the Counsel who favoured England he writ to Henry to send some discreat man who together with Him might end the busines with the Commissioners of Scotland The King gave his Commission to Fox Bishop of Durham who was then at Norham and sent him When they met together in Iedworth they could not agree by reason of many difficulties that arose Henry demanded to have Perkin delivered up unto him and Iames could not doe it without a great aspersition to his Honour for though he knew he was but a Iuggler yet having called him the Duke of Yorke made war in his name and married him to a neer kinswoman of his own the doing of it would injure his own Faith and Reputation On Henries behalfe was likewise demanded satisfaction for the Losse he had suffer'd and the Restitution of such Booty as had been taken from England which was impossible to be had the booty was disperst amongst the Souldiers and the King had not of his Own wherwith to give satisfaction for the Losses suffer'd it was more possible for the one to suffer the Losse then for the other to Repay it But all of them being met together with a Desire of Peace 't was easie to find a way to accommodation wherefore leaving off the Treaty til another time they agreed on a Truce upon condition that Perkin should be dismist Scotland The Kings were here withall contented Truce working the same effect King Iames calling Perkin to him shewed him that according to his promise he had done what lay in His power for him which He had not correspondently done in any thing he promised for having made him beleeve hee had a Party in England not so much as one man had appeared to side with him after Two attempts made that he the King had together with his person hazarded his Kingdom to a perpetual war The Scots would none of it neither would his Occasions permit it that he had reason to complain of none but of Himself who in a busines of so great importance had not cast up his accounts aright that the Emperour Arch-duke Dutchesse of Burgundy and the King of France had been faulty both to Himself and Him that he could not doe all of Himself whilest they far from Danger looked on from safe places without either dammage or expence though this were a sufficient cause yet should it not have been of force enough to have made him change his former resolution had there been any one that would have acknowledged him for the Duke of Yorke as there was none that would acknowledge him for so much as an English man Hee would no farther examine his Genealogy nor make himselfe Judge of anothers pretences whilest there is not any one that dreams much lesse beleeves him to be Sonne to Edward the fourth that hee had given him for wife a Noble Lady his neer kinswoman to the end the Scocs might be moved to favour him and the English might take courage to own him and if the second designe which depended on Him Perkin did not succeed well the first which depended on Him the King failed not that his Kingdom would have Peace which they could not have so long as He stayed in it that therefore it behooved him to be gone for having denied to Deliver him up to the King of England as was by the said King Demanded he could not deny to send him out of Scotland which should he not doe it would be contrary to the interests of One of them and repugnant to the affairs of the Other Hee told him Times did alter so as if hee were the man hee gave himself out to be it was impossible but the Time would bring the Truth to light that though Fortune were Powerfull yet was she not able to prevaile against a certain Truth if therefore his Pretence were such he could not want Friends and Furtherers if otherwise it behooved him to look to himself and to put on apparell fitting his condition Perkin though convinced seemed not to be so casting all his bad successe upon the Aversenesse of Fortune And
assuring the King hee would never be unmindfull of the favour he had received from him he embarked himself together with his Wife and such whose desperate condition necessitated them to follow him in three ships which the King gave him and made for Ireland for he had no hopes in Flanders by reason of the new friendship between the Arch-duke and Henry The Cornish men understanding that he was come into Ireland intreated him to come over to them professing their obedience their Lives and Lively-hoods for the advancing of his pretences to the Crown They who were taken Prisoners in the last Battaile were returned home having ransomed themselves at small rates from such as had taken them and the Kings clemency had wrought contrary effects in them making them more enraged for they did not interpret it as proceeding from Kindnesse but Feare so as falling upon new conceits beleeving that all the other shires would follow them they received Perkin with great applause who Landed there with four little Barks in September having with him not above a Hundred and Forty men Three Thousand of the Cornish presented themselves before Him in Bodmin all armed from whence he sent forth a Declaration under the name of Richard the fourth King of England promising great matters for the ease of the present Tyrannical government Hee had with him Three chiefe Counsellours come with him a broken Mercer a Taylor and a Scrivener Secretary Frion had left him when he saw none appeare for him in England these three seconded by the rest were of opinion the first thing which was to be done was to winne some good Town which might make for his Safety and Reputation and might encourage the rest They pitched before Exeter which being a great and rich Citie the hope of Booty invited other to come unto Perkin They made faire promises to the Citizens amongst which That King Richard would make their Citie a new London in recompence of their Fidelity and for their being the First that did acknowledge him for their King but wanting Artillery to force them bare words were not sufficient to perswade them The Citie sent newes of the siege to the Court and demanded succour the which Perkin feared and therefore did all he might to make himselfe Master of it before the succour could come He assaulted it by Scaling Ladders and set fire on one of the Gates endeavouring to enter by one way or other but the wals being well defended the fire quenched and many of the Assaillants slain the danger past over The King when he heard of Perkins arrivall and that he had besieged Exeter was exceeding glad hoping to free himselfe from rather a Troublesome then Dangerous molestation He suddenly dispatcht away forces to releeve it under the Conduct of the Lord Chamberlain accompanied by the Lord Brooke and Sir Rice ap Thomas with directions that they should make it be given out that he was following himself in Person But the Lords that lived in those parts knowing they should doe an acceptable service if they should come into the field unrequested assembled many troops The Earl of Devonshire with his Son and the chief Gentlemen of the Countie on the one side and the Earl of Buckingham on the other so as being joyned together before the Chamberlaine began to march they advertised the King of what they had done desiring to receive his commands Perkin understanding these preparations raised his siege and went to Taunton though the Cornish did much encourage him promising not to leave him whilest they had a drop of blood in their bodies But were it either through feare or that Warinesse had taught him not to trust to such promises he would be gone having about seven Thousand men with him and seeming howsoever to be couragious But forsaking all these the next night he fled with Three-score and Ten horse to Beaulieu where with some of them he tooke Sanctuary The King hearing of his flight sent five hundred Horse after him fearing lest he might escape away by Sea but finding he had taken Sanctuary they used no other violence but to keepe a good Guard over him till they should receive new Commands The troops which remained in Taunton yeelded themselves to the Kings mercy who pardoned them all save some Few which being the most seditious amongst them were put to death And because the Lady Gordon wife to Perkin was left by him in Cornewall at Saint Michaels Mount as in a safe place the King sent to take her from thence not so much out of Civility to so Noble a Lady as fearing lest shee might be with Child which should shee have prov'd it might have beene a new occasion of farther trouble but it was Gods goodnesse to them both that shee was not Shee was with all possible Honour receiv'd in Exeter the King did much compassionate her excellent Beauty which deserving a true Prince was falne into the hands of a cheating Impostour whom shee notwithstanding loved as not beleeving him to be so Hee sent her to the Queene and assigned her a good Pension the which shee enjoyed during his life and many yeares after He made a solemn entry into Exeter where having thanked the Citizens for their Loyaltie he took off his sword he wore and gave it to the Major with power to have it carried before him He sent expresse Messengers to the Sanctuary to Perkin with promise of Pardon who seeing himself destitute of all hopes of safety yeelded himself and coming forth of Sanctuary put himself into their hands and was brought to the Court but not to the Kings Presence though oft-times for Curiosities sake he would see him out of the Gallery window Divers Commissioners were nam'd to proceed against such as had sided with Perkin who were Punished with Pecuniary mulctes the world not being deceived in their opinion that he was better satisfied to let the Purses blood then the Veins The Scorn and Mockery which Perkin received from the Courtiers and from such as ran to see him as if he had been a Monster would have been a greater punishment to a man of Honour then a Thousand Deaths When he came to London he was led on Horse-back through all the Citie to the Tower and from thence brought back again to Westminster suffering by the way a world of opprobrious and injurious Language For his greater ignominy they led another bound neer unto him who was Farrier to the Kings stables and who next to the three above-named having been one of his chief Counsellours had in his running away put on the habit of an Hermit hoping to escape better thereby then by Sanctuary but being known taken and brought to London he was hanged after he had accompanied his New Master in this Procession Perkin upon examination declared at full his whole Genealogy his Father Mother Grandfathers Vncles Cozins their Occupations Countrey his voyages together with many other superfluous things concealing or not setting down in writing
what was most Essentiall as that his Father was a Jew that he himself was born in London held at the Font by King Edward and the Dutchesse of Burgundy her practises He confessed his going to Portugall but not that he was sent by Her In like manner he confest his journey to Ireland Whereupon the Confession being first written with his own hand and afterwards Printed did not satisfie the Peoples curiosity since they saw the name of the afore-said Dutchesse the chief Actor in this Comedy purposely concealed But the King would not irritate her any farther thinking it sufficient punishment for her to be so diversly spoken of as shee was together with her own vexation that her inventions not succeeding should be made evident to the world The Civill wars whereof I write ought to end with the death of Richard the 3. without any further progress but the fire therof though quenched having left hot ashes and caused the alterations of those two Impostours Symnell and Warbeck it was requisite for me to write This life likewise though with intention to end it according to the Object and Title propounded to my self with the Imprisonment of the Later of the two the last exhalation of all these Heats But it would have mis-become me to have left it abruptly off there remaining so Little of it without discovering the fountains head from whence the Kings of Scotland derive their lawfull succession to the Crown of England and without setting down the punishment of Warbeck and of the Earl of Warwick the last Male of Plantagenets race whose death freed the Kingdom from Pretenders I wil then proceed with the greatest Brevitie that may be The truce between England and Scotland was no sooner made but that an unexpected accident hapned which had wel nigh broke it and turn'd all things to their former troublesom condition The Castle of Norham is parted from the confines of Scotland by the river Tweed so as neighbour-hood having caused conversation and friendship between some young men of Scotland and of England the young men of Scotland had wont to passe over the River and come to drinke and sport with those of Norham the Souldiers of the Garrison growing mistrustful of this custom their grudges not being totally extinguished by the Truce did not thinke their coming proceeded from Friendship but out of a desire to pry into the Fortifications whereupon falling first to Words and then to Blows the Scotch-men by the disadvantage of place and ods in number were hardly treated and some of them were slain King Iames taking this as done purposely to injure Him dispatcht away an expresse Herauld to complain thereof and in case the King should not give good satisfaction to denounce War Henry who minded nothing but his quiet answer'd That he was sorry for the Accident which hee neither knew of nor did allow of that hee would inquire into the Actors of it and give them such punishment as there should be no occasion to breake the Truce But time passing on and nothing done Iames thinking this was but his Dissembling with intention that Delay working Forgetfulnesse might exempt the faulty from Punishment was more offended then formerly and certainly somewhat of mischiefe would have hapned had not the Bishop of Durham who was Lord of Norham wisely taken order in it For knowing that the injury was done by His men he wrote in so civill a manner to Iames about it as that he rested satisfied and desired the Bishop to come unto him that they might treate upon the present occasion and upon certaine other things that concern'd both the Kingdoms The Bishop acquainted Henry with this who gave him leave to goe hee therefore went to the Abbey of Melrosse where the King then was who at their first meeting complained of the injury done The Bishop answer'd that could not be call'd an injury where there was no intention of Offending He confest the too much Rashnesse of his men occasioned by misfortune not out of any intention to offend Him the offence if any there were must needs proceed either from the King or the Garrison not from the King for he was not of such a nature which if he were it was not likely he would make a Truce to Breake it immediatly without any Advantage or Occasion nor did it proceed from the Souldiers who were sure to be Punished for it a chance unthought of caused by suspition could not be termed an Injury not that hee did not confesse the Authors Guilty of it but with the Distinction allow'd of by the Lawes between Accidentall and Premeditated faults that as the Later were worthy of severe Punishment so were the Other of Clemency and Pardon obtainable upon request from so generous a Prince as was His Majestie The King being pacified said He pardon'd the offence in respect of the Friendship contracted the Continuance whereof he desired And then drawing him aside pursued to say His desire was to have a Long and Good peace the which if Henry likewise desired the true way to effect it would be by Henrie's giving him for wife his Eldest daughter Margaret for that thereby the friendship between the two nations would be perpetuall that this was the reason why he had desired him to come into Scotland hoping that by his wisdom he might bring the busines to a good end The Bishop after having modestly answer'd for what concern'd Himselfe promised him all the Furtherance his service could doe him in effecting his desire Being returned to England he acquainted Henry with the King of Scotlands desire wherewith King Henry was much pleased The busines being long debated in Counsell the match was agreed upon so as Peace might precede it which was done Peace being concluded during the lives of the two Kings and for one Year after and the Marriage was to be celebrated but not Yet the Bride who was born the 29. of November 1689. being too young Charles the eighth King of France died this yeare on the 7. of Aprill whose Funerals were with great pomp celebrated in London the King being very sorrowfull for his death as calling to mind the Favours he had received from him Perkin was this mean while in Prison but so carelesly looked unto as cosening his Keepers he made an Escape Not knowing whether to fly for safety being followed and diligently sought for he returned to London presented himself before the Prior of the Monastery of Bedlam a man of great esteem desiring hee might be received into that Sanctuary the Prior acquainted the King with it desiring him to pardon his life the Counsell were for the most part of a contrary opinion desirous that he should be taken from the Sanctuary and executed so to end their fears but the King at the Priors intercession pardoned him his life being contented that he should stand in the Pillory from whence hee was brought with Irons upon his feet to Westminster yard where hee again read his
Pope Alexander the Sixth upon the occasion of the year of Jubile for since they only received the benefit thereof who went to Rome he thought it fit that it should be commuted for by Remote countries the inhabitants whereof could not make so Long a journey in so much as they staying at Home might receive the same indulgences which those did that went on Pilgrimage to Rome if they would give a certain summe of money to be imployed in the wars against the Turks whose advancing Hungary Germany and Italy did much apprehend This man did so wisely negotiate this af fair as he thereby got a great summe of money without any manner of grudging or murmuring save against the Kings Person who being naturally given to Extort from his People it was thought hee would not have suffered these monies to have beene gathered had not he Himselfe had a share therein An opinion which was known to be false in the time of Iulius the Second who making it a difficult busines to grant Prince Henry a Dispensation to marry Katharine who had been wife to his brother Arthur Cardinall Adrian de Corneto who endeavoured the obtayning of it alleadged amongst the rest of the merits of King Henry his Father that he had not pretented to share in the monies raysed by Pons in that kingdom Neither was there any dissimulation used in this by Alexander at least there Appeared none for he propounded this war in the Publick Consistory in the presence of as many Emssadours as were then resident in that Court with designe to set upon the Turkish territories in Three severall places in Thracia by the Hungarians Bohemians and Polanders in Greece by the French and Spaniards and at Constantinople by him Himselfe accompanied by the King of England and the State of Venice and he sent Nuntioes to All Princes that they would joyne their Forces and Monies according to their Abilities in so pious a worke The Answer which the King gave to Pons was That he was ready to Accompany his Holinesse but that it was impossible for him to doe it in that manner the remote Distance of his countrey would put him to Double the charge of any of the rest that the Kings of France and Spaine were first to be made Friends which if it should not be effected all other designes would prove but vain that when they should be made friends 't was they that best might accompany him as being Neerest him which if they should Refuse to doe He would wait upon him Himselfe not considering either Expence or other incommodity upon Condition he might have some Cities upon the Sea-side in Italy delivered into his possession to make use of what ever chance might happen This answer and it may be the Like of other Princes made this undertaking vanish away to Nothing when the Proposition was such as might very well have beene effected Cardinall Morton who was likewise Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England died this year We have spoken of him formerly He was a man of great Integrity yet somewhat given to Gripplenesse which made him be ill thought of for it was beleev'd he had nourished in the King his humour of Impositions But time proved the Contrary and had he left no other laudable memory behind him his being the First agent in the uniting of the two Roses is a merit whereby to render him Glorious to all Posterity Iohn Earl of Lincolne he who was slain at the battle of Stoke left his brother Edmund Earl of Suffolke heir to his Humour and his Misfortune in so much as calling to mind that he was Son to Elizabeth who was sister both to Edward and Richard hee thought he might be as bold under This King as he had been under the Other two his Vncles He had slain a man in such a manner notwithstanding as the Circumstances did not Aggravate the fault Henry gave him his Pardon but so as he was to passe all the course of Law and Justice and to appear before the Iudges and receive Sentence of Condemnation This manner of proceeding against him did so touch him to the quick as reputing the Favour that was shew'd him Ignominy he sodainly left the Land and went into Flanders to his Ant Margaret at which though the King was offended yet was he resolved to apply Lenitive salves giving order to his Agents in those parts to offer him his Pardon at the very First so as he would return knowing that Despair in banisht men begets thoughts in them of Little service to Themselves and of much Trouble to Others It succeeded according to his imagination for accepting the Pardon he returned to England the Dutchesse not opposing him therein either for that she thought his Genius inferior to the Kings or else that she was satisfied that in Perkins publick Confession her name was conceal'd But arrogant and proud natures such as was that of this Earl leading men into Dangers brought this man at Last to his Ruin under Henry the Eighth The match between Prince Arthur and the Infanta Katherine of Spaine which had been treated on for the space of seven years received this year its maturity the King her Father sending her nobly attended into England The tediousnesse of this negotiation proceeded from Both parties for the two Kings being endued with equall wisedome before the establishing of the Affinity would see each others fortune established the Infanta had for her Portion 200000 Duckets without any covenant of Restitution either to Her selfe or her Family and in lieu thereof she had set out for Ioynture the third part of the Principality of Wales of the Dutchy of Cornewall and of the County of Chester and if she should come to be Queene she was to have as much as any other Queene before her had had The marriage was solemnized in Pauls the Bridegroome was Fifteene yeers of age the Bride Eighteene The Festivals being ended they returned to keepe their Court at Ludlow in Wales but their abode there was but for while for the young Prince died there on the second day of Aprill in the yeare 1502. five moneths after he was married having lived 15. Years 6. moneths and 13. Dayes Nothing more is to be said of him Authors write nothing of him since hee lived not long enough to be knowne All that is related of him is That being naturally given to study he was learned beyond his Age and the Condition of a Prince This his death did much molest the King the Infanta Katharine was left upon his hands and if Prince Henry were to marry Another wife he was to find out a second Joynture a thing repugnant to the merit of State and to his Frugall honour whereupon resolving to marry him to the same Katharine he wrote concerning it to Spaine and Rome Ferdinand was contented but he met with Difficulties in procuring a Dispensation from the Pope and in getting his Sonnes Good-will who though he was then but
Twelve years old had courage enough to oppose his Father therein a Good while It proved an unfortunate marriage miserable Changes and Troubles arose from the Divorce which thereupon ensued The marriage of the King of Scots with Princesse Margaret which was treated of some years past by the meanes of Bishop Fox was celebrated this year which together with the preceding yeare was remarkeable for two Marriages and two Deaths for the marriage of Prince Arthur and his Death the Preceding year and for the marriage of the King of Scotland and the Death of Queene Elizabeth this Present year the Queene dying in Child-bed and the Child dying likewise not long after This marriage was published in London in Ianuary for which Te Deum was sung in Pauls and great Joy was had in the Citie The cause of this long Dclay was by reason of the Princesse her tender age who at the Consummation thereof which was in August was not above Fourteen yeares old Besides many of the Counsell had opposed it for if the Second Prince should dye as did the First England was to fall under Scotland which they much abhorr'd but the King cleared this opinion for if it should fall out as was proposed the cleane Contrary was like to happen the King of Scotland would live in England the Lesser being to give way to the Greater which would not have hapned if this Princesse should have beene married to France and the succession should have fallen to her Children Every one being satisfied with this reason there was not any that opposed it And this is the match which hath given the lawfull succession of England to the Kings of Scotland which hath hapned without any opposition in these our dayes The King now finding himself at quiet on all sides his Neighbours being his Friends and having extinguisht all Intestine broyls hee fell to be exceeding avaricious so as those vertues which placed before in a Benigne aspect gave forth happy beams were by the Interposition of this vice found to be in the shadow of a prodigious Ecclipse Princes meet easilier with fitting Ministers for what is Bad then for what is Good Henry met with two pernicious instruments who Nourishing Covetousnesse in him did Increase it in him by unjust means and by drawing blood from the Purse-veins of Thousands of Innocent people These were Edmund Dudley and Richard Empson the first being borne a Gentleman did by his wickednesse obscure the splendour of his Blood the other being the Son of a Shoo-maker made good that from Filth and Mire nothing but Pollution and Stinch can be expected They were admitted to the Court being both of the same profession Lawyers and they by alike means got alike Preferment being Both made Privy Counsellours so as their Ambition being satisfied their Avarice remained to be so likewise which is the drift of Ambition in Basely-minded men but because Ingenuity and Justice though they may nourish the moderate cannot satisfie the Insatiate they would not make use of Them but of their Contraries that from the Rivers of Gold which sprung up in the Kings Coffers they might derive some Channels of the same metall which might run into Their Purses at the charge of King and Subject The Laws at that time either by reason of the Civill Warres or through the Negligence of the Iudges were either Forgotten or growne out of Use and the Patrimony of the Crowne enjoyed by many by vertue of Long-Leases being become almost as good as Fee-simple to the Enjoyers moved the King to look into them and these two who were thought the most Learned and best Practised in the Law were by him chosen to this purpose and had full Authority given them But ther was never any so Good or Wholsom Law which hath not been profan'd by Malice and Corruption They raised up many Accusers and the Accused being put in Prison and there kept the time appointed for their justification being maliciously Prorogued they were enforced to Purchase their Liberties with Great summes of Money Others being cited by Them or their Delegates the usuall course of Law not being observed were Condemned they abounded in False Witnesses and False Pretences whereby they impoverished the wealthy Wards was not suffered to enter upon their Lands without vast disbursements Such Iudges as swayed by Integrity resisted Their wils were either better Taught by Imprisonment or Ruin'd by Amercements Laws which had at sundry times been enacted by Parliament more for Terrour then Punishment a great part whereof were Repealed too were without any manner of remission rigorously put in Execution in so much that the King himselfe being a little before his Death told by conscionable men what Injustice had been done he left it in his Will that such as had unjustly suffered should have Ample Satisfaction made them Which he Himself ought to have done in his Life time but did not for when Covetousnesse hath once taken possession of a mans heart the Offices of Conscience have no Power the Law of the Flesh which opposeth the Law of the Mind doth captivate us under the Law of Sin where withall being ensnared we cannot get loose againe I recount not All that is written to this effect I will only relate One passage which may serve for all the Rest. The King as hee came to Henningham a Castle belonging to the Earl of Oxford one whom he was wont to make use of both in War and Peace he was there received and feasted with much Splendour and Magnificence all that by whatsoever title held any Land of the Earl came at that time to give their Attendance on him of the which many were Gentlemen many Yeomen these and the Gentlemen likewise wore all of them the Earles Blew-coats and Feathers in their hats of the Earles colours for the rest of their apparell they were all richly clad every man according to his Condition when he King came forth they placed themselves in two Rows making a gallant shew in the Great Hall He looking wistly upon them asked the Earl if they were All his Servants who smiling answered No for then he should be thought an Ill husband but that they were all his Tenants who were come upon this occasion to wait upon His Majestie the King having thanked him for his Good Entertainment said unto him that the Report of hospitality came short of the Truth but that he could not suffer his Lawes to be broken in his Presence without resenting it and that his Atturney generall should talke with him about it The Lords were then to give but a Certain number of Liveries or Blew coats which Law whether it stand still in Force or no I know not This busines cost the Earle Ten Thousand Pounds for for so much was he compounded with the Kings Officers besides the Charge he had been at in his Entertainment which was very Great and which might have Freed him from the Punishment he was run into had the Kings Gratitude been
answerable to his Covetousnesse in emptying the purse of one of the Noblest and Best deserving subjects he had We related a little before how the Earl of Suffolke returned to England where he tarried all this time the King treating him Well and he not having any occasion of Discontent but were it his own Mis-fortune which would be his Overthrow or the Expences he had been at at Prince Arthurs marriage which had dipt him deep in Debt or the Hatred he bare unto the King which could not suffer him to see him reign in Peace he fled away into Flanders with his brother Richard to the Peoples great Discontent who thought that certainly some great Disorder must ensue thereupon many of the Nobility being ill affected and which already began to propose New hopes unto themselves and to plot Insurrections The King being accustomed to such like passions and seeming as if he minded it not wrote to Sir Robert Curson Captain of Hammes Castle that feigning to Rebell he should passe over into Flanders to the Earl of Suffolke Hee forsaking his Command seemed to steale away he went unto the Earl who with much joy welcom'd him discovering unto him all his Designs and who they were that sided with him in England Curson advertised the King hereof who imprisoned them putting the Chiefest of them in the Tower amongst which William Courtney Eldest Sonne to the Earl of Devonshire who having married Katharine Daughter to Edward the fourth was become his Brother in Law William de la Poole brother to the Earl of Suffolke the Lord George Abergavenny Sir Iames Tirrell Sir Iohn Windham and Sir Thomas Green The issue was William Courtney was detained Prisoner during the Kings Life not for that he was Guilty but for that having Relation to the house of Yorke he might serve as an Instrument if there should be any designe of Troubling the State William de la Poole was likewise kept Prisoner though not so strictly Abergavenny and Greene were set at Liberty Tirrell and Windham were Beheaded the rest of inferior quality were Hang'd This was that Tirrell who had his hand in the Death of the two Princes that were smother'd in the Tower by commission from Richard the Third He came to too good an end Fire and Torture was not sufficient for him but he died not for That 't was for this Last fault that he suffer'd death The Earl was grieved at the punishments his Complices under went and at the Imprisonment of his Friends and Kindred who were faln into this captivity not for any Fault of His or of Themselves but meerly out of Suspition for otherwise they should have walked the Same way as did the Rest. The King that Cursen might be the better beleeved and that he might the better pursue His Directions made him together with the Earl and Others to be proclamed Traytor at Pauls Crosse but he having no more to doe in Flanders returned almost presently into England where he was well liked of by the King but not by the People Such offices though of Trust for what concerns the King are in respect of Others Detestable His departure much abated the Earles courage who now saw he was Betrayed he therefore endeavour'd to procure helpe from Forraign Princes he went into Germany from thence into France but his Labours proving Vain he return'd to Flanders under the protection of the Arch-duke Philip which was the Last of his Misfortunes Many Laws were made in the Parliament which was this yeer called and an Entire Subsidy was given unto the King who had no Need of it he being Rich Frugall without War having no cause to Demand it nor to have it Granted him Not herewithall contented he required a General Benevolence which brought in Much money unto him as did also the Alteration of the Mint for certain coyns the Citie payed him 5000. Marks for the Con firmation of their Liberties and Ferdinand paid him Last payment of the Portion so as all other Casualties too long to number up being comprehended his Extraordinaries did much surmount his Ordinary Revenue wherewithall his Coffers being fill'd he might have been contented whilest his subjects who wisht him of Another humour could not alter the Constitution of his Nature He was much troubled at the Death of Isabell Queen of Castile which hapned in the moneth of November the year Before by reason of the Resemblance that was in the Government of their kingdoms between Ferdinand and Him both of them reigning in the right of their Wives And though he never admitted of his Wives Right having obtain'd the kingdom under the title of the house of Lancaster having won it by the Sword and having it Confirm'd unto him by Act of Parliament yet he could not but feare that Ferdinands yeelding up the Crowne to his Daugh ter might by way of Example prejudice Him and make for his Sonne Prince Henry the case was the same and the formerly alleadged reasons were of no weight in comparison of Naturall Extraction which is to be preferred before all other claimes Isabell left the Administration of the Kingdom to Ferdinand during his life though Iane were the immediat Heire which distasted the Arch-duke Philip for being become King of Castile in right of his Wife he thought hee was injur'd as being reputed unfit to governe without his Father in Laws Assistance and Superintendencie hee pretended the Mother could not dispose thereof to the Prejudice of the Daughter that the Authority of Predeces sors ended with their Deaths else seldome or very Late would their Heirs come to Reigne that the Reverence and Respect to Parents did not amongst Private men bereave their Children of enjoying their Private Inheritances much lesse ought it to doe so with Kings for what concernes Kingdomes that the government of Wives and all that belonged unto Them belonged to their Husbands when they were of Yeers as Hee was the interest of Children that are Heirs belonging to their Fathers who are neerer in degree unto them then are their Grand-fathers He tooke offence at his being Forbidden to come into Spaine without his Wife as knowing the cause thereof for he kept her from the sight of All men the more to conceale her Infirmity which was a spice of Lunacy so as it was beleeved he would not Bring her along with him lest her weaknesse being made Knowne might not give force to the Will wherefore he resolved to carry her thither the sooner pretending to take Possession of what Nature and the Lawes had given him for having married upon hopes of that Kingdome it would be imputed to Rechlesnesse in him if it now being Falne to him he should not obtain it But Ferdinand having call'd together the States of Castile and caused the Will to be read Ioane was sworn Queen and Heire to her Mother Philip was sworne King as her Husband and Ferdinando as Administrator The Queens disabilities sufficiently appearing they intreated Ferdinand that Hee would