IOANNES FLORIVS AVGVSTAE ANNAE ANGL SCOT FRANC ET HIB REGINAE PRAELECTOR LING ITALICAE CHI SI CONTENTA GODE AET 58. A.D. 1611 In virtute suâ contentus nobilis arte Italus ore Anglus pectore vterque opere Floret adhuc et adhuc florebit floreat vltra FLORIVS hâc specie floridus optat amans Gul Hole sculp Tam foelix vtinam ESSAYES WRITTEN IN French By MICHAEL Lord of Montaigne Knight of the Order of S. Michael Gentleman of the French Kings Chamber DONE INTO ENGLISH according to the last French edition by IOHN FLORIO Reader of the Jtalian tongue vnto the Soueraigne Maiestie of ANNA Queene of England Scotland France and Ireland c. And one of the Gentlemen of hir Royall Priuie chamber LONDON Printed by MELCH BRADVVOOD for EDVVARD BLOVNT and WILLIAM BARRET TO THE MOST ROYAL AND RENOVMED MAIESTIE of the High-borne Princesse ANNA of DENMARKE by the Grace of God QVEENE of England Scotland France and Ireland c. Imperiall and Incomparable Maiestie SEeing with me all of me is in your Royall possession and whatsoeuer pieces of mine haue heeretofore vnder other starres passed the publike view come now of right to be vnder the predomination of a Power that both contain's all their perfections and hath influences of a more sublime nature I could not but also take in this part wherof time had worn-out the edition which the world hath long since had of mine and lay it at your Sacred feet as a memoriall of my deuoted dutie and to shew that where I am I must be all I am and can not stand dispersed in my obseruance being wholly and therein happy Your sacred MAIESTIES most humble and loyall seruant IOHN FLORIO ALL' AVGVSTA MAESTA DI ANNA Seren. ma REGINA d' Inghilterra di Scotia di Francia d' Irlanda c. C He si può dir di VOI somma REGINA Che non sia detto delle più lodate Di Magnanimità Virtù Beltate Incomparabile Sopra-diuina Anzi che stile tanto si raffina Che non sia vinto dalla Maestate L' Altezza la Chiarezza la Bontate Alla qual ' ogni cuor di-cuor s' inchina La qual di tutti honori'l specchio mostra La qual ' il pregio Sour a tutte tiene ANNA l' anello della Gioia nostra La nostra sicurtà la nostra spene VIEN DALL ' ECCELSO LA GRANDEZZA vostra Dalla GRANDEZZA vostra'l nostro bene Il Candido TO THE READER ENough if not too much hath been sayd of this Translation If the faults found euen by my selfe in the first impression be now by the Printer corrected as he was directed the worke is much amended If not know that through mine attendance on hir Maiestie I could not intend-it and blame not Neptune for thy second shipwracke Let me conclude with this worthie mans daughter of alliance Que t'en semble donc lecteur Still resolute IOHN FLORIO To my deare brother and friend M. IOHN FLORIO one of the Gentlemen of hir Maiesties most Royall Priuie Chamber BOoks like superfluous humors bred with ease So stuffe the world as it becomes opprest With taking more than it can well digest And now are turnd to be a great disease For by this ouer charging we confound The appetite of skill they had before There be'ng no end of words nor any bound Set to conceit the Ocean without shore As if man laboured with himselfe to be As infinite in writing as intents And draw his manifold vncertaintie In any shape that passion represents That these innumerable images And figures of opinion and discourse Draw'n out in leaves may be the witnesses Of our defects much rather than our force And this proud frame of our presumption This Babel of our skill this Towre of wit Seemes only checkt with the confusion Of our mistakings that dissolueth it And well may make vs of our knowledge doubt Seeing what vncertainties wee build vpon To be as weake within booke as without Or els that truth hath other shapes then one But yet although wee labor with this store And with the presse of writings seeme opprest And have to many bookes yet want wee more Feeling great dearth and scarsenesse of the bell Which cast in choiser shapes haue bin produc'd To giue the best proportions to the minde Of our confusion and haue introduc'd The likeliest images frailtie can finde And wherein most the skill-desiring soule Takes her delight the best of all delight And where her motions evenest come to rowle About this doubtfull center of the right Which to discouer this great Potentate This Prince Montaigne if he be not more Hath more aduentur'd of his owne estate Then euer man did of himselfe before And hath made such bolde sallies out vpon Custome the mightie tyrant of the earth In whose Seraglio of subiection Wee all seeme bred-vp from our tender birth As I admire his powres and out of loue Here at his gate do stand and glad I stand So neere to him whom I do so much loue T'applaude his happie setling in our land And safe transpassage by his studious care Who both of him and vs doth merit much Having as sumptuously as he is rare Plac'd him in the best lodging of our speach And made him now as free as if borne here And as well ours as theirs who may be proud That he is theirs though he be euery where To haue the franchise of his worth allow'd It be'ing the proportion of a happie Pen Not to b'invassal'd to one Monarchie But dwell with all the better world of men Whose spirits all are of one communitie Whom neither Ocean Desarts Rockes nor Sands Can keepe from th'intertraffique of the minde But that it vents her treasure in all lands And doth a most secure commercement finde Wrap Excellencie vp neuer so much In Hierogliphicques Ciphers Caracters And let her speake neuer so strange a speach Her Genius yet finds apt discipherers And neuer was she borne to dye obscure But guided by the starres of her owne grace Makes her owne fortune and is ever sure In mans best hold to hold the strongest place And let the Critick say the worst he can He cannot say but that Montaigne yet Yeeldes most rich pieces and extracts of man Though in a troubled frame confus'dly set Which yet h 'is blest that he hath euer seene And therefore as a guest in gratefulnesse For the great good the house yeelds him within Might spare to taxe th'vnapt conuayances But this breath hurts not for both worke and frame Whilst England English speakes is of that store And that choyse stuffe as that without the same The richest librarie can be but poore And they vnblest who letters doe professe And have him not whose owne fate beates their want With more sound blowes then Alcibiades Did his Pedante that did Homer want By SAM DANIEL one of the Gentlemen extraordinarie of her Maiesties most royall priuie Chamber Concerning the honor of bookes SInce Honor
in use All their confederates and neighbours all the slave-Heotes men and women pell-mell for a testimonie of their griefe and sorrow did mangle and gash their foreheads and in their out-cries and lamentations exclaimed that their deceased king howsoever he had lived was and had bin the best Prince that ever they had ascribing in order the commendations due unto desert and to the last and latter ranke what belongs unto the first merite Aristotle that hath an oare in every water and medleth with all things makes a question about Solons speech who saith that no man can truely be counted happy before his death Whether he that lived and died according to his wish may be named happy Whether his renowne be good or ill and whether his posteritie be miserable or no. Whilest we stirre and remove we transport our selves by preoccupation wheresoever we list But no sooner are we out of being but we have no communication at all with that which is And it were better to tell Solon that never man is happy then since he never is so but when he is no more Quisquam Vix radicitus è vita se tollit eijcit Sed facit esse suiquiddam super inscius ipse Nec remouet satis à proiecto corpore sese Vindicat Scarse any rids himselfe of life so cleere But leaves vnwitting some part of him heere Nor frees or quits himselfe sufficiently From that his body which forlorne doth lie Bertrand of Gelsquin died at the siege of the castle of Rancon neere vnto Puy in Auergne the besieged yeelding afterward were forced to carrie the keies of the Castle vpon the deceased body of the Captaine Bartholomew of Alviano Generall of the Venetian forces dying in their service and wars about Brescia and his body being to be transported to Venice through the territorie of Verona which then was enemie vnto them the greatest part of the armie thought it expedient to demand a safe conduct for their passage of those of Verona to which Theodoro Trivulcio stoutly opposed himselfe and chose rather to passe it by maine force and to hazard the day saying it was not convenient that he who in his life time had never apprehended feare of his enemies should now being dead seeme to feare them Verily in like matters by the lawes of Greece he that required a dead bodie of his enemies with intent to burie the same renounced the victory and might no more erect any trophie of it and he who was so required purchased the title of honour and gaine So did Nicias loose the advantage he had clearely gained of the Corinthians and contrariwise Agesilaus assured that he doubtfully had gotten of the Boetians These actions might be deemed strange if in all ages it were not a common-received opinion not only to extend the care of our selves beyond this life but also to believe that heavenly favours to often accompanie vs vnto our grave and continue in our posteritie Whereof there are so many examples leaving our moderne a part that I need not wade farre into it Edward the first king of England in the long warres he had with Robert King of Scotland having by triall found how greatly his presence advantaged the successe of his affaires and how he was ever victorious in any enterprise he vndertooke in his owne person when he died bound his sonne by solemne oth that being dead he should cause his body to be boiled vntill the flesh fell from the bones which he should cause to be enterred and carefully keeping the bones ever carrie them about him whensoever he should happen to have wars with the Scots As if destenie had fatally annexed the victorie vnto his limmes Iohn Zisca who for the defense of Wickliffs opinions so much troubled the state of Bohemia commanded that after his death his body should be flead and a drum made of his skin to be carried and sounded in all the wars against his enemies deeming the sound of it would be a meanes to continue the advantages which in his former warres he had obtained of them Certaine Indians did likewise carry the bones of one of their Captaines in the skirmishes they had with the Spaniards in regard of the good successe he had whilest he lived had against them And other nations of that new-found world do likewise carrie the bodies of such worthie and fortunate men with them as have died in their battels to serve them in stead of good fortune and encouragement The first examples reserve nothing else in their tombes but the reputation acquired by their former atchievements but these will also adjoine unto it the power of working The act of Captaine Bayart is of better composition who perceiving himselfe deadly wounded by a shot received in his body being by his men perswaded to come off and retire himselfe from out the throng answered he would not now so neere his end begin to turne his face from his enemie and having stowtly foughten so long as he could stand feeling himselfe to faint and stagger from his horse commanded his steward to lay him against a tree but in such sort that he might die with his face toward the enemie as indeed he did I may not omit this other example as remarkeable for this consideration as any of the precedent The Emperour Maximilian great grand-father to Phillip now King of Spaine was a Prince highly endowed with many notable qualities and amongst others with a well-nigh matchlesse beautie and comelinesse of body but with other customes of his he had this one much contrarie to other Princes who to dispatch their waightiest affaires make often their close stoole their regale Throne or Councel-chamber which was that he would not permit any groome of his chamber were he never so neere about him to see him in his inner-chamber who if he had occasion but to make water wold as nicely and as religiously withdraw himselfe as any maiden and never suffer so much as a Physitian much lesse any other whatsoever to see those privie parts that all in modestie seeke to keepe secret and vnseene My selfe that am so broad-mouthed and lavish in speaches am notwithstanding naturally touched with that bashfulnesse And vnlesse it be by the motion of necessitie or of voluptuousnesse I never willingly imparted those actions and parts which custome willeth to be concealed to the view of any creature I endure more compulsion then I deeme befitting a man especially of my profession But he grew to such superstition that by expresse words in his last will and testament he commanded that being dead he should have linnen-slops put about them He should by codicile have anexed vnto it that he who should put them on might have his eies hood-winckt The instruction which Cyrus giveth his children that neither they nor any other should either see or touch his body after the breath were once out of it I ascribe it unto some motive of devotion in him For both his historian and
enemies foolish oversight as we do of their cowardise And verily warre hath naturally many reasonable priviledges to the prejudice of reason And here failes the rule Neminem id agere vt ex alterins praedetur inscitia That no man should indeuour to pray vpon another mans ignorance But I wonder of the scope that Xenophon allowes them both by his discourse and by diverse exploits of his perfect Emperour an Author of wonderfull consequence in such things as a great Captaine and a Philosopher and one of Socrates chiefest Disciples nor do I altogether yeeld vnto the measure of his dispensation The Lord of Aubigny besieging Capua after he had given it a furious batterie the Lord Fabritius Colonna Captaine of the towne having from vnder a basâ—ion or skonce begunne to parlie and his men growing negligent and carelesse in their offices and guarde our men did suddenly take the advantage offered them entered the towne over-ranne it and put all to the sworde But to come to later examples yea in our memorie the Lord Iulio Romero at Yvoy having committed this oversight to issue out of his holde to parlie with the Constable of France at his returne found the Towne taken and himselfe jack-out-of-doores But that wee may not passe vnrevenged the Marques of Pescara beleagering Genova where Duke Octavian Fregoso commanded vnder our protection and an accord between them having so long been treated and earnestly solicited that it was held as ratified and vpon the point of conclusion the Spaniards being entred the Towne and seeing themselves the stronger tooke their opportunitie and vsed it as a full and compleate victorie and since at Lygny in Barroe where the Earle of Brienne commanded the Emperour having besieged him in person and Bartholemy Lieutenant to the saide Earle being come foorth of his hold to parlie was no sooner out whilest they were disputing but the Towne was surprised and he excluded They say Fu il vincer sempre mai laudabil cosa Vincasi per fortuna ô per ingegno To be victorious evermore was glorious Be we by fortune or by wit victorious But the Philosopher Chrysippus would not have beene of that opinion nor I neither for he was woont to say That those who runne for the masterie may well employ all their strength to make speede but it is not lawfull for them to lay handes on their adversaries to stay him or to crosse legges to make him trip or fall And more generously answered Alexander the great at what time Polypercon perswaded him to vse the benefit of the advantage which the darkenesse of the night afforded him to charge Darius No no said hee it fittes not mee to hunt after night-stolne victories Malo me fortunae poeniteat quà m victoriae pudeat I had rather repent me of my fortune than be ashamed of my victorie Atque idem fugientem haud est dignatus Orodem Sternere nec â—actacaecum dare cuspide vulnus Obuius aduersóque occurrit séque viro vir Contulit haud fur to meliôr sed fortibus armis He deign'd not to strike downe Orodes flying Or with his throwne-launce blindely-wound him running But man to man afront himselfe applying Met him as more esteem'd for strength then cunning The seuenth Chapter That our intention iudgeth our actions THE common saying is that Death acquits vs of all our bondes I know some that have taken it in another sence Henry the seventh King of England made a composition with Philip sonne to Maximilian the Emperour or to give him a more honorable title father to the Emperour Charles the fift that the said Philip should deliver into his hands the Duke of Suffolke his mortall enemie who was fled out of England and saved himselfe in the Low countries alwaies provided the King should attempt nothing against the Dukes life which promise notwithstanding being neere his end he expresly by will and testament commanded his succeeding-sonne that immediately after his decease he should cause him to be put to death In the late tragedie which the Duke of Alva presented vs withall at Brussels on the Earles of Horne and Egmond were many remarkeable things and woorthie to be noted and amongst others that the said Count Egmond vpon whose faithfull word and assurance the Earle of Horne was come in yeelded himselfe to the Duke of Alva required verie instantly to be first put to death to the end his death might acquit and free him of the word and bond which he ought and was engaged for to the saide Earle of Horne It seemeth that death hath no whit discharged the former of his worde giuen and that the second without dying was quit of it We cannot be tied beyond our strength and meanes The reason is because the effects and executions are not any way in our power and except our will nothing is truely in our power on it onely are all the rules of mans dutie grounded and established by necessitie And therefore Count Egmond deeming his minde and will indebted to his promise howbeit the power to effect it lay not in his hands was no doubt cleerely absolved of his debt and dutie although he had survived the Count Horne But the King of England failing of his word by his intention cannot be excused though hee delaide the execution of his disloyaltie vntill after his death No more then Herodotus his Mason who during his naturall life having faithfully kept the secret of his Master the King of Aegypts treasure when he died discovered the same vnto his children I have in my daies seene many convicted by their owne conscience for detaining other mens goods yet by their last will and testament to dispose themselves after their decease to make satisfaction This is nothing to the purpose Neither to take time for a matter so vrgent nor with so small interest or shew of feeling to goe about to establish an injurie They are indebted somewhat more And by how much more they pay incommodiously and chargeably so much the more just and meritorious is their satisfaction Penitence ought to charge yet doe they worse who reserve the revealing of some heinous conceit or affection towards their neighbour to their last will and affection having whilest they lived ever kept it secret And seeme to have little regard of their owne honour by provoking the partie offended against their owne memory and lesse of their conscience since they could never for the respect of death cancell their ill-grudging affection and in extending life beyond theirs Oh wicked and vngodly judges which referre the judgement of a cause to such time as they have no more knowledge of causes I will as neere as I can prevent that my death reveale or vtter any thing my life hath not first publikely spoken The eight Chapter Of Idlenesse AS we see some idle-fallow grounds if they be fat and fertile to bring foorth store sundrie roots of wilde and vnprofitable weedes and that to keepe them in vrewe must subject
would set an innocent face on the matter answered that for the love and respect of his Majestie the Duke his Master would have beene very loth that such an execution should have beene done by day Heere every man may guesse whether he were taken short or no having tripped before so goodly a 〈…〉 as was that of our King Francis the first Pope Iulius the second having sent an Ambassador to the King of England to animate him against our foresaid King the Ambassador having had audience touching his charge and the King in his answer vrging and insisting vpon the difficultie he found foresaw in levying such convenient forces as should be required to withstand so mightie and set vpon so puisant a King and alleaging certaine peâ—â—ment reasons The Ambassador fondly and vnâ—itly replied that him-selfe had long before maturely considered them and had told the Pope of them By which answer so farre from his proposition which was with all speed without more circumstances to vndertake and vngergoe a dangerous warre the King of England tooke hold of the first argument which in effect he afterward found true which was that the said Ambassador in his owne particular intent was more affected to the French side whereof advertising his master his goods were all conâ—iscate himselfe disgraced and he very hardly escaped with life The tenth Chapter Of readie or slowe speech One ne furent à tous toutes graces donnes All Gods good graces are not gone To all or of all any one So doe we see that in the gift of eloquence some have such a facility and promptitude and that which we call vtterance so easie and at command that at all assaies and vpon everie occasion they are ready and provided and others more slow never speake any thing except much laboured and premeditated As Ladies and daintie Dames are taught rules to take recreations and bodily exercises according to the advantage of what they have fairest about them If I were to give the like counsel in those two different advantages of eloquence whereof Preachers and pleading lawiers of our age seeme to make profession the slowe speaker in mine opinion should be the better preacher and the other the better lawier For somuch as charge of the first allowes-him as much leisure as he pleaseth to prepare him-selfe moreover his cariere continueth still in one kinde without interruption whereas the Lawyers occasions vrging him still vpon any accident to be ready to enter the lists and the vnexpected replies answers of his advers partie do often divert him from his purpose where he is enforced to take a new course Yet is-it that at the last enter-view which was at Marseilles betweene Pope Clemens the seventh and Francis the first our King it hapned cleane-contrarie where Monsieur Poyet a man of chiefe reputation all daies of his life brought vp to plead at the bar whose charge being to make an Oration before the Pope and having long time before premeditated and con'd the same by roat yea as some report brought it with him ready-penned from Paris the very same day it should have beene pronounced the Pope suspecting he might happily speake something might offend the other Princes Ambassadors that were about him sent the argument which he at that time and place thought fittest to be treated of to the king but by fortune cleane contrarie to that which Poyet had so much studied for So that his Oration was altogether frustrate and he must presently frame another But he perceiving himselfe vnable for-it the Cardinall Bellay was faineto supply his place and take that charge vpon him The Lawyers charge is much harder than the Preachers yet in mine opinion shall we find more passable Lawyers then commendable Preachers at least in France It seemeth to be more proper to the mind to have her operation ready sudden and more incident to the judgement to have it slow and considerate But who remaineth mute if he have no leisure to prepare himselfe and he likewise to whom leisure giveth no advantage to say better are both in one selfe degree of strangenesse It is reported that Seuerus Cassius spake better extempore and without premeditation That he was more beholding to fortune then to his diligence that to be interrupted in his speech redounded to his profit that his adversaries feared to vrge-him lest his sudden anger should redouble his eloquence I know this condition of nature by experience which can-not abide a vehement and laborious premeditation except it hold a free a voluntarie and selfe-pleasing course it can never come to a good end We commonly say of some compositions that they smell of the oile of the lampe by reason of a certaine harshnesse and rudenesse which long plodding labour imprints in them that be much elaborated But besides the care of well-doing and the contention of the minde over-stretched to her enterprise doth breake and impeach the-same even as it hapneth vnto water which being closely pent-in through it's owne violence and abundance can not finde issue at an open gullet In this condition of nature whereof I now speake this also is ioyned vnto it that it desireth not to be pricked forward by these strong passions as the anger of Cassius for that motion would be over-rude it ought not to be violently shaken but yeeldingly solicited it desireth to be rouzed and prickt forward by strange occasions both present and casuall If it goe all-alone it doth but languish and loyter behinde agitation is her life and grace I cannot well containe my selfe in mine owne possession and disposition chaunce hath more interest in it than my selfe occasion company yea the change of my voice drawes more from my minde than I can finde therein when by my selfe I second and endevor to employ the same My words likewise are better than my writings if choise may be had in so woorthlesse things This also hapneth vnto me that where I seeke my selfe I finde not my selfe and I finde my selfe more by chaunce than by the search of mine owne judgement I shall perhaps have cast-foorth some suttletie in writing happily dull and harsh for another but sinooth and curious for my selfe Let vs leave all these complements and quaintnesse That is spoken by everie man according to his owne strength I have so lost it that I wot not what I would have said and strangers have sometimes found it before me Had I alwaies a razor about me where that hapneth I should cleane raze my selfe out Fortune may at some other time make the light thereof appeare brighter vnto me than that of mid-day and will make mee woonder at mine owne faltring or sticking in the myre The eleuenth Chapter Of Prognostications As touching Oracles it is very certaine that long before the comming of our Sauiour Iesus Christ they had begun to loose their credit for we see that Cicero laboureth to finde the cause of their declination and these be his words
Boeotians which Xenophon who was there present saith To have beene the whottest and rudest that ever he had seene Agesilaus refused the advantage which fortune presented him to let the battalion of the Boeotians passe and to charge them behind what certaine victorie soever he saw likely to follow the same esteeming that it were rather skill then valour and to shew his prowesse and matchlesse-haughtie courage chose rather to charge them in the front of their forces But what followed He was well beaten and himselfe sore-hurt and in the end compelled to leave his enterprise and embrace the resolution which in the beginning he had refused causing his men to open themselves to give passage vnto that torrent of the Boeotians who when they were pastthrough perceiving them to march in disaray as they who perswaded themselves to be out of all danger he pursued them and charged them flank-wise All which notwithstanding he could never put to route or force them run-away for they orderly and faire and softly made their retreit ever shewing their face vntill such time as they got safely into their houlds and trenches The sixe and fortieth Chapter Of Names WHat diversitie soever there-be in hearbs all are shuffled-vp together vnder the name of a sallade Even so vpon the consideration of names I will heer huddlevpa gallymafrie of diverse articles Every severall nation hath some names which I wot not how are sometimes taken in ill part as with vs Iacke Hodge Tom Will Bat Benet and so forth Item it seemeth that in the genealogies of Princes there are certaine names fatally affected as Ptolomeus with the Aegyptians Henries in England Charles in France Baldwins in Flanders and Williams in our ancient Aqustanie whence some say came the name of Guiâ—nne which is but a cold invention As if in Plato himselfe there were not some as harsh and ill-founding Item it is an idle matter yet neverthelesse by reason of the strangenesse worthie the memorie and recorded by an oculare witnesse that Henrie Duke of Normandie sonne to Henrie the second King of England making a great feast in France the assemblie of the Nobilitie was so great that for pastimes sake being by the resemblance of their names divided into severall companies in the first were found a hundred and ten Kinghts sitting at one table and all called Williams besides private Gentlemen and servants It is as pleasant to distribute the tables by the names of the assistants as it was vnto Geta the Emperor who would have all his messes or dishes served-in at his table orderly according to the first letters of their names As for example those that began with P. as pig pie pike puddings pouts porke pancakes c. were all served in together and so of all the rest Item it is a common saying That it is good to have a good name As much to say good credit or good reputation Yet verely it is verie commodious to have a well-sounding and smooth name and which is easie to be pronounced and facile to be remembred For Kings Princes Lords and Magistrates know and remember vs the better by them and will not so soone forget-vs Marke but of those that serve and follow-vs whether we doe not more ordinarily commaund and sooner employ such whose names come readier to our tongue or memorie I have seene our King Henrie the second who could never â— it on the right name of a Gentleman of Gascoigne and did ever call a Ladie waiting on the Queene by the generall surname of hir house because that of hir father was so harsh and hard to be remembred And Socrates saith It ought to be a fathers speciall care to give his children good and easie-sounding names Item it is reported that the foundation of our Ladie the great at Poitiers had this beginning A licentious yoong man having his dwelling house where the Church now standeth had one night gotten a wench to lie with him who so soone as she came to bed he demaunded hir name who answered Marie The yong man hearing that name was sodainly so strucken with a motive of religion and an awefull respect vnto that sacred name of the virgin Marie the blessed mother of our Saviour and Redeemer that he did not only presently put hir away from him but reformed all the remainder of his succeeding life And that in consideration of this miracle there was first erected a Chappell in the place where this yong mans house stood consecrated vnto that holy name and afterward the faire great church which yet continueth This vocale and auricular correction and so full of devotion strucke right vnto his soule This other following of the same kind insinuated itselfe by the corporall sences Pythagoras being in companie with two yong men whom he heard complot and consult being somewhat heated with feasting and drinking to go and ravish a chast-house commaunded immediatly the minstrels to change their tune and so by a solemne grave severe and spondaicall kind of musicke did sweetly inchaunt allay and in-trance their rashviolent and lawlesse lust Item shall nor succeeding posteritie say that our moderne reformation hath been exact and delicate to have not onely oppugned and resisted errors and vices and filled the world with devotion humilitie obedience peace and every other kind of vertue but even to have combated their ancient names of baptisme Charles Lewis Francis to people the world with Methusalem Ezechiel Malachie much better feeling of a lively faith A Gentleman my neighbour esteeming the commodities of ancient times in regard of our daies forgot not to aledge the fiercenesse and magnificence of the names of the Nobilitie of those times as Don Grumedan Quedragan and Agesilan And that but to heare them sounded a man might easilie perceive they had been other manner of men then Peter Guiâ—â—oâ— or Michell Item I commend and am much beholding to Iames Amiot in the course of a French oration of his to have still kept the full ancient Latin names without disguising or changing them to give them a new-French cadence At the first they seemed somewhat harsh vnto the Reader but now by reason of the credit which his Plutarke hath deservedly gotten amongst-vs custome hath removed all strangenesse from-vs I have often wished that those who write histories in Latin would leave-vs our names whole and such as they are For altering Vaâ—demont to Vallemontanus and metamorphosing them by suring them to the Graecian or Latin tongue we know not what to make of them and are often at a non-plus To conclude my discourse It is an ill custome and of exceeding bad consequence in our countrie of France to call every man by the name of his Towne Mannor Hamlet or Lordship as the thing that doth most confound houses and bring sur-names out of knowledge A cadet or yonger-brother of a good house having had for his appanage a Lordship by whose name he hath beene knowne and honored cannot well forsake and leave the same ten yeares
to like purpose And Kings ought often to be put in minde of it to make them feele that this great charge which is given them of the commandement over so many men is no idle charge and that there is nothing may so justly distaste a subject from purting himselfe in paine and danger for the service of his Prince then therewhilst to see him given to lazinesse to base and vaine occupations and to have care of his conservation seeing him so carelesse of ours If any shall goe about to maintaine that it is better for a Prince to manage his warres by others then by himselfe Fortune will store him with sufficient examples of those whose Lieutenants have atchieved great enterprises and also of some whose presence would have beene more hurtfull then profitable But no vertuous and coragious Prince will endure to be entertained with so shamefull instructions Vnder colour of preserving his head as the statue of a saint for the good fortune of his estate they degrade him of his office which is altogether in military actions and declare him vncapable of it I know one would rather chuse to be beaten then sleepe whilst others fight for him and who without jelousie never saw his men performe any notable act in his absence And Selim the first had reason to say that he thought victories gotten in the masters absence not to be compleate So much more willingly would he have said that such a master ought to blush for shame who onely by his name should pretend any share in it having therevnto employed nothing but his thought and verbal direction Nor that since in such a busines the advises and commandements which bring honor are only those given in the field and even in the action No Pilote exerciseth his office standing stil The princes of Otomans race the chefest race in the world in warlike fortune have earnestly embraced this opinion And Baiazeth the second with his sonne who ammusing themselves about Sciences and other private home-matters neglected the same gave diverse prejudiciall blowes vnto their Empire And Amurath the third of that name who now raigneth following their example beginneth very well to feele their fortune Was it not the King of England Edward the third who spake these words of our King Charles the fifth There was never King that lesse armed himselfe and yet was never King that gave me so much to doe and put me to so many plunges He had reason to thinke it strange as an effect of fortune rather then of reason And let such as will number the Kings of Castile and Portugall amongst the warlike and magnanimous conquerors seeke for some other adherent then my selfe forsomuch as twelve hundred leagues from their idle residence they have made themselves masters of both Indias onely by the conduct and direction of their factors of whom it would be knowne whether they durst but goe and enjoy them in person The Emperor Iuhan said moreover that a Philosopher and gallant minded man ought not so much as breath that is to say not to give corporall necessities but what may not be refused them ever holding both minde and body busied about notable great and vertuous matters He was ashamed any man should see him spitte or sweat before people which is also said of the Lacedemonian youths and Xenphon reporeth it of the Persian forasmuch as he thought that continuall travel exercise and sobriety should have concocted and dried vp all such superfluities What Seneca saith shall not impertinently be alleaged here That the ancient Romanes kept their youth vpright and taught their children nothing that was to be learned sitting It is a generous desire to endevor to die both profitable and manlike But the effect consisteth not so much in our good resolution as in our good fortune A thousand have resolved to vanquish or to die fighting which have missed both the one and other Hurts or emprisonment crossing their desseigne and yeelding them a forced kinde of life There are diseases which vanquish our desires and knowledge Fortune should not have seconded the vanitie of the Romane Legions who by othe bound themselves either to die or conquer Victor Marce Fabi revertar ex acie Si fallo lovem patrem Gradiuumque Martem alâ—osque iratos inveco Deos. I will O Marcus Fabius returne conqueror from the armie If in this I deceive you I wish both great Iupiter and Mars and the other Gods offended with me The Portugalles report that in certaine places of their Indian conquests they found some Souldiers who with horrible execrations had damned themselves never to enter into any composition but either they would be killed or remaine victorious and in signe of their voweâ—ore their heads and beards shaven We may hazard and obstinate our selves long enough It seemeth that blowes shunne them who over-joyfully present themselves vnto them and vnwillingly reach those that overwillingly goe to meete them and corrupt their end Some vnable to loose his life by his adversaries force having assaied all possible meanes hath beene enforced to accomplish his resolution either to beare away the honor or not to carie away his life and even in the fury of the fight to put himselfe to death There are sundrie examples of it but nete this one Philistus chiefe Generall of yong Dionisius his navie against the Siracusans presented them the battle which was very sharply withstood their forces being alike wherein by reason of his prowesse he had the better in the beginning But the Siracusans flocking thicke and threefold about his gally to grapple and board him having performed many worthie exploytes with his owne person to riddâ— himselfe from them disparing of all escape with his owne hand deprived himselfe of that life which so lavishly and in vaine he had abandoned to his enemies hands Moleâ— Moluch King of Fez who not long since obtained that famous victorie against Sebastian King of Portugall a notable victorie by reason of the death of three Kings and transmission of so great a Kingdome to the crowne of Castile chansed to be grievously sicke at what time the Portugales with armed hand entred his dominions and afterward though hee foresaw it approching nearer vnto death empaired worse and worse Never did man more stoutly or more vigorously make vse of an vndanted courage than he He found himselfe very weake to endure the ceremonious pompe which the Kings of that Country at their entrance into he Camp are presented withall which according to their fashion is full of all magnificence and state and charged with all maner of action and therefore he resigned that honour to his brother yet resigned he nothing but the office of the chiefe Captaine Himselfe most gloriously executed and most exactly perfourmed all other necessarie duties and profitable Offices Holding his body laid along his cowch but his minde vpright and courage constant even to his last gaspe and in some sort after He might have vndermined his enemies who were fond-hardily
sorte our ancient French leaving the high Countries of Germanie came to possesse Gaule whence they displaced the first Inhabitants Thus grew that infinite confluence of people which afterward vnder Brennus and others over-ranne Italie Thus the Gothes and Vandalles as also the Nations which possesse Greece left their naturall countries to go where they might have more elbow-roome And hardly shall we see two or three corners in the worlde that have not felt the effect of such a remooving alteration The Romanes by such meanes erected their Colonies for perceiving their Cittie to growe over-populous they were wont to discharge it of vnnecessarie people which they sent to inhabite and manure the Countries they had subdued They have also sometimes maintained warre wiâ—h some of their enemies not onely thereby to keepe their men in breath lest Idlenesse the mother of Corruption should cause them some worse inconvenience Et patimur longae pacis mala saevior armis Luxuria incumbit We suffer of long peace the soking harmes On vs lies luxury more fierce then armes But also to let the Common-wealth bloud and somewhat to allay the over vehement heat of their youth to lop the sprigs and thin the branches of this over-spreading tree too much abounding in ranknesse and gaillardise To this purpose they maintained a good while war with the Carthaginians In the treaty of Bretigny Edward the third King of England would by no meanes comprehend in that generall peace the controversie of the Dutchie of Britany to the end he might have some way to disburthen himselfe of his men of war and that the multitude of English-men which he had emploied about the warres of France should not returne into England It was one of the reasons induced Philip our King to consent that his sonne Iohn should be sent to warre beyond the seas that so he might carry with him a great number of yong hot-blouds which were amongst his trained military men There are divers now adaies which will speake thus wishing this violent and burning emotion we see and feele amongst vs might be derived to some neighbour war fearing lest those offending humours which at this instant are predominant in our bodie if they be not diverted elsewhere will still maintaine our fever in force and in the end cause our vtter destruction And in truth a forraine warre is nothing so dangerous a disâ—ase as a civill But I will not beleeve that God would favour so vnjust an enterprise to offend and quarrell with others for our commodity Nil mihi tam valdè placeat Rhammusia virgo Quòd temerè invitis suscipiatur heris That fortune likes me not which is constrained By Lords vnwilling rashly entertained Notwithstanding the weaknesse of our condition doth often vrge vs to this necessity to vse bad meanes to a good end Lycurgus the most vertuous and perfect Law-giver that ever was devised this most vnjust fashion to instruct his people vnto temperance by force to make the Helotes which were their servants to be drunke that seeing them so lost and buried in wine the Spartanes might abhor the excesse of that vice Those were also more to be blamed who anciently allowed that criminall offendors what death soever they were condemned vnto should by Phisitians all alive be torne in pieces that so they might naturally see our inward parts and thereby establish a more assured certainty in their arte For if a man must needes erre or debauch himselfe it is more excusable if he doe it for his soules health then for his bodies good As the Romans trained vp and instructed their people to valour and contempt of dangers and death by the outragious spectacles of Gladiators and deadly fighting Fencers who in presence of them all combated mangled sliced and killed one another Quid vesani aliud sibi vult ars impia luds Quid mortes iuvenum quid sanguine pasta voluptas What else meanes that mad arte of impious fense Those yong-mens deaths that blood-fed pleasing sense which custome continued even vntill the time of Theodosius the Emperour Arripe delatam tua dux in tempora famam Quódque patris superest successor laudis habeto Nullus in vrbe cadat cuius sit poena voluptas Iam solis contenta feris infamis arena Nulla cruentatis homicidia ludat in armis The fame defer'd to your times entertaine Enherite praise which doth from Sire remaine Let none die to give pleasure by his paine Be shamefull Theaters with beastes content Not in goar'd armes mans slaughter represent Surely it was a wonderfull example and of exceeding benefit for the peoples institution to see dayly one or two hundred yea sometimes a thousand brace of men armed one against another in their presence to cut and hacke one another in pieces with so great constancy of courage that they were never seene to vtter one word of faintnesse or commiseration never to turne their backe nor so much as to shew a motion of demissenesse to avoide their adversaries blowes but rather to extend their neckes to their swords and present themselves vnto their strokes It hath hapned to diverse of them who through many hurts being wounded to death have sent to aske the people whether they were satisfied with their duty before they would lie downe in the place They must not onely fight and die constantly but jocondly in such sort as they were cursed and bitterly scolded at if in receiving their death they were any way seene to strive yea maidnes encited them to it consurgit adictus Et quoties victor ferrum iugulo inserit illa Delicias ait esse suas pectúsque iacentis Virgo modesta iubet converso pollice rumpi The modest maide when wounds are giv'n vpriseth When victors sword the vanquisht throate surpriseth She saith it is hir sport and doth command T'embrue the conquer'd breast by signe of hand The first Romans disposed thus of their criminals But afterward they did so with their innocent servants yea of their free-men which were sold to that purpose yea of Senators and Roman Knights and women also Nunc caput in mortem vendunt fumus arenae Atque hostem sibi quisque parat cùm bella quiescunt They sell mens lives to death and Stages sight When wars doe cease they finde with whom to fight Hos inter fremitus novósque lusus Stat sexus rudis insciúsque ferri Et pugnas capit improbus viriles Amidst these tumults these strange sporting sights That Sex doth sit which knowes not how sword bites And entertaines vnmov'd those manly fights Which I should deeme very strange and incredible if we were not dayly accustomed to see in our wars many thousands of forraine nations for a very small some of mony to engage both their blood and life in quarrels wherein they are nothing interessed The foure and twentieth Chapter Of the Roman greatnesse I Will but speake a word of this infinite argument and slightly glance at it to shew
the simplicity of those who compare the seely greatnesse of these times vnto that In the seaventh booke of Ciceroes familiar Epistles and let Gramarians remove this title of Familiar if they please for to say truth it makes but little to the purpose and they who in liew of familiar have placed ad familiares may wrest some argument for themselves from that which Suetonius saith in Caesars life that there was a volume of his Epistles ad familiares there is one directed vnto Caesar then being in Gaule in which Cicero repeats these very words which were in the end of a former letter that Caesar had written to him Touching Marcus Furius whom thou hast commended vnto me I will make him King of Gaule and if thou wilt have me preferre any other of thy friends send them to me It was not new in a simple Roman Citizen as Caesar then was to dispose of Kingdomes for as well deprived he King Deiotarus of his to give it to a Gentleman of the City of Pergamo called Mithridates And those who writ his life mention many Kingdomes sold by him And Suetonius reporteth that he at one time wrested three millions and six hundred thousand crownes of gold from King Ptolomeus which amounted very neere vnto the price of his Kingdome Tot Galatae tot Pontus eat tot lidia nâ—mmis Forsomuch let Galatia go Forsomuch Lidia Pontus so Marcus Antonius said the greatnesse of the Romane people was not so much discerned by what it tooke as by what it gave Yet some ages before Antonius was there one amongst others of so wonderfull authority as through all his history I know no marke carrieth the name of his credit higher Antiochus possessed all Aegypt and was very neere to conquer Cipres and others depending of that Empire Vpon the progresse of his victories C. Popilius came vnto him in the behalfe of the Senate and at first arrivall refused to take him by the hand before he had read the letters he brought him The King having read them said he would deliberate of them Popilius with a wand encircled the place about where he stood and thus bespake him Give me an answer to carry backe vnto the Senate before thou goe out of this circle Antiochus amazed at the rudenesse of so vrging a commandement after he had pawsed a while replyed thus I will doe what the Senate commandeth me Then Popilius saluted him as a friend vnto the Roman people To have renounced so great a Monarchy and forgon the course of so successefull prosperity by the onely impression of three written lines He had good reason as afterward he did by his Ambassadors to send the Senate word that he had received their ordinances with the same respect as if they had come from the immortall Gods All the Kingdomes Augustus subdued by right of war he restored to those who had lost them or presented strangers with them And concerning this purpose Tacitus speaking of Cogidunus King of England by a wonderfull tract makes vs perceive this infinit greatnesse and might The Romans saith he were from all antiquity accustomed to leave those Kings whom they had vanquished in the possession of their kingdomes vnder their authority Vt haberent instrument a servitutis reges That they might have even Kings also for instruments of their bondage It is very likely that Soliman the great Turke whom we have seene to vse such a liberality and give away the kingdome of Hungary and other dominions did more respect this consideration then that he was wont to alleage which is that he was over wearied with the many Monarchies and surcharged with the severall dominions which either his owne or his ancestors vertue had gotten him The five and twentieth Chapter How a men should not counterfeit to be sicke THere is an epigram in Martiall that may passe for a good one for there are of all sortes in him wherein he pleasantly relateth the storie of Caelius who to avoide the courting of certaine great men in Rome to give attendance at their rising and to waite assist and follow them fained to be troubled with the goute and to make his excuse more likely hee caused his legges to bee ointed and swathed and lively counteirfeted the behaviour and countenance of a goutie man In the end fortune did him the favour to make him goutie indeede Tantum cura potest ars doloris Desiit fingere Caelius podagram So much the care and cunning can of paine Caelius growne gowty leaves the gowt to faine As farre as I remember I have read a like History in some place of Appian of one who purposing to escape the proscriptions of the Triumutrat of Rome and to conceale himselfe from the knowledge of those who pursued him kept himselfe close and disguised adding this other invention to it which was to counter feit blindnesse in one eye who when he came somewhat to recouer his liberty and would have left off the plaister hee had long time worne over his eye he found that vnder that maske he had altogether lost the sight of it It may be the action of his sight was weakened having so long continued without exercise and the visual vertue was wholy converted into the other eie For we may plainely perceive that holding one eye shut it convaieth some part of it's effect into his follow in such sort as it will swell and growe bigger As also the idlenes together with the warmth of the medicaments and swathing might very well drawe some goutie humor into the legge of Martials goutie sellow Reading in Freisart the vowe which a gallant troupe of young English-men had made to weare their left eyes hoodwink's vntill such time as they should passe into France and there performe some notable exploite of armes vpon vs I have often laughed with my selfe to think what they would have imagined if as to the fore aleaged it had hapned to them and had all beene blinde of the left eye at what time they returned to looke vpon their mistresses for whose sake they had made their vowe and vndertaken such an enterprise Mothers have great reason to chide their children when they counterset to be blind with one eye crompt backt squint'-eyed or lame and such other deformities of the body for besides that the body thus tender may easily receive some ill custome I know not how it seemeth that fortune is glad to take vs at our word And I have heard divers examples of some who have falne sicke in very deede because they had purposed to saine sickenes I have at all times enured my selfe whether I be on horsebacke or a foote to carrie a good heavie wand or cudgell in my hand yea I have endevored to doe it handsomely and with an effected kinde of countenance to continue so Many have threatned me that fortune will one time or other turne this my wantonnes into necessitie I presume vpon this that I should be the first of my race
than make him die Moreouer that the desire of revenge is thereby alayed and better contented for it aymeth at nothing so much as to give or shew a motion or feeling of reuenge onely of her selfe And that 's thereason reason we doe not chalenge a beast or fall vpon a stone when it hurts vs because they are incapable to feele our renâ—nge And to kill a man is to shelter him from our offence And euen as Bias exclaimed vpon a wicked man I know that soone or late thou shalt be punished for thy lewdnes but I feare me I shall not see it And moaned the Orchomenians because the penance which Liciscus had for his treason committed against them came at such a time as none of them were living whome it had concerned and whom the pleasure of that punishment might most delight So ought revenge to be moaned when he on whom it is inflicted looseth the meanes to endure or feel it For even as the revenger will see the action of the revenge that so he may feele the pleasure of it so must he on whom he is revenged both see and feele that he may hereby receive both repentance and griefe He shall rew it say we And though he receive a stabbe or a blow with a pistoll on his head shall we thinke he will repent Contrariwise if we marke him well we shall perceive that in falling he makes a moe or bob at vs Hee is farre from repenting when hee rather seemes to be beholding to vs In asmuch as we affoord him the favourablest office of life which is to make him dye speedily and as it were insensibly We are left to shift vp and downe runne and trot and squat heere and there and all to avoy de the Officers or escape the Magistrates that pursue vs and he is at rest To kill a man is good to escape a future offonce and not revenge the wrougs past It is rather an action of feare than of bravery Of precaution than of courage Of defence than of an enterprise It is apparant that by it we quit both the true end of revenge and the respect of our reputation If he live we feare he will or may charge vs with the like It is not against him it is for thee thou riddest thy selfe of him In the Kingdome of Narsinga this expedient would be bootlesse There not onely Souldiers and such as professe armes but euery meane Artificer decide their quarels with the Swordes point The King neuer refuseth anie man the combate that is disposed to fight And if they be men of qualitie he will be by in person and reward the Victor with a chaine of Gold Which whosoeuer hath a mind vnto and will obtaine it may freely chalenge him that weareth the same and enter combate with him And hauing overcome one combate hath many following the same If we thought by vertue to be ever superiors vnto our enemy and at our pleasure gourmandize him it would much grieve vs he should escape vs as he doeth in dying We rather endevor to vanquish surely than honourably And in our quarrels we rather seeke for the end than for the glory Asinius Pollio for an honest man lesse excusable committed a like fault Who hauing written certaine invectives against Plancus staide vntill he were dead to publish them It was rather to flurt at a blind man and raile in a dead-mans eare and to offend a sencelesse man than incurre the danger of his revenge And men answered in this behalfe that it onely belonged to Hobgoblins to wrestle with the dead He who staieth till the Author be dead whose writings hee will combate what saith he but that he is weake and quarrellous It was told Aristotle that some body had spoken ill of him to whom he answered Let him also whippe me so my selfe be not by Our forefathers were contented to revenge an iniurie with a lie a lie with a blowe a blowe with bloud and so in order They were sufficiently valiant not to feare their adversary though he lived aud were wronged Whereas we quake for feare so long as we see him a foote And that it is so doth not our moderne practize pursue to death as well him who hath wronged vs as him whom we have offended It is also a kinde of dastardlinesse which hath brought this fashion into onr single combates to accompany vs into the field with seconds thirdes and fourths They were aunciently single combates but now they are skirmishes and battels To be alone feared the first that invented it Quum in se cuique minimum fiduciae esset When every man had least confidence in himselfe For what company soever it be it doth naturally bring some comfort ease in danger In ancient time they were wont to employ third persons as sticklers to see no trechery or disorder were vsed and to beare witnes of the combates successe But now this fashion is come vp let any man be engaged whosoever is envited cannot well containe himselfe to be a spectator lest it be imputed vnto him it is either for want of affection or lacke of courage Besides the injustice of such an action and villany for your honours protection to engage other valour and force then your owne I finde it a disadvantage in an honest and worthie man and who wholly trusts vnto himselfe to entermingle his fortune with a second man every one runneth sufficient hazard for himselfe and neede not also runne it for another And hath enough to doe to assure himselfe of his owne vertue for the defence of his life without committing so precious a thing into third menshandes For if the contrarie hath not expressely beene covenanted of all foure it is a combined party If your fellow chance to faile you have two vpon you and not without reason And to say it is a Superchiery as it is indeed as being wel armed to charge a man who hath but a piece of a sword or being sound and strong to set vpon a man fore hurt But if they bee advantages you have gotten fighting you may vse them without imputation Disparitie is not considered and inequality is not balanced but by the state wherein the fight is begunne As for the rest you must rely on fortune and if alone or single you chance to have three vpon you your other two companions being slaine you have no more wrong done you than I should offer in Wars in striking an enemie whom at such an advantage I should finde grapled with one of my Fellow Souldiers The nature of societie beareth where troupe is against troupe as where our Duke of Orleans chalenged Henry King of England one hundred against another hundred three hundred against as many as did the Argians against the Lacedemonians three to three as were the Horatij against the Curatij the pluralitie of either side is never respected for more than a single man Whersoever there is company the hazard is confused and disordered I have a