of Gold over him with four Staves and four Bells at the four corners every Staff having four of those Barons to bear it Also to Dine and sit at the Table next to the King on his right hand in the Hall the day of his Coronation And for their Fees to have the said Canopy of Gold with the Bells and Staves Or that at the Coronation of Eliâ—nor Wife to King Henry the third Marchiones de Marchia Walliae videlicet Joannes filius Alani Radulphus de mâ—râ—uo mari Joannes de Monmouth et Walterus de Clifford nomine Marchiae jus Marchiae esse dicebant hastas argenteas inveniendi et las deferendi ad sustentandum pannum Sericum quadratum purpureum in Coronatione Regum et Reginarum Angliae The Lords Marchers of Wales videl Iohn Fitz Alan Rafe de Mortimer Iohn de Monmouth and Walter de Clifford in behalf of the Marches did claim and alleage it to be their right to provide silver Spears or Launces and with them to bear or carry a four square Canopy of Purple Silk over the Kings and Queens of England at their Coronation For those Tenures in grand serjeanty were ever as in all reason they deserved to be accompted to be so honourable as some have made it their Sir-name as the noble Earls of Ormond in Ireland descended from an antient and worthy English Family have done who carry in their Coat of Armes or part of their now marks of honour or bearing the Symbols or remembrance of the Office of cheif Butler in Ireland which with the prisage which is a part of it hath by King E. the 3 d. been granted to the Ancestors of the now Marquesse Earl of Ormond by Inheritance and a Knightly and good Family of the Chamberlaines in England do account it no dishonour to have been descended from thâ— Earls of Tankervile who were Chamberlains to our King H. 1. in Normandy And some branches of the noble Family of the Grey's of Wilton being antient Barons of England holding the Mannor of Waddon in Buckinghamshire of the King per servitium custodiendi unum Gerfalconem Domini Regis by the service of keeping a Gerfalcon of the Kings do use or bear as a badge or marque of honour in their Armes a Gerfaulcon the Mannor of Wymondley in the County of Hertford being holden of the King by Grand serjeanty of giving to the King the first Cup of Wine or Beer upon the day of his Coronation The Family of Argentons being by the marriage of a Daughter and Heir of the Lord Fitz Tece become at the Conquest the possessors of it have thought it honourable saith Camden to bear in their Shields in memory thereof three Cups argent in a feild Gules No oppression to the people of England to be kept safe in their peace and plenty from the Incursions of Foreign Enemies when William the Conquerour fortified Dover a strong and principal Bulwark betwixt England and France with whom we had then continual Wars or Jealousies and gave to Iohn Fines then a Noble Man of great prowesse and fidelity the Custody of that and the rest of the Cinque-Ports with 56 Knights Fees willing him as that Learned Antiquary Mr. Lambard tells us to communicate some parts of that gift to such other valiant and trusty persons as he should best like of for the more sure conservation of that most noble and precious Fort and Castle Who thereupon imparting liberally out of those Lands to eight worthy Knights viz. William of Albrance Fulbert of Dover William Arsick Geffery Peverel William Mainemouth Robert Porthe Robert Crevequer and Adam Fitz-Williams bound them and their Heirs by Tenure of their Lands received of the King to maintain 112 Souldiers amongst them which were so devided by Months of the years as five and twenty of them were continually to watch and ward within the Castle for their several parts of time and all the rest ready upon necessity each of which eight Knights had their several Charges in several Towers and Bulwarks and were contented as well they might at their own dispence to maintain and repair the same Of whom diverse of the Towers and Bulwarks do yet or did but in Queen Elizabeths reign bear their names No inconvenience or mischief to the publique that the Castle and Barony of Abergavenny in Monmouthshire was holden by John Hastings per Homâ—gâ—â—m Wardam Maritagium cum accideâ—it sâ— guerra fuerit inter Regem Angliae Principem Walliae deberet custodire patriam de Over went sumptibus proprijs meliori modo quo poterit pro commodo suo utilitate Regis defensione Regni Angliae by Homage Ward and Marriage when it should happen and if War should be between the King of England and the Prince of Wales was to guard at his own charges the Country called Over went the best way that he could for his profit and benefit of the King and defence of the Kingdom of England No cause of complaint to the Town or antiently called City of Leicester for that veteri Instituto by antient Custom they were to furnish the King with twelve Burgesses or Townsmen when he went to War and iâ— per Mare in Hostes ibat mittebant quatuor Equos usque Londinum ad arma comportanda vel alia quae opus essent he went by Sea were to send four Horses as far as London to carry his Arms or other necessaries Nor to the Town of Warwick to be enjoyned by Tenure to send twelve of their Burgesses or Towns-men with their King to War and qui monitus non ibat centum solidos Regi emendabat he which was summoned and did not go was to forfeit pay one hundred shillings to the King And cum contra Hostes per Mare ibat Rex quatuor Botesuenas vel quatuor libras denariorum mittebant when the King should bo by Sea against his Enemies should furnish four Boat-Swains or Marriners or send four pounds in money No harm done to give Lands at Seaton which Sr. Richard Rockslye Knight did hold by Serjeanty to be vantrarius Regis the Kings fore-footman when he went into Gascoigne donec per usus fuit parisolutarum precij 4d untill he had worn out a pair of Shoes of four pence then the price of a pair of Shooes for a worthy man not 4 s. 6. or 5 s. as they are now Or Lands to another to furnish duos Aâ—migeros two Esquires to march in his Vant-Guard upon occasion of War with the Welch Or that the Princes of Wales ab antiquis temporibus very antiently did hold that Principality and part of Brittain of the Kings of England in Capite by Military or Knight Service and that upon that ground only as he was a leige man and subject of England Leoline Prince of Wales was for raising of War against his Superior Lord imprisoned and hanged or beheaded by King E. 1. and the Principality of Wales
detruncatione vel alijs modis juxtâ— quantitatem delicti puniat To be an Hangman or Executioner of such as were condemned to suffer death or any loss of Members according to the nature of their offences could neither be parted with or taken to be any thing but a benefit And that a claim was made by one thâ—â— held Lands in the Isle of Silly to be the Exeâ—cutioner of Felons which there was then usualy done by letting every one of them down in a Basket from a steâ—p Rock with the provision only of two Loaves of Barly bread and a pot of water to expect as they hung the mercy of the Sea when the Tide should bring it in And that those which held by the easy and no dishonourable Tenures of being Tenants in Capite and Knightâ—service should as Mr. Robert Hill a learned and judicious Antiquary in the beginning of the Reign of King James well observeth rack and lease their Lands to their under Tenants at the highest Rents and Râ—tes and neither they nor their Tenants call that a slavery which though none at all may seem to be a far greater burden than any Tenâ—nt in Capite and by Knight service which holdeth of the King or any Tenant that holdeth by knight service of a mesne Lord endureth when as the one is always more like to have the bag and burden which he must pay for laid upon him in his Bargain then the other who is only to welcom a gift or favour for which he payeth but a grateful acknowledgment Nor is there in that which is now so much complained of and supposed to be a Grievance which whatever it be except that which may as to some particular cases happen to the best and most refined Constitutions and the management thereof hath only been by the fault of some people who to be unfaithful and deceive the King in his Wardships or other Duties have some times cast themselves into the trouble and extremityes which were justly put upon them for concealments of Wardships or making fraudulent conveyances to defeat the just Rights of the King or their superiour Lords or by some exorbitances or multiplications of Fees since the erecting of the Court of Wards and Liveries by an Act of Parliament in 32 H. 8. any malum in se original innate or intrinsecal cause of evil or inconvenience in them Active or Prâ—xime meerly arising from the Nature or Constitution of Tenures in Capite and Knight Service To be found upon the most severe examinations and inquiries which may be made of them nor are they so large in their number as to extend or spread themselves into an universality of grievances nor were or are any publick or extraordinary Grievance CHAP. III. Tenures of Lands in Capite and by Knight service are not so many in number as is supposed nor were or are any publick or general grievance FOr the Number of Knights Fees which were holden in Capite and by Knight service of the King have by tract of time Alienations Purprestures Assarts incroachments deafforrestations and concealments been exceedingly lessened and decreased 28015 which were said to be parcel of the 60215 knights Fees created by William the Conquerour being granted afterwards by him or his successors to Monasteries Abbyes Priories and religious houses or parcelled into Glebes or other endowments belonging to Cathedrals Churches and Chantries or given away in Mortmain and very many quillets and parcels of Land after the dissolution of the Abbyes and religious houses not exceeding the yearly value of forty shillings And now far exceeding that value granted in Socage by King Henry the eighth besides many other great quantities of dissolved Abbyes and religious Lands granted to be holden in Socage Much of the Abbye Lands retained in the Crown or Kings hands as part of the Royal Patrimony and many Mannors and great quantities of Land granted to divers of the Nobility gentry and others with reservations many times of Tenures of but half a knights Fee when that which was granted would after the old rate or proportion of knights Fees have been three or four knights Fees or more and somtimes as much or more then that no rule at all as touching the proportions of Lands or Tenures being then in such an abundance of Land and Revenue as by the dissolution of the Abbyeâ— came into the Kings hands or disposing 〈◊〉 all kept which might have made many knights Fees were not seldom granted with a Tenure only of a twentieth or fortieth and sometimes an hundreth part of a knights Fee whereby the knights Fees which were granted to the Religious houses being almost half of the number which William the Conquerour is said at the first to have created might well decrease into a smaller number and many of those which diverse of the Nobility and great men held of the King as those of Ferrers Earl of Darby and the Earls of Chester those that came by marriage as by one of the Daughters and Heirs of 〈◊〉 Earl of Hereford and Essex by escheat as the Earldome of Clare or by Resumptions Dissolution of Priors Alienâ— Knights of St. John of Hierusalem Attainders Escheats or Forfeitures which in the Barons Wars were very many or holden as of honors c. Merging and devolving into the Royal Revenue did take of very many of the number especially since the making of the Act of Parliament in 1 â— 6. cap. 4. that there should be no Tenure in Capite of the King by reason of Lands coming to the hands of him or any of his Progenitors Heirs or Successors by Attainders of Treason misprision of Treason Premunires dissolution or surrender of Religious Houses And not a few of the Mesne Lords and those which held also of the King did make as great an abatement in their Tenures by releasing and discharging their services before the making of the Statute of Quia emptores terrarum granting Lands in Socage Franck Almoigne or by copy of Court Roll and casting out a great part of their Lands as well as the Kings of England did not Forrests Chases many vast Commons which they laid out in Charity for the good of the poorer sort of people infranchising of a great number of Copyholders selling giving away many and great parcels of their demesne Lands disparking of many of their Parks deviding them into many Tenements to be holden in Socage endowing of Churches Chantries religious houses the like the forrests Chases and Commons of the Kingdom making very near a tenth part in ten of the Lands of the Kingdom and the Socage Lands Burgage Franck Almoigne and Copyholds more than two parts in three of all the remainder of the Lands of the Kingdom So as it is not therefore improbable but that there are now not above ten thousand or at most a fourth part of those 62015. Knights Fees to be found And that in antient and former times either by reason that great quantities of Mannors and
vel quibuscunque illatis a multis retroactis temporibus et omnia inquisita sub sigillis suis inclusa secum coram Baronagio ad tempus sibi per breve praefixum Four Knights men of known worth and wisdom loving and beloved of their Countryes to enquire what grievances or oppressions the smaller sort of people suffered by the greater and also of all injuries and â—â—ongs done by any person whatsoever either lately or formerly and to certifie it under their Seals to the Barronage which what ever they were or if ever or never recorded for they have not for ought appears been certified or recorded no Record or Historian of that or the after times have said that Tenures in Capite and by Knights service were thereupon retorned to be oppressive or so much as inconvenient Neither are to be found amongst any of those huge heaps of evils which Mathew Paris that sower and honest Monk of St. Albons who lived in those times and especially remarked them hath delivered to posterity The 24 Reformers or Conservators of the Kingdom in that Kings Reign appointed by the Baronage never intimated any thing of their dislike of that honourable institution It was not complained of upon the refusal of Roger Bigod Earl of Norfolk Marshall of England Humphry Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex Constable of England and Gilbert de Clare Earl of Glocester and Hertford great and mighty men and of Princely Estates to go at the Command of King E. 1. unto his Wars at Gascony upon pretence that the warning was to short whereby the Kings displeasure was so much incurred aâ— Bohun and Clare to escape the Seisure and forfeiture of their Lands and to purchase his favour again were glad each of them to marry one of his Daughters without any Dowry and surrender their Earldoms Honors Offices and Lands unto him take back Estates thereof in Tayle to them and the Heirs of their Bodies upon their wives to be severally begotten and Bigot surrendring also to him his Earledom and Marshals rod together with all his Lands and taking Back a grant of an Estate for life in his honors and Lands the reversion to the King if he should not have any Issue of his Body begotten the King in Parliament pardoned them and John de Ferrariâ—s and other Earls Barons Knights and Esquires and all other of their fellowship confederacy and Bond and all that held twenty pounds Land Per annum whether in chief of the King or other that were appointed at a certain day to pass over with him into Flanders their rancour and evil will and all other offences committed against him Were not in the Roll of general grievances which the Arch-Bishops Bishops Eaâ—ls Barons and Commons sent him when he was at the Sea side ready to take shipping into Gascoigne concerning his Taxes and other impositions Neither any vestigia or footsteps to be found of any grievance by them in that grand search or inquiry by the Commissions of Traile Baston in or about the 33 of E. 3. after intruders into other mens Lands exactions and oppressions or in the presentments in the Eyres when the Justices thereof in several Kings reigns carefully travailed into the several Counties and places of England and found out and returned the complaints and oppressions of every County and where the Natives themselves the witnesses cannot be supposed to be so much their own enemies as to conceal the Countries oppressions the Jurors were solemnly charged to present them upon their Oaths and if they should omit to do it had the malice of their Neighbours to watch accuse their Perjuries and the severity of the Judges to punish any failings in their duty Or in the Reformation which the Lords Ordainers as they were afterwards called in or about the fifth year of the Raign of King E. 2. pretended to make in that unadvised Commission which he granted them for the Government of the Kingdome No pretence or so much as a murmur against them by the Reformers in Wat Tylers and Jack Straws commotion when they were so willing to overthrow and extirpate all the Nobility and Gentry which should withstand their rude and unruly designs of making all Bondmen free and taking away Villenage and of making Wat Tyler and several other of their party Kings in several Counties and to devise what Laws they listed Or by Jack Cade or Captain Mend-all as he falsely stiled himself when many a grievance was picked up to colour his Rebellion in the reign of King H. 6. but could find nothing of that for a garnish of his Roguery Or Robert Ket the Tanner in the reign of King E. 6. sitting in judgment amongst the Rabble under his tree as they called it of Reformation where Tenures and Wardships being so obvious and every where insisted upon they would not probably have omitted them out of the Roll or list of their complaints if there could have been but a supposition or dream of any grievance in them which being the more noble beneficial and better sort of Tenures may better deserve an approbation of the People and Parliaments of England than Tenures in Villenage which by an Act of Parliament in 25 E. 3.18 may be pleaded and a Villain seized though a libertate probaâ—dâ— be depending And it was enacted in the Parliament of 9 R. 2.2 that if Villaines fled into places infranchised and sued their Lords their Lords should not be barred thereby and by an Act Parliament in 8 H. 6.11 that a Villain should not be admitted or put to be an Apprentice in the City of London and by an Act of Parliament in 19. H. 7.15 If any Bond-man purchase Lands and convey away the Lands the Bond-man being â—estui que use of thâ—se Lands they shall be seised by the Lord. Nor did the Act of Parliament of 25 E. 3. which provided that none should be constrained to find men of Armes Hâ—blers nor Archers but by common assent and grant made in Parliament mistake when it inserted a saving and exception of all those that held by such services Neither did the Commons in the Parliament of 5 R. 2. upon the Repeal in Parliament of the Manumissions of Bond-men extorted from the King by Wat Tyler and his Rout or men of Reformation think they did themselves or those they represented any hurt when they cryed with one voyce that the Repeal was good and that at their request the Repeal was by whole assent confirmed Tenures in Capite and by Knights service were not complained of in the Parliament of 13 R. 2. though the Commons in Parliament had prayed and were allowed that euery man might complain of the oppression of what person or Estate soever without incurring the pain of the Statute of Gloucester which under great penalties prohibited false Newes and Lies of the Nobility and great men of the Realm Chancellor Treasurer Justices of both Benches and other great
Officers of the Bench made in the second year of the King Nor was there so much as an Apprehension of any evil in them in the Parliament of 4 H. 4. where the Commons pray that The Act of Parliament of the 1 of E. 3. that none shall be distrained to go out of their Counties but only for the Cause of necessity of suddain coming of strange Enemies into the Realm and the Statute made in the 18 th year of the Reign of the said King That men of Armes Hoblers and Archers chosen to go in the Kings Service out of England shall be at the Kings wages from the day that they do depart out of the Counties where they were chosen and also that the Statute made in the 25 th year of the Raign of the said King that none be compelled to find Men of Arms Hoblers nor Archers other than those which hold by such services unlesse it be by common assent and grant made in Parliament be firmly holden and kept in all points it was upon the granting of their desires and an Act of Parliament made for that purposâ— as the Declaration of the Lords and Commons in Parliament against the Kings Commission of Array in an 1642 mentioneth especially provided that by force or colour of the said supplication nor of any Statute thereupon to be made the Lords nor any other that have Lands or Possessions in the Counties of Wales or in the Marches thereof shall in no wise be excused of their Services and Devoires due of their said Lands and Possessions nor of any other Devoier or things whereunto they or any of them be especially bound to the King though that the same Lords and others have other Lands and Possessions within the Realm of England nor that the Lords or other of what Estate or Condition soever they be that hold by Esâ—uage or other Services due to the King any Lands and Possessions within the said Realm be no way excused to do their Services and Devoirs due of the said Lands and Possessions nor that the Lords Knights Esquires nor other Persons of what Estate or Condition they be which hold and have of the Grant or Confirmation of the King Lands Possessions Fees Annuities Pensions or other yearly profits be not excused to do their Services to the King in such manner as they are bound because of the Lands Possessions Fees Annuities Pensions or Profits afâ—resaid And might challenge their quietus est or Proclamation of acquittall when there were no complaints made against them in the former ages when there were so many Taxes laid upon Knights Fees as 20 shillings then a great sum of money as much almost as 20 markes is now upon every Knights Fee imposed by King R. 1. toward his ransome 26 s. 8 d. upon every Knights Fee by King Iohn and another also of the same sum towards his expedition into Wales 20 s. upon every Knights Fee towards his Charges in Normandy an Escuage of 20 s. upon every Knights Fee to be paid the one half at Easter and the other at Michaelmas besides the Escuage which he had upon the marriage of his Sister Isabel to the Emperor Frederick two Escuages imposed by H. 3. and an Escuage upon the marriage of his Daughter the Lady Margaret to Alexander King of Scots 20 s. of every Knights Fee by H. 4. the many services in person done by those which held in capite and Knights Service in forinseco servitio in all the expeditions and Wars in France from the time of the Norman Conquest to the end of the Raign of E. 4. and at home in the Wars betwixt England and Wales and betwixt England and the Scots where very many Inhabitants of the Counties of Cumberland Westmeâ—land and Northumberland that held by Cornage a kind of Knight Service to blow a horn upon the invasion or incursion of the Scots and to help to repell them and had their Lands sometimes at the Will of the Lords conferred and given to the younger and more lusty Sons who were able to undergo that service could before King James his accession to the Crown of England the pacification of the English and Scottish hostilities placing them under one obedience scarce rest in their beds by reason of the Scots sudain or nightly alarmes and depredations driving or stealing their Cattell and spoiling all that they had And in all the troubles of England before and since the Barons Wars upon any Rebellions and inquietudes of the people when those that held by Knight service were frequently and hastily summoned to come to the King cum Equis Armis and the great charges trouble hazard and expences which the Lords Mâ—sne were put unto by Assessements of Escuage and otherwise And that immediately upon the death of the Kings Tenants in capite by Knight Service the Escheators did usually seise not only the Lands of the greatest of the Nobility Gentry and meaner men But the Stock and Cattell upon their grounds and the Goods in their Houses insomuch as their Executors were many times constrained to Petition and obtain the Kings Writs and Allowance to have the Stock and personal Estate delivered unto them And yet no complaints made at all against those Tenures or necessary defences of the Kingdome nor against Tenures by grand or Petit Serjeanty in the thirty confirmations of our Magna Charta upon as often Breaches to be supposed of it Never complained off in the making of thirty six Acts of Parliament concerning Wardships and Tenures in the several times and Ages from 8 H. 3. to this present nor at the making of the Act of Parliament in 32 H. 8. for the erection of the Court of Wards Nor in so many thousand Petitions which have been in 186. several Parliaments for almost four hundred years last past or before 9 H. 3. or ever since this nation could remember any thing either in our Parliaments Micel-gemots Wittena-gemots conventus sapientum or Magna Concilia where all the Grievances and Complaints of the people not to be remedied else where came as to the Pool of Bethesda for help and relief and wherein if any in some one or more Parliaments should so much neglect their duty and the more than ordinary business and concernments of their Kings themselves and Countries with which they were intrusted and to which their Oaths of Allegiance if nothing else must needs be their Monitors it cannot without a supposition and belief which will never be able to find entertainment in any rational mans understanding be imagined that the whole Nation for so many Ages past and in so many Assemblies of those that should be the Sons of Wisdome should be bound up under such a fate of Stupidity or Ignorance as to represent those that were sick and not know of it or that all or any of them should propter imbecillitatem vel pernegligentiam by a to be pitied weakness or negligence not either seek or
example of Magistracy put any grievance upon the people when as in the re-building of Ierusalem and to repell the Enemies and hinderers thereof there being as much necessity to defend a City or Commonwealth after it is built or established as it can be in the building framing or repairing of it he ordered the one half of the servants to work and the other to hold the Spears the shields Bows and Habergeons and every one of the builders had his Sword girded by his side and the Nobles were appointed when the Trumpeter should sound that stood by Nehemiah because they were separated one from another to resort thither unto him upon occasion of â—ight or danger and did after their work finished cause the Rulers of the people to dwell at Jerusalem and out of the rest of the people by lot to bring one of every Tribe to inhabit and dwell in there such as were valiant or mighty men of valour and had for overseers the principal and most eminent men and Zabdiel the Son of one of the mighty men David did not turn aside from God nor bind heavy burdens upon the people because he had mighty men about him and that Joshebbassebet the Tachmonite sate like a Constable or Marshal of England chief amongst the Captains nor did Solomon bruise the broken Reeds because he had many Princes and great Officers under him as Benajah the Son of Jehoiada who served his Father David and was Captain over his Guard was over the Host Azariah the Son of Nathan over the Officers like as in England a Lord great Chamberlain or Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold Zabud the Son of Nathan Principal Officer and Aâ—ishar as a Treasurer or Comptrouler over the Houshold none of which could take it for any injury to enjoy those great Offices and places during the Kings pleasure but would have esteemed it to have been a greater favour if they had a grant for life and most of all and not to be complained of to have it to them and to their Heirs or after Generations for that all good things and blessings by a natural propension and custom amongst the Sons of men are very desireable to be continued and transmitted to posterity and the sacred Volumes have told us that it is a reward of wisdom and vertue to stand before Princes Nor was it any dishonour to the men of Judah and people of Israel that the Queen of Sheba wondring even to astonishment at the Attendance of Solomons Servants and Ministers and his Cup bearers or Butlers as the Margin reads it pronounced them happy that stood continually before him Or to the Subjects of Ahasuerus who reigned from India to Ethiopia over an hundred and seventeen Provinces that besides his seven Chamberlains or Officers of honour he had the seven Princes of Persia and Media which saw the Kings face and sate the first in the Kingdom Nor any to our heretofore happy Nation enjoying in a long Series and tract of time an envied peace and plenty under famous and glorious Kings and Princes that they did give Places Castles Mannors and Lands of great yearly values to certain great and well-deserving men and their Heirs to serve in great Imployments Solemnities and Managements of State-affairs to the honour of their Soveraigns and the good safety of the People in the Offices of great Chamberlain high Steward Constable or Marshal of England chief Butler of England and the like For when the guift of the Land it self was a great kindness it must needs be a greater to have an honourable Office Imployment annexed to it that an act of bounty done by a Prince in giving the Land should oblige the claim or receiving a far greater in the executing of that Office or Attendance which belonged to it And could have nothing of affinity to a burden when as besides the original guift of the Lands which were very considerable and to be valued many of those personal services by grand Serjeanty were not unprofitable or without the addition or accession of other Bounties and Priviledges as the guift to the Lord great Chamberlain of forty yards of Crimson Velvet for his Robes upon the Coronation day the Bed and furniture that the King lay in the night before the silver Bason and Ewer when he washed his hands with the Towels and Linnens c. The Earl Marshal to have the granting of the Marshals and Ushers in the Courts of Exchecquer and Common Pleas with many other guifts and Priviledges and Dymock who holds some of his Lands by the service of being the Kings Champion and to come upon the Coronation day into Westminster-Hall on Horse-back compleatly armed and defie or bid battel to any that shall deny him to be rightful King of England is to have the Kings best Horse and were not in the least any charge to the people or laid upon them as Cromwel did the stipends of his mock Lords or Officers of his imaginary Magnificence to be paid out of the publick Purse or Taxes as were the self created Lords of his Counsel who had 1000 l. per an for advising him how to fool the people build up himself by the wickedness of some and ruines of all the rest or as the Lord so called Pickering or Chamberlain of his Houshold and the quondam would be Lord Philip Jones who was called the Comptrouler of his Household had to buy them white staves to cause the people to make way and gape upon them No Prejudice to the Common-wealth that the Beauchamps Earls of Warwick did hold Land by right of inheritance to be Panterer at the Kings Coronation and to bear the 3 Sword before him the Duke of Lancaster before that Dutchy came again into the possession of the Kings of England to bear before him the sword called Curtana or the Earls of Derby as Kings of the Isle of Man to bear before the King at his Coronation the Sword called Lancaster which Henry the 4 th did wear when he returned from exile into England or for the Earl of Arundel to be chief Butler of England the day of the Coronation No disfranchisement to the City of London that some Citizens of London chosen forth by the City served in the Hall at the Kings Coronation assistants to the Lord chief Butler whilst the King sits at Dinner the day of his Coronation and when he enters into his Chamber after Dinner and calls for Wine the Lord Mayor of London is to bring him a Cup of Gold with Wine and have the Cup afterwards given to him together with the Cup that containes water to allay the Wine and that after the King hath drunck the said Lord Mayor and the Aldermen of London are to have their Table to Dine at on the left hand of the King in the Hall Or to the Barons of the Cinque Ports who claim are allowed to bear at the Kings Coronation a Canopy â—f cloth
as an Escheat annexed to the Crown of England And as litle when any held of the King in Capite by some other Service and not in Chivalry and by Knight Service as the Town of Shrewsbury to cause 12 Towns-men apud Angliae Reges excubare cum in illa urbe agerent To watch and ward about the Kings Person which the affrighted Cromwel with his guilty and terrified Conscience would have been well content with totidemque concomitare cum venatum prodirent and as many to attend him whilst he rode on hunting Or when Richard Pigot of Stanford in the County of Hereford or his Ancestors had two Yard Land given him there by the King to hold in Capite per servitium conducendi Thesaurum Domini Regis which Sir Edward Coke calleth Firmamentum pacis et robur Belli the Foundation of Peace and strength of War de Hereford usque ad London quotiescunque opus fueries sumptibus Domini Regis et in redeundo sumptibus suis propriis et etiam summonendi Episcopium Hereford ad portas Manerij dicti Episcopi de Bromyard si contingat Dominum Regem praedictum Episcopum implacitare By the Service of conducting the Kings Treasure from Hereford to London as oft as there should be occasion at the Kings charge in going thither and at his own in his retorn and to summon the Bishop of Hereford at the Gates or door of his Manour of Bromyard when it should happen that the King should implead him Never troubled the heart of Roger the Kings Taylor when the King gave him a good quantity of Land in Halingbury in the County of Essex tenendum per Serjeantiam solvendi ad Scaccarium Domini Regis unum Acum argenteum quolibet anno in crasâ—ino Sancti Martini To hold the Serjeanty of paying yearly at the Exchequer upon the morrow of St. Martin a silver Needle Nor did the Donees or those who had those Lands of so free a gift or bounty esteem them to be any burden could it be heavy or troublesome to their Heirs or those that should succeed them in those Lands whenas our Kings did successively give away so great a part of the Lands of England as were holden in Capite and by Knight Service either to follow or serve them in the Wars for their own defence as well as theirs or for their attendance whâ—rein they received more honour than their Princes gained by it at their Coronations or other great Solemnities by grand Serjeanty or by petit Serjeanty to present them at some times of the year with a Rose or a Hawk or a pair of Spurs or an Arrow to keep them a Hawk or Hounds provide necessaries in their Progresse for their houshold Expences Sumpter Horses in their Journey to some particular place Straw for their Bed and Rushes for their Chamber as if they gave away all to receive almost nothing for it and so willingly as be put themselves to some trouble to devise what kind of grateful acknowledgments should be made them in a perpetuity or as far as they could reach to a supposed or hoped for Eternity that many of their Tenures where there were not necessaryes in war or peace reserved do seem to be but so far for pleasure and merryment as they did not care what was reserved so it was but something as to hold the Kings head at Sea when he should sail betwixt Dover and VVhitsand or hold the Cord by which the Sail was tyed when the Queen not to shoot with Guns and Canons as some of the Covenanters for the late Kings good could find the way to do at his deer Wife the Queen Mother that now is should pass the Seas into France cum multis aliis with many other sortes and kinds not here to be enumerated without the trouble of a volume which those honester times having a better opinion of gratitude and not thinking it to be so crazy or mortal as now every one finds it to be did liberally create and bestow No wrong was done to them that had Lands given to them and their Heirs by a Mesne Lord before the Statute of Quia emptores terrarum as our forefathers the Saxons long before the Conquest believed when as Byrhtrick a Saxon of great note and eminency in Kent holding Lands of Aelsrick a Mesne Lord did by his last will and testament in the first place give to his natural Lord a Bracelet of fourscore marks of Gold one Hatchet of half as much four Horses two of them trapped two Swords trimmed two Hawks and all his Hounds and to the Lady his wife one Bracelet of thirty marks of Gold and one Horse to intreat that his Testament wherein he devised great quantities of land to divers persons and to charitable uses and the Lords consent was very necessary stand may and prayed his dear leefe Lord that he do not suffer that any man his Testament do turn aside Nor to the County of Hertford or places adjacent when Leofranus Abbot of St. Albans gave in Edward the Confessors reign unto Turnot Waldef and Thurman three Knights the Mannor of Flamsteed in the County of Hertford to be holden by the service ut regionem vicinam contra latrones defendâ—rent to the end that they should defend the neighbour-hood against Thieves And no hurt to the Common-wealth when as the Nobility and great men of England imitating the bounty and munificence of their Kings and Princes for the enabling themselves to serve their King Country did bountifully give much of their own Estates Demesâ—s to divers of their friends followers to hold of them by Knight service or some honourable seldom services about their Persons or Estates As the Earls of Oxford Arundel Norfolk Hereford Essex Hertford Gloucester Leicester Chester Lancaster Northumberland other antient Earls did when they severally gave to those who had so litle wrong done them by their kindness as they have for many ages and doe yet continue men of worship and great estates in their Counties as many as 100 Knights fees many times more and seldome less to be holden of them by Knight service which at the now value of Lands reckoning every Knights fee as Sr. Edward Cooke doth if at 100 l. per annum which is the lowest value would be 10000 l. per annum at 200 l. per an which is the most probable medium rate will amount unto no less than 20000 l. per annum That Harden Castle in Cheshire with the lands thereunto belonging of a great yearly value in the County of Chester was given by an Earl of Chester to be holden of the Earl and his heirs per senescalciam comitum Cestriae by the service of being Stewards to the Earls of Chester Or that the Castle and Mannor of Tunbridge and the Mannors of Vielston Horsmund Melyton and Pettis in the County of Kent were holden by Richard de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford of
tenendi Parliamentum so beleived to be true that King John caused it when he sent our English Laws into Ireland to be exemplified and sent thither under the Great Seal of England it is said that every Earldom consisteth of 21 Knights Fees and every Barony of 13 Knights Fees and a third part of a Knights Fee and were of such a value and esteem as they were wont heretofore to bring Actions and Assizes for them and their Homage and Services And so litle lesse in France as the wealth of that great and populous Kingdom is not as may be rationally supposed enough to purchase of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom the transmutation of their Fiefs nobles into the Roturier or Feifs ignobles nor are the Princes or Nobility of Germany likely to be perswaded out of their antient Rights and Tenures into that of the Boors or common sort of People The Nobility and Gentry of England when their Military Tenures and Dependencies shall be taken from them will not upon necessities of War and Danger according to the Tenures of their Lands their Homages and Oaths of Allegiance and their natural and legal Allegiance be able to succour or heâ—p their Prince and Father of their Country their Defender and Common Parent as they have heretofore done when as they stoutly and valiantly helped to guard their Standard and Lions but for want of those which held Lands of them and the Tenures by Knight service will be forced to abide with Gilead beyond Jordan and not be able to imitate their noble Ancestors nor each or any of them bring to his Service three Bannerets sixty one Knights and one hundred fifty four Archers on Horseback as Thomas de Bello campo Earl of Warwick did to E. 3. in anno 21. of his Raign at the Seige of Caleis or as the Earl of Kildare did to King E. 3. in the 25 th year of his Raign when he besieged Calice when he brought one Banneret six Knights thirty Esquires nineteen Hoblers twenty four Archers on Horseback and thirty two Archers on foot It will take away the subjection of the Bishop of the Isle of Man who holdeth of the Earl of Derby as King of the Isle of Man and not of the King of England and therefore cometh not to Parliament Take away from the King Nobility and Gentry who have Lands holden by Knight service all Escheats of such as die without Heirs or forfeit or be convicted of Felony and the Kings Annum diem vastum year day and wast where the Lands are holden of Mesne Lords the Escheats of those that held of Kings imediately being so considerable as the Castle of Barnard in Cumberland and the Counties of Northumberland and Huntington which the Kings of Scotland sometimes held of England came again to the Crown by them and the power which King Edward 1. had to make Baliol King of Scots and to determine the competition for that Kingdom was by reason it was held of him the Earldoms of Flanders and Artois were seised by Francis the 1. as forfeited being Fiefs of the Crown of France Flanders and many other Provinces forced to submit themselves upon some controversies to the Umpirage of France of whom they held Enervate at least if not spoil our original first Magna Charta which was grante by H. 3. tenendum de se heredibus suis and all our Liberties and the many after confirmations of that Magna Charta will be to seek for a support if it shall be turned into Socage the Libâ—rties also of the City of London all other antient Cities and Boroughs and such as antiently and before 9 H. 3. did use to send Burgesses unto Parliament Alter if not destroy the Charter of K. R. 1. granted to the City of London for their Hustings Court to be free of Toll Lastage through all England and all Sea-Ports with many other Priviledges which were granted to be held of the King and his Heirs and the same with many other immunities granted confirmed by King John with a Tenure reserved to him and his Heirs for where no Tenure is reserved nor expressed though it should be said absque aliquo inde reddendo it shall be intended for the King and the Law will create a new Tenure by Knight service in Capite A Socage Tenure for Cities and Boroughs which have no Ploughs or intermedle not with Husbandry will be improper when as there is not any fictio juris or supposition â—in Law which doth not sequi rationem so follow reason or allude unto it as to preserve the reason or cause which it either doth or would signify but doth not suppose things improper or which are either Heterogeneous or quite contrary Put into fresh disputes the question of precedency betwixt Spain England which being much insisted upon by the Spaniard at the treaty of peace betwixt the two Kingdoms in anno 42. of Q. Eliz. at Calice occasioned by the contests of the Embassadour of Spain and Sir Henry Nevil Embassadour for England it was argued or adjudged that England besides the arguments urged on its behalf viz. Antiquity of Christian Religion more authority Ecclesiastical more absolute authority Political eminency of royal dignity and Nobility of blood ought to have precedency in regard that it was Superiour to the Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland and the Isle of Man which held of iâ— that Spain had no Kingdom held in Fee of it but was it self Feudatory to France and inthral'd by oath of Subjection to Charles the fifth King of France in anno 1369. holds a great part of the Netherlands of France Arragon both the Indies Sicily Granado and Navarre Sardinia Corsica and the Canary Islands of the Pope Portugal payeth an annual Tribute to him and Naples yearly presents him with a white Spanish Genner and a certain Tribute Lessen and take away the honour of the King in having the principality of Wales Kingdom of Ireland Isle of Man Isles of Wight Gernesey and Jersey holding of England as their Superiour in Capite Enervate or ruine the Counties Palatine of Chester Lancaster Durham and Isle of Ely if the Tenures should be Levelled into Socage Very much damnifie all the Nobility and Gentry of England who hold as they have antiently divers Mannors and Lands or Offices by grand Serjeanty as for the Earls of Chester which belongeth to the Princes of Wales and the eldest Son of the King to carry before the King at his Coronation the Sword called Curtana to be Earl Marshal of England and to lead the Kings Host to be Lord great Chamberlain of England which is claimed by the Earl of Oxford to carry the Sword called Lancaster before the King at his Coronation due to the Earl of Derby as Kings of the Isle of Man to be grand Faulconner or Master of the Hawks claimed by the Earl of Carnarvon and the Kings Champion at his Coronation claimed
innocent as useful Tenures in Capite and Knight service of bettering the condition of the Commonwealth and people increasing their Liberties and content and to maintain and keep them in a most happy peace and plenty which will never be done if the Sword and Scepter of the King shall only be like the Ensignes and Ornaments of Regality and made only to represent a Majestie there will another difficulty stand in the way and meet the design of doing it by Act of Parliament and offer this question to consideration Whether an Act of Parliament and the consent of the House of Peers the desire of all the Commons and People of England which must be understood to be signified by their Representatives and the Roy le veult the King giving life and breath and being to it can in the great power and respect which ever hath been by the Law and justly ought to be always attributed unto it Take away Tenures in Capite and by Knight service grand and Petit Sejeanties Homage and all other incidents belonging unto them or the right which the Nobility and Gentry and mesne Lords have to enjoy their Tenures by Knight service the incidents thereunto belonging Which howsoever that in many other things it hath been said that Consensus tollit errorem Conventiâ— vincit Legem Consents and Agreements are more binding then Law will by the Laws of God and Nature and Nations and the Laws of this Kingdom and the opinion of some eminent and learned Sages and Lawyers thereof be resolved in the Negative viz. CHAP. VII That Tenures in Capite and by Knight service holden of the King and the Homage and Incidents thereunto appertaining and the Right of the Mesne Lords cannot be dissolved or taken away by any Act of Parliament FOR that Gods Law and the Law of Nature and Nations have taken care not only to preserve the Rights of Soveraignity and the means and order of Government but the Rights property of every particular Subject do prohibit all injustice it is a Maxime or Aphorism undeniable that Laws made against the Word of God the Laws of Nature or which are impossible or contra bonos more 's right Reason or natural Equity will be void in themselves be the Seal or Stamp of Authority never so eminent And therefore if as the Law hath often determined that the Kings Charters are void and not pleadable by Law when they are repugnant to the Laws Acts of Parliament Maxims and reasonable Customs of the Realm that it is not in the Kings power by his Charter or last Will and Testament to grant away the Crown of England to another Prince or Potentate as it was resolved in the Case of the supposed grant of King Edward the Confessor to William Duke of Normandy and that grant of King John to the Pope to hold England and Ireland of him and that notwithstanding the grant made by William the Conquerour to Hugh Lupus of the Earldom of Chester tenendum per gladium and ita libere as the King himself did hold England the Earldom of Chester was holden of the King that the grant of King H. 2. to the Monks of St. Bartholomews in London that the Prior the Monks should be as free in their Church as the King was in his Crown was adjudged to be void for that the Prior and the Monks were but Subjects and that by the Law the King may no more denude himself of his Royal Superiority over his Subjects then his Subjects can renounce or avoid their subjection to their King and the reason why such or the like grants of the King by his Charter are void is not in regard it was granted without the consent of the people in Parliament but that it was in disherison of his Crown and disabling himself to govern or if he should by his grant exempt a man from paying his Debts or maintenance of hise Wife and Children the joyning of the Lords and Commons with him in an Act of Parliament would not make such a Law to be binding or obligatory And therefore the King cannot saith Dier release or grant a Tenure in Capite to any Subject Dier 44. when King Edward the 3 d. granted to the Black Prince his Son the grant of the Dutchy of Cornwal all Wards Marriages and Reliefs non obstante the Kings Prerogative it was adjudged that the Prince could not seise a Ward which held of the Kings Ward because it belonged to the King by his Prerogative And in 2 R. 2. Robert de Hauley Esquire being arrested and pursued upon an Action of Debt in Westminster Abby where he took Sanctuary was in the tumult slain at the high Altar when the Priest was singing high Masse And the offence and breach of priviledge as it was then pretended to be complained of in Parliament by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and the rest of the Prelates and Clergy and prayed that due satisfaction and amends might be made of so horrible a fact It was opposed by the Lords and Commons and they vouched Records and called to witness the Justices and others that were learned in rhe Lawes of the Land that in the Church of England it hath not been accustomed nor ought to have Immunity for Debt or Trespass or other Cause whatsoever except for Crime only And certain Doctors of Divinity Canon and Civil Lawes being thereupon sworn and examined before the King himself to speak the plain truth said upon mature and sound deliberation that in case of Debt Accompt or Trespass where a man is not to lose life or member no man ought to have Immunity in holy Church and said further in the highest expressions those times could afford that God saving his Perfection the Pope saving his Holiness nor any King or Prince can grant such a priviledge and that if the King should grant such a priviledge the Church is and ought to be favoured and nourished ought not to axcept of it whereof offence or occasion of offence may arise for it is a sin and occasion of offence saith the Record to delay a man willingly from his Debt or the just recovery of the same And if an Act of the Commons alone or of the Lords alone or of both together cannot amount to an Act of Parliament the King himself cannot grant away his Regality or Power or means of governing by his Charter or any Act which he can singly doe his concurrence with both the Lords and Commons can no more make an Act to confirme that which should not be done or granted then his own grant or Charter could have done or than if he and the House of Commons only had made an Act As it appeareth by the Ordinance which the Lords Ordainers so from thence called did obtain from Edward 2. whereby he delegated much of his Regal Authority unto them which was afterwards complained of in Parliament made void and the Authors or Lords Ordainers
Tenenda non Tollenda OR The Necessity of Preserving TENURES IN CAPITE and by KNIGHT-SERVICE VVhich according to their first Institution were and are yet a great part of the Salus Populi and the Safety and Defence of the King as well as of his People TOGETHER With a Prospect of the very many Mischiefs and Inconveniences which by the taking away or altering of those Tenures will inevitably happen to the KING and his KINGDOMES By Fabian Philipps Esq Claudian Lib. 2. Ne pereat tam priscus Honos qui portus honorum Semper erat nullo Sarciri Consule Damnum LONDON Printed by Thomas Leach for the Author and are to be sold by Abel Roper at the Sign of the Sun in Fleetstreet 1660. To the Right Honourable Sir Edward Hide Knight Baron of Hindon and Lord Chancellor of England My Lord EVery man who hath not been out of his Wits or his own Country or like the Poet Epimenides who is said to have slept more than Twenty years And hath but understood or experimented the many Miseryes and Confusions which our new Reformers and Modellers of Government who like unskilful Architects cannot amend a part of an house without overturning the whole Fabrick upon the heads of the Owners have treated the Faction and Ignorance of too many of the seduced people of this Kingdom withal And sitting by the Waters of Babylon had not forgot Jerusalem or but remembred the happinesse of the Condition we before enjoyed under a gratious and pious Prince in an Antient and for many ages past most happy Monarchy and with Tears of Joy welcommed it again in the Return of his sacred Majesty and all our peace and plenty from a sad and long oppressing Captivity must needs think himself obliged not only to pray for the Peace of our Syon but to endeavour all he can to uphold the Kings Rights and Jurisdictions Who being our Lex viva and guarding Himself us and our Laws is with them the sure support of us and all that is or can be of any Concernment to us and our Posterityes And therefore when we are taught by our Laws and the sage Interpreters and Expounders thereof That every Subject hath an Interest in the King as the Head of the Weâ—le Publick and as the inferior Members cannot estrange them selves from the Actions or Passions of the head no lesse can any Subject make himself a Stranger to any thing which toucheth the King or their supreme Head And that not a few but very many knowing and able men are of opinion not ushered in by Fancy or first Notions but well weighed and built with Reason and good Authorities that the exchanging of the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service for a constant yearly payment of 100000 l. will level the Regality and turn the Soveraignty into a dangerous popularity and take away or blunt the Edge of the Sword by which his Majesty is to defend his people I could not but conceive it to be my Duty and a failer of my Duty and Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy not to do it to offer to consideration the antiquity and right use of Tenures in this and other Kingdoms that they are no Slavery nor Grievance how from a project in the beginning of the Raign of King James it came to trouble several Parliaments the small benefits will come to the Subjects by altering those Tenures and the many Inconveniences and Mischiefs which will inevitably follow and that it is such a flower of the Crown as the power of an Act of Parliament and consent of the King and his Nobility and people cannot take away wherein though I may well say it is a matter as Livy said of his undertaking to write the Roman History Immensi Operis and that the disquisition of it requiring greater Abilities than I can lay any claim unto and the excellent Order heretofore used that all Books of the Law or very much concerning it should be perused and allowed by the Reverend Judges of the Law before they should be Printed and published might have been enough to have made me either to desist or have attended their approbation Yet when the good intentions of many Parliament men of the House of Commons to make the King a constant Revenue were so busy to prepare an Act of Parliament to dissolve those more useful and honourable Tenures into a Socage which will never arrive to the Salus Populi they aim at I have like some well-wishing Roman to his Countries good in my Cares and fear least any thing should hurt dislocate or disturb that well ordered and constituted Government under which our Progenitors enjoyed so much Honor Peace und Plenty hasted Currente Calamo to a modest inquiry into the grounds and motives for the dissolution of them and the Court of Wards and an examination of that to be prepared Act in the General for as to the Preamble Clâ—uses or Provisoes they are not permitted to be seen before the Act passeth the Rogatio Legum as it was amongst the Romans being not here in use in some cases as it may be wished it were and when none else would publiquely endeavour to rescue them have without any Byasse or partiality as well as I could represented what hath been the right use of them and what may be the Inconveniences if they should be changed or altered and that they are not guilty of the charge which is supposed but never will be proved against them And confesse that it deserved a better Advocate than my self who having attempted to do it horis Succâ—sâ—vis interturbationes rerum am Conscious to my self that much more might have been said for it and that the matter was capable of a better form and might have appeared in a better dresse if my care to do something as fast as I could had not for want of time hindred me from doing what I might But I hope that your Lordship who hath trod the Pathes of Affliction and in the attendance and care of a persecuted Monarchy and an Afflicted most Gracious Prince who hath born the burthen of His own Sorrows Troubles as well as of a Loyal party that Suffered wiâ—h for Him and His Royal Father have in Your Travails and residence in many Kingdoms and parts beyond the Seas viewed and seen the Fundamentals and Order of other Kingdoms the Policies and good Reiglements of some and the Errors and Infirmities of others will with your learned Predecessor the Chancellor Fortescue in the Raign of King Henry the 6â—h the more admire and love the Laws and excellent Constitutions of England which as a Quintessence of right reason may seem to have been Limbecked and drawn out of the best of Laws and choice of all which might be learned out of other Nations or the Records or Treasury of Time and find reason enough to be of the opinion of that well knowing Statesman that non minime erit regno accommodum ut Incolae
under them and if any evil happened unto them either endured it with them or willingly ventured their lives with them others attribute it to the Saxons ubi jus antiquissimum feudorum semper viguit et adhuc saith the learned Craig religiose observatur where the feudal Laws were and are yet most religiouâ—ly observed and Cliens and Vasallus in matters of Fâ—wds and Tenures are not seldome in the Civil Law and very good Authors become to be as Synonimes and used one for the other And the later Grecians since the Raign of Constantine Porphyrogenneta in the East and the Roman Emperors in the West before since the Raign of Charlemain or Charles the great were not without those necessary defences of themselves and their people And such a general benefit and ready and certain way of ayd and help upon all emergencies in the like usage of other Nations making it to be as a Law of Nations There hath been in all or most Kingdoms and Monarchies of the World as well Heathen as Christian a dependency of the Subject upon the Prince or Soveraign and some duties to be performed by reason of their Lands and Estates which they held under their Protection and in many of them as amongst the Germans Saxons Franks and Longobards and several other Nations descending from them Tenures in capite and Knight service were esteemed as a foundation and subsistency of the right and power of Soveraignty and Government and being at the first precariae ex domini solius arbitrio upon courtesie at the will only of the Prince or Lord were afterwards Annales from year to year after that feuda ceperunt esse vitalia their Estates or Fees became to be for life and after for Inheritance So as by the Law of England we have nâ—t properly Allodium saith Coke that is any Subjects Land which is not holden of some Superior and that Tenures in capite appear not to be of any new institution in the book of Doomsday or in Edward the Confessors dayes an 1060. in King Athelstans an 903. in King Canutus his Raign in King Keâ—ulphus his Raign an 821. or in King Ina's Raign an 720. In Imitation whereof and the Norman no slavish Laws and usages which as to Tenures by the opinion of William Roville of Alenzon in his Preface to the grand Customier of Normandy were first brought into Normandy out of England by our Edward the Confessor the Customs Policies of other People and Kingdoms prudent Antiquity having in that manner so well provided by reservation of Tenures for the defence of the Realm William the Conquerour sound no better means to continue and support the Frame and Government of this Kingdom then upon many of his gifts and grants of Land the most part of England being then by conquest in his Demeasne to reserve the Tenures and Service of those and their Heirs to whom he gave it in Capite and by Knight Service and if Thomas Sprot and other antient Authors and Traditions mistake not in the number of them for that there were very many is agreed by the Red Book in the Exchequer and divers Authentiques created 60215 Knights Fees which with their Homage incidents and obligations to serve in Wars with the addition of those many other Tenures by Knights service which the Nobility great men and others besides those great quantities of Lands and Tenements which they and many as well as the King and others our succeeding Princes gave Colonis Hominibus inferioris notae to the ordinary and inferior sort of people to hold in Socage Burgage and Petit Serjeantie reserved upon their guifts and grants to their Friends Followers and Tenants who where to attend also their mesne Lords in the service of their Prince could not be otherwise then a safety and constant kind of defence for ever after to this Kingdom And by the Learned Sir Henry Spelman said to be due non solum jure positivo sed gentium quodammodo naturae not only by positive Law but the Law of Nations and in some sorts by the Law of Nature Especially when it was not to arise from any compulsary or incertain way or involuntary contribution or out of any personal or moveable estate but to fix and go along with the Land as an easy and beneficial tye and perpetuity upon it and is so incorporate and inherent with it as it hath upon the matter a co-existence or being with it and Glanvil and Bracton are of opinion that the King must have Arms as well as Laws to Govern by and not depend ex aliorum Arbitrio it being a Rule of Law that quando Lex aliquid concedit id concedit sine quo res ipsa esse non potest when the Law granteth any thing it granteth that also which is necessary and requisite to it And therefore the old oath of Fealty which by Edward the Confessors Laws was to be administred in the Folcmotes or assemblyes of the People once in every year Fide et Sacramento non fracto ad defendendum regnum contra Alienigenas et Inimicos cum Domino suo Rege et terras et honores illius omni fidelitate cum eo servare et quod illi ut Domino suo Regi intra et extra regnum Britanniae fideles esse volunt by faith and oath inviolable to defend the Kingdome against all strangers and the Kings Enemies and the Lands and dignity of the King to preserve and be faithful to him as to their Lord as well within as without the Kingdom of Britain which was not then also held to be enough unlesse also there were a tye and obligation upon the Land and therefore enacted that debeant universi liberi homines secundum feodum suum secundum tenementa sua arma habere illa semper prompta conservare ad tuitionem Regni servicium Dominorum suâ—rum juxta preceptum Domini Regis explendum peragendum every free man according to the proportion of his Fee and Lands should have his Arms in readinesse for the defence of the Kingdom and Service of their Lords as the King should command And it was by William the Conqueror ordained quod omnes liberi homines fide et Sacramento affirment quod intra extra universum Regnum Willielmo Regi Domino suo fideles esse volunt terras honores suos omni fidelitate ubique servare cum eo contra Inimicos Alieniginas defendere that all Free-men should take an Oath that as well within as without the Realm of England they should be faithful to their King and Lord and defend every where him and his Lands Dignity and Estate with all faithfulnesse against his Enemies and Foreiners Et Statuit firmiter precepit ut omnes Comites Barones Milites Servientes Teneant se semper in Armis in Equis ut decet oportet quod
to hold of the King by an honourable service of grand Serjeanty Then to hold in Socage and be â—yed to do yearly and oftner some part of Husbandry or drudgery upon his Lords Land for nothing or pay an annual Rent besiâ—â—â— many other serviâ—e payments duties as for Rent Oats rent Timber rent Wood Malâ— rent Hoâ—y rent for fishing liberty to Plow at certain seasons and the like And if they had been esteemed or taken to be a bondage the Commons of Eng. certainly in the Parliament of 1 R. 2. Would not by their Speaker have commended the Feats of Chivalry shewed to the King that thereby the people of England were of all Nations renoumed and how by the decay thereof the Honour of the Realm was and would dayly decrease Or in 9 H. 4. Petitioned the King that upon seisure of the Lands of such as be or should be attainted or grants of such Lands by the King the services therefore due to other Lords might thereupon be reserved The good and original benefit whereof derived to the Tenant from the King or mesne Lord that first gave the Lands and the consideration that by the taking of that a way every one was in all justice equity to be restored to his primitive propriety and that which was his own and so to reduce the Lands to the Heirs of those that at first gave them restraining them might be in all probability the reason that not only Capite and Knight service Tenures but Copyhold other Tenures and estates also having as much or more pretence or fancy of servitude in them were never so much as petitioned against in Parliament to be utterly taken away Some instance whereof may be had in that of Villinage which being the heaviest and most servile of all kind of Tenures though some thousand Families in this Kingdom there being antiently some Tenants in villenage belonging almost to every Mannor by desueâ—ude expiration of that course of Tenures now esteeming themselves nothing less were never in any Parliament desired to be abolished Bracton Fâ—eta other antient Authors in our English Laws alleging it to be de jure Gentium and that nihil detrahit libertaâ—i is not to be reckon'd a servitude much less surely then are Tenures in Capite and Knight service which the learned Grotius in the utmost that he could in his Book de antiquitate reipublicae Batavicae alleage for the freedom and independency of the Hollanders though he could not deny but that the German Emperours did claim them to hold in vassalage or as a Feiff oâ— the Empire will not allow to be any derogation from their liberty but concludes quod etsi optinerent non eo desinerent Hollandi esse liberi cum ut Proculus egregie demonstrat nec Clientes liberi esse desinant quia Patronis dignitate pares non sunt unde liberi feudi orta est appellatio That if it should be granted it would make the Hollanders not to be free when as Proculus very well demonstrateth Clients or vassails did not cease to be free because they are not equall to their Patrons in dignity whence the name or Term of franck Fee was derived and Sr. Henry Spelman saith quemadmodum igitur omnibus non licuit feudum dare ita nec omnibus accipere as it was not lawful for every one to give lands to hold of him so it was not allowed to every one to take prohibentur enim ignobiles servilisque conditionis homines et quidem juxta morem Heroicis seculis receptum munera subire militaria for ignoble and men of servile condition according to the usage of Heroick times were â—orbid to attempt military Offices and Imployments as may be evidenced also in those antient Customes and usages of those grand eminent Commonwealths of Rome and Athens in the latter of which notwithstanding the opinion of those who deny the use of Tenures by military service to have been in Greece before the time of Constantine Porphyrogenneta it appears that Solon had long before made a second classis or degree of such as could yearly dispend three hundred Bushels of Corn other liquid fruits were able to find a Horse of service called them Knights Soli igitur saith judicious Spelman nobiles feudorum susceptibiles erant quod praeâ—â—usticis et ignobilibus longe agiliores habiti sunt ad tractanda arma regendamque militiam And therefore the Nobility and Gentry were only capable of such Fees or Tenures in regard that they were more agile and fitter for the use of Arms and military Government and Order and was therefore called by the French heritages nobles et liberis et ingâ—nuis solummodo competunt a noble inheritance and only belonged to men that were free born and of ranâ—k and quality And wereâ—no longer ago than in Anno Dom. 1637. in the argument of the case of 〈◊〉 Ship-mony in the Exchecquer Chamber so little thought to be a Slavery to the people or any unjust or illegal prerogative of the Kings as Mr Oliver St. John none of the reverend and learned Judges of England then contradicting it alleaged them to be for the defence of the Realm and that they were not ex provisâ—one hominis not of mans provision but ex provisione legis ordained by Law and that the King was to have the benefit that accrewed by them with Wardships primer seisins Licences of Alienation and Reliefs as well to defend his Kingdom as to educate his Wards Nor can they be accounted to be a Bondage or Slavery unless we should fancy which would like a dream also vanish when men shall awake into their better senses and reason that those ornaments in peace and strength in time of war which have been for so many ages and Centuries since King Inas time which was in an 721 now above 940 years agoe and may have beene long before that ever accompted to be harmlesse and unblameable and in King Edgars Time by a Charter made by him unto Oswald Bishop of Worcester said to be constitutione antiquorum temporum of antient time before the date of that Charter were an oppression that all rankes and sorts of the People should endure a slavery and not know nor feel it nor any of the contemporary writers antient or modern take notice of it that the Peers of this Kingdom should be in Slavery and not know or believe it The The gentry of the Kingdom should be as worshipful Slaves and not understand or perceive it And the Commons of the Kingdom what kind of Slaves it should please any without any cause to stile them That Honours Gifts and Rewards Protection Liberties Privileges and Favours to live well and happily of free gift and without any money paid for the purchase should be called a Bondage when as a Tenure in Socage ut in condemnatos ultrices manus â—â—ttant ut alios suspendio aliâ—s membrâ—rum
Lands as much sometimes as amounted to a third part of a Shire or County were in the Nobilities or great mens possessions some of whom held of the King a 100 or more Mannors and had as many Knights Fees holden of them besides some Castles Forrests Parks and Chases or that the two Escheators which were many times all that were in England the one on this side the other beyond Trent did not nor could not so carefully look to the death of the Kings Tenants which the Statute of 14 E. 3. ca. 8. complaineth of or that the smaller sort of Lands in Capite or mean mens estates were not so much looked after And yet the old Records of the Kingdome do speak a great deal of care and looking after every part of the Kings Revenew the not mentioning in deeds or conveyances of whom or how the Land was holden the more frequent use of Feoffements with Livery seisin in former times which being not Inrolled hindred or obstructed the vigilance of the Escheators and Feodaries their sleepinesse in permitting where any one Mannor or parcel was holden in Capite many other Mannors or Lands of the same Tenure to be found in the same Inquisition by an Ignoramus of the Tenure services the craft industry of many if not most men to evade and elude as much as they can the Law or any Acts of Parliament though when they are sometimes catched they dearly pay for it Or by some other cause or reason not yet appearing many of the said Knights Fees are lost and never to be discovered the Offices post mortem now extant in the Tower of London being in the last year of the reign of King H. 3. in the beginning of whose reign they first began to be regularly found and recorded but 187. in an 35. E. 1 153. in an 20 E. 2 52. of the succeeding Kings untill the end of E. 4. when such Tenures were most valued and respected are in every year but few in number sometimes less than 200 and many times not above 300 in the most plentiful years of those times And of the Knights Fees Lands holden in Capite and by Knight service which are now to be discovered in the greatest diligence of Escheators their better looking unto them in this last Century of years where there hath been an Escheator for the most part in every County to look to the Tenures and Wardships there will not upon exact search thereof appear to be in an 21 Jac. Regis any more than 71.22 Jac. 73 in 2 Car. Regis primi 112 in 3 Car. Regis primi 85. Custodies wardships granted under the great Seal of England which in Wardships of any Bulk or concernment doe most commonly pass that way leaving those of ordinary and lesser value to passe only under the Seal of the Court of Wards and Liveryes in an 10 Car. primi not above 450 offices post mortem some of which did only entitle the King to a Livery are to be found filed returned in an 11 Car. Regis not above 580 which may give us some estimate of the small number which now remains of that huge number which former ages writers talked of that after that rate if there be 10000 Knights Fees holden in Capite there is scarce a twentieth part falls one year with another to make any profit or advantage to the King by Wardships Marriage Reliefs primer seisin c. Nor are there unless by some unluckiness or accidents commonly above one in every three or four discents in a Family holding in Capite which do die and leave their Heirs in minority then also it is either more of less chargeable to the Family as the Males shall be nearer unto or more remote from their full age of 21 or the Females to their age of 16 some of the supposed Inconveniences being prevented by an earlier marriage of the Inheritrixes or the Kings giving the honour of Knighthood to some of the Males in their minoritie which dispenseth with the value of their marriages And yet those Tenures Wardships and incidents thereunto though so antient legal and innocent in their use and institution were not without the watchful eye and â—are of Parliaments to prevent or pluck up any Grievances which like weeds in the best of Gardens or per accidens might annoy or blemish those fair flowers of the Crown Imperial as that of 9 H. 3 that the Tenant by Knight Service being at his full age when his Ancestor dyeth shall have his inheritance by the old relief according to the old custom of the Fees the Statute of Merton in anno 9 H. 3 ca 2. and 3 E. 1 ca 2â— the Kings Tenant being at full age shall pay according to the old custom that is to say five pounds for a Knights Fee or lesse according to proportion ca 4 and 5. The Keeper of the Lands of the Heir within age shall not take of the Lands of the Heir but reasonable issues customs and services without distruction and wast of his men and goods shall keep up the Houses Parks Warrens Ponds Mills and other things pertaining to the Lands with the issues of the Lands and deliver the Lands to the Heir when he comeâ—h of full age stored with Plowes and all other things at least as he recieved them ca 7. A Widdow shall have her Marriage inheritance and tarry in the chief house of her Husband forty days after her Husbands death with reasonable Estovers within which time her Dower shall be assigned if it were not assigned before The Wards shall not be married to Villains or other as Burgesses where they be disparaged or within the age of fourteen years or such age as they cannot consent to mariage and if they do and their Friends complain thereof the Lord shall loose the Wardship and all the profits that thereof shall be taken and they shall be converted to the use of the Heirs being within age after the disposition and provision of their Friends for the shame done unto them a Writ of Mortd'auncester shall be allowed to the Heir with dammages against the Lord that keepeth his Lands after he is of full age Heirs within age shall not loose their Inheritance by the neglect or wilfulnesse of their Guardians 52 H. 3. cap 7 and 16. The Lord shall not after the age of fourteen years keep a Female unmarried more than two years after and if he do not by that time marry her she shall have an Action to recover her Inheritance without giving any thing for her Wardship or Inheritance 3 E. 1 ca. 22. A Writ of Novel disseisin shall be awarded against any Escheator that by colour of his Office shall disseise any of his freehold with double dammages and to be grievously amerced Westmr. 1.3 E. 1 cap. 24 In aid to make the Son of the Lord a Knight or to marry the Daughter there shall be taken but twenty
shillings for a whole Knights Fee and after that rate proportionably ibm 35. If the Guardian maketh a Feoffement of the Wards Lands he shall have a Writ of Novel disseisin and upon recovery the Seisin shall be delivered to the next friend and the Guardian shall loose the Wardship 3. E. 1. ca. 47. Usurpation of a Church during the minority of the Heir shall not prejudice him 13 E. 1.5 Admeasurement of Dower shall be granted to a Guardian and the Heir shall not be barred by the suite of the Guardian if there be collusion 13 E. 1.7 Next Friends shall be permitted to sue if the Heir be â—loyned 13 E. 1.15 If part of the Lands be sold the services shall be apportioned Westmr. 3.2 Escheators shall commit no waste in Wards Lands 28 E. 1 18. If Lands without cause be seised by the Escheator the Issues and Mesne profits shall be restored 21 E. 1.19 where it is found by Inquest that Lands are not holden of the King the Escheator shall without delay return the possession Stat de Escheatoribus 29 E. 1. Escheators shall have sufficient in the places where they Minister to answer the King and his People if any shall complain 4 E 3.9.5 E. 3 4. Shall be chosen by the Chancelour Treasurer and chief Baron taking unto them the chief Justices of the one bench and the other if they be present and no Escheator shall tarry in his office above a year 14 E. 3.8 A Ward shall have an action of waste against his Guardian and Escheators shall make no waste in the Lands of the Kings wards 14 E. 3 13. Aid to make the Kings Son a Knight or to marry his Daughter shall be in no other manner then according to the Statute thereof formerly made 25 E. 3 11. Traverses of offices found before Escheators upon dyings seised or alienations without licence shall be tried in the Kings Bench 34 E. 3 14. An Escheator shall have no Pec of wood fish or venison out of the wards Lands 38 E. 3 13. An Idempnitate nominis shall be granted of another mans Lands seised by an Escheator 37 E 1.2 No Escheator shall be made unless he haue twenty pounds Land per annum or more in Fee and they shall execute their offices in proper person the Chancellor shall make Escheators without any Gift or Brokage and shall make them of the most lawful men and sufficient 12 R. 2.2 An Escheator or Commissioner shall take no Inquest but by such persons as shall be retorned by the Sheriff they shall retorn the offices found before them and the Lands shall be let to farm to him that tendereth a Traverse to the office 8 H. 6.16 Inquisitions shall be taken by Escheators in good Towns and open places and they shall not take above forty Shillings for finding an office under the penalty of forty pounds 23 H. 6 17. Women at the age of fourteen years at the time of the death of their Ancestors without question or difficulty shall have Livery of their Lands 39 H. 6.2 No office shall be retorned into any of the Kings Courts by any Escheator or Commissioner but which is found by a Jury and none to be an Escheator who hath not forty markes per annum above all reprises the Jurors to have Land of the yearly value of forty shillings within the Shire the Forman of the Jury shall keep the Counter part of the Inquisition and the Escheator must receive the Inquisition found by the Iury as also the offices or Inquisitions shall be received in the Chancery and Exchequer 1 H. 8 ca. 8. Lands shall be lâ—t to farme to him that offereth to traverse the office before the offices or Inquests retorned or within three Months after 1 H. 8 ca. 10. the respite of Homage of Lands not exceeding five pounds per Annum to be but eight pence the yearly value of Lands not exceeding twenty pounds per annum to be taken as it is found in the Inquisition except it by examination otherwise appear to the Master of the Wards Surveyer Atturney or Receiver General or three of them or that it shall otherwise appear and be declared in any of the Kings Courts No Escheator shall sit virtute officii where the Lands be five pounds per annum or above the Escheator shall take for finding of an office not exceeding five pounds per annum but six Shillings eight pence for his Fee and for the writing of the office three Shillings four pence for the charges of the Jury three Shillings and for the officers and Ministers of any Court that shall receive the same Record two shillings upon pain of five pounds to the Escheator for every time so offending the Master and Court shall have power to moderate any Fines or Recognisances 33 H 8.22 The Heir of Lands not exceeding five pounds per annum may sue his General Livery by warrant only out of the Court of wards although there be no Inquisition or office found or certified The Interest of every lesser Tenant for Term of years Copy-holder or other person having interest in any Lands found in any office or Inquisition shall be saved though they be not found by office The Heir upon an aetate probanda shall have an oustâ—e le maines and the profits of his Lands from the time that he comes to age and if any office be untruely found a Traverse shall be allowed or a Monstrans de Droit without being driven to any petition of right though the King be entitled by a double matter of Record A Traverse to an office shall be allowed where a wrong Tenure is found an ignoramus â—ound of a Tenure shall not be taken to be any Tenure in Capite and upon a Traverse a Scire facias shall be awarded against the Kings Patentee 2 and 3 E 6. ca. 8. And if there had been any certain or common grievances or so much as a likelyhood of any to have risen or happened by such Tenures and benefits which many were the better for and had no reason at all to find fault with w ch many more were striving to deserve of the Kings of England the Nobility great men of this Kingdom the Parliaments that have been ever since the 8 th year of the reign of H. 3. would not have made so many Acts of Parliament for their establishment or tending to their preservation if we should believe as it cannot be well denyed that Parliaments have been sometimes mistaken and enacted that which they have afterwards thought fit to repeal Yet it comes not within the virge or compass of any probability that Parliaments where all grievances are most commonly represented should for almost four hundred years together in a succession of many Kings Parliaments enact or continue grievances instead of remedies neither find those Tenures to be inconvenient or not fit to be continued or so much as complain of them but as if they were blessings of a
wast in the Wards Lands or seised Lands which ought not to be seised Et omnes illi qui sentiunt se super hiis gravatos inde conqueri voluerint audiantur fiat eis Justitia All that were grieved were to be heard and have Justice done them and the Tenant had his remedy by a writ of ne injuste vexes where his Lord did Indebita exigere servitia And least any thing should but come within the suspition of a Grievance or that the power of the Court of Wards and Liveries and the latitude which the Act of Parliament of 32 H. 8. had given it which was to be as fixed as the trust which was committed to it should in the intervalls of Parliaments or seldomest Cases be any thing like to a burden or Inconvenience the disposing and granting of wardships was by King James his Commission and instructions under the great Seal of England in an 1622. to the end that the people might stand assured that he desired nothing more than that their Children and their Lands which should fall unto him by reason of wardships might after their decease be committed in their neerest and trustiest friends or to such as they by will or otherwise commit the charge unto upon such valuable considerations as are just and reasonable that the Parents and Ancestors may depart in greater peace in hope of his gracious favour their friends may see their children brought up in piety and learning and may take such care as is fit for the preservation of their inheritance if they will seek the same in time Ordered that no direction for the finding of any Office be given for the wardship of the body and lands of any Ward until the end of one moneth next after the death of the Wards Ancestor but to the neerest and trustiest friends of the ward or other person nominated by the Ancestor in the wards behalf who may in the mean time become Suiters for the same among whom choice may be made of the best and fittest No composition agreement or promise of any wardship or lease of Lands be made until the office be found and then such of the friends to have preferment as tendred their Petitions within the moneth they yeilding a reasonable composition The Master Attorney Surveyor and other the Officers of the Court of Wards were to inform them selves as particularly as they might of the truth of the Wards estate as well of his Inheritance as of his Goods and Chattels the estate of the deceased Ancestors and of all other due circumstances considerable to the end the Compositions might be such as might stand with the Kings resonable profit and the Ability of the Heirs estate No Escheatâ—r shall inforce any man to shew his evidence That all Leases of Wards lands except in cases of concealment be made with litle or no Fine and for the best improved yearly rent that shall be offered consideration being had of the cautions aforesaid that no recusant be admitted to compound or be assignee of any wardship That where it shall appear that neither the King nor his progenitors within the space of threescore years last past enjoyed any benefit by Wardship Livery Primer seizin Releif Respect of Homage Fiâ—es or mesne rates of any lands the Master and Councel of the said Court were authorized to remit and release all benefit and profit that might accrew to the King thereby And in all cases where covenants were pâ—â—formed to deliver bonds which were taken concerning the same And that upon consideration of circumstances which may happen in assessing of Fines for the marriages of the Wards and renting of their lands either by reason of the broken estate of the deceased want of provision for his wife his great charge of Children unprovided for infirmity or tendernesse of the heir incertainty of the title or greatnesse of incumbrance upon the lands they shall have liberty as those or any other the like comsiderations shall offer themselves to use that good discretion and Conscience which shall be sit in mitigating or abating Fines or Rents to the releif of such necessities In pursuance whereof and the course and usage of that Court as well before as after the said Instructions Wardships nor any Custody or Lease of the Wards or their Lands were not granted in any surprising or misinforming way but by the care and deliberation of the Master and Councel of the Court of Wards and Liveries upon a full hearing and examination of all parties and pretenders they to whom they were granted Covenanting by Indenture under their Hands and Seals with Bonds of great penalties to perform the same to educate the ward according to his degree and quality preserve his lands and houses from waste fell no Coppice Woods grant no Copy-hold estates for lives nor appoint any Steward to keep the Courts without licence and to permit the feodary of the County where the land lieth yearly to survey and superintend the care thereof and had reasonable times of payment allowed them And could not likely produce any grievances in the rates or assessing of Fines for marriages or for rents reserved during the minority of the wards or for primer seisin or any other Compositions when as the Kings of England since the Raign of the unhappy R. 2. and the intermission of the Eyres and those strict enquiries which were formerly made of the frauds or concealment of the Escheators or their Deputies in the businesse of Tenures and Wardships and their neglect or not improving of them most of those former Officers and those that trucked with them not doing that right which they ought to their Consciences and their Kings and Benefactors Have for some ages past been so willing to ease their people or comply with their desires as they have noâ— regarded aâ— all their own profit or taken such a care as they might to retain â—hose just powers which were incident or necessary to their Royal Government but by leaving their bounty and kindnesse open to all the requests or designs of the people have like tender hearted parents given away much of their own support and sustenance to gratify the blandishments or necessities of their Children and not only enervated but dismembred and quitted many of their Regal powers and just Prerogatives in their grants of Lands and Liberties and thereby too much exhausted and abandoned the care of their own Revenue and Treasure as may easily appear to any that shall take but a view of those many Regalities Franchises and Liberties which being to be as a Sacrum patrimonium unalienable have heretofore either been too liberally granted by the Kings Progenitors of which H. 3. was very sensible in his answer to the Prior or Master of the Hospital of St. Johns at Jerusalem or not well looked after in those Incroachments and Usurpations which have been made upon them Or consider the very great cares and providence as well as prudence of former
ages in the Managing Collecting and Improveing of the Kings Revenue in England whether certain or casual The strict Inquiries Orders and the care of every thing which might make a profit or prevent a damage which made some of the Kings of England to be so litle wanting money as King Canutus as the Abby Book of Ramsey hath recorded it was able out of his Hanaper or travailing Trunk when he lodged at Vassington in Northamptonshire to lend the Bishop Etheruus who sâ—bita pulsus occasione had a great occasion to use it good store of money And that in William the Conquerours time and in the height of his plenty and prosperity no repairs of Castles and Houses were made but upon accompt by Oath Inquiries were made by some of the succeeding Kings and their Officers after windfalen trees a few trees were not given nor Cheverons nor Rafters allowed towards the repairing of a Grange or Farm without the warrant of the great Seal of England Judges commanded to look to the Fines imposed in the Eyreâ— or Circuits and in all the Eyres Circuits a Clark who kept particular Rolles or Duplicates of the Judges Rolles or Records of their Proceedings was for the King especially appointed and attended and as smal a sum as 2 d. accompted for a Deodand Nor was any thing as far as Humane vigilance Industry or Providence might foresee prevent or remedy suffered to be done or continue that might endammage or lessen the Royal Revenue which King Henry the 3 d. could so watch over as the Court of Exchequer hath sometimes seen him there sitting and taking his own accompts Which kinds of wariness and care have been so much disused or neglected by many of his Successors as though by time and the course thereof the alteration of the value of mony Coyne from twenty pence the ounce to five shillings a peny the ounce of Silver the prizes rates of Provision and Commodities to be bought with it almost yearly raised and inhaunced and the more chargeable way of living which followed thereupon might have put them in mind to have given lesse or demanded more for what was justly their own when as in the 14 th year of the Reign of King Edward the 3 d. 40 shillings per diem was thought by the King and his Councel to be a royal and sufficient expence for Edward Baliol King of Scots his train whilst he tarried at London and 6 s. per diem when he travailed And in the reign of King H. 6. Medow-ground in Leicestershire was valued but at eight pence an Acre and that as appears by a Remonstrance made in Parliament in or about the 11 th year of the reign of that King who was King in possession of France as well as of England now not above 227 years agoe he did right worshipfully as the Record saith maintain the charge of his houshold with sixteen thousand pounds Sterling per annum and could not then defray it with less than Twenty four thousand pounds per annum which now cannot well be done under ten times as much when an Annuity or Pension of ten pounds or twenty marks per annum which was then sufficient for the Kings better sort of Servants is now scarce enough for a Foot-man and the most ordinary sort of inferior Servants Did notwithstanding not lessen their bounty or raise the Rents or Rates of their Revenues but permitted their Escheators in matters of Tenures and Wardships to adhere unto their former courses and find the value of the Lands in their Offices or Inquisitions at the old or small yearly values the rule which the Escheators took for the finding of the values of the Lands upon Inquisitions being at the highest but the tenth part of the true yearly value which was the guide also for the rate of the primer seisins where they were to be taken as much lower as the unwarrantable kindness of too many of those which were trusted and should have looked better unto it could perswade them The Feodaries also upon their Surveys seldom raising the yearly value to more than about a third part of such a gentle value as he should be entreated to adde to that which the Jurors and Escheators had friendly found it So as somtimes a Mannor of above one hundred pounds per annum was found but at thirteen shillings four pence per annum and other times if mingled with other lands of a great yearly value at no more than forty shillings per annum And no longer agoe than in the reign of King Chaâ—les the first above one thousand poundâ— per annum hath been found to be but of the yearly vaâ—ue of twenty Marks And an Estate consisting of very few Mannors and as few Coppyholders but most in Fâ—rms and demâ—snes upon an improved and almost racked Rent worth six thousand pounds per annum found at no greater yearly value than one hundred eighty three pounds eleven shillings which is lesse than the thirtieth parâ— â—hough the Escheators with Knights and Gentlemen and sometimes men of greater mark and quality were Commissioners the Jurors made up somtimes of Gentlemen and most commonly of substantial Freeholders and all of them such as might better have understood an Oath who takeing an ill custom to be warrant enough for a bad Conscience did when they were by the Writ to enquire upon their Oaths de vero Annuo valore of the true yearly value of the Lands thâ—nk that they did honestly and well enough to find it at a very small or low yearly value because they were sure it was weâ—l worth so much Neither were the paymâ—nts o◠〈◊〉 of Homage so troublesom as to make a complaint of when as by an Order made in 13 Eliz. by virtue of her privy Seal by the Lord Burghley Lord Treasurer and the Chancellour and Barons of the Exchecquer which the Lords and Commons of England in primo Jacobi did pray and procure to be enacted by Parliament It was after such an easy and old fashioned rate or value of the Lands as it was but in every fifth Term to be paid in the Exchecquer by a rate and apportionment and might have been saved by an actual doing of Homage as was antiently used to be done upon their Livery and first coming to their Lands and their respit of Homage and howsoever may as well be taken to be a favour as they do of their mesne Lords or one to another in paying three shillings four pence per annum as a quit Rent for respit of suit of Court And that it was therein and thereupon also enacted that no processe ad faciendum Homagium or fidelitatem scire facias Capias or distresse should issue out of the Exchequer but upon a good ground And that the Clerks of the Treasurers Remembrancer in the Exchequer shall pay all issues that any shall loose after he hath paid ordinary Fine for respite of Homage
and so may be proved by any of their Acquittances Neither were the Rates for Licences of Alienations burdensom when they were paid by the rich and improving and most commonly advantage taking purchasors or by the gainers by the settlement or alteration of Lands or Estates and are in passing Fines not usually above a thirtieth part and so after an antient un-improved small yearly value as six thousand pounds per annum hath within three years last past paid but a little above one hundred and twenty pounds for a Composition or Licence of Alienation Which with other of the Kings casual profits by a long remissenesse and usage of some ages past whilst the people to save their own Purses and favour one another choosing the open Rode and track and following the precedents and too common use of under valuations which hath ever been and is the great obstructor and diminisher of royal Revenues would as much as they could never forsake or go much out of it as is visible enough in the Escuageâ— upon Knights Fees and valuatioÌ„s in several ages Kings reigns in that of a tenth in 36 H. 3. demanded in Parliament to be paid out of all the Ecclesiastical Revenues after the full yearly value where adjuncto magnae verbâ— offensionis as Mathew Paris tells us it was taken the worse in regard it was required to be taxed non secundum estimationem pristinâ—m sed secundum â—stimationem noâ—am ad inquisitionem strictissimam not according to the former estimation or rates but a nâ—w and most severe valuation was not at all granted And in a Parliament at Bury in 5â— H. 3. the Clergy denyed to be rated by the Laity or Justa alta taxatione By a just high valuation Sed tantum ut taxatio staret antiqua But only that the old taxation might stand nor was it much otherwise in the rates of fifteens and other proportions of taxes granted by Parliaments though somtimes ordered to be assessed upon oath the greatest tye and obligations that can be laid upon men and their Consciences wherein litle or more then a tenth or smal part was paid or collected of the true yearly value But like a numerous family of Children spending much wanting much and drawing all that they can from the kind and self-denying common parent together with the bounty and munificence which Kings and Princes are not seldom necessitated unto in the way of Government and care of the generality would never be brought to any just valuation or improvement no more than that of customs for goods exported or imported at the rate of twelve pence in the pound and for the subsidies given by Parliament whereupon no more was used to be paid than two shillings or two shillings eight peâ—ce in the pound for Moveables Debts defalked and 4 s. in the pound and most commonly not so much according to the yearly value of Lands Rents Annuities or other yearly profits after an easy and accustomed great undervaluation no more than that of Tenths and first Fruits or of Taxations or Valuations of Benefices in the Kings Books at the tenth or fifth of the true yearly value though every age of one or two ages last past and every thirty or twenty years in the age of Century in which we now live have hugely raised the yearly value of Lands every one striving who shall do it most in their own particular Estates And if there were not as there are so very many plain and evident Demonstrations of it may well be believed to be possible when the publick though made up of the private is dayly gnawed and preyed upon by the private and every one lurches and takes what he can from the Publique to add to his private when the numberlesse Number of the Private is more than the Head or Monarch when the people are to assesse themselves and will ease one another when interest and partiality are the Loadstones that attracts and the Cards and Compasses which the most of men do sail by every man is a well-wisher to the Publique but very few well-doers every one pretends good unto it but intend if not all yet a great deal more unto themselves and do make it their businesse to be the Kings Cozens though they are not of the blood-Royal and by the help of bad Consciences and no good affection to the publique or Common-weale do think no more evil to be in such purloinings than to fetch or take water from a great River or stones or gravel from a vast and high Mountain And the Nobility and Gentry and most of the Land-Lords in England have for many years last past in the publick Assessements which were made to maintain the miseries and iniquityes of our latter times to their cost and grievance experimented that where the Tenants were to pay for their Stock they could so order it as to lay the most of the Burden upon the Land-Lords upon pretences that they had but a small Stock of Cattle when it was in their power not only to undervalue what they had but to lessen or make it more any Fair or Market-day before or after Wherby and the effects which best discovers the truth and intention of all men and their matters be their pretences never so plausible much coloured or varnished over the Conclusion will necessarily follow the Premises that the outsides and noyse of great ayds and Subsidyes have been always a great deal more than the reality of them that the Kings and Queens of England have always had in their Revenues fair blossomings or Bloomes but little more than the Tenth of it hath come to be fruits or gatherings into their Treasuries witnesse if there were nothing else to prove it the great and more than treble or a better Improvement which hath been lately made of them since they came to be wrongfully possessed by private men and that the Revenues of the Kings and Princes of England could never yet arrive to the Fate of great Rivers which fertilizeing all the Neighbouring shores and carrying many a great Burden and Vessel which dayly sail to and fro upon them are notwithstanding so farre from emptying or impairing themselves as the further they run they are sure enough to be made greater by an Addition of many little Brooks and great Rivers which fall into them But by a continual emptying and deflux must of necessity sink it self into a great decay and deficiency when as that which was accounted Providence and good Husbandry in King H. 2. or H. 1. if Samuel Daniel and others be not mistaken to change his Rent Provisions of Corn Victuals which in every County was paid in Specie into yearly Rents or Summs of money because conâ—luebat ad Regis Curiam Multitudâ— Coloâ—orum oblatis vomeribus in signum deficientis Agriculturae A Multitude of Plow-men and Husband-men occasioned probably by the many vast Demeasns Commons Woods and Forrests which then
themselves for their Allegiance to their King following of the Scripture their Consciences and the known Laws of the Land were notwithstanding their many Petitions and Importunities several years whilst their estates were Sequestred and taken from them kept in a starving Condition before they could be heard to litle purpose where Sons and too well descended to be so unworthy were invited to accuse their Loyal Aged Parents whom the Jewes would have rent their Clothes to have seen encouraged and made to be sharers in the spoyl of their Father Not like the Committee or Court improperly called at Salters-Hall for relief of Creditors against their imprisoned Debtors where some of those Judges and Committees if not wronged by printed Complaints were in good hopes to have made some preparations to sell the Debtors Lands to their Friends or Kindred at good Penniworths Nor like the Committee for Plundring rather than Plundred Ministers who to take away all the Benefices of England and Wales from the Tribe of Levi and confer them upon the Tribe of Issachar and their Factious and Mechanique guifted Brethren and keep out the Orthodox and learned Clergy could make their costly orders for the trial of them that were more Learned then themselves concerning the Grace of God and their utterance for Preaching of the Gospel with private and deceitful marks and litle close couched or interposed Letters hid or put under or over some other Letters whereby to intimate to their Subcommittees in the Countries that howsoever the men were without exception and found to be so upon Certificates and Examination they were to be delayed and sent from Post to Pillar and tired boâ—h in their Bodies and Purses and be sure never to be instituted and inducted But was a Court compos'd of grave learned knowing and worthy Masters of the Wards such as William Marquesse of Winchester William Lord Burghley and his Son the Earl of Salisbury and many other who made not the Court or any of the businesse thereof to Lacquy after their own Interest Had for Attorney Generalls of that Court who sate as men of Law and Judges therein and assistants to the Masters of the Wards Richard Onslow Esq afterwards Speaker of the House of Commons Sr. Nicholas Bacon Knight afterwards a most learned Lord keeper of the great Seal of England and a great Councellor of Estate to Queen Elizabeth Sr. Henry Hobart afterwards Lord cheif Justice of the Court of Common-pleas Sr. James Ley Knight and Baronet afterwards Lord cheif Justice of the Court of Kings Bench after that Earl of Marleborough and Lord Treasurer of England Sr. Henry Calthrop Knight Sr. Rowland Wandesford Knight and Sr. Orlando Bridgeman Kt. now Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common pleas all very eminently learned Lawyers and of great estates honour honesty and worth in their several generations who upon any difficult or weighty matter of Law to be discussed in that Court did usually intreat the presence and had the assistance of the Lord cheif Justices Lord cheif Baron or of any of the other learned Judges of the Land whom they should please to invite unto them where a variety of learning grave deliberations a great care of Justice and right reason most lively and clearly represented have left to posterity as guides and directions for after ages those conclusions and resolutions of cases of great learning and weight in that Court reported by the Lord Dier Cook and other learned Sages of the Law Nor were the Masters of the Wards Attorneys Auditors or Escheators loosely tied by Oaths as some of the Committee Jurisdictions were when they did swear only in general faithfully according to their best skill and knowledge to discharge the trust committed to them and would not for favour or affection reward or gift or hopes of reward or gift break the same Or as little restraining them from Acts of Oppression or Injustice as the Oath of the Controlers for the sale of the Kings and Queens lands ordered by that which called it self a Parliament 17. July 1649. The Oath of the Commissioners for managing the estates of Delinquents Sequestrations at Haberdashers-Hall Ordered by no better an Authority the 15 of April 1650. or that which by that which would be called an Act of Parliament of the 10 of December 1650. for establishing an high Court of Justice within the Counties of Norfforlk Suffolk Cambridge and Huntington for the Tryal of Delinquents was only ordered was to be taken by those that were to be the Judges that they should well and truly according to the best of their skill and knowledge execute the several powers given unto them Which bound them not from doing wrong to those whom they made to bear the burdens of all the cruelties which they could possibly lay upon them But were compassed and hedged in by Oaths as warily restraining as they were legal for the Master of the Wards was by Act of Parliament enjoyned to swear to minister Justice to Rich ond Poor to the best of his cunning and power to take no gift or reward in any Case depending before him and to deliver with speed such as shall have to do before him The Attorney was sworn truely to counsel the King and the Master of the Court and with all speed and diligence to endeavour the hearing and determination indifferently of such matters and causes as shall depend before the Master of the Wards and shall not take any gift or reward in any matter or cause depending in the same Court The Auditors sworn to make a true allowance in their Offices to every person which shall be accomptant before them and not to take or recieve of Poor or Rich any gift or reward in any matter or cause depending or to be discussed in the Court but such as shall be ordinarily appertaining to their Offices and the Escheators to treat all the people in their â—ayliwicks truely and righteously to do right to every man aswell to poor as to rich do no wrong to any man neither for promise love nor hate nor no mans right disturb do nothing whereby right may be disturbed letted or delayed and shall take their Enquests in open places and not privy And might better content the people Then when in former ages the Wardships and their disposing were left to the care and order of the Chancellour as to Thomas Bâ—cket in H. 2. time or to Hubert de Burgh Chief-Justice and Earl of Kent in the Reign of H. 3. sometimes to the Treasurers or Chamberlains most comonly let to farm by Escheators sometimes by under-Sherifs or when the next Wardships or Escheats that should happen were before hand assigned towards the payment of some of the Kings Debts as to William de Valence Earl of Pembroke in the Reign of E. 1. or that the Wardships and Escheats which should happen in 6 or 7. Counties were before hand granted to some particular man And can
never be so good or for the ease of the people as when the King by a constant and well ordered Court shall be rescued from the importunityes and necessityes of great men and preserved from the Errors which an indulgence or munificence to so many Cravers Petitioners and Pretenders as do usually throng the Courts and presence of Princes might draw or perswade them unto and the Wards and their Friends not put to seek Remedies or just Defences in their Suits or Concernments in other Courts amongst a multitude and intermixture of Causes of another nature nor to procure an accesse for their Petitions to their Kings or at their Courts or Residences where a continual assembly of all the weighty cares and emergencies in Government will inevitably inforce or necessitate delayes and notwithstanding the help of some costly Mediators and intercessors cannot nor ever could be easily got through but may in such a fixed and peculiar Court as that of the Wards Liveriâ—â— with a small expence of time or attendance and the assistance of certain allowed Fees to proper and appointed offices which cannot be any grievance where they shall be any thing within the bounds of Reason or Moderation know how to find out and go to their proper Remedies as readily as an Apothecary can to his Boxes of Medicaments or the Physician to the experimented directions of his Books or Recipes and were sure to be heard and have redresse in a Court of Justice guided and governed by wise and good men who being as great as they were good were fenced and compassed about with comprehensive and restraining Oaths enjoyning all manner of right and forbidding the least of Injustice and wrong to be done unto the People Preserved the estates inheritance and evidences of the Wards guarded and rescued the estates of Lunatiques and Ideots from those that would deceive them helped the Wards in the discovery and recovery of their debts and rights rescued them from all wrongs enjoyned and prohibited other Courts from any cognizance or determination of their concernments except when a Will was to be proved or an Administration granted or the like to or for the use and benefit of a Ward and committed the education of such whose Fathers dyed Papists so to Protestants as many and amongst them some Earls and Nobility have by the direction of the King and the care of that Court been put under the Tuition of some Bishops and thereby become Protestants and their Posterities fastened in that Religion most of which cares of that Court and benefits received by the people could not be at all or not so well had and enjoyed when there was no Court which besides the prâ—venting and punishing of stoln marriages and many other benefits not here mentioned may notwithstanding some deviations and irregularities which have been committed by some Officers and Clarks which may easily be remedied be as useful as other of the great Courts in Westminster-Hall which were not dissolved or put down in the reign of King E. 1. because all the Judges of the Kings Bench common Pleas and Exchequer except John de Metingham and Elias de Beckingham were by judgment of Parliament found guilty and grievously Fined for Briberies extortions oppressions and other great misdemeanors but to the great good and comfort of the people and nation have as before those offences committed by some of their Judges in the absence of the King in Gasconie ever since continued as great Magazines of Justice and the Asylums or Sanctuaries of all that are distressed So as no Serpent for ought ever appears lurked under that green grasse nor any Crocodile nourished or bathed himself in those wholesome waters laid not his eggs in the Sand of our Estates or Properties assaulted not the innocent Passenger nor spoiled our Flocks of Sheep or herds of Cattle and a Marvail or wonder it may therefore be that so good so necessary and so beneficial an Institution should have any Innate or original evil or grievance in it and the quaerulous humour of the vulgar who like a herd of Swine do too often cry when one of many of them is but justly pinched or wrung by the ear for his unjust Trespassings or as those irrational Guards of the night do use to howl or bark because one of their kind half a mile off torments himself in a Moon-light night in barking at his own or any other shaddow should never stuffe out or enlarge their complaints against that which was accounted to be no grievance in Edward the Confessors time whose memory was and is yet like the Nard or Spices of the East and his Laws so venerable as our English fore-fathers could in the loss and ruines of their Country hide them under his shrine at Westminster and thought themselves happy when as with Tears and Importunities they obtained of William the Conquerour to be restored to them and left them as rich Heir-looms and a precious Legacy to their Posterity who got the care and observation of them to be afterwards inserted into the Coronation-Oath of the succeeding Kings of England And could no way be suspected not to be highly contented with them when as they were Leges propriae Laws of their own Country consuetudines antiquae in quibus vixerant Patres â—orum ipsi in eis nati nutriti fuerunt and the antient Customs in which their fore-fathers were born or bred up in not collected or put together by incertain reports partial or doubtful upon reasonlesse traditions or hear-says of an afflicted trembling or affrighted degenerate people under the sense and miseries of a late Forreign Conquest but per praeceptum Regis Wilâ—elmi electi sunt de singulis totius Angliae Comitatibus 12 viri sapieâ—tiores quibus jurejurando injunctum fuit coram Rege Gulielmo ut quoad possent tramite neque ad dextram neque ad sinistram declinantes legum suarum consuetudinum sancita patefacerent nil praetermittentes nil addentes nil praevaricando mutantes orderly and judicially inquired and sought out by a fair and just election of twelve of the wisest men of every County in England by virtue of King William the Conquerours Writs or Commission to whom being brought into the Kings presence they were injoyned by oath that as much as possibly they could they should have a care to do right and neither incline to the right hand nor to the left without any omission addition collusion or deceit should certifie their legal Customs which being done and written out by the Kings command by the proper hand-writing of Aldered Arch-Bishop of York and Hugh Bishop of London were by the King ratified by his Proclamation and made perpetual per totum Regnum Angliae inviolabiliter tenendas sub paenis gravissimis Throughout all England under grievous penalties to be observed and kept And so approved by the people as about 70 years after the Citizens of London as the continuation of Florence
Wigorniensis mentioned by that learned Knight Sr. Roger Twisden in his preface to the Laws of William the Conquerour published by the eminently learned Mr. Selden informs us did importune Maud the Empresse ut eis Edwardi Regis Leges observare liceret quia optimae erant That the Laws of King Edward might be observed because they were the best And when William the Conquerour ordered the Rents and Revenues of such as held of him to be paid into the Exchequer it was non simpliciter nec haeres ab hereditate nec ut ab ipso haereditas tollitur sed simul cum haereditate sub Regis custodia constitutus tempâ—râ— pupillaris aetatis Not to take away the Inheritance but to keep and educate him during his Minority For It could be no inconvenience to the publick welfare of the Nation to have the Children of the best ranck and quality for such were then the Tenants in Capite and by Knight service virtuously and nobly educated in Arts and Arms whereby to be enabled to do their Prince and Country service and their Lands and Estates in the interim to be protected and defended from Neighbour or other injuries Nor to be married to their own degree or a nobler quality when as by the means of intermarriages betwixt the Saxons Normans as between Lucia the Sister of Morchar Earl of Northumberland a Saxon and Juo Talbois a great Norman Baron and betwixt Ralph de waiet a Saxon by a British or Welch Woman Emme the Daughter of William Fitz Osbern Earl of Hereford by which he was by the Conquerour made Earl of the East Angles And many more which might be instanced their mutual discontents and animosities calming into reconciliations and friendships had the like effect as the tye and kindness of the intermarriages had not long before in King Ina's time who himself marrying with Guala a British woman his Lords and great men intermarrying with the Welch Scots their Sons also marrying with their Daughters the Nation became to be as Gens una one people in a near consociation and relation and the Norman H. 1. afterwards found it to be not unsuccessefull in his own marriage with Matilda the Daughter of Malcolm King of Scots by the Sister or Niece of Edgar Atheling of the Saxon Royal line It was no grievance when the Charter of Liberties which was the original of a great part of our after Magna Charta was granted to the people of England by K. H. 1. who is therein said omnes malas consuetudines quibus Anglia opprimebatur auferre to abolish all the evil customs with which England was oppressed when it would have been strange that Tenures in Capite and by Knight service should remain as a part of the Kings just prerogative and be so well liked of and approved consilio consensu Baronum By advice and consent of the Barons if there had been any grievance originally or naturally in them Nor so much as a Semblance of it in the reign of H. 2. when a general Inquisition was made per Angliam cui quis in servitio seculari de jure obnoxius teneretur thorough England What secular or temporal services due by Law were not performed And as little in the Parliament at Clarendon in the same Kings reign where in the presence of the King Bishops Earls Barons and Nobility facta fuit recognitio sive recordatio cujusdam partis consuetudinum libertatum Antecessorum suorum Regis viz. Henrici Avi sui aliorum quae observari debâ—bant in Regno ab omnibus teneri A recapitulation and rehearsal was made of some of the Customs and Liberties of their Ancestors and of the King that is to say of King H. 1. and others which ought of all to be observed and kept in the Kingdom in which there was nothing against the Feudal Laws or Tenures in Capite and by Knights service but many expressions and allowances of them And if otherwise it would have been something strange that the issue and posterity of those Barons should in King Johns time adventure all that could be dear or near unto them to gain the Liberties granted by H. 1. with some addition and never grudge that King the same Prerogative when as hazarding the forfeiture of their own Magna Charta of Heaven to gain a Magna Charta on Earth for their posterities They had greatly over-powered their King at Running Mede where their Armies stood in procinctu acie Facing one another Pila minantia pilis Threatning death and distruction to each other or would so willingly have hung up their Shields and Launces and returned to their peace and obedience by accepting of that Magna Charta if they had not taken it to be as much for their own defence the good of the Kingdom as it was for his nor so willingly afterwards in the reign of King Henry the 3 d. his Son have clad themselves in Steel made a Combination and bouâ—d themselves by oath one to another never to submit to a peace until they had a just performance of what his Father had granted them endured the Popes then direful Fulminations and never rested until the King himself had confirmed that Magna Charta by a most solemn oath in procession with the Bishops who with lighted Tapers in their hands anathematiz'd all the infringers thereof if Tenures in Capite and the enableing their Prince to defend them had not been a part of their own Liberties nor could they be imagined to be otherwise when as by an Act of Parliament also of that King the great Charter was to be duely read in all Counties of England and Writs and Letters were sent to all the Sheriffs of England commanding them by the oaths of twelve Knights of every County to enquire what were the antient Rights and Liberties of the People no return was ever made that Tenures in Capite and by Knight service either were or could be any obstructions to them or that so often bloodily contested and too dearly purchased Magna Charta nor was it any publique grievance when as in the Parliament of 26 H. 3 in a great contest betwixt him and the Baronage and great men of England touching his ill Government and diverse exactions and oppressions the profits which he had by his Tenures and Escheats were said to have been sufficient to have kept him from a want of mony and oppressing his Subjects Nor in Anno 42. H. 3. when the King upon those great complaints and stirres betwixt him and the then Robustious and sturdy Barons of England occasioned by his misgovernment which busied the people with Catalogues of grievances he by his Writs or Commissions appointed in every County of England Quatuour milites qui considerarent quâ—t et quantis granaminibus simpliciores a fortioribus opprimuntur et inquirent diligenter dâ— singulis quaerelis et injurijs a quocunque factis
find the way to the ears or audience of so many worthy and just Kings and Princes as this Kingdom hath been happy in who would have been as willing to give a remedy as they could have been to seek it if there had been any ground or cause for it that so many Petitions of small concernments or of no greater consequence than for the paving of Streets killing of Crows not taking of young Herns out of their nests without license of the owner of the ground and the like should get admittance and cause Acts of Parliament to be made thereupon and that of Tenures in Capite if any grievance could at all be found in them and of so long a continuance which usually makes light burthens to be heavy should be so dipped in a Lethe or Oblivion as not at all to be remembred Which had nothing at all of grievance in their essence or being understood of them in the making of the Statute of 1 H. 8. against Empson and Dudley by whom the Kings Subjects had been sore hurt troubled and greived in causing untrue Offices to be found retorning of Offices that never were found and in changing Offices that were found No Grievance perceived to be in them in Primo Jacobi when in the Statute concerning Respites of Homage there was a Proviso that in case it shall be thought fit for the true knowledge and preservation of the Tenures appertaining to the Crown and so ordered in the open Court of Exchequer that proces should issue out of the said Court against any came not within the Suspition or Jealousy of a Grievance when in the Parliament of 7. Jacobi Regis Sr. Francis Bacon then his Majesties Sollicitor in his speech as one of the House of Commons in Parliament to the Lords in Parliament perswading them to joyn with the Commons to Petition the King to obtain liberty to treat of a Composition with his Majesty for Wards and Tenures acknowledged in the name of that Parliament that the Tree of Tenures was planted into the Prerogative by the Antient Common Law of England fenced in and preserved by many Statutes and yeildeth to the King the fruit of a great Revenue and that is was a noble Protection that the young Birds of the Nobility and good Families should be gathered and clucked under the Wings of the Crown Nor in Primo Car. primi in the Act of Parliament touching the rating of Officers Fees in the Exchequer upon pleadings of Licences or Pardons for Alienations when the Lords and Commons in that Parliament assembled did declare that the Kings Tenures are a Principal flower of the Crown which being in England the safety and protection of the people cannot be said or proved to be adorned by their sorrows and miseries and ought not to be concealed And that in the petition of Right in 3 Car. primi wherein all the Grievances and Burdens of the Subjects and breaches of Laws and Liberties that any way concerned them or their Posterities were enumerated and remedies for the future establishment of the quiet and happines of the people propounded and granted Tenures in Capite and Knight service with their incidents were not reckoned or accounted as Grievances though all that troubled the people were at that time so largly thought and beleived to be redrest as a publick joy upon the Kings granting of that Petition of Right was commanded to be celebrated by the Musique and ringing of Bells in every Parish Church of the Cities of London and Westminster which vied each with other who should proclaim and tell their joyes the loudest And the blaze of numberless Bonfires representing the flame of the peoples affection towards a most gracious Soveraign seemed to turn the sullen night into a morning or day which the Sun beams had newly guilded whilst Alecto and her Sister Furies despairing in their hopes of kindling a sedition and bringing the miseries of a Civil War upon us had thrown by their Torches and employed their Hellish griefs in the tearing of their Snakie loâ—ks Were no Sirtes or Rocks to shipwrack or hurt the people when Sr. Edward Coke who was so willing to have Tenures in Capite and Knight service to be changed into Tenures by Fealty only as of some of the Kings Honors and all their Incidents as Wardships primer seisin Licences of Alienation c. taken away and recompenced by a greater yearly profit then was then had or received by them and a rent to be inseperably annexed to the Crown with some necessary Covenants and Privisoes as he hoped that so good a motion as had been made in the Parliament of 18 Jacobi tending as he thought to the Honor and Profit of the King and his Crown for ever and the quiet and freedome of his Subjects and their Posterities would one way or other by the grace of God and Authority of Parliament take effect and be established could not but acknowledge between Anno 3. Car. Regis primi and the 12 th year of his raign that the Objection that Wardship was a Badge of servitude which would be a Grievance indeed and of the greatest Magnitude was groundless and without a Foundation for that the King by taking money for the marriage of the Ward doth it not as for a Ransome but taketh such moderate sums of money as in respect of the quality and state of the Ward He or She all circumstances considered is able to pay and in regard thereof hath the protection of the Court of Wards during Minority And giving Tenures by Knight service no worse a Character than the Wisdome of Antiquity for his Iustification therein citeth a place out of the Red Book in the Exchequer where it is said that mavult enim princeps domesticos quam Stipendiarios Bellicis apponere casibus the King had rather be served by his own Subjects than Hirelings or Stipendary Souldiers No Scylla or Charybdis taken to be in them in the Parl. of 17. Car. prim at the making of the Act for the better raising and levying of Souldiers for the present defence of the Kingdomes of England and Ireland wherein it being said that by the Laws of this Realm none of his Majesties Subjects ought to be impressed or compelled to goe out of his Country to serve as a Souldier in the Wars they excepted cases of necessity of the sodain coming in of strange enemies into the Kingdome or where they be otherwise bound by the Tenure of their Lands or Possessions In the Remonstrance of the House of Commons 15. December 1641. and that unhappy Amasse and collection of Complaints against the Government the Tenures themselves were not so much as complained of but the exceeding of the Jurisdiction of the Court of Wards that thereby the estates of many Families were weakned some ruined by excessive Fines for Composition for Wardships exacted from them which if in some few particulars where the Estate it self was weak or incumbred with
Debts or charge of Children connot rationally conclude or argue the Fines to be excessive no more than a common weight or burden which may easily be born or carried by any man in health doth make it to be of a greater weight or burden because another man by reason of sicknesse or other disabilities is not able to bear or stand under it or that a reasonable or small rent which Tenants are to pay to their Landlords is therefore too much or unreasonable because a poor or decayed Tenant cannot so well bear or pay it as he was wont or as one that is thriving or before hand might doe That all Leases of above One hundred years were made to draw Wardships contrary to Law when as such or the like Collusions were by the Statute of Marlebridge prohibited and the Parliament was mis-informed for long Leases under 500. years were not made by that Court lyable to Wardships and that undue proceedings were used in the finding of Offices to make Jurors find for the King which was but to adjorne or bind them over to the Bar of the Court of Wards in case that there was any doubt of the Law or Evidence Or when the Lords and Commons in Parliament the second day of June 1642. by the nineteen Propositions which were as they alleaged for the establishment of the Kings honour and safety and the wâ—lfare and â—ecurity of his Subjects and Dominions and being granted would be a necessary and effectual means to remove those jealousies and differences which have unhappily fallen betwixt him and his people and procure both his Majesty and them a constant course of honour peace and happiness Did propose petition and advise that the Lord high Constable of England Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England Lord Treasurer Lord privy Seal Earl Marshal Lord Admiral Warden of the Cinque Ports cheif Governour of Ireland Chancellor of the Exchequer Master of the Wards Secretaries of State two cheif Justices and cheif Baron may alwayes which shewed they had no desire for the present or the future to take away the Tenures in Capite and by Knight service be chosen by approbation of both Houses of Parliament Did not conceive them to be any Disease or Gangreen in the Body Politique at the making of the 2 d. Declaration of the Lords Commons in Parliament dated the 12 th of January 1642. Concerning the Commission of Array occasioned by a book then lately published Entituled his Majesties answer to the Declaration of both Houses of Parliament concerning the said Commission of Array Printed and Published by the care of Mr. Samuel Brown then and now a Member of the House of Commons wherein many Arguments being used and if they had been grievances would not have become the Parliament to have urged or pressed them as an argument against the Kings having power to raise men by his Commissions of Array and were then so little denyed to be for the necessary defence of the King and his Subjects as they were rather taken by that Parliament to be as the hands and Arms of the bodie politique worthy a continuance perpetuity and very well deserving the good opinion which the Parliament then had of them in the expressions following We deny that there is an impossibility of defence without such power viz. the Commissions of Array And affirm that the Kingdom may be defended in time of danger without issuing such Commissions or executing such power For we say that the Law hath provided several ways for provision of Arms and for defence of the Kingdom in time of danger without such Commissions 1. All the Tenures that are of his Majestie by Barony Grand Seâ—jeanty Knight service in Capite Knight service and other like Tenures were all originally instituted for the defence of the Kingdom in time of War and danger as appears by the Statute of 7 E. 1. of Mortmain which saith servitia quae ex hujus modi feodis dâ—bentur ad defensionem Regni ab initio provisa fuerunt vide Chart. H. 1. irrotulat in libro Rubro Scac. Coke Instit. 75. Bracton 36.37 Britton 162.35 H. 6.41 Coke 8.105 Coke 6. â— Instit. 1 part 103. These Tenures in the Conquerours time were many and since they are much increased and these are all bound to find men and arms according to their Tenures for the defence of the Kingdom 2. As those Tenures are for the defence of the Kingdom so the Law hath given to his Majestie diverse Priviledges and Prerogatives for the same end and purpose that with the profits of them he should defend himself and his people in times of danger of which his Majestie is and always hath been in actual possession since his accesse to the Crown For the defence of the Kingdom his Majestie haâ—h the profits oâ— Wardships Lâ—veries Primer seisins Marriages Reliefs Fines for Alienation Customs Mines Wrecks Treasure trove Escheats Forfeitures and diverse others the like casual profits That by these he may be enabled to defend the Kingdom and that he enjoying them his Subjects might enjoy their Estates under his Protection free from Taxes and Impositions for defence Therefore it is declared 14 E. 3. chap. 1. That all the profits arising of an aid then granted to the King by his people And of Wards Marriages Customes Escheats and other profits riseing of the Realm of England should â—e spent upon the safeguard of the Realm of England on the Wars in Scotland France and Gascoigne and no places elsewhere during the Wars And the Lords and Commons in Rich. 2 time knowing the Law to â—e so did as appears â—y the Parliament â—olls 6 Rich. â— m. 42 passe a â—etition that the King would live oâ— his own Revenues and that the Wards Marriages Reliefs Forâ—â—itures and other profits of the Crown might be kept to be spent in the Wars for the defence of the Kingdom 3. If the said Tenures and casual profits rising by his Prerogative will not serve for defence but more help is necessary by the fundamental Lawes and Constitutions of this Kingdom his Majestie is intrusted with a power to summon Parliaments as often as he pleases for defence of himself and his people when his ordinary Revenues will not serve the turn And there is no other legal way when the others are not sufficient but this and this last hath been ever found by experience the most sure and successefull way for supply in time of imminent danger for defence of the Kingdom and to this the Kings of this Realm have in times of danger frequently had recourse A main end why Parliaments are called is for defence of the Kingdom and that other Supplies thâ—n thâ—se before mentioned cannot be made without a Parliament Nor was there any publique or general damage so much as supposed to be in them the first of February 1642. when in the propositions sent by those Lords Commons which remain'd in Parliament
design to make all or most of the Actions of those our Kings and Princes and the Nobility and Clergy in their several reigns for at all of them like one of the Ephori sitting in Censure rather than Judgement upon the Spartan Kings and Government and the Acts of Parliament made in the several Reigns of those Kings he aimed and flung his Fancies clad in a sober Stile and Gravity rather than any Truth or Reason by pretending that they were made and contrived only under their influence to be arbitrary and oppressive to the freeborn people of this Nation for which he got several Preferments under Oliver the Protector of our burdens miseries Though if the Records and Journals of our Parliaments may be credited as certainly they ought to be before him most if not all of our Acts of Parliament were granted and assented unto by our Kings upon the Petitions of the Commons representing the people in Parliament as â—alsoms and great Remedies and redresses of all that they could complain of deliverances from the oppressions frauds and deceipts of one another and prevention of evils which might happen to them and their posterities wherein our Kings have almost in every Parliament given away many diminished very much of their own just legal Rights and prerogatives by granting and confirming their Liberties and Estates with such an infranchisement and freedom as no Nation or people under Heaven now enjoyes And when as heretofore in former Parliaments they gave to their Kings Princes many times too unwillingly any aydes or Subsidies were sure besides the blessings which accrewed to them by many good Laws and wholesome Acts of Parliament to gain a great deal more by their Acts of grace and general pardons only then the aids and Subsidies did amount unto Unlesse it were in the Reign of King H. 8. when the Abby Lands were granted unto him in the raign of King E 6. when the Chanterie remaining peices of those religious Lands were given to him wherein only the Founders and the religious to whom they properly belonged were the only loosers and yet by reason of King H. 8. his Endowments and erection of the Bishoppricks of Oxford Peterborough Chester Gloucester and Bristol the Colledge of Christ-Church in Oxford and the Deanary of Westminster Deanries and Prebends of Canterbury Winchester Worcester Chester Peterburgh Oxford Ely Gloucester Bristol Carlile Durham Rochester and Norwich and his large gifts and grants to divers of the Nobility who had formerly been the Founders or great Benefactors to many of the Abbyes and Prioryes and also to other of his people and the grants of E. 6. Queen Eliz. and King James considered very little of those Lands and Revenues doe at this time continue in the Crown And our many Acts of Parliament against Mortmaines without the Kings Licence Provisions by the Pope or any appeales to be made to him under the most severe penalties of Premunire the Act of Parliament taking away the Popes Supremacy the fineing and putting the Clergy of the Provinces of Canterbury and York under Premunires by King H. 8. An Oath of Renunciation of all fealty and appeales to the Pope an Engagement to observe all Lawes made against his Power the losse of 72 Mannors or Lordships out of the Revenues of the Arch-bishopprick of York and of sundry great Mannors and Possessions taken from the Sees of Canterbury Ely and London The demolishing and dissolution of Religious Houses 3845. Parochial Churches being more than a third part of all the Churches in England impropriated and gotten into the hands of the Laity many of the Vicarages confined to the small and pittiful maintenance of some 20 l. per Annum others 10 and some but 6 l. per An. several Acts of Parliament made in the reigns of several other Kings and Princes clipping the Clergies Power in making Leases or chargeing their Benefices with Cure restraining their taking of Farms forbidding Pluralityes intermedling as Commissioners in Lay or Temporal Affairs or to make Constitutions in their Synods or Convocations without the Kings Assent may declare how little power for some hundreds of years past the Clergy of England have before or since the Reformation either encroached upon or been able to get or keep Finds not in his mistaken Censures and Distortions of most of the Acts of our Kings and Parliaments to make way in the deluded peoples minds for the erecting of Olivers Protean and Tyranical Government Any fault with the erection of the Court of Wards and Liveries nor with Tenures or Wardships but justifying them sayes that the relief paid by the Tenant upon the death of his Ancestor was in memorial of the first Lords favour in giving him the Land and was first setled in the Saxons times that the Law of Wardship may seem more antiently seated in this Kingdom than the Normans times that Wardship was a fruit of the Service of the Tenant and for the defence of the Kingdom Which that Parliament or the following Conventions or Assemblies made no hast to overturn or take away until Oliver Cromwel that Hyaena or Wolf of the Evening having filled the Kingdom with Garrisons several Regiments of Horse and Foot amounting to 30000. men which were to be constantly maintained at the peoples charge to keep them quiet in their slavery had upon the humble petition and advice of that which he called his Parliament acknowledging with all thankfulness the wonderful mercies of God in delivering them from that Tyranny and Bondage both in their Spiritual and Civil Governments which the late King and his party which in a Fog or Mist of sin and delusion they were pleased most injuriously to averre and charge upon them designed by a bloody War to bring them under when as then they were under none and all but the gainers by the spoyles of those Wars have since had more Burdens Grievances and Taxes entailed upon them then ever was in any Nation in Christendome allowed him in a constant Revenue for support of the Government and the safety and defence of the Nations of England Scotland and Ireland a yearly Revenue of thirteen hundred thousand pounds whereof ten hundred thousand pounds for the Navy and Army which far exceeded thaâ— which accrewed to the Crown or Kings of England by Wardships Tenures and Ship-mony which were but casual and upon necessity and but at some times or seldome and alwayes less by more than eight parts in ten of those justly to be complained of awful and yearly Asessements Procured the Assembly or Parliament so called in Anno 1657. to awake that sleeping Ordinance and dresse it into an Act as he called it of Parliament wherein It was without any Cause or Grievance expresâ— or satisfaction given or promised to those that remained the loosers by it enacted that the Court of Wards and Liveries and all Wardships Primer seisins and Oustre le maines and all other charges incident and arising for
the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury by agreement and composition made betwixt the said Earl and Boniface Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in the raign of King H. 3. by the service of four Knights Fees and to be high Stewards and high Butlers to the Arch-Bishops of that See at their Consecration taking for their service in the Stewardship seven competent Robes of Scarlet thirty gallons of Wine thirty pound of Wax for his light livery of Hay and Oates for eighty Horse for two nights the Dishes and Salt which should stand before the Arch-Bishop in that Feast and at their departure the dyet of three dayes at the cost of the Arch-Bishop at four of his then next Mannors wheresover they would So that the said Earls repaired thither but with fifty Horse and taking also for the Office of Butlership other seven like Robes twenty gallons of Wine fifty pound of Wax like livery for sixty Horses for two nights the Cup wherewith the Arch-Bishop should be served all the empty Hogsheads of Drink and for six Tun of Wine so many as should be drunk under the Bar all which services were accordingly performed by Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford at the Inâ—hronization of Robert Winchelsey Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and by the same Earl to Arch-Bishop Reignolds by Hugh Audley afterwards Earl of Gloucester to John Stratford Arch-Bishop of Canterbury by the Earl of Stafford to whom the Lordship of Tunbridge at length came to Simon Sudbury Arch-Bishop of that See and by Edward Duke of Buckingham to William Warham Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and executed the Stewardship in his own person and the Butlership by his Deputy Sr. Thomas Burgher Knight No disparagement to the Knightly family of the Mordants in the County of Essex that they hold the Mannor of Winslowes in Hempsteed in the said County of the Earls of Oxford by the service of a Knights Fee and to be his Champion and to come to the Castle of Hedingbam the day of the Earls mariage riding in compleat harness to Defie or bid Battel to any that should deny him to be Earl of Oxford and to see what order was kept in the Hall there which Robert Mordant Esq performed in his own person the 14 th day of December in the 14 th year of the raign of Queen Eliz. being the day of Edward Earl of Oxford's marriage though it was not there solemnized Or to Sr. Giles Allington the Auncestor of the now Lord Allington to hold his Mannors called Carbonnels and Lymberies in Horsed in the County of Cambridge by the service of a Knights Fee and a half and to attend upon the Earl the day of his marriage and to hold his stirrop when he goeth to horseback which service he performed in person at White-Hall the 14 th day of December in the 14 th year of the raign of Queen Eliz. being the marriage day of the said Edward Earl of Oxford in the presence of the Earls of Bedford Huntington and Leicester the Lord William Howard Lord Chamberlain of the Queens houshold and the Lord Burleigh c. Those Dreams or Fancies of Grievances by Tenures in Capite and Knight Service were never presented in those thousands of Court Leets or Law daies which twice in every year now for almost 600 years since the Conquest and very long before made it a great part of their businesse to enquire upon oath of Grievances Extortions and Oppressions Nor in those yearly grand enquests to the like purpose which have been twice in every year for many hundreds of years past by the oath of the most sufficient Knights Gentlemen and Free-holders of the County of Middlesex It neither was nor is nor can by any reasonable intendment be taken to be a grieveance to do or perform that which by the Laws of God Nature and Nations the Laws reasonable Customs and the fundamental Laws of England hath so often and through all times and ages and the memory of man and Records which are monumenta veritatis vetustatis ever been allowed repeated and confirmed in Parliament without the least of any contradiction or repeal and is but upon necessity and occasion to defend the King themselves their Country Friends and Neighbours and to do that which every Gentleman and such as are e meliori Luto of the more refined Clay and better born bred than the vulgus or common sort of people would be willing to do as that learned French Lawyer Bâ—issonius well observeth Qu' en la necessite de guerre toutes lâ—s gentilz hommes sont tenus de prendre les Aâ—mes pâ—ur la necessite du Roy That in necessity of War every Gentleman is bound to take Arms and go to the Wars for the defence of the King which by our Laws of England is so to be encouraged as it is Treason to kill any man that goeth to aid the King in his Wars and is no more than what the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy doth bind every Englishman unto though they should tarry in the Camp more than forty days or not have Escuage or any allowance of their charges from their own Tenants and is but that duty which Deborah and Baruch believed that every Subject was bound to perform when they cursed Meroz not as some of our Pulpit Incendiaries did when they traiterously inverted the Text to encourage the people to fight against their King in that they came not forth to battel to help the Lord against the mighty and the loyal Uriah would not forget when the King himself could not perswade him to go into his own House to eat and to drink and lye with his Wife when the Ark and Judah and Israel abide in Tents and his Lord Joab and the Servants of his Lord were incamped in the open field and which the good old Barzillai in the rebellion of Absolom against his King and Father David thought was incumbent upon him when he could not bring his loyal mind to think it to be enough to provide the King of sustenance while he lay at Mahanami unlesse when he himself was fourscore years old and could not taste what he eat or drank he also should come down from Rogelim and go as he did with his Son Chimham over Jordan with the King to conduct him and would not accept of the Kings offer or reward to live with him at Jerusalem which those that hold in England their Lands and goodly Revenues by those beneficial Tenures in Capite of a free guift and in perpetuity may be said to do and have more also then was offered Barzillai for the remainder of an old and worn-out life but sayes why should the King recompence it with such a reward And is but the performance of the original contracts made betwixt the kind Donors and the thankful Tenants and the observing of faith and promises which is the ingens vinculum and next unto the Divine Providence the grand support of the world
and the quiet repose and peace of all mankind makes a certainty in all their actions and leads to the Mountain of Holinesse and the Hill of eternal rest and blessednesse No grinding of the face of the poor which if it were any as it can never be evinced to be could not commonly or ordinarily be in the case of such Tenures when as those which are any way concerned in it are men of good Estates and Revenues and would be loth to be under any other notion to pay a reasonabe Escuage assessed in Parliament when they went not themselves or sent any in their stead and where their Tenants went not in person to defend their Lords as well as their King to have as much assessed upon them and by no other than a Parliament wherein the Commons of England had their Representatives of their own Election Neither were the Kings of England or the Mesne Lords in the case of those Tenures any Egiptian Task-Masters when those that held under them had such benefits and bounties of free guift and if they have been since transferred and aliened that part of it viz. the Tenures and a gratefull acknowledgement of the favour of the first givers were neither sold or paid for in the purchase but the Services were by Act and operation of Law and the Statute of Quia emptores terrarum reserved to the first Donors by an expresse Covenant in the deeds of purchase to be performed to the Lords of whom they were holden and it is a maxime in Law Quod nemo plus juris in alium transferre potest quam in ipso est that no man can grant or transferre a greater right than he hath or is in him And are if a right consideration of things shall not be as it hath been too much in the times of our late Frenzies and Distractions adjudged a premunire or committing high Treason More noble Tenures than that of Soccage by how much a rustick and Plowmans life and demeanor was ever in all ages and amongst all Nations which had any civility and understanding justly accompted to be so far inferior to the Equestris ordo Gentlemen or men of more noble imployments As that those and not the military Tenures were truly accompted to be a kind of Slavery according as they were in their original Institution before the favour obtained of the King and Mesne Lords to reduce their drudgeries to easy and small quit Rents and to be but litle better than Joshuas Gibeonites Hewers of Wood and Drawers of Water or Solomons Perezites and Jebusites to be imployed as his Servants and Work-men And as now they are or expect to be in that which they would imagine to be their better condition holding in free and common Soccage by fealty only for all services and being not to be excused from Aydes to make the Kings eldest Son a Knight or for the marriage of his Daughter or to pay a years value of their Lands and sometimes double the rent which is to be payed at the death of every Tenant and may amount to a great deal more than the ordinary low and favourable rate of five pounds for a releif for every Knights Fee 50 shillings for a half and 25 shillings for a quarter of a Knights Fee and lesser according to the smaller proportions of the Lands which they hold would in all likelyhood if they might but enjoy the antient and long agoe discontinued priveledge which the Tenures by Knight service in Capite were to enjoy by the Charter or Magna Charta of King H. 1. of not having Lands of that kind of Tenure which was in their own Demeasne charged with any other Assessements or services than what they were obliged unto by their Tenures And was no more than what was before the common Justice and right Reason of this nation be now very well content to exchange their free as they call it Socage Lands which was antiently understood to be no other than feudum ignobile et plebeium an ignoble and plebeian Fee or Estate and as Sr. Henry Spelman saith nobili opponitur et ignobilibus et rusticis competit nullo feudali privilegio ornatum et feudi nomen sub recenti seculo perperam et abusu rerum auspicatum est is opposed or contra distinguished to the more noble Tenures and being not entituled to any feudal priviledge belongs only to Ignoble and Rusticks and hath of late times improperly and by abuse gained the name of Fee for Lands holden in Capite and by Knight service So as they might be free from all assessements and charges of War under which burden the Owners of Lands holden by any kind of Tenures have for these last Twenty years heavily groaned and if Mr. Prynne had not publiquely and truly said it did muâ—â—is parasangis by many and very many degrees out goe all that was pretended to be a Grievance by the Court of Wards and Tenures in Capite and by Knight service which all things rightly considered are a more free beneficial franck and noble kind of Tenure the Mariages of the Heirs in Minority only excepted which not often happening are notwithstanding abundantly recompenced by the freenesse of the gift seldom Services and other Immunityes Then Socage which those many Tenants which hold by a certain rent of Sir Anthony Weldens Heir for Castle-Guard to the ruined Rochester Castle in Kent to pay 3 s. 4 d. nomine paenae by way of Penalty for every Tide which after the Time limited for payment shall run under Rochester Bridge and the Rent and Arrears refused though tendred the next day do not find to be the best of Tenures or so good as that of Knight Service in Capite Which is better than that which the Tenants in Cumberland and other Northern Partes do claim by a kind of inheritance and Tenant Right wherein they can be well contented to pay their Lord a thirty peny â—ine at every Alienation and a twenty peny upon the Death of an Ancestor or the death of their Lord according to the Rate of the small yearly Rent which they pay to their Lords Better then all or most kind of Estates or Tenures and better than that at will which many are well apaied with and better than those of Copyholders who if the Lords of Manours put them out of their Estates have no Remedy but by Petition to them Can have no Writ of Right-Close to command their Lords to do them Right without Delay according to the Custom of the Manour No Writ of false Judgement at the Common Law upon Judgments given in the Lords Court but to sue to the Lord by Petition nor can sue any Writ of Monstraverunt to command their Lords not to require of them other Customs or Services than they ought to do Are to pay upon their admission an uncertain Fine at the will of the Lord who if they be unreasonable the most they can be compelled unto by
injury and gratitude and due acknowledgement for Subsistance Lively-hood and Liberty be made a cause of complaint every thing that gives the people not a Liberty to undoe cheat and ruine one another be called though it never deserved it a grievance it must and may well remain a wonder never to be satisfied how Tenures in Capite and by Knight service which until these distempered times had no complaint made of them nor could ever be proved to be any publique or general mischief or inconveniences for seldom or as to some particulars there may be in the best of Institutions or the most eminent or excellent of sublunary thingsâ— or actions something of trouble or molestation should after so long an approbation of so many ages past without any reason given other then by a bargain for increase or making a constant Revenue to lessen the Majesty and just power of our Kings which the Parliament will certainly endeavour all they can to uphold be now so unlucky as to be put and inclosed in the Skin of a Bear baited under the notion of a grievance and cryed down by a few and not many of the people as many other legal and beneficial constitutions have lately been by the vote and humour only of the common-people or a ruining Reformation which as to that particular was first occasioned by CHAP. IV. How the design of altering Tenures in Capite and Knight Service into Socage Tenures and dissolving the Court of Wards and Liveries and the Incidents and Revenue belonging thereunto came out of the Forges of some private mens imaginations to be afterwards agitated in Parliament OLD Sir Henry Vane the Father of young Sir Henry Vane who helped to steal away the Palladium of our happinesse and under the colour of sacrificing to Minerva or a needlesse Reformation was instrumental in bringing the Trojan Horse into our Senate like the crafty Sinon taught the people weary of their own happiness how to unlock him and to murder one another and massacre our Religion Laws and Liberties And Sir John Savil whose Son the Lord Savil afterwards Earl of Sussex was too busie and active in the hatching of our late Wars and troubles and some other men of design and invention perceiving about the first or second year of the reign of King Iames that his Revenue and Treasure by his over bounty to his people of Scotland and their necessitous importunities and cravings which is too much appropriate to that Nation were greatly exhausted did to sâ—rue themselves into some profitable actions and imployments upon a pretence of raising the King a constant Revenue of two hundred thousand pounds per annum propose the Dissolving of the Court of Wards and Liveries and the changing of Tenures in Capite and by Knight service into free and common Socage the only attempt and businesse whereof bringing some of them out of their Countries and colder stations into the warmth of several after Court preferments which like the opening of Pandoras Box proved afterwards to be very unhappy fatal to the most of all the kingdom but themselves and those that afterwards traded in the miseries and ruine of it It was in that Parliament after a large debate resolved saith Justice Iones in his argument of the Ship-money by the whole Parliament that such an Act to take away the Prerogative of Tenures in Capite would be void because it is inherent in the Crown it being again in the seventh year the eighteenth year of the reign of that King earnestly afterwards moved desired to be purchased of him and the King ready to grant it recomending it to the Parliament it was then found upon advice consultation with all the Judges of England to be of prejudicial consequence to the Subject as well as impossible in regard that all Lands as well as persons in the Kingdom being to acknowledge a Superiority if the old Tenures should be put down a new of a like nature might be again created and the recompence given for it still continue in the Crown as may be instanced in the Dane-gelt which continued here in England till the reign of King H. 1. long after this Nation was freed from the Danes and the Alcavalas or Cruzadas in Spain being a kind of Taxes there used and if new Tenures should not be created the old perhaps might be again assumed And with good reason was then denyed when King James was heard to tell his Son the late King Charles That such an yearly Revenue as was offered in lieu of those Tenures might make him a rich Prince but never a great and when so many Troops and Brigades of evils do march in the Rear or Company of that design which was so per se and non parâ—il as the necessity of Robert Duke of Normandies raising of money for want whereof he pawned that Dutchy for ten thousand pounds sterling to enable him in his voyage to Jerusalem to recover the holy Land the imprisonment troubles of K. Richard 1. in his return from thence and his ransom of one hundred thousand marks of silver raised by twenty shillings upon every Knights Fee the fourth part of the Revenues of the Clergy as well as the Laity with the tenth of their goods and the Chalices and Treasure which may tell us how litle money and more honesty England was then able to furnish of all the Churches taken as well here as in the Territories beyond the Seas to make up the sum those necessities which King John had upon him the great want of mony which his Son King H. 3. endured in the Barons wars when he was forced after sale of Lands and Jewels to pawn Gascoigne after that his Imperial Crown and Jewels to supply his wants having neither credit to borrow nor any more things to pawn could not deny his wants the gaging of the Jewels and Ornaments of St. Edwards Shrine and in the end as Sir Robert Cotton if he were the Author of the short view of the long life and reign of that King observeth not having means to defray the Dyet of his Court was constrained to break up House and as Mathew Paris saith with his Queen and Children cum Abbatibus Prioribus satis humiliter hospitia prandia quaerere to demand entertainment and Dyet at some Abbies and Priories and confessed to the Abbot of Peterburgh when he came to borrow money of him majorem Elâ—emosinam fâ—re sibi juvamen pecuniare quam alicui ostiatim mendicanti that it would be a greater act of Charity to lend or give him money then to one that begs from door to door Could never perswade them to any such remedies worse then their diseases nor did the unruly Barons of King H. 3. when they had him or his Father K. John at the most disadvantages ever demand it of them or any English man untill the beginning of the reign of King James
the broaching of this project ever adventure to ask or give such demands any room or entertainment in their imaginations and is more then the Athenians and Romans ever aimed at who in all their popular and restlesse turmoils seditions and agitations by the people or their Tribunes concerning the Agrarian Laws and making and changing of many other Laws and several forms of Government did never seek to take away or root out those long lasting monuments of benefits and the acknowledgements and returns of gratitude which ought to be made of them More then the people of France in those hard Conditions which they would have put upon the Daulphine of France afterwards Charles the fifth of France in the troubles and imprisonment of his Father King John in England in the Raign of our King Edward the third and the strange and insolent behaviour of the Citizens of Paris towards him when the Provost or Mayor put his own hood half blew half red upon his head compelling him to wear his Livery did all that day wear the Daulphines being of a brown black embrodered with gold in token of his Dictatorship did ever demand nor did in those great afflictions wants which were upon Charles the seventh when he was reproached by his Subjects and the English had so much of France in their possession in the Raign of our King H. 5. and King H. 6. who by their numerous Armies and the gallantry of their nobility and Tenants in Capite and by Knight Service were Masters of the Field as well as of that Crown as he was in disgrace called the King of Berry being a small Province wherein he made what shift he could to defend himself when his Table failed him so that he eat no more in publick but sparingly in his Chamber attended by his domestical Servants had pawned the County of Gyan for mony ever require to be discharged of their Homages and Tenures and the duties and incidents which belonged to them Neither did the Justices or domineering Officers of State in Arragon in their height and extravagancy of power which for some time until by its own weight their Tyranny or the subtile politique patience of their Kings it came to be dissolved into the Royal proper Rights of that Crown Government they excercised over their Kings ever make that to be any part of it nor did the wants of John King of Arragon when he had pawned the County of Roussilion to Lewis the eleventh King of France nor of Ferdinand the Second Emperor when within these forty years in those devouring and destroying Wars of Germany when the pale horse of death and the red of destruction rid up to the bridles in blood he pawned Lusatia and Silesia to the Duke of Saxony and the upper Palatinate to the Duke of Bavaria beget any such motion of the people or Condiscention of their Princes And that unhappy project and design had in all probability no more disquieted our old Albion or Brittain sitting upon a Rock mediis tranquilla in undis in the midst of all our late Storms and Tempests which had broken the bag of Eolus getting loose vied with the raging waves of a distempered Sea who should be most destructive and play the Bedlam Had not a necessity of the Parliament in An. 1645. and their want of mony to maintain their Wars put them again in mind of that way of raising mony all other that could be almost thought upon as far as the mony which should be spared by one meal in every family in a week having been before put in Execution so dangerous and of fatal consequence are sometimes but the attempts or beginning of designs and then as the vote tells us the house of Commons having received the report from the grand Committee which was ordered to consider of raising of monyes for supply of the whole Kingdom after some debate thereupon ordered that the Court of Wards and Liveries with the Primer Seisins Oustres les maines and all other profits arising by the said Court should be fully taken away and be made null and voyd And that the Sum of one hundred thousand pounds per Annum should be raised in this Kingdom instead of the Revenue thereof to be disposed for the good of this Kingdom and that the proceedings of the said Court should continue Statu quo prius untill an Ordinance for taking away the said Court and paying the yearly Sum of 100000 l. be brought in and past both Houses Which might well have been forborn when no general or extraordinary and not otherwise to be prevented evils but only want of mony for ought yet appears did or could perswade them unto it for a Subversion of so grand a Fundamental of the Government Regality and Laws will never be able to avoid the dangerous consequences which will inevitably follow thereupon and though it should be done by Act of Parliament will but produce and usher in many numberlesse mischiefs and inconveniences to the King Kingdom Nobility Gentry and the most substantial and considerable part of the people And will never be recompenced by the benefits hoped for or which may happen by the intended dissolution of that Court and alteration of those Tenures which in the prospect or event will appear if so many to be no more than these Chap. V. The Benefits or Advantages which are expected by the people in the putting down of the Court of Wardes and Liveryes and changeing the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service into free and common Socage BY taking away the Service of Warre without the Kingdom when the King or his Lieutenant goeth to warre for forty dayes bearing the Charge of a man and Horse and the payment of Escuage to be assessed by Parliment if he neither go nor send one in his place Respites of Homage petit Serjeanties Fines for Alienation Wardships and payments of Fines for the marriage of the Heirs in minority a rent for the Lands in the interim Reliefs primer seisins Oustre les maines Mesne Rates Liveries and assignment of Widdow Dower The troublesome and powerfull process of the Exchequer costly and long pleadings of their Evidences to avoid seisures for not sueing out Licences of Alienation thereby enforcing them to procure pardons and to plead them Costly Attendance upon Escheators and Feodaries finding of Offices or Inquisitions post mortem producing and finding if the party hath a mind to it of their Evidences Compositions chargeable passing and obtaining grants of the custody of the body and Lands of Wards Trouble and charge of Writs of diem clausit extremum quae plura melâ—us inquirendum Processe of privy Seals Messengers Informations Bills Demurrers as the Case may happen Answers Traverses Replications Rejoynders Commissions Examinations Depositions of Witnesses Orders Hearings Decrees Injunctions all which are but to help to recover or defend the Wards rights and if not in that Court would be
and be admitted Turn the Tenures in Capite which are only so called from the duty of Homage and the acknowledgement of Soveraignity and Headship in the King into a Tenure in Socage which is so far from acknowledgeing the King to be chief or to ingage as the other doth their Lands to do him service as it is but a Tenure as it were a latere is no more then what one Neighbour may acknowledge to hold or doe to another for his Rent or money be a Lease for a Life or one or more years or as Tenant at will and levels and makes rather an equality then any respect of persons which if ever or at all reasonable or fit to be done is in a democratical or popular way of Government but will be unexampled and is not at all to be in Monarchy may make many of the people which are not yet recovered out of a gainful Lunacy to beleive they were in the right when they supposed themselves to be the Soveraigns Ireland which in the subverting Olivers time was to have their Swords by the like Tenure turned into Plow-shares though their warres and taxes were never intended to leave them was to pay but 12000 l. per annum to turn their better Tenures Conditions into worse will if they be not come again to their wits expect the like prejudicial bergain Bring many inconveniences and mischiefs to the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland if their Tenures in Capite and Knight service and those which are holden of them as Mesn Lords shall as ours be taken away with their services and dependencies Licences of Alienation benefits of Investitures infeodations and the like it being amongst others as a reason given for Wardships in that Kingdom in the Laws of Scotland in the reign of their Malcombe the 2. which was before the Conquerours entring into England Ne non suppeterent Regiae Majestatis facultates to the end that the King should have where-withall to defend the Kingdom And a letting loose of a fierce and unruly people who are best of all kept in awe order by a natural long well enough liked subjection to their Mesne Lords and Superiours into a liberty which cannot be done without a disjointing and over-turning all the Estates of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom and may like our late English Levellers either endeavour to do it or bring themselves and the whole Nation to ruine by a renversing of the fundamental Laws and that antient order and constitution of that Kingdom wherein the estates and livelyhood of all the Nobility and Gentry and better part of the people are hugely concerned And besides a great damage to the King in his Revenues and profits arising out of such Tenures if not recompenced by some annual payment Will howsoever take away that antient Homage and acknowledgement of Superiority which from that Kingdom to this of England cannot be denyed to be due and to have been actually and antiently done and presidented and not in one but several ages fidem obsequium ut vassallos Angliae Regibus superioribus dominis jurejurando promisisse to have done their Homage and Fealty as vassals to our English Kings and bound themselves by oath thereunto as namely to Alfred Edgar Athelstane William the Conqueror William Rufus Maud the Empresse Henry the second and Edward the first the later of whom with all the Baronage of England in a Letter to the Pope did upon the search of many Evidences and Records stoutly assert it Will be no small damage and disturbance to the Kings other Regalities and Prerogatives and in the Tenures of the Cinque Ports who are to provide fifty ships for the guarding of the Seas and the Town of Maldon in Essex one the Town of Lewis in Sussex as the Book of Doomsday informeth where King Edward the Confessor had 127 Burgesses in dominio eorum consuetudo erat si Rex ad Mare custodiendum sine se suos mittere voluisset de omnibus hominibus cujuscunque terrae fuissent colligebant 20 sâ—lidos hos habebant qui in manibus arma custodieâ—ant had 127 Burgesses in his demeâ—ne of the King and when he sent any of his men to guard the Seas they were to gather 20 s. a man which was to be given to those that manned the Ships in Colchester where the custom then was that upon any expedition of the Kings by Sea or Land every house was to pay six pence ad victum soldariorum Regis towards the quarter or livelyhood of the Kings Souldiers and likewise prejudice him in his grand and Petit Serjeanties and many thousand other reservations of honour and profit by and upon Tenures in Capite and Knight service which revived and called out of their Cells wherein those that are to do and pay them are content they should sleep and take their rest for ever would go near to make and maintain an Army with men and Provisions The King when the Tenures in Capite shall be taken away shall never be able to errect his Standard and to call thereunto all that hold Lands Fees Annuities and Offices of him to come to his assistance according to the duty of their Tenures and the Acts of Parliament of 11 H. 7. chap. 18. And 19. H. 7. chap. 1. of forfeiting the Lands and Offices holden of him under the penalties which was the only means which the late King his Father had to protect as much as he could himself and his Subjects or to manifest the justice of his Cause in that War which was forced upon him and was very useful and necessary heretofore for the defence of the Kings of England and their People and proved to be no otherwise in the Bellum Standardi so called in the reign of King Stephen where some of the Barons of England and some of the English Gentry gathered themselves to the Royal Standard and repelled and beat the King of Scotland and in several Kings reigns afterwards repulsed the Scotch and Welch Hostilities and Invasions and at Floddon Field in King H. 8 ths time when the Duke of Norfolk and his Son the Earl of Surrey and diverse of the Nobility and Gentry which accompanied them vanquished and slew the King of Scots The benefit whereof the Commons of England had so often experimented as in diverse Parliaments they Petitioned the King and Lords to cause the Lord Marchers and other great men to repair into their Counties and defend the borders and was so necessary in France to assemble together the Bans and Arrierebans which were but as our Tenants in Capite as it helped King Charles the 7 th of France to recover that Kingdom again out of the hands and possession of our two Henries the 5. and 6. Kings of England And if any Rebellion or Conspiracy shall hereafter happen When Cum saepe coorta Seditio saevitque animis ignobile vulgus Fury and Rage of
them that is Freeholders and such as hold by Knight Service So in the great Court of all the Kingdome none were antiently personally called to give Judgement and advâ—se therein but such as were near to the King and bound and obliged to him by a greater Bond and Tye of Faith and Homage that is to say his immediate vassals Barones nempe cujuscunque generis qui de ipsi tenuere in Capite ut videndum est in breve de summonitione wherein they are summoned in fide homagio quibus tenentur in the Faith and Homage by which they held partim in charta libertatum Regis Johannis and Barons of any kind whatsoever which held of him in Capite as may appear by the Writs of Summons to Parliament the Charter of King John Hence the Barons of England are in our laws said to be Nati Consiliarij born Counsellors of State and Baro signifying Capitalem Vassallum majorem qui tenetur Principi Homagij vinculo seu potius Baronagij hoc est de agendo vel essendo Baronem suum quod hominem seu clientem praestantiorem significat A Baron who is a chief or Capital Vassal is bound to his Prince by the Bond of Homage or rather Baronage which is to be his Baron or man or more considerable Clyent and makes a threefold dvision of Barons who by Bracton are called Potentes sub Rege great or mighty men under the King Barones hoc est robur belli and Barons which is as much to say as the strength of War into feudal or by prescription 1. Qui a priscis feodalibus Baronibus oriundi suam prescriptione tuentur dignitatem which being discended from Antient feudal Barons do continue their dignity by prescription 2. Rescriptitios qui brevi Regio evocantur ad Parliamentum which are called to Parliament by the Kings Writs 3. Diplomaticos which are by Letters Patents and Creation and that Barones isti Feodales nomen dignitatem suam ratione fundi obtinuerunt those Feudal Barons doe hold their dignity by reason of their Lands and Tenures and that Episcopi suas sortiuntur Baronias sola fundorum investitura Bishops are Barons only by investiture of their Baronies Lands and Temporalties And the most excellently Learned Mr. Selden who was well known to be no stranger to the old and most choice Records and Antiquities of the Kingdome doth not doubt but that the Bishops and Abbots did sit in Parliament and were summoned thither only as Barons by their Tenures per Baroniam and in his Epistle to Mr. Augustine Vincent concerning his Corrections of Yorkes Catalogue of Nobility doth most learnedly prove it by many Instances besides that in â—he Case of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury in 11 H. 2. and the claime made and allowed in Parliament in 11 R. 2. by all the Bishop Abbots and Priors of the Province of Canterbury which used to sit in Parliament that de Jure et consuetuâ—ine Regni Angliae all Bishops Abbots Priors and other Prelates whatsoever per Baroniam Domini Regis tenentes holding of the King by Barony were Peers of the Parliament which agreeth with the opinion of Stamford that the Bâ—shops ne ont lieu en Parlement eins in respâ—ct de lour possessions annexes a lour dignities have no plaâ—e in Parliament but in respect of their Possessions annexed to their Dignities and that Mr. Camden saith that divers Abbots and other spiritual men formerly summonned by writ to Parliament were afterwards omitted because they held not by Barony and that it was mentioned and allowed to be good Law in a Parliament of King E. 3. que toutes les religieuses que teignent per Barony soient tenus de vener au Parlement that all the religious which hold by Barony are to be summoned to Parliament And as to the temporal Barons doth besides what he alleageth of the Thanes or Barons of England in the Saxon times that they held by personal service of the King and that their honorary possessions were called Taine-Lands and in the Norman times after denoted by Baronies and the eminent and noted Case of the Earls of Arundel claiming and allowed to be Earls of Arundel by reason of their holding or Tenure of Arundel Castle and Sir John Talbots being Lord Lisle ratione Dominij et Manerij de Kingston Lisle doth by 22 E. 3 fo 18.48 E. 3. fo 30. other good Authorityes conclude that the Tenure of a Barony is the main principal Cause of the Dignity that 130 temporal Barons by Tenure were called by several writs to assist the King cum equis Armis with horse and Armes and the spiritual being about 50 were called ad habendum servicium suum and that the greatest number of Barons during all that time were by Tenure that the most part of the Barons by Tenure and Writ untill the middle of the Raign of King R. 2. and those that were called by Writ were such as had Baronyes in Possession that the honorary possessions of Earls were called Honors and reckoned as part of their Earldoms which were holden in Capite the chief Castle or seat of the Earls or Barons were called Caput Comitatus seu Baroniae the head or chief of the Earldom or Barony and that in this sence Comitatus integer is used for a whole Earldom in the grand Charter and Bracton and Servicium quarte partis Comitatus for the fourth part of an Earldom that Hugh de Vere Earl of Oxford Magnavile Earl of Essex and divers other antient Earles were Cingulo Comitatus Gladio Comitatus cincti girt with the Girdle or sword of their Earldoms which he conceiveth to be an Investiture All which may by the Records of this Kingdom be plentyfully illustrated by very many instances and by the Rolls of the Constables and Marshals of England in which upon the March of the Army of King E. 1. towards Scotland in the 28 year of that King Humfridus de Bohun Comes Hereford Essex Constabularius Angliae recognovit per os Nichoâ—ai de Segrave Baneretti sui locum suum tenentis se acquietari per servitium suum per Corpus suum in Exercitu presenti Scotiae pro Constabularia in Comitatu Hereford Humfry de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex Constable of England declared by Sir Nicholas Segrave his Baneret and Lieutenant that he was to be acquitted for the Constabulary in the County of Hereford where it seems some Manors or Lands in that County were annexed to the said Office or held by grand Serjeanty by the Service of himself in the Army for Scotland I tem idem Comes recognovit per eundem Nicholaum Servitium trium feodorum Militum faciendum in dicto Exercitu pro Comitatu Essex per Dominos Iohannem de Ferrariis Henricum de Bohun et Gilbeâ—tum de Lindsey milites Also the said Earl acknowledgeth by the said Sir Segraveâ—â—e â—â—e Service of
three Knights Fees to be performed in the said Army for the Earldom of Essex which shews also that then those Antient Earldoms of England were no other then by Tenure and Feudal by John de Ferrers Henry de Bohun and Gilbert de Lindsey Knights And in the same Constables Roll and at the same time Walter de Langton Bishop of Câ—ventry and Liâ—chfield recognovit et offert Servitium duorum Feudorum militum pro Baronia sua faciendum per dominos Robertum Peverel et Robertum de Watervile milites acknowledged and offered the service of two Knights Fees to be performed for his Baronie by Sir Robert Peverel and Sir Robert Watervile Knights Mr. Selden is aâ—so of opinion that to hold of the King in Capite to have Possessions as a Barony to be a Baron and sit with the rest of the Barons in Parliament are according to the Laws of those Times Synonimies And upon this and no other ground or foundation is built that as noble and illustrious as it is antient Pairage of the 12 pairs of France all of whom even the Earldom of Flanders now in the hands of the King of Spain do hold in Capite or Soveraignty of the French King and that great and eminent Electoral Colledge in Germany and the mighty Princes thereof are no other than Tenants in Capite and holding their vast Terrytories of the Empire by grand Serjeanry and have feuda antiqua concessa acquisita generi familiae connexam habentes Principatibus et Territoriis suis dignitatem Electoralem and have an antient Fee or Territory granted and acquired to their Issue and Family and a dignity Electoral annexed to their Principalityes and Territoryes And it cannot with any reason or Authority be said or beleived that the late Charles King of Sweden could by the Treaty or Pacification at Munster have been made a Prince of the Empire or have had place or voice in their Diets if he had not had the Bishopprick of Breme and other Lands and Provinces as Fiefs of the Empire in his Possession to have made him a member thereof and that the Prince Elector Palatine who by reason of that Territory justly claimeth the Vicariat of the Empire had never been made the eighth Elector if he had not had part of the Palatinate which he now enjoys For certainly if the care and wisdom of our Progenitors or Ancestors could not think it fitting to compose that high Court of Judicature of Strangers or grant them an Inheritance in it which had no Lands or Possessions to make them a concernment and to be more careful of the good of the Kingdom as Oliver or Dick of the Addresses would have done their Mungrel Scotch that had no Lands at all in England but a stock of Knavery but would rather bring in such as had the best Estates and holden by the most noble and serviceable Tenures in order to the defence of their King and Country and were the most honourable wise and understanding then such as had been Servants or of a low extraction race of mankind by their folly and whimsies had not long agoe tossed and tumbled about poor England like a Foot-Ball which may call to our remembrance that opinion or a lage of the Antients that Jupiter subdâ—xit servis dimidium mentis that God would not allow â—ervants or men litle better or rudely and ignorantly educated any more then to be half witted some of our late Levellers at the same time making a difference betwixt the antient great Estates of the Peers and Barons of England and that lesser which they now enjoy to be an objection against the House of Peers in Parliament for that now as they mistakenly surmised they could not as formerly be a banck or ballance betwixt the King and the people And howsoever that the temporal Barons as well those which were since the middle of the reign oâ— R. 2. created by Patent to be unum Baronum Angliae as in Sir John Beauchamps Patent to be Baron of Holt or as many later to have loâ—um voâ—em et sedem in Parliamento to have voice and place in the Parliament as those that hold per Baroniam and that those that hold per Baroniam and were Barons by Tenure do not come to Parliament but when they are summoned by the Kings Writ as the Bishops also do not and as in the Earl of Bristols Case was adjudged in the late Kings time are to have their Writs of Summons ex debito justitiae as of right due unto them yet a first second or third Summons which is only and properly to give notice when and where the Parliament beginneth cannot as Mr. William Prynne hath learnedly proved any way make or intitle any man which shall be so summoned to be a Peer or Baron that is not a Baron by prescription or was not created nor doth that Clause in the Patents of Creation doe or operate any more then that such new created Barons who are also Tenants in Capite and as all the other Barons doe ought to do their Homage shall be one of the Barons in Parliament have voyce and place there deny that they that sit there by Tenure and per Baroniam doe not sit there and enjoy their Honors and Dignities as Tenants in Capite and per Baroniam or that those that come in by patent amongst them doe enjoy their places as incorporated and admitted amongst them and not as Tenants in Capite and being added to them do help to continue the Society or Court though they be not of one and the same Original or Constitution as Prebâ—nd added â—o a Cathedral Church may make them to be of the old Constitution but takes it not away and as the grant of King H. 8. to the Abbot of Tavestock quod sit unus de Spiritualibus et Religiosis dominis Parliamenti could not have altered his former and better condition if he had held any Lands per Baroniam And though the Creations by Patents may well enough sustain the priviledges of those that sit and were introduced by it yet the greater number or as many of the Earls and Barons as hold per Baroniam such as the Earls of Arundel and Oxford Lords Berkley Mowbray Abergaveny Fitz walter Audley De la ware and that great number which were before R. 2. and were not created by letters Patents and had not the Clause of locum vocem et sedem in Parliamento will lose their Peerage and right of sitting in Parliament if the other doe not when as their Patents giving them sedem vocem et locum in Parliamento doe but entitle them to be of that House whereof the other Earls and Barons were and to be but as the former Barons were which hold per Baroniam and in Capite As if a Lord of a Mannor could create a man to be one of his Coppy-holders he should be no otherwise then as a
Coppy-holder of that Mannor and those Patent Lords doe by their Patents hold their Honor and Dignities in Capite though it be not expressed in their Paâ—ents and should pay as great a Releif as the other Earls and Barons doe by Tenure for no man can sit there but as a Tenant in Capite and acknowledging his Soveraign unless a Coordination should be supposed and that dangerous Doctrine again incouraged nor can these by Creation sit if the House should be dissolved by the change of the others Tenures for that they were but Adjuncts and Associates of them Which was so well understood by Sir Edw. Coke to be a shaking if not an over-turning of the foundation of that high and most honourable Court or Judicatorie as in the Parliament of the 18 â—h year of King James in the proposition which was then on foot to change the Tenures in Capite and by Knight service into free and common Socage he and some of the old Parliament men advised a Proviso to be inserted in that intended Act of Parliament that the Bishops notwithstanding that their Baronies should be holden in Socage should continue Lords of Parliament and in our late times in that great inundation of mistaken Liberty when the outrage of the vulgar and common people greedily pursued the dictates of their ignorance and fancie and that after the House of Lords had been shut up and voted to be uselesse and dangerous the persons of the Barons of England which the Law and the reasonable and antient as well as modern Customes of England did never allow to be arrested were arrested and haled to Prison In the seeking a remedy wherof some of the Baronage pleading their Priviledge it was in Easter Term 1650. in the Kings or upper Bench in the argument of the Countess of Rivers Case argued and urged that all Tenures as well as the House of Lords were taken away so that the Court holding that the Priviledge was not allowable for that she never had reference to the Parliament or to do any publique service the Cause was adjourned Wherefore seeing that the custom of a Court is the Law of a Court and the interrupton of a Custom Prescription or Franchise very dangerous and Cessante causa tollitur effectus the cause or foundation taken away the effect or building faileth that a Lord of a Mannor is not able to create a Mannor or make a Lease-holder or Tenant of one Mannor to enjoy the same priviledges which he did formerly be incorporate a Tenant in another Mannor a House with a Common Appendent or which was before belonging unto it once pulled down though built up again looseth its Common and Prescription or if a Coppy-hold estate come to the Lord by Forfeiture Escheat or otherwise if he make a Lease or otherwise it is no more grantable by Copy of Court Roll or make a Feoffment upon condition and after enter for the Condition broken it shall not be regranted by Copy And if a man hath libertyes by Prescription take letters Patents of them the matter of the Record drowns or takes away the prescription as was held in 33 H. 8. tit precription Br. 102. c. Or if as in the Acts of Parliament for the dissolution of the Monasteries the King shall be before the Tenures be ordained to be in free and common Soccage made or derived to be in the actual Seâ—sin and Possession of all the Lands There will be cause and reason enough to make a stand or a pause and inquire further into it For if the subversion of Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service will not totally or at once ruine and dissolve the House of Peers in Parliament or put upon it a new constitution it will not be good certainly to leave that House and most high and Honourable Court and all its just Rights and Privileges which hath already so much suffered by the Assaults and Batteries of Faction and vulgar Frenzies to an after question of moote point whether or no it be not dissolved or put upon a new Foundation And must needs be very dangerous when as one of the three Estates under the King which is Supream and not Coordinate viz. the Bishops and Lords Spiritual being lopt off the second which is the Lords Temporal shall be but either suspected or doubted to have a being and the third which is the House of Commons shall upâ—â— the next advantage or distemper of that paâ—â—y which lately gained so much by â— supposing it to be the Soveraign bâ—â—ancied â—o be above both it and the King who as the head is above them both and too much gratifie that late illegal and unwaâ—rentable opinion and practice of the Soveraignty of the House of Commons in Parliament or that they alone are the Parliament of England Destroy the hopes and rights of the Bishops being the third Estate in Parliament of ever being restored or admitted again into it from which after a force and a protestaâ—ion solemnly made against it twelve of them imprisoned for making of it they were by an Act of Parliament in an 17. Car. Regis primi prohibiting them as well as all other Clergy men to intermeddle in any temporal affairs or proceedings excluded the House had all their Estates afterwards by an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons without being cited or heard and without the Kings consent and after his going from the Parliament and in the midst of a War and Hostilities betwixt them confiscated and taken from them by the taking away of Tenures per Baroniam being the only cause and reason of their sitting there and constituting them a third Estate will now after his Majesties happy restoration when the waves and rage of the people are so calmed and ceased as the Halcyon is preparing to build her nest be more then ever made to be altogether impossible Hinder and restrain our Princes from recovery of Foreign Rights a necessary inlarging their Dominions making an offensive War or pursuing a flying or like to be recruited Enemy which in keeping a Kingdom in peace and plenty or maintaining the Commerce thereof will be according to the rules of policy and good Government as necessary as that of Davids revenging upon the Ammonites the affronts done to his Embassadors the Wars of our Edward the third or H. 5. in France of the great Gustavus King of Sweden in Germany or the now King of Denmarks and Marquesse of Brandenburghes Wars upon Charles late King of Sweden And when any of those occasions or necessities shall offer themselves or inforce a forinsecum serviciuâ— or service in foreign wars shall have none but Auxiliaries Hirelings to go along with them when as several Acts of Parliament do prohibit the enforcing Hoblers which were a kind of light horsemen Archers Trained Bands and common Souldiers to go out of their Countries unlesse it be in cases of necessity which the common people know not
how to judge of and the little Parliament so called in the beginning of the year 1640. upon the invasion of an Army of â—actiâ—us Scots and a letter produced by the King that they had written for aid to the French Kâ—ng did not rightly apprehend for it is not to be doubted but that the cheerful and ready aids upon all occasions given to the Kings of England by the Tenants in Capitâ— and Knight Service and the Nobility and Gentry and their Tenants Friendâ— and Followers taking Arms and foâ—lowing the Royal Standard was a great cause â—f their Conquests in France and Warlike atchivement in that and other parts of the World often beating back the incursions of the Scotch and Welch and deâ—ending the borders The taking away of thâ— Knights Fees or Tenures by Knight Service from the Nobility and Gentry without any Recompence if they would be content to part with them or to accept it Will be an Act of great Injustice Regula quippe feudalis et firma est quod Dominus nec in totum nec pro parte minuere adimereve Jus vassallo quesitum possit sine culpa eoque non convicto for it is a fixed and constant Rule in the Feudal Law That the Lord cannot neither in the whole nor in part without a forfeiture or conviction of his Tenant diminish or take away the Vassals Right and it would be against Right Reason and Equity not to give a Recompence in Caâ—se of pulling down or fireing a House in a Necessity of War to prevent an Enemy but much more against it and our Magna Charta in Case of no Necessity to Sacrifice without a just Recompence given for it the Estates and Rights of some to pacifie the Fears of others and disturb and incumber the Estates of all or a great many to free the Estates of a few which would be aâ— unjust as for the Lords of Mannors to make By-laws forbidding the Services of their Tenants and without any forfeitures or convictions grant or sell away their Lands or Copy-hold Inheritances to Strangers or dedicate the Profits thereof to the publick wherein the owners or Proprietors shall get none or very little share in it or such as will be impreceptible and appeared to be so much against Law and Reason as when in the dissolution of the Abbyes and Monasteryes the Nobility and great men who had been Founders of many of them or given a great part of the Lands thereof were to be the losers of that which should have reverted or come unto them if they could not consist with the first Intentions King H. 8. did take a care to gratifie many of them with great quantityes and Portions thereof and to some granted intire Priories and Nunneries of their Ancestors founding as to John Earl of Oxford the Priory of Colne and Nunery of Hedingham in Essex and the like to many others which might be here remembred The Publique Faith which was wont to have so much care taken of it when she borrowed money to make our unhappy warres and Contentions of so much of the Nation as hold by the Tenures in Capite and Knight Service and of all the other parts of the people who by Oaths of Supremacy Protestations and Covenant were not to prejudice the King nor by their Covenant any other in their Rights and Liberties will now be broken which when Livy a Heathen Writer and one that very well understood affairs of State upon the making of a Law at Rome to pacify a mutiny that the Prisoners for Debt should not be bound or fettered as the manner then was could say that Ingens vinculum fidei a great Obligation or Bond of Faith amongst men was that day broken he would have without doubt said more were he now aâ—ive as to our breach of Faith amongst men but a great deal more if he had been Christian as to God Almighty Take away not only the Honor but the publick Benefits of those Tenures and feudal Rights which are so highly and justly esteemed in all other Kingdoms and Principalityes which are so happy as to live under Monarchy the best of Governments as they can give them no other Character then that Jura Regnorum Ducatuum Marchionatuum adeoque totius Imperij Leges Fundamentalâ—s ac nervi quibus Monarchiae Romanae cum ipso senescente mundo languescentis lutei pedes colligantur inâ—iis continentur Therein are contained the Laws and Rights of Kingdoms Dukedoms Maâ—quisates the Fundamental Laws of the Empire and the Nerves and Sinews by which the Empire languishing in the old age of the world hath been sustained And that Feuda Feudorumque Jura â—â—delitatem â—idem publicaâ—â— pacem incolumnatem Communis Patriae firmant â—irmissimum Militiae contra Communes Reipublicae hostes neâ—vum ac praesidium suâ—ministrat adeoque fulcâ—a Germanico Romani Imperi◠〈◊〉 desiderant Feuds and the Rights thâ—â—â—of do six and consolidate the Fidelity publique Faith Peace and wellfare of the Common-wealth and administreth the greatest help and strength in war against the Common Enemy and is worthy to be called the Prop of the German and Roman Empire Make our Nobility and Gentry who have by their Chivalry and high Attempts by Sea and Land rendred them second to none and published the Fame and Glory of their Actions as far and farther than ever the Roman Eagles flew to be like the Roturiers or Paysants oâ— France and a reproach or hissing to all Natioas or like Davids Embassadors when the Children of Ammon had misused them and shaved the one half of their Beards and cut off their Garments in the middle even to their Buttocks and to be put behind all but the Dutch and Switzers the former of which do Trade under Taxes Excise the latter are but the Mercenaries and Hirelings of the French and Spanish Kings in their Wars and Hostilities and ranâ—king us with them and those little and despicable Commonwealths of Luca and Geneva cast us into the Giddy and at last woeful Presidents and Consequences of the unquiet headed Argentinians Lindorians Citizens of Siena Genoa and Florence who by ruining and rooting up the Nobility and Gentry and making three rancks and degrees of their Citizens some great some mean and the rest of the vulgar the two last putting out the first cast themselves into a Circle of blood and misery out of which nothing but their former Government was able to refcue them Occasion the losse and ruine of purchasers and Mony-lenders enlarge their complaints of double treble Feoffments Mortgages which by the disuse of the Court of Wards and finding of Offices after the death of Tenants in Capite and by Knight Service have been more than formerly and wherein some of our late Reformers were known more to have exercised their wits than their Consciences conceal'd Dormant and fraudulent Assurances carried in the Pockets of some to pick the Pockets of others which by reason of the
Tenures in Capite and finding of Offices wherein the Evidences being produduced and many Times found did not only find but declare what Estate the deceased was seised of and if the truth did not then appear which could hardly be hid when as the Jury were commanded by the Writ of Diem clausit extremum to inquirâ— upon their Oaths of what Estate the last Ancestor dyed seised of and that the vigilancy and cares of the Feodaries and Escheators who were also to be present to attend them would cause them to be the more careful and if the fraud of the Heir should be able to make its way or escape thorough them the Estate found in the Office would after prove to be an Evidence against them and either overthrow or perplex the Knavery of such wicked designs The Recompence of 100000 l. per Annum if it could be raised without Injustice or the breach of the Laws of God Nature and Nations and our oftentimes confirmed Magna Charta and the inforcing of 19 men in every 20 to bear burdens which nothing at all appertains to them will not be adaequate to the losse of a great part of the Kings Revenue which did serve for the maintenance of his Crown and Dignity and to exempt and ease the Subjects of extraordinary Taxes and Assessements which the Necessity of Princes for the good and Defence of the Kingdom must otherwise bring upon them Nor to the want of Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service the Services Incidents belonging unto them being a certain and never failing Defence of himself and the Kingdom Castle-guard Licence of Alienations giving him notice and continuing him safe in the Change of his Tenants being so necessary to Government as some have been grievously fined for alienating their Lands in Capite without it Mariage Dependancy of the Heirs which hold of him Livery and Reliefs Grand Serjeantyes and a great part of the Honour and Priviledges which all other neighbour Kings ond Princes are neither desired to part with nor can he perswaded so much to lessen themselves and their Regalities For gold and Silver and precious Stones or any thing lesse than the whole Kingdom of England it self is not of value or to be compared to the Honour of a King and the homage and duty of his Subjects the Gratitude Faith and Promises of their Ancestors which should descend to them with the Lands holden by those Tenures whenas Omnes habent Causam a primo et ex tunâ— non ut ex nunc are bounden to the Cause which obliged their first Ancestor and Progenitor and are to consider that it is now as it was then a most ready means and help which did and doth naturally and kindly arise for the Defence of themselves and the Kingdom for as it is not the weight of an inestimable Dyamond or Ruby that makes either of them to be better than a Flint or any other Stone but the lustre vertue and scarcenesse of them and that a greater poise or weight of a man makes not a Solomon an Alexander Sir-named the great or an Aristotle but that all men and things are to be esteemed according to the vertues and Excellencyes which are in them so it will not be the yearly Profit in money which was made of the Wardships primer Seisins Liveryes and Incidents which belong to those Tenures but the Homage Dutie gratitude and necessary Attendance in War not only of those that held immediatly of the King but those that were the mediate Tenants and came also with the immediate the grand and mutual Tye betwixt the King and his people and the Regality Prerogative intrinsical and true worth and value of them when there should be any use of those necessary Defences of the King and his Kingdom in making a diversive War or succouring his Friends and Allies which are not seldom or were in more heroick times justly accounted to be as Outworks Ante Murales or Bulwarks of the Kingdom that the Rate which is now offered for those Tenures are but like a Tender or Offer to give the weight in Gold for an incomparable not to be got again and unvaluable Meddal or for Aarons Brest-Plate Moses rod or the Scepters of Princes if they could have been purchased at all and by weight It will be as unsafe as unusual to take money or Turn into a Rent that which in its first Institution and a happy long and right use which was made of it was only intended for a defence of the Kingdom when the King is not likely to be any â—aver by it and shall not gain 90000 l. per Annum his own Income by Licences of Alienation deducted for the clear Profit of the Court of Wards which the Lord Cottington when he was Master of that Court did but a year before the Troubles make as much by it besides the many great and royal Prerogatives which he shall lose to gain more mischiefs and Inconveniencyes to himself his People then at the present can be instanced or numbred The giving the King a Recompence by an yearly Rate amounting to one hundred thousand pounds per Annum to be charged upon all mens Lands Tenements and Hereditaments holden in Capite or Socage by Copy-hold Leases for Lives or Tenants at Will or for yeares will be against right Reason Justice and Equity as well as unwarranted by any hitherto Law or Custom of England to make 19 parts of 20 for so much if not more will probably be the odds that were not liable to Wardships or any imagined Inconveniences which might happen thereby not only to bear their proportionable part of the general Assessements for War but a share also in the burden of others where it could never be laid upon them and wherein they or the major part of them by more than two in three have no Lands in Fee simple Fee taile or by Leases for 100 years or any longer Term nor are never like to be purchasers of any Lands at all and if they had mony to do it are not likely to buy Inheritances if inheritances not Capite or Knight Service Lands when there is by more than 9 parts in 10 of Socage or Copy-hold Lands to be purchased were not nor are like to be in any danger of Wardships or under any fear or Apprehensions of it and render the Capite Land three or four years purchase dearer than it was wont to be and the Socage Lands three or four years purchase the cheaper only to free the Nobility Gentry and men of greatest Riches and Estates in the Kingdom which are subject to those small Burdens which are only said to be in Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service Or if laid upon the Moyety of the Excise upon Ale Beer Syder and Coffee c. or any other native or Inland Commodity will fall upon those that have no Land as well as those which have as upon Citizens Mechanicks Children
themselves or their Emperour with it make thereby themselves their posterity Slaves to the enemy of Christendome then put it to the right use of defending their Prince themselves and Posterities And will all resolve in this a defence of the King his people will be eternally necessary an ordinary a speedy a ready a willing and the most ingageing obliging way will be better then that which shall be extra-ordinary a far off and to seek or be enforced And the most ready means for a defence and at hand must needs be the most proper and beneficial for upon that ground Kings have their Treasuries Armories and Arsenals which Republicques are content to imitate Our Constables and Justices of Peace in England being as standing Officers and Guardians of the Peace are more for the safety of the people when they are made before hand to be ready upon any breach of peace then if they were to seek or to be made afterwards and iâ— would be no dimunition of the strength or defence of the Kingdome to have the Nobility and Gentry of England by the Tenure of their Lands as it were listed and undertaking upon all occasions to serve their Prince and defend their Country for the smallest understandings can find the way to determine that it will be better and more easie for the Subject to have the King and their Country served by a Knight service in acknowledgment of great Estates only given them for that purpose than to have 10 or 12000 men provided by the Subjects by a constant Pole money and Assessement upon them and their Heirs for a ready Guard and Assistance for the defence and safeguard of the Country as well as of the King which the Danes after their late so great misfortunes and miseries by the incursions furious attempts of the Swedes have learnt to be wisdome have therefore lately bound themselves and their posterities to maintain a guard of 10 or 12000 men to be paid by a Pole or Assessement And unless the divine light of reason and that which hitherto hath been called wisdome have altered their courses and resolved that which is retrograde and quite contrary to be the better the most safe and natural way will be as it ever hath been to have our men at Arms to be Natives rather than Forreigners such as are of the better sort and bred and educated in Feats of armes rather then such as have neither skill nor courage and such as have Lands and Estates of their own to make a concernment rather than such as have none Better to have the Nobility and Gentry who are bred and trained up in War and understand the necessity and causes of a War to be ingaged in the defence of the Kingdom than the vulgus who are often called and too often experimented and best know how they came to deserve it mobile imperitum vulgus a Beast of many heads and without a Superiour or Governours are â—it only to attempt again the building of Babel wherein if they were all of one language they would for want of agreement or wit either totally miscarry in the building or make it to be an unimitablepeice of deformity For it was certainly no fault in Abraham that he had 318 Servants born in his own house to Arm in a case of necessity to rescue his Brother Lot Nor in David that he had Servants to passe before him to War Or when he well understood that the Children of Israel when they had no King and every one followed his own Imaginations were often delivered into the hands of the Midianites Philistims many of the Nations round about them and that Deborah Baruch having undertaken to releive them were enforced to pronounce a Curse against thosâ— that came not to help the Lord against the mighty when Reuben had great devisions did abide amongst the Sheep-folds Dan remained in Ships and Ashur continued by the Sea-Shore And that he had tasted of the fickleness infidelity of the men of Judah Israel in the Rebellion of Absalom did though they were afterwards so kind unto him as to wrangle with the men of Judah for bringing him home to his Kingdom and not giving them a share in the honor of it not think it to be repugnant to the good and safety of the people to settle a strong well formed Militia and to have a Life-guard of 24000 valiant men to attend by months and courses the safety of his person and his peaceable Government which must needs be better than to be left to the humor of the people to go or not to goe with their Prince to war as the wind of their Interest or faction shall blow them which may make such kind of aids in the greatest of necessities to be hardly compassed And the Delectus of the Roman Souldiers in their growing greatnesse and most virtuous condition of that State or Commonwealth before their course and custom of Patronage Clyentelage had taken root and gained approbation and their often Mutinies and refuseing nomina dare to list or Inroll themselves unless usury might be lessoned and Lawes cut out to their Fancies hath told us how like Egiptian Reeds such a away of raising men to defend the King themselves and the Kingdome will be to those that shall most trust or leane upon it So that then the Gorgons head and the Bugg-beare of the Tenures in Capite and Knight Service being only the marriages and puting the Wards Estates under a rent whilst they shall be in minority if rationally considered with allowance of the seldome happening of it or but once in three or four descents and two yeares value being allowed upon the death of every Tenant in Socage or Coppy-hold Estates at the admission of every one of their Heirs will with their reliefs and herriots possibly make the accompt of the mony and charge of the wardship to be something equal if not a great deal lesse Which howsoever may be removed or made to be more familiar and better understood or born if the Tenants in Capite and by Knight Service shall be exempted from all other Taxes or Assessements for War but what belongs to their Service as by Law they antiently were and ought to be the Wards nor their Estate during that time being never heretofore charged with any such Assessements as our late Tax-Masters have laid upon the People when as the fifth and many times the third part of the Wards yearly Rents besides a fifth part of the value of their real estate and a twentieth of the personal and revenew enforced taken from them to maintain Iniquity would have saved more mony than the Wardships cost Or if that will not still the causelesse out-cry that the Licence of Alienation which as well as in Capite by Knight Service are by the Custom of many Manors to be paid in Socage and the Homages Grand and Petit Serjeanties Reliefs Primer
Seisins and Liveries and all other incidents belonging to the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service be reserved and continued to the King and Mesne Lords and the Mariages of the Wards be put to a just apportionment and rate not to boxing or bidding with every pretender or such as shall be procured on purpose and was thought by the Sons of Rapine to be a parcel of godliness according to two years present value of the Estate and a moderate Rate or Rent for the Lands And if that they do not like to sue or be sued in that Court may do it either in the Exchequer or Chancery and try which of those Courts they shall like the better There being no Reason to be shown why Wardships Rents and Marriage Money should not be paid as quietly or without the Noise or Clamour of Oppressioon by some orderly Course to be taken in the collecting of it as the first Fruits of Arch-bishoppricks Bishoppricks and all the Clergyes Benefices which was at first derived from the Popes Usurpations and afterwards setled in the Crown or as the Tenths of all the Monasteryes and Religious Lands which by Act of Parliament were setled in the Crown for the Support and Maintenance thereof And now all the Lines are come in and meet in one Center we may aske the Days that are past and demand of the Sons of Novelty how it should happen or where the Invisible Cause or Reason lurketh that a People at least too many of them not long agoe covenanting whether his late Majesty would or no to preserve his Honor Rights and Iurisdâ—ctions and calling God to witness that they had no Intention to diminish them should presse or perswade the King to part with the vitals of his Regalitie or let out the blood thereof to take in water instead of it which that learned John Earl of Bristol who in his many Travails and Embassies to forrein Princes had observed the several Strengths Policyes and defects of Governments of all the Kings and Princes of Christendom could think no otherwise of that high and just Prerogative of Kings then that to discharge the Tenures in Capite would be consequently to discharge them of their Service to the Crown When as their can be neither Cause nor Reason to make any such Demands and that all the Lords of Mannors in England who may already find the Inconveniences of making too many small sized Freeholders and I wish the Kingdom may not feel it in the Elections of Parliament men and Knights of the Shire as well as it doth already by the Faction and Ignorance of such as choose Burgesses in Towns and Corporations who many times choose without eyes ears or understanding would not be well content to have the many perplexed and tedious Suits at Law betwixt them and their troublesome Tenants about Customs and Fines incertain which in every year do vex and trouble the Courts in Westminster Hall or that which the late feavorish Fancies of some would call Norman Slaveryes should be either a Cause that they must be forced or over intreated to part with their Copy-hold Estates Herryots Fines for Alienations and all other Incidents thereunto belonging or that it would be a good Bargain to have no Compensation or Recompence at all for them or no more than after the Rate of what might Communibus Annis one year with another be made of them Whenas to have the intended Recompence for the Court of Wards paid as is now proposed by a part of the Excise or Curses of the People or to have the poor bear the burden of the rich or those to bear the Burden of it which are not at all concerned in any such purchase or Alteration and will be an Act which can have no more Justice or Equity in it then that the payment of First-Fruits which is merely Ecclesiastical should be distributed and charged for ever upon the Layety and the other part of the People as well as the Clergy That the Tenths which the Layety and some of the Clergy do now contentedly pay should be communicated and laid upon all the Kingdom in general in a perpetuity That the draining or maintaining the Banks and Sluces and Misfortunes many times of the Fenns in Lincolnshire and other particular Places should be charged upon the Estaâ—es of all the men in England that could not be concerned either in profit losse or Dâ—nger Or that in the enclosing of Commons or in Deafforrestations the Commoners should have their Compensation paid by all men in City Town and Country for that which was not 〈…〉 nor was ever like to be any Gain or Aâ—vaâ—tage to them Or that the losses of Merchants by Shipwâ—acks Pirates or letters of Reprisal should be repaired and born by all the rest of the people that went no partnership or gain with them Or which way the people of England should think it to be for their good or safety that as it was in the dayes of Saul there should not be a Sword or Spear in Israel that the Lords of England whose great Auncestors helped to maintain all our Liberties being in Parliament in the 20 th year of King H. 3. pressed by the Bishops to Enact that Children born before Matrimony when their Parents after married should be legitimate answered Nolumus mutare Leges Angliae we will not change the Lawes of England should not take the overturning so many of the Fundamental Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome to be the ruine or destruction of it to be of a greater concernment And that the King will not think it to be a most Christian as well as an Heroick answer of John King of France when he was a Prisoner in England to our King E. 3. and was denied his Liberty unless he would amongst other things doe Homage for the Realm of France and acknowledge to hold it of England That he must not speak to him of that which he neither ought nor would doe to Alienate a Right Inalienable that he was resolved at what price soever to leave it to his Children as he had received it from his Auncestors that affliction might well ingage his person but not the inviolable right of the Crown where he had the honour to be born over which neither Prison nor Death had any power and especially in him who should hold his life well employed sacrificing it for the Immortal preservation of France And that the people of England should not rather imitate the wisdome as well as goodness of the Elders of Israel when as Benhadad not content with Ahabs Homage had demanded unreasonable things of him Say unto the King hearken not unto him nor consent But remember that it was their fore-Fathers which in a Parliament of King E. 3. holden in the 42 th year of his raign declared that they could not assent to any thing in Parliament that tended to the disherison of the King and his Crown to which they were sworn
them into Tenures in Socage That by the Civil Law that universal and great Rule of Reason Imperatoriam Majestatem non solum armis decoratam sed etiam legibus oportet esse Armatam ut utrumque Tempus et Bellâ—rum et pacis recte possit gubernari The Imperial Majesty or Power ought not only to be adorned strengthened with Armes the power thereof but with Lawes to the end that as well in time of War as Peace he may rightly govern And that therefore we may well tremble and shake at the name of Innovations and desiring to find the way again into the old Paths of Peace Plenty and Security Have cause enough to say as the learned Grotius did concerning Holland only changing the word Respublica into a better of a Kingdom that multum debemâ—s majoribus nostris qui acceptam a primis conditoribus Rempublicam per se egregiam nostro vero ingenio nostrisque studiis aptissimam pace servatam bello recuperatam nobis reliquere we owe much to our Ancestors who having received the Common-wealth which is excellent in it self and fited to our Customes and manners from those which first founded it and left us to enjoy in peace what they had recovered in War nostrum est si nec ingrati nec imprudentes esse volumus Rempublicam constanter tueri quam ratio suadet probant experimenta commendat Antiquitas And if we would not be ingratefull or unjust wee ought to defend that Kingdome and Government which Reason perswadeth us unto Experiments approve Antiquity commendeth Collapsa ruent subductis tecta columnis FINIS Hollands Case in Cokeâ— 4 Reports Fortescue de laudibus Legum Anglâ—ae (a) Genes 21.23 (b) Hooker Ecclesiastic Polit. lib. 1. (c) Gellius lib. 1. cap. 13. (d) Budâ—us in Annotat. ad Pandect (e) Oldendorpius (f) Oldendorpius (g) Craig de Feudis (h) Cujacius de seudis lib. 1. (i) Gerardus Niger in Cujacio lib. de feudis (i) Craig de origine fâ—udorâ—m dâ—eg 4. (k) Câ—ke 1. parte Instâ—t so 1. b. (l) Spelmans gloss p. â—58 (m) Selden tit Hon. p. 692 693. (n) Spelman gloss (o) LL. Ed. Confessor cap. 35. (p) Lambert fo â—35 (q) Spelman gloss in verbo fidelitatis (r) Bodin cap. 7. (s) Besoldus discurs Polit. p. 74 Spelman gloss p. 254 256. Alber. Gentilis p. 696. (t) Mat. Paris 100. (u) Bartoâ—uâ— de testibus (w) Sr. John Ferâ—e glory of generosity 78. (x) Selden tit â—on 783.784 roâ— Magâ— H. 2. 39 E. 3 Bracton Chap. de appell de mayhems (y) Selden tit hon ca. 5.784 (z) M. S. Mr. Rob. Hill concerning Tenures (a) 52 H. 3. Stat. Marlâ—bridge (b) 18 E. 1. Quia emptores c. (c) Somner de Gavelkind 60. (d) Rot. Parl. 6 H. 4. (e) Fortescue de laudibus legum Angliae ca. 44. Cornel Neosâ—ad de Feudi juris scripti Hollandici West Frisicique successione ca. 2.4 et 5. (h) Rot. Parl. 1 R. 2 n. 16. (i) Rot. Parl. 9 H. 4. n. 46. (h) Hugo Gotius de antiquitate Reipublicae Batavicae edit an 1630. 53. L. noâ— dubito ss de Captivis (l) Sigonius de â—ntiquo jure Civiâ—â—n Rom. 54.97 et de Repub. Athen. 47.4 Plutarch in vita Solonis (m) Perionius de Rom. et Gâ—aeâ— Magistrat (n) â—â—kam â—ap quae per solam consuetudinem c. Coke 1 part inâ—â—it cap. 5. 〈◊〉 117. (o) Capiâ—â—a itinâ—ris in vet magn Charta 157 158. Coke 4. part institutes tit Câ—r Ward (p) Glanvil lib 12 cap. 9 10 Register 4 59 Coke magna Charta cap. 10. (q) instructions King Jâ—mes in Anno 1622. (q) Daniel 168. (r) Lib. Caenobij dâ— Ramsey Sect. 114. et Spelmans glossar in verâ—â— Fiscus (s) Claus. 3â— H. 3. (t) Plaâ—it 〈◊〉 3 E. 3. Rot. 58. (u) 46 E. 3 par Parl. 2 in 20 34. (w) 23 H. â— Escaet (x) Mat. Paris 849. (y) Mat. Paris 100â— (z) Parl. 4 Car. primi (a) Daniels History (b) in lib. nigro Scaccarij Spelmans glâ—ssar in verbo firma (c) Master of the Wards Oath (d) 32 H. 46. (e) Attorney of the Wards Oath (f) Auditors Oath (g) Escheators Oath (h) Math Paris 101. (i) Spelmans glossar 416. et Daniel 189. (k) Chronic Leichfeldense (l) Continuation Floren. Wigorâ— et Sr. Roger Twisden in prâ—fat ad leges Willielmi 1. (m) M. S. Cottoniana (n) York vincent Catalogue of English Nobility (o) M. S. inter L. L. Regis Edwardi (p) Mat Paâ—is 99. 100. (q) Mat. Paris 100. (r) Mat. Paris (r) Mat. Paris 977. (s) Pat. 30. E. 1. (t) Walsingham ypodigmâ— Nâ—uster 487. (u) Claus. 30. E. 1â— (w) parl E. 1 (x) Daniels Histoâ—y 195. (y) 25 E. 3.1 (z) Rot Parl. 5 R. 2.11 14. (a) Rot Parl. 13. R. 2 n. 45. (b) Declarat Lords and Commons in Collect. Parliament declarations 386 390. (c) 1 H. 8. cap. 12. Coke 4. part Institutes 197. (d) 1 Jacobi 5. (e) Sr. Francis Bacons speech in Parliament in 7. Jacobi touching a Composition to be made for Tenures in Capite (f) 1 Caâ— primiâ— (g) Coke 4. part Institutes tit Court of Wards 193 (h) Coke 4. Institutes lib. ruâ— Scac. (i) Exact Collections of the King and Parlament Declaratioâ—s 8. (k) Exact Collectâ—ons of the King and Parliament Declarations 8. (l) Exact Collection of the Kâ—nâ—s and Paâ—â—â—amâ—nts Dâ—â—lâ—rations 307. (m) Exact Collection of the Kings and Parliaments Declarations and Messages 308. (n) Exact Collect. of the Kâ—ngs and Parliament Declarations 850.856.857 (*) Propositions sent by the Parliament to the King at Oxford 1 of Febâ—uary 1642. (*) Proposals agreed upon by the Council of the Army to be tendred to the Commissioners of the Parliament residing with the Army 1 August 1647. (p) Nat. Bacons historical Discourses of the Kings of England 202.254.296 in 2 part 241. (q) Naâ— Bacons historical discourses of the Kings of England 219. (r) Petition of advice of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament in An â—657 1 Chronic. 12.23 29 30 33. 1 Chonic 27.1 Deut. 17.12 (s) 2 Chroniâ— 8.7.8 (t) 2 Chron 17.2.3 10. 2 Palip 17.2.10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 Lib. 1.81 (w) 1 Sam. 14.52 x 1 Chronic. 26.31 32. (y) Nehemiah 4.15 16 19 20 11. v. 1.14 (z) 2 Sam. 23.8 (a) 1 Reg. 10.4 5. (b) Esther 1.10.14 (c) Cromptons Iurisdiction of Couts (d) Lib. rub in Scac. et Camden Brit 523. (w) Camden Brit. 353. (x) Lambard perambulation of Kent 362 (y) Camden Brit. 505. (r) Camden Brit. 463. in 4â—â— (s) Camden Brit. 505. (t) Ro. â—in 11 E. 2. Cokeâ— 1 part Instit. 70. (u) Camden Brit. 530. (y) Camden Brit. 361. (a) Camden Brit. 604. (b) Lambards Perambulation of Kent (c) Barn Brisson in Basilic lib. 6. tit 13. (d) 21 E. 3. â—3 45 E. 3. â—â— (e) Iudges 5.23 (f) 2 Sam 11 11. (g) 2 Sam. 19.31 32 33.35 36. (h) Charta H. 1. et Regis Iohannis