or thing purchased Occupancy under the same with absolute Conquest because there were none to make Terms for themselves And if the Agreements between the Conqueror and the Conquered have the force of Laws by Parity of Reason where there is no Agreement as in Places gain'd by Occupancy or absolute Conquest the Prince's Pleasure sufficiently declared and made known will have the same force Though the Soveraignty of what Subjects gain by the Sword or Purchase accrues to the Prince it is not so clear that the Prince acquires for his Subjects for then that Acquistion which W. 1. made by his Victory over Harold would have rendred England an Accession to Normandy as our present Soveraign's Victory over J. 2. would have subjected England to the Low Countries If indeed an absolute Conquest leaving no Property to the Natives were carried on at the charge of a Nation or of any Body Politick or single Persons such would have a fair Pretence to a Legal Interest or share in the Soil though not in the Soveraignty But when the King gains a Soveraignty where the People in general have no Pretence of Interest in the Property it may be a question whether the Laws of Property here and for securing Liberty which follows that can be of any force there And whoever transplants himself without any Property must be presumed to submit to the Laws and Customs of that Place where he expects to gain one The only Question material here as giving Light to the rest is what according to our Law is the Effect of Conquest upon Terms That in such case the former Laws and Customs of the conquered Country remain if stipulated for appears from the Nature of the thing and is confirm'd by our Law of which Wales affords a plain Instance that anciently had been Feudatory to England and afterwards conquer'd by E. 1. that which is called the Statute of Snodon or Ruthland is manifestly no Act of an English Parliament but an Agreement between the King and them wherein he approv'd and allow'd of some of their old Laws and alter'd others by the Advice and Consent of his Peers that were with him at Snodon which being in Wales 't is not likely that an English Parliament should be summon'd thither nor are any Footsteps of one to be found Nay though Wales was afterwards by Act of Parliament incorporated and annex'd to the Realm of England and it was provided that they should enjoy all Rights Laws and Liberties as the Subjects of this Realm notwithstanding any Act Statute or Usage to the contrary Yet it has been held from the Title of the Act That many Welsh Customs remain the English Form of ministring Laws and Justice being observed But there was no Question but till the making that Act all the Welsh Laws and Customs allowed at Ruthland were in full Force And this tho Wales had been conquered at the Expence of the English Nation which cannot be said of any part of the Indies and is by the Statute of Ruthland declared to be united to the Crown of England as a part of the same Body And whatever English-man went to inhabit in Wales before the Act of Union particularly introducing the English Laws though he were within the King's Dominions yet was he subject to the Laws and Customs of Wales Nay farther yet W. 1. gave Power to several of his great Lords to conquer what they could from the Welsh Nation Of which to use the Words of the learned Judg Doderidge The said Lordships and Lands so conquer'd were ordain'd Baronies-Marchers and had a kind of Palatine Jurisdiction erected in every one of them and Power to administer Justice unto their Tenants in every of their Territories having therein Courts with divers Priviledges Franchises and Immunities So that the Writs of ordinary Justice out of the King's Courts were for the most part not currant among them Nevertheless if the whole Barony had come in Question or that the Strife had been between two Barons-Marchers touching their Territories or Confines thereof for want of a Superior they had Recourse unto the King their supream Lord. And in these and such like Cases where their own Jurisdiction failed Justice was administred to them in the superior Courts of this Realm I find a memorable Record of this matter 9. E. 1. before the King in Council Gilbert of Clare Earl of Glocester who claim'd to hold his Lands in Glamorgan sicut regale quidvis as any thing Royal or any Royalty by Order of the King was required to answer a Suit or Complaint against him But he pleads that he holds those Lands of his own and his Ancestors Conquest by reason of which he conceiv'd that he ought not to answer any one for any matter from thence without the Judgment of his Peers of England and of the Marches of Wales who use the same Liberties in their Welsh Lands And I find it rested here In the 20 th of the same King in the great Case between the Earls of Glocester and Hereford A Jury of Peers and others being summon'd the Peers not only refuse to be sworn as being against their Priviledg but say No like Royal Mandat ever came into those parts for Causes concerning the Marches to be tried otherwise than according to the Vsages and Customs of those parts Thus it appears that not only the King 's but the Subjects Conquests enjoyed their peculiar Laws and Customs As I know not that I ever opposed any Royal Prerogative warranted by Antiquity or immediate Necessity neither do I that I have here advanced any not so warranted But if both Common and Statute Law yield such Countenance as I have shewn for the King 's prohibiting to trade to particular Places all but such as he thinks fit upon the Penalty of forfeiting Ship and Goods and that this Forfeiture may be taken at least under the Admiralty-Jurisdiction granted to the Company If Martial Law in Relation to Fact arising beyond the Seas may be exercised according to the Rules of the Civil Law and it appears not that the Company have gone beyond those Rules If yet farther the Rights and Priviledges of English-men may receive Alteration according to the Place to which they come though within the King's Dominions then to punish any Member of the Company for procuring or acting under such Powers as have been complained of may seem very hard APPENDIX A Commission for Martial Law granted to a Governor chosen by the East-India Company 43 Eliz. ELIZABETH by the Grace of God Queen of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith c. To our Trusty and well beloved James Lancaster Esq greeting Whereas divers of our loving Subjects have been humble Petitioners unto us for our Royal Assent to be granted unto them that they at their own Adventures Costs and Charges as well for the Honour of this our Realm of England as for the Increase and Advancement of Trade of
E. 1. is a Precedent in Point to justify the last for no Man can doubt but Foreign Merchants had their Goods as much under the Protection of our Laws as Natives had or have But admit that the King could not by his Proclamation create a Forfeiture so to be adjudged in Westminster-Hall yet it being in Relation to Fact arising upon the High Sea or the Ports beyond the Seas falling within the Admiralty Jurisdiction and Marine Laws if the King may by Law prohibit then whatever Penalty the Marine Laws inflict upon Persons or Goods going contrary to Imperial or Regal Prohibitions the same are allowed of in our Laws Nor will it be any Objection to say that the Penalty is occasioned by the Prohibition in the Charter for it is not supposed that barely trading thither is against the Marine Laws unless such Trade were before prohibited As early as the time of Rich. 1. I find that omnes per mare ituri all Persons going by Sea were subject to the Admiral 's Jurisdiction And parts beyond the Seas are within the same The great Hales when he was of Counsel in a cause against the Admiralty did not except against such Power only that a Contract at New-England was not alledged to be in partibus transmarinis But this Jurisdiction is proved at large by Mr. Pryn in his Observations upon the 4th Institute The Kings Power at Sea is more absolute than at Land as appears by a memorable Record 31 E. 1. It was then agreed by the Lords and Commons and the Deputies of Foreign Princes that the King of England by Reason of his Kingdom of England has enjoyed the Supream Dominion and Empire in the English Sea and the Islands thereto belonging and may constitute whatever is necessary for the preserving Peace Justice and Equity as well among Foreign Nations as his own Subjects and may judg accordingly and do all things belonging to summum Imperium The Admiral 's Patents are to try secundum Legem Maritimam according to Maritime Law and Maritime Law or Law Merchants is by the Chancellor in E. 4th's time held to be the Law of Nature which is Vniversal throughout all the World Wherefore according to this the King has in these matters summum Imperium without the Fetters of positive Laws of particular Nations But as far as the Provisions reach the Law of Oleron made by R. 1. as he came from the Holy Land is the Law of Merâ—â—anâ—s throughout the World and the Law of Nations â—herein and I find Provisions made for Trials by the Law of Oleron and ancient Laws of the 〈◊〉 and 4 H. 4. Persons to be punished according to the Custom of the 5 Ports which had a Collection of some Sea Laws By the Law of Oleron Pyrates Robbers and Sea-Rovers may by despoiled of their Goods without Punishment If this will not reach Interlopers as Sea-Rovers at least the Civil Law which is another Guide to the Admiral 's Judgment will If says the learned Professor of the Civil Law Dr. Zouch things unlawful are put into a Ship the Ship is forfeited Again he tells us Traders are proceeded against in Judgment if they venture to go to buy or sell beyond places prescribed and the Goods brought from thence are to be forfeited and the Contracters to be subjected to perpetual Punishments And 't is evident that for this he has the Warrant of the express Letter of the Civil Law Thus we find in the Codex We now command as was formerly done that Liberty of buying Silk from Barbarians be taken from all Persons except the Supervisor of Commerce Again Merchants as well our Subjects as those of the King of Persia ought not to buy or sell out of those Places which were agreed to at the time of the League with the said Nation If this be done knowingly by either of the Contractors the things sold or gained elsewhere than in these Places are forfeited And besides the Loss of these things and of their Price which was paid in Money or Goods they are to undergo perpetual Banishment Again If any Persons are apprehended either going beyond the Cities mentioned in the ancient Laws or receiving Foreign Merchants without a Supervisor of Commerce they shall neither evade the Forfeiture of their Goods nor the Penalty of perpetual Banishment Upon all which Authorities I think it no strained Conclusion That if the King may prohibit Foreign Trade in any case and all must agree that he may in some for the Publick Good he may in such case prohibit it under the Penalty of Forfeiture of Ship and Goods especially if he direct that they shall be proceeded against by the Admiralty's Jurisdiction which is provided for by late Charters to the East-India Company I must not here pass by the Case of Horn and Jvy which seems to lye in my way There indeed the seizing a Ship as forfeited by Virtue of a Charter to the Canary Company is held unlawful But it is to be considered 1. That it was without Legal Process 2. The Justification of the seizing was without Warrant only by Commandment from the Company which could not be sufficient 3. The Statute 3 I. 1. had enabled the Subjects of England to trade freely into the Dominions of Spain And the Distinction took by the Judges then that the Canaries were of the Dominions of the King of Spain but not of Spain it self might be true yet it is not likely that the Parliament intended a nice Enquiry into the several Tenures or the Titles which the King of Spain had to all the Parts of his Dominions 4. But be this Authority never so express the Reporter assures us some held otherwise Nor could the unanimous Opinion of the Court of King's Bench be enough to turn the Stream of the greater Authorities which I have produced The Power over Life exercised under the King's Authority is of greater sound but not of any higher Nature than the foregoing For according to the Degrees of Power over Property so it must by Consequence be over Persons And it will be no harsh Supposal that if the King is not tied to the Rules of Common Law in Relation to Foreign Trade neither is he as to the Persons of such Traders But to come more particularly to the Facts which occasion this Question They are either Judgments of Death upon Trials had in Pursuance of the Powers given by the Charter to the Governors upon the Place and these Powers duly pursued or not or else the like Judgments upon Trials had by particular Commissions for Martial Law If the Powers of the Charter were duly pursued then the only Question will be whether the King may give a Power to judg upon the Place such as transgress the Laws either of England or by-Laws made for that Place If he cannot do this 't will be impossible to preserve any
't is highly improbable that the Commons would pray a general Liberty of Trade But farther to confirm this Power in Relation to Commodities which were not Staple Butter and Cheese having been Commodities of the Staple but distapled by reason of not being able to bear the Charges incident to the Staple though leave was given to carry them to any place in Amity there is an express Proviso that the King may restrain the same when it shall please him Now whereas Men fancy that at Common-Law every Man had an entire Liberty to trade to any parts let us consider the true State of Trade and it will appear that if the Statutes do not help which I shall soon consider Merchants Denizens have no Pretence to Liberty especially against the King's Prohibition unless it be to places where Trade is opened by particular Statutes as to the Dominions of Spain France Portugal c. Or to Staples which were at first erected by the King 's sole Authority Till the Statute 34. E. 3. they could not trade abroad in Person even with any Staple Commodity Other Trade must be carried on with Gold or Silver or with Goods and Manufactures not Staple The Exportation of Gold and Silver the Kings might have prohibited at their Pleasure till 15. Car. 2. And it appears by the Statute of 2. H. 6. that the Staple at Calais took in all Merchandize from hence besides Woollen Cloth and Herring For Woollen Cloth the Staple was at Flanders So that Herring seemed the only Trade at Liberty which however being Victuals was within the Reason of the Provision in the Statute of 18. H. 6. concerning Butter and Cheese And the common Course of Restraints by the King's Proclamations Thus I find a Proclamation in the 40 th of Ed. 3. against carrying Corn or other Victuals from the Isle of Wight Another afterwards against carrying Wine out of England And an Indictment in the 36 th for carrying Corn beyond Sea against the King's Proclamation Sixthly The general Course of the Statutes express or imply the King's Power of prohibiting Goods and Persons This does Magna Charta it self very plainly and so as to serve for an Explanation unto all other Statutes concerning Merchants Let all Merchants says it unless they were publickly prohibited before have safe and sure Conduct to go out of England come to England and stay and go through England as well by Land as by Water to buy and sell without evil Toll unless in time of War or that they are of the Enemies Land This as the Lord Coke rightly observes in this Particular relates only to Merchants Strangers which shews that no others were then known If it takes in Denizens then Letters of safe Conduct or other Licenses are requisite for them to apply for before they can have such Liberty According to which I find Letters of free Trading and safe Conduct to Merchants coming into England tam indigenis quam alienigenis as well Natives as Foreigners 50. H. 3. Though Merchants Denizens are not taken notice of as trading by Sea 9. H. 3. It seems by the 50 th they who had used to enrich themselves by the Monies of Foreigners fell to Foreign Trade themselves and for ought appears to the contrary did this by Vertue of Letters of Free Trade from the Crown Nor was Trade wholly enlarged 2o. E. 3. when 't was enacted That Merchants Strangers and Privy may go and come with their Merchandizes into England after the Tenor of the Great Charter which referring wholly to the Charter leaves it as it was before Indeed there is likewise a Provision that Staples shall cease but that was but temporary no more being necessarily implied in the Word cease However this can reach no farther than to Staples appointed before that time without restraining future Appointments which appears not only from the Import of the Words but by the constant Practice after Whatever Liberty the Great Charter gives it is to such as take Letters of Conduct or at least have not been publickly prohibited But the Lord Coke must needs be under a Mistake where he makes the Publick Prohibition to be no other than by Parliament For unless he supposes all Staples to be taken away absolutely by Magna Charta contrary to the express Allowances of following Statutes the Kings prohibiting Staple Goods to be carried elsewhere than to the Staple is a lawful Publick Prohibition within that Statute And whatever Prohibition is lawful must be Publick within the Statute for otherwise it is not lawful But they that argued against the Company 's Charter admitted that the King might prohibit exporting Goods when needful for the Kingdom and in times of Plague and the like Wherefore such Prohibition is sufficiently publick but to say that the King might in such cases but not otherwise is either a giving up the Question of publick Prohibition or else a begging it in supposing that others though as publick are not within the Prohibition The great Statute relied on for Liberty of Foreign Trade is 18. E. 3. the Words of which in the Print are these Every Man as well Stranger as Privy from hence-forward may buy Wools according as they may agree with the Seller as they were wont to do before And that the Sea be open to all manner of Merchants to pass with their Merchandizes where shall please them To shew how little Warrant there is for what Men would gather from the Print 't will be requisite to set down the Words of the Record Item prie la dite Com que Come nre snr le Roy eit Grantz as gents de Flandres qles Estaples desleyns scient en la vill du Brugges au temps de quet grant tote manere dez Merchandz cest ascavoir Lombards Genevys Cataloyens Espainols et autres que la plus grand part des Leyns soloient achater at per la ou ills voloient hors de terr de Flandres per terr et per mier a lour voluntee amesner a grant Profit et Encreas du pris des leyns illoques venantz la ont les vills de Brugges Gant et Ipre denovel ordeniz pur lour profit que nuls leyns venantz a le Staple scient venduz as estrangers gentz ne carriez hors de la dit tere de Flandres si com ills soloient estre en damage de Marchantz d' Angleterre et de tote la Com dont ills prient remede Resp. Quant au quint Article il est avis as Roialmque la Petition est reasonable et outre assentuz est que chescun Merchant aussi bien Estrangers come Privez peusse achater Leyns en Engleterre aussi come ils soloient fair et sur se soient faitz breifs as Viscounts de fair ent Proclamation Also the said Commons pray that since our Lord the King has granted to the People of Flanders that the Staples for Wools be in the
Town of Bruges at the time of which Grant all manner of Merchants viz. Lombards Genoeses Catalonians Spaniards and others who used to buy the greatest part of the Wools carried them from thence whither they would out of the Land of Flanders by Land and Sea at their Pleasures to the great Profit and Encrease of the Price of Wools coming thither The Towns of Bruges Gant and Ipre have lately ordained for their Profit that no Wools coming to the Staple be sold to Strangers nor carried out of the said Land of Flanders as they used to be To the Damage of the Merchants of England and of all the Commons whereof they pray Remedy Answ As to the 5th Article it is agreed by the Prelates Lords and Commons of the Realm that the Petition is reasonable And moreover it is assented that every Merchant as well Stranger as Privy may buy Wools in England as they used to do And of this let there be Writs made to the Sheriffs to make Proclamation thereof Upon which it is observable 1 st That the King's Power of erecting Staples is allowed and the Staple of his erecting is continued by this Statute For though leave is given to buy Woolsany where in England Bruges still remained the Foreign Staple to which all Wools that were exported were to be conveyed 2 dly That this being only a Liberty to buy Wools in England does not in the least imply a Liberty for Merchants to pass abroad with their Merchandizes where it shall please them for that would be wholly to destroy the Foreign Staple which is by no means taken away Wherefore if either the Writ to the Sheriff or the Proclamation thereupon mistake the Liberty there mentioned which Merchants formerly had to pass by Land and Sea from Flanders as if it related to passing from England and that through the Inadvertency of the Compiler of the Statute-Book be foisted in for the Act of Parliament I am sure it neither is nor ought to be of any Avail And 't is further to be considered that even that Liberty which is given by this Act to buy Wools any where in England is restrained by the Statute of the Staple nine Years after which erects Staples in several parts of England to which all Wools c. which shall be carried out of this Realm shall be brought Nor are they according to that to be exported by Merchants Denizens Nor do the Statutes 25 E. 3. 2 R. 2. which provide that Merchants Aliens and Denizens may buy and sell all things vendible of and to whom they will amount to a general Liberty for Foreign Trade For 1. There is a saving to the Staple of Calais 2. The Title and Preamble shew that 't is only to buy and sell within the Realm without Disturbance 3. The Remedy is only against Disturbances in Towns c. within the Realm The only Refuge that I am aware of is The Act for Encouragement of Trade 15 Car. 2. and some others of the like Nature In that there is a Liberty given for exporting Corn or Grain when at certain Prizes into any Places beyond the Seas as Merchandize But 1. This being for Merchandize can reach to no other places besides those whose Trade is lawful And as no Man can say that by this Act they may send this to an Enemies Country neither if the King may by Law prohibit sending to any other may it be sent thither Wherefore the publick Prohibition excepted in Magna Charta must needs run through this Act. 2. The Statute says only notwithstanding any Law Statute or Vsage to the contrary but provides not against future publick Prohibitions The Clause which enacts that no Commodity of the Growth Production or Manufacture of Europe shall be imported into any part of Asia Africa and America unless in English Bottoms with the Master and three fourths of the Mariners English gives no Liberty for all People to trade thither but only requires the lawful Traders thither to go with English Ships and such a Proportion of English-men Of the same Nature is the Provision concerning Goods or Commodities of the Growth Production and Manufacture of Africa Asia or America 12 Car. 2. Seventhly The King may by his Prerogative entrusted with him for the Good of his People prohibit the Exportation or Importation of certain Comodities upon Pain of Forfeiture of the Goods and Ships which carry them Edward the third commanded that no Merchant Denizen should transport Cloth of Worsted nor Merchant Denizen or Stranger Coals Sea Stones Fell-Ware c. to other Places than Calais sub forisfacturâ Bonorum et Merchandizarum under Forfeiture of the Goods and Merchandizes This is likely to have been according to former Precedents of Staples for whereas the Statute 2 E. 3. says Staples ordained by Kings in times past shall cease So it says of the Pains thereupon Provided And the 27 th enacts That all who shall be convict that they have brought Wools Leather and Woolfells to the Parts beyond the Sea against the Defence of the Proclamation thereof made before the making this Ordinance shall be judged to prison and incur the Forfeiture of the same Wools Leather or Woolfels and all other their Goods and Chattels and moreover be ransomed at our Will Now I appeal to all rational Men whether it is not more likely that there had been such a Penalty in the King's Prohibition and that it was here confirmed by the Parliament than that they should make a Penalty ex post facto or encrease the Penalty before set But for the King to prohibit upon Pain of Forfeiture was very frequent in that time and as here it had a Parliamentary Allowance so had it a judicial one in the foregoing Reign A Charter had been granted to Great Yarmouth that all Ships coming within the Haven shall be discharged there upon Pain of Forfeiture of the Goods This had been adjudged valid before the Council of E. 2. which being at a time when the Council was chosen in Parliament carries as much Evidence of the Law of that time as any thing can Indeed Little Yarmouth in the time of E. 3. insisting upon the same Priviledg by another Charter as it had done before the Council of E. 2. The Debate of that matter is adjourned to Parliament Exporting Corn from the Isle of Wight was prohibited upon Pain of Forfeiture 40 E. 3. Exporting Wine from England upon the like Pain 46 E. 3. And long before this Foreign Merchants without mention of any War had but 40 Days given them to sell their Wines in London And as his present Majesties Proclamation prohibiting the Importation of French Goods and requiring the Sale of them by a convenient time to come upon Pain of Forfeiture and this without any Declaration of War but only for the Publick Good is another great Authority on the Companies Side So the Proclamation of 3
Foreign Plantations and besides New-England and all other English Colonies have acted unwarrantably from the Beginning If the Powers in the Charter have not been duly pursued that will be the Fault of the Governor entrusted with the Execution of them but not of the Company unless it appear that they have given such Instructions which neither did nor could appear in their Case who were tried by the Governour at St. Helena It being immediately upon their Rebellion before there could come any Orders from hence concerning them The heaviest part of the Charge is that of a Commission for Martial Law which 't is supposed that the Company obtained that some of the Committee gave Instructions to have it put in Execution For this 't is requisite to give a short Account of the Inducements to that Commission The People of St. Helena having risen to a Competency on a suddain from the Grant of the Company had grown insolent with their good Fortune and impatient of any Government and four times rebell'd against the King's Auhtority administred by the Governours there meerly for Rebellions sake before they had any manner of Charge laid upon them for Maintenance of the Government being only required to defend it with their Bodies and such Arms as were given them by the Company for which end they were bound to keep Guard in their turns as well as to rise in general upon occasion They having taken a Distaste at the Deputy-Governor upon the false Suggestions of the most Seditious among them came down to the Fort in an hostile manner demanding the Deputy-Governor to be delivered up to their Fury and it being refus'd endeavour'd to force open the Gate Some would justify their Recourse to Arms because the Company finding more need of Defence against them than against Invaders had been obliged to send Souldiers for securing the Peace and discharging them from their ordinary Attendance had required the Payment of one Shilling per Acre for this necessary Support of the Government Whereas 1. There was no Stipulation with them that they should have any Vote or Interest in the making any Laws or Provisions about the Governments However 2. This which they would make a just occasion was not done till it was necessitated by this very Rebellion which thus they would ligitimate by way of Prophecy The Rebels for such they were against the King's Power administred there being dispersed by the Company 's Souldiers some of them were taken and tried and if the Witness produced against the Company swore true they were notwithstanding found guilty but of a Riot or Tumult Which shews how little Justice was to be expected when it was to be had by means of some of the Inhabitants However they being taken in actual Rebellion the Governour having by the King's Charter In Case of Rebellion Mutiny or Sedition as large and ample Power as any Captain General of the King's Army by Virtue of his Office hang'd some for Examples and detaining others in Prison sent a Narrative of the Fact signed by others of the Council there upon which Narrative the then King thought fit to issue out his Commission of Martial Law for Trial of the rest who were tried accordingly and some executed That this Trial by Martial Law is warranted by the Law of England will appear beyond Contradiction it being for a Fact committed beyond the Seas For 1 st At Common Law the Constable and Marshal have the sole Jurisdiction in criminal Causes arising from beyond the Seas as appears by the declaratory Stat. 13 R. 2. which says To the Constable it pertaineth to have Cognizance of Contracts touching Deeds of Arms and War out of England And indeed 't is evident by numerous Authorities that the Courts at Westminster could not take Cognizance of such Fact to mention but one as early as E. 2. 't is held without Contradiction that to a Fact done out of the Jurisdiction here or out of the Realm as at Paris or else where beyond Sea I ought not to answer The Constables Commission refers to the Practice in the time of W. 1. and since and shews that the Proceedings there have from the earliest times been in a summary way without regard to our forms of Law And it is held by Prisot 37 H. 6. and not denied that the Proceedings before the Constable and Marshal are to be by the Civil Law 2. This Power for exercising Martial Law is not taken away by any Statute The only Statutes which may be supposed to affect it are 26 H. 8. c. 13. and 35 H. 8. c. 2. both of them for Trial here of Treasons committed beyond the Seas and that part of the Petition of Right which concerns the Exercise of this Law Neither of which take away this Power for it being a Power at Common Law those Statutes of H. 8. which authorize Trials here by no means remove it as is held by the Lord Coke And that manifestly agreeable to the course of Authorities in the like kind there being no negative clause providing that such Trials shall not be had elsewhere or in other manner than what is there enacted That the Petition of Right does not touch this is as plain for The Petition is only against the assigning and appointing Commissioners with Power and Authority to proceed within the Land according to the Justice of Martial Law 2. It is not against proceeding for Fact arising out of the Land but such only for which Men were by Law punishable here by Magna Charta and other Statutes declaratory of the Common Law before the Statutes 26 and 35 H. 8. whereas Martial Law was within Magna Charta and those other Statutes part of the Law of the Land in Relation to Fact arising from beyond Sea And whereas the Petition says No Persons were exempted from Punishments to be inflicted according to the Laws and Statutes It shews that it speaks only in Relation to Fact arising here for otherwise they were exempted 3. But farther that the Petition of Right was never intended to touch the Constables or Marshals Common-Law-Jurisdiction appears from the Debates which induced the Petition I agree says the Learned Banks then Attorney General and afterwards Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas in some particular Cases the Martial hath Jurisdiction as in matters whereof the Common-Law can take no notice being done out of this Realm and also for the Treasons and Murders beyond Sea I need not labour to prove that the same Power which the Constable and Marshal or either of them had at the Common Law may be granted to several Commissioners The Substance of the Power not consisting in the Name or Number of Officers and I think no Man will question but the present Lords Commissioners for the Great Seal had before the late Statute concerning them all the Power which the Chancellor or Keeper had at the Common-Law Commissions for the executing Martial Law have been
frequent in most Reigns and such as are full Precedents for that Commission which was executed at St. Helena To make which evident I have in the Appendix transcribed one at large granted even in Queen Elizabeth's time and refer to another of the like kind in the time of J. 1. It may be said That it is not agreeable to the Martial Law that others joining with Souldiers should be punished as Souldiers To which I answer That though this might be a question in other Cases yet it can be none in the Case of open Rebellion where Rebels make themselves Souldiers And it is observable that the Petition of Right makes no Provision against the Trial of such even for Facts committed here for it mentions only Murthers Robbery Felony Mutiny or other Outrage or Misdemeanor proceeding from the higher to the lower Crimes but Treason is neither included in them nor ever placed in the Rear 2. The Planters at St. Helena might well be look'd upon as Souldiers not only as they were in open Rebellion and went thither as Souldiers but by the Constitution of the Place were bound to ordinary Duty by Day and Night in their turns with the Companies Arms had their several Posts assigned them and were to attend upon all Alarms at the firing of a Gun It may further be said That Martial Law ought to be exercised only flagrante bello But then there would be little Difference if any between a Fact committed here or beyond Sea for the Petition of Right allows it here in time of War condemning only the Exercise of such a Power as it agrees to be used in Armies in time of War But matters hapning abroad being triable by Martial Law here or by Commissions from hence 't is evident that there must be time allowed for Informations which being from a great Distance cannot be speedy If it be said That the Governor might have exercised this Power upon the Place perhaps it may be better that he should stay for Orders from hence than that so large a Power should be used at his Discretion Besides till he was reinforced from England and Pardons were sent from thence which several imbraced to the breaking the Party which had conspired and acted together he wanted Power to execute such an Authority But did not the Common and Statute Law of the Land the Civil Law of the Romans or other Maritime or Marshal Laws afford sufficient Matter for an Apology we might have Recourse to the Foundation of them all and what upon Emergencies superseeds all the Salus Populi To which the Interest both of Prince and People must give way whenever there is a Competition It is necessary that this should be preserved And the Law of Necessity is ever held superior to Forms and Provisions for common Cases This indeed is duly taken by the Lord Hobart to be a Law only for the instant Time But if it does appear that the East-India Company is for the Benefit of the Publick and if the Powers which it exercised by Grant from the Crown were at the respective times of using them necessary to preserve their Trade or Interest in those Places which they had obtained from the Crown or their own Acquisition allowed by that then this may plead their Excuse for what was done in such Circumstances though indeed it be no Argument that such Powers should be constantly exercised for the future without a Parliamentary Establishment That an East-India Company is for the Good of the Nation is now past Controversy and is not only admitted on all sides but they who would destroy this would be of a new one that themselves might share in the Spoils of the Old If therefore the destroying this the taking from its Credit or lessening the Powers which it has though the like Powers should immediately be vested in another may indanger the Loss of Trade or Diminution of the English Interest in India then 't is certain 't will be more expedient that the old Company should have a Supply of such Powers as are supposed not to be Legal than that it should be lessened in any Respect If this Company were dissolved then whatever Advantages are gained by any Treaties with the Indians or by their own prudent Management among them would cease Nay whatever tends to the sinking its Credit not only makes the Trade with the Indians to be upon more disadvantageous terms but gives such an over-Ballance of Credit to our too powerful Competitors as perhaps may not be retrieved again in some Ages The denying the English Company that Power which is exercised there by others would deprive it of means necessary to its Preservation It being impossible that a People at such Distance can receive Laws from hence for all Emergencies timely enough to obviate their Designs who act by full Power upon the Place And the very transferring this Power to another Company but newly entred upon the Methods of advancing its Interest in the Indies may occasion the hazarding that publick Benefit which the Nation is now in Possession of Nor ought it to be put upon the chance of an uncertain Experiment But what arises from the Political Consideration of this matter has been already set in so clear a Light by an Hand the best able that for me to add any thing further might be but the casting cold Water upon Arguments which could not otherwise fail of maintaining a warm Impression in the Readers If it be said that the Parties over whom this Power has been exercised were English-Men and carry the Rights of such along with them 'T is certain these cannot be enjoyed in all Places for then they would have the same in the Dominions of other Princes notwithstanding the local Allegiance due by the Law of Nations by reason of Protection according to their respective Laws If Men will venture their Lives and Fortunes beyond the Protection of the English Laws 't is at their own Peril and they must submit to the Consequences of it and what those Consequences may be will the better appear if we consider the Nature of those Places from whence the Questions arise They had been granted to the Company from the Crown reserving the Soveraignty And were either 1. Such Plantations or Colonies as King C. 2. had with his Queen formerly belonging to the King of Portugal which being the King 's in his personal Capacity and never annexed to the Crown of England by any Act of Parliament were evidently no part of the Dominion of England 2. Such as were gain'd by primier Occupancy as not being prepossess'd by the Subjects of any other Government 3. Acquired by Conquest absolute or upon terms 4. By Purchase for Goods or Mony or by the way of Exchange for Lands or Territories That of Purchase may fall indifferently under the same Consideration either with absolute Conquest or with that upon terms according to the Nature of the Purchase