SOME PAPERS Given in by the COMMISSIONERS of the PARLIAMENT of SCOTLAND To the Honourable HOUSES of the Parliament of ENGLAND In Answer to their VOTES of the 24. of September 1646. CONCERNING The disposing of His MAJESTIES PERSON EDINBURGH Printed by Evan Tyler Printer tâ— the Kings most Excellent Maiesty 1646. 20. Octob. 1646. From the Commissioners for the Parliament of Scotland Right Honourable VVEe doe herewith present to the Honourable Houses two Papers in answer to their Votes of the 24 of September wherein we have contributed our best endeavours to come to a speedy agreement in the great affairs now in agitation and to preserve and continue a firme correspondence between the Kingdoms And we cannot but promise to our selves that wee shall meet with the same affections in the Honourable Houses That all differences being determined and all just desires satisfied these Kingdomes may still remaine in a sweet concord and brotherly conjunction then which nothing can be more acceptable to Your Lordships most humble servants Loudoun Louderdaill A. Johnston Charles Erskine Hugh Kennedy Ro. Barclay Worcester House the 20. of Octob. 1646. For the right Honourable the Speaker of the House of Peeres pro tempore HAving received the Votes of both Houses dated the 24. of September concerning the disposing of the Kings Person as both Houses of Parliament shall think fit Although we judge as in charity we ought that it is nor the meaning and intention of the Honourable Houses to claime or assume to themselves the whole and sole power to dispose of his Majesties Person which is known to be a matter as of high so of common and equall concernment to both Kingdoms Yet lest by our silence the right and interest of the Kingdom of Scotland should be prejudiced and lest that sense of those Votes which many have apprehended and expressed should minister occasion of mis-understanding and difference between the Kingdoms according to the desires and hopes of our common enemies We have judged it necessary with that freedom candor and plainnesse which becometh Brethren to represent our thoughts concerning this great busines to both Houses We do acknowledge that as Positively the Houses of Parliament have as much power in disposing of the Kings Person as any one Parliament hath or can have to dispose of a King who hath more free Kingdoms then one So Negatively none ought or may dispose of His Majesties Person without or against their consent The like we suppose will be mutually acknowledged in reference to the Parliament of Scotland It being a fundamentall Right and Liberty of either Kingdom That none can justly without their own consent impede or restrain the Person of their King from coming amongst them and doing the duties of a King unto them And in both these Senses we acquiesce in the Vote of the Honourable Houses But if the Vote should be meant or made use of as restrictive to the Parliament of England and exclusive oâ— the Parliament of Scotland Or as if the two Houses werâ— to dispose of the Person of the King by their single anâ— sole authority without the consent and concurrence oâ— the Kingdom of Scotland We trust this sense is as far from the thoughts of both Houses as it is from justice and equity the Parliament of Scotland having as much interest in the Person of the King of Scotland as the Parliament of England hath of the Person of the King of England and the Person being but one both Kingdoms must needs share equally in that joynt interest Neither hath the Parliament of England any more power to dispose of the person of this King of Scotland being in England then the Parliament of Scotland hath to dispose of the person of this King of England if he were in Scotland And as the Parliament of England might justly conceive their inrest and power to be greatly prejudiced if the Parliament of Scotland should claim the sole power to dispose of His Majesties person being in Scotland and consequently if they shall so think fit to restrain his Person from coming to his Houses of Parliament when the necessary affairs of this Kingdom require his presence So we cannot but in justice expect to be dealt with by the Honourable Houses as they would have us in like cases to deal with them Although what we have now expressed might be sufficient as to our sense of the Vote Yet it shall not be superfluous but very expedient that we further clear our selves and our reall intentions in that which we first offered in our Paper of the 11. of August Concerning a joynt consultation and resolution of both Kingdoms what is next to be done in reference to the King Which motion we now resume to be still insisted upon For the question is not whether the Houses of Parliament or the Scots Army shall dispose of the person of the King in England Our Army claimeth no power to dispose of his Majesties Person And as they could not refuse to receive him when he came amongst them So they are ready to obey and submit to the joynt resolutions of both Kingdoms concerning his Majestie Neither is the question which of the two Kingdoms shall trust the other with the present residence of the Kings Person till he be disposed of by the consent and agreement of both Let it be far from both Kingdoms that the former mutuall confidence should now turn to a mutuall diffidence And let not a blessing from heaven be expected upon either of the Nations which continued not faithfull to the other according to the Covenant Our confidence in the Wisdom Justice Loyaltie and Faithfulnesse of the Honourable Houses is such that whensoever the King shall be willing to return unto them and they willing to receive him we shall not make the least impediment but give our cheerfull consent Least of all is the question concerning any Priviledge or Power of the Parliament of England or any Law Liberty or practise of this Kingdom to dispose of their King It is not our meaning to controvert what in that kinde they may do or at any time have done according to their Laws which are best known to themselves for their good and safety without the least shadow of any dependencie upon another Kingdom But withall we desire it may be remembred that this is to be transferred equally to the power and priviledge of the Parliament of Scotland We do not meddle with any of the single or proper Rights Priviledges or Laws of this Nation more then we would have our Brethren to meddle with ours It is one thing what the Parliament of England might have done in another Cause or Warre before their engagement by the Covenant and Treaties with the Kingdom of Scotland It is another thing what ought to be done after such conditions and tyes imposed by neither Kingdom upon the other but by both joyntly upon themselves and as mutuall Obligations both to God and each to other Although
England in the disposal of the Person of the King which they cannot pretend unto concerning the Person of any Subject of England Object 5. That seeing it is alleadged by us that the disposing of the Kings Person comes in place of a Peace then the receiving of the King into the Scottish Army without consent of the Houses is aequivalent to the making of a Peace without consent of the Kingdome of England contrary to the eight Article of the Treaty Answ It hath been sufficiently answered before that the Scottish Army neither hath nor will take upon them to dispose of the King He came unto them without Capitulation or Treaty his residence with them is voluntary and free and they do nothing which may hinder him to come to his Houses of Parliament But if the kingdome of Scotland should consent to the desire of the Houses that they may have the sole disposall of the Person of the King It being that which comes in the place of the Peace and security of both kingdoms they will really quite the right and interest they have by the eight Article of the Treaty concerning the making of a Peace for which soever of the kingdomes is acknowledged to have the sole disposall of the King may without the other make Peace with him when how and in what tearmes they please Object 6. That England is a free Nation and in former times it was in the power of the Parliament of England to dispose of their Kings And if one Kingdome pretend to a joynt right of disposing of the King while he is in the other it is to entrench upon the former liberty of that Kingdome That the Kingdom of Scotland have no reason to distrust the Houses of Parliament who when the King shall be in their power will not dispose of him otherwise then may consist with their duty according to the Covenant and Treaty between the Kingdoms Answ We will not dispute what power the Houses of Parliament formerly had to dispose of the person of their King but whatsoever power or right they have the like is due to the Parliament of Scotland and so the Person of the King being common to both and indivisible cannot be disposed of but by consent of both kindomes It were another question indeed if it were as in former times if we had different Kings if there were not an Union of the kingdoms under one head Monarch if there were neither Covenant nor Treaty between the kingdomes But since all these are and that the peace and security of both kingdoms is so much concerned in the disposall of the King not any one of them without the other can justly pretend to the sole judgement and right to determine what is best and most expedient for the safety security of both Nor can it in reason be made an argument that the one kingdome distrusts the other because the one will not renounce and resigne all right and interest they have in the person of the King and matter of their own security and peace to the judgement and determination of the other otherwise according to this Argument where there is any trust there should be no contract between person and person nor Treaty between Nations Or if there be any Treaty or agreement the performance or not performance of it is to be left to arbitrement But we cannot see that this doth argue any diffidence or distrust more then when private persons lending money to the Publike desire security and will not depend upon pleasure And therefore though it is not to be questioned but the Houses of Parliament would dispose of the Person of the King so as might consist with their dutie in performing the Covenant and Treaty Yet this can be no Argument why the Scottish Army should neglect their dutie or the Kingdom of Scotland quite the Interest and Right they have in the Person of the King Object 7. That the King is in the possession of the Scottish Armie and though a joynt advice and consent of both Kingdoms be urged for his disposall Yet if the Houses of Parliament agree not to what Scotland shall desire the King doth still remaine in the power of the Scots Army and so the Parliament of England hath no consent Answ If this Argument were turned over the strength or weakenesse of it may the more easily appeare Suppose the King were here at Westminster it may be upon the same grounds urged that the Kingdom of Scotland would have no consent in his disposall And so much the more that the Houses claime the sole Interest and judgement to dispose upon the Kings Person which we desire may be done joyntly as may be best for the security and safety of both Kingdomes And we see no reason why it may not now be determined when he is in the Scottish Army who are intrusted by both and subject to the resolution of both Kingdoms as well as hereafter since he came thither of his owne accord and his residence there is voluntarie And if his Majesty shall think fit to repair hither to his Houses of Parliament they shall doe no act which may either hinder or disswade him but cannot constraine him or deliver him to the Houses to be disposed of as they shall think fit It may now abundantly appeare from the grounds and considerations before expressed that the Scottish armie may not deliver up his Majesties Person to be disposed of by the one Kingdome without the consent of the other Upon supposition whereof we shall in the next place without presuming to prescribe wayes or impose conditions expresse our selves concerning some expedients which in reference to his Majesty deserve to be looked upon considered of and compared together where wee shall onely premise this much That whatever way shall be taken if the right end be looked at his Majesties person ought to be so disposed of as may serve most for the safety and happinesse of the King himselfe and for the common Peace and security of the Kingdomes United in this Cause by the solemne League and Covenant and as may best agree with their dutie Covenant and Treaties These ends being before our eyes although it be most eligible and best of all that his Majesty should without further delay forthwith give satisfaction in the Propositions of Peace which hath been with all instancy pressed not only by us but by all the judicatories of the Kingdom of Scotland and so returne fully reconciled to His Houses of Parliament Yet since to our unspeakable griefe this hath not been as yet obtained We doe propose that His Majesties coming to London or to some of his houses near London with safety freedome and honour which is desired by himself that he may be heard And that upon the clearing of his doubts he may knowingly give a satisfactorie answer to the Propositions is much better then the other wayes which may be expected in case this His Majesties desire be not agreed unto
Head and Soveraign having cast himself into their hands to be disposed of at the arbitrement of another Nation And now wee hope it will not be tedious that we further inlarge our selves upon this great subject by adding satisfactory Answers to such Objections as have been or may be made against our desires and principles in this businesse Object 1. That the Scottish Army is an Auxiliary Armie of England and under their pay and therefore ought to deliver up the King to be disposed of by both Houses as they shall think fit Answ It is sufficiently known that the Scottish Army came not into this Kingdome in the nature of Auxiliaries For when it was desired by the Parliament of England that the Kingdome of Scotland should send an Auxiliary Army into this Kingdom to be subject to the directions and resolutions of both Houses it was absolutely refused as may appear by the severall Papers about that purpose yet extant The Kingdom of Scotland did foresee and consider how prejudiciall it was to forsake their own Peace and what infinite troubles losses and unavoidable danger their engagement with the Parliament of England against so powerfull and prevailing an Enemy would bring upon the Kingdom of Scotland And as they regarded not the large offers nor the threats of the other side for all their prosperity so there was no offer of pay or other worldly advantage whatsoever from the Houses of Parliament which could have induced them to undertake so hazardous and desperate a War It was the good of Religion King and Kingdomes they set before their eyes in order to which end they accounted nothing too deer unto them And having resolved to engage in this Cause for assistance of their Brethren therin they did not stand upon conditions but without respect to the season of the yeer the great strength of the Enemy and other discouragements They did in a short time leavy an Army at their own charge And because of the many burdens then lying upon this Kingdom were content for the present to accept of a sum toward the Monthly entertainment of that Army amounting to little more then half pay and to supersede all further recompence till the War should be at an end And seeing the Kingdome of Scotland was to quit their own Peace and equally with England to undergo the hazard of the War it was found reasonable that the prosecution thereof and the making of the conditions of Peace after the War should be with joint advice and consent of both Kingdomes And according to these grounds a Covenant was agreed upon for the Reformation of Religion and for preservation of the Liberties of the Kingdoms and of the Kings Person and Authority together with a Treaty wherein it is declared that the Scottish Army shall be commanded by a Generall appointed by the Estates of Scotland and shall be subject to such resolutions and directions as are and shall be mutually agreed upon and concluded between the Kingdoms or their Committees in that behalf appointed for pursuance of the ends of the Covenant of which one is to defend and preserve his Majesties Person Object 2. That the King is in England and therefore to be disposed of by both Houses of Parliament and cannot be disposed of by the Scottish Army And though the Kingdome of Scotland may pretend to an interest and power in the disposing of the King yet they can have no exercise of that power in England And albeit the Scottish Army according to the Treaty between the Kingdomes be onely subject to such resolutions as are mutually agreed upon by both Kingdomes or their Committees appointed in that behalf yet this is onely to be understood in ordering and regulating of the Scottish Forces for prosecuting the warre and the Treaty extends no further Answ Although His Majesties riding one dayes journey might wholly subvert the grounds of this Objection Yet we shall not insist upon this Answer because we conceive it toucheth not the true state of the question It hath been already cleered what is not and what is the state of the question which being remembred wee doe assert That the King coming voluntarily to the Scottish Army they cannot in duty deliver him against his will to the Houses of Parliament without consent of the Kingdome of Scotland For the being in England takes not away the relation between the King and His Subjects of the Kingdome of Scotland nor ought it to impede the performance of the mutuall duties founded upon that relation For Allegeance hath no limitation of place being grounded upon the Law of Nature aswell as the law Municipall and so is rather universall then locall The difference of place takes not away the relation and mutuall duties betweene parents and children And it is not the place but the relation which gives interest to the disposing of the Person of the King As his being in England takes not away the relation between him and his Subjects of Scotland so it doth not infringe the mutual obligations and solemn engagements between the Kingdomes for joynt counsells in prosecution of the War and setling of the peace The Kings comming to the Scottish Army being an emergency of our joynt War and the right disposall of his Person the onely meane for the present of our joynt security and peace Neither can the Kings being in England prejudice any right or priviledge of either Kingdome It is the Fundamentall right and priviledge of the Parliament of Scotland and the liberty of that Kingdome as we acknowledge it to be the right and priviledge of the Kingdome of England that the person of their King ought not to be disposed of but with their advice and consent The place of the Kings residence as was answered to us when in the large Treaty it was desired His Majestie might sometimes reside in Scotland is at his owne election in either of the Kingdomes as the exigence of affairs shall require and he shall think fit Or else must be determined by the mutuall advice and consent of both Kingdomes From all which grounds it is apparent that the Kingdom where he resides for the time may doe no Act which may hinder His Majesty to performe the office and dutie of a King to the Kingdome from which he is absent in Person Nor impede him to repair to that Kingdome when the affairs thereof shall necessarily require it Otherwise if the Kingdom where His Majesty resides hath the sole interest and right to dispose of his Person the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland might upon former occasions and may now in case the King and Prince shall repair to Scotland lawfully detain them there and make it the place of the ordinary residence of them and their posterity without the consent of the Kindome of England Which we acknowledge could not be done without a manifest prejudice injury to this Kingdome Wherefore we cannot but conclude that wheresoever the King be in Scotland or
England he being the King of both ought to be disposed of for the good and with the consent of both Kingdomes And if it be considered that the Scottish Army was invited and called into this Kingdom by both Houses in a Treaty for prosecuting the ends of a solemn League and Covenant whereof one is to preserve and defend his Majesties Person there can remaine no doubt concerning the exercise of that right and interest in this Kingdom And therefore it seems very strange that when upon invitation they are come into England as for other ends So to defend His Majesties Person their being in England should be made use of as an argament why they should deliver up the Person of their King to be disposed of as both Houses shall think fit Whereas it is alledged that the Treaty extends no further then to the ordering and regulating of the Scottish Forces in relation to the warre Although this be really answered from the nature of the thing the Kings comming to the Scottish Army being an emergency of the warre and so the delivering of his Person comes under the regulation and direction of both Kingdoms or their Committees as an Act of the Scottish Army Yet that all doubt may be removed wee further adde that it is cleere from the third Article of the Treaty that the Scottish Army is to receive the Directions of both Kingdomes or of their Committees in all things which may concerne the pursuance of the ends of the Covenant and Treaty whether in relation to Peace or Warre In the 8th Article of the Treaty no Cessation Pacification or agreement for Peace whatsoever is to be made by either kingdome or the Army of either kingdom without the advice and consent of both kingdomes And in the 9th Article all differences arising between the Subjects of the two Nations are to be resolved and determined by the mutuall advice and consent of both kingdomes Object 3. That the Scottish Army did carry away the King from the Leaguer before Newark when there was a Committee of both Houses there without seeking their consent and that they have since disposed of him without consent of the Houses of Parliament whereas by the Treaty they ought to do nothing without a joynt resolution of both Kingdoms or their Committees Answ No sooner did the King come into the Scottish Army but the very same day the Committee of Estates of Scotland residing with that army did acquaint the Commissioners of both Houses therewith and not satisfying themselves with this the day following they wrote a Letter to the Committee of Scotland residing at Edinburgh and another to the Committee of both kingdomes here which was communicated to both Houses desiring the advice of this kingdome as in a matter of common interest and declaring they would obey the joynt resolutions of both kingdomes Yet no answer or advice was returned unto them either from the Houses or their Commissioners But immediatly after the surrender of Newark they received information that five thousand Horse and Dragoones from Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army were upon their march towards them Northward which the Honourable House of Peers was pleased to give order to stop there being no Enemy in those parts to be opposed Upon consideration whereof the Quarters wherein they had stayed during the siege of Newark being extreamly exhausted and the Service for which they came thither being performed for preventing mistakes or new troubles between the Kingdomes They removed into Yorkshire the King as he came unto them of his owne accord did voluntarily march along with them Upon severall occasions afterwards They and we did earnestly desire the Honourable Houses to send a Committee to joyn and co-operate with the Committee of Estates there upon the place in all things according to the Treaty But no Answer was returned And from time to time the Houses were acquainted with the proceedings in that Army which were according to the Covenant and the known resolutions of both Kingdoms to debarre all such of both or either Kingdoms as had been in Arms against the Parliament from comming into their Quarters or to the Court or to the Kings Person according to the desire of the House of Peers And whereas it is affirmed That by the Treaty the Scottish Army ought to do nothing without a joynt resolution of both Kingdomes or their Committees There is no such Clause in the Treaty but they are to be subject to such resolutions as are and shall be agreed upon and concluded mutually between the Kingdoms and their Committees as by Ordinance of Parliament the Army under the command of the Earl of Essex or of Sir Thomas Fairfax was to receive and observe the Directions of the Committee of both Kingdoms sitting at Westminster But in case no new Directions were sent unto them they were left to former Orders if any were or otherwise to their own judgement and discretion There was never any such resolution agreed upon between the Kingdoms or their Committees as that the Scottish Army should not receive the King if he came unto them but it is an agreement between the Kingdomes in the Covenant that they should preserve and defend his Majesties Person And in the Declarations of both Kingdomes to rescue him from the common Enemy So that the Scottish Armie having often desired to know the direction and advice of the Houses of Parliament concerning the King and no new Directions being signified unto them According to the Treaty they were to observe the Directions and Resolutions formerly agreed upon betweene the Kingdoms And as the Scottish Army do and will ever acknowledge that they claime no power to dispose of the Kings Person but are subject to and shall be ready to follow whatsoever both Kingdoms shall agree upon as best for the King and Kingdoms so their keeping and preserving his Majesties Person as they would do to any person of his eminency and relation in an Army or Garrison Town without the least thought of hindering his voluntary return to his Parliament cannot be reputed or called a disposing of his Person Object 4. If any Peer of England go to the Scottish Armie and desire their Protection can he not be disposed of without the consent of the Committee of Estates of the Kingdom of Scotland residing with that Army Answ There is a wide and manifest difference betwixt the relation the Scottish Army hath to any Subject of England and the relation they have to their King which are sufficiently distinguished in the third fourth Articles of the Covenant for by the one they are mutually obliged to preserve and defend his Majesties Person and by the other they are mutually obliged to endeavour that all Incendiaries and dividers betwixt the King and his People or betwixt the Kingdomes be brought to tryall and condigne punishment before the supream Judicatories of the Kingdoms respectively and the Kingdom of Scotland hath equall right and interest with the Kingdom of
we are bound in the strictest bonds of loyall Subjection by our Allegeance and Covenant as to one Head and Monarch and therefore the faithfull endeavours of both Kingdoms should without wearying be constantly contributed That we may be united to him by a happy and just Peace For if one of the Kingdoms shall cast off the King and the other have a King if the one shall make Peace with the King and the other not make Peace but be still at variance with him it is to be feared that no humane wit not policie will be able to keep the two Kingdoms long without a rupture And if it please God so to incline the Kings heart and direct the wisdome of the Parliaments as that the King and wee could make a happy agreement no power or policie can be able to divide us for Qui conveniunt uni terrio conveniunt interse The third ground and relation of our Unitie is the conjunction of the two Kingdoms which hath been acknowledged to be so necessary and usefull to both That they have often declared they would stand and fall and like Hippocrates twins live and dye together And therefore as we regard our solemn Covenant with God Almighty and tender the standing and safety of the Kingdomes let us with one heart and mind joyn our Counsels and Actions That whatsoever we resolve upon for our common Peace and Security in relation to the King and of each Kingdom to other that it be done in zeal to Religion in loyalty to the King and with unanimity amongst our selves Numerus Binarâ—us infamis est quia primus ausus est dâ—sceâ—…ere abâ—uâ—…tate And as the Pythagoreans did note the number of Two with the mark of infamy as being the first number that durst part from Unity so which soever of the Kingdoms shall first violate the Unity which is bound up in our Covenant may apply it to themselves but if we shall adhere to that Unity which is builded upon the firm foundation of Verity in our relations to Religion the King and amongst our selves it will be a three-fold cord which is not easily broken and our Unity I hope shall be turned into an Identity both Kingdomes may be perfectly one Having thus in the first place laid a ground for Unity of Counsels and Resolutions I shall in the next place humbly desire and protest That what-ever may be our Propositions or Debates concerning the King it be not mis-construed as if one of the Kingdomes were imposing conditions upon the other or that we aye absolutely wedded to any one desire more then to another but that all severall waies being amicably debated and rightly pondered That which may serve most for the safety security and happinesse of the King and both Kingdomes may be gravely resolved upon And now I come to the Question it self concerning the disposing of His Majesties Person first Negatively and then Positively Negatively thâ— Qâ—…stion is not of the power and authoritie of the Houses of Parliament in disposing of any person or judging of any case which is of single concernment to England Nor is the Question how the Kings Person may be disposed of de facto by any one of the Kingdoms neither is the Question properly de jure posse but de esse bene esse And as it is neither good Logick nor good Divinity to argue 〈◊〉 pâ—sse ad esse so sure I am in this case it is far worse policie for either Kingdome to dispute what they may do in the height of their power when both are consulting what is fittest to be done for the Peace and Security of both And the relation of both Kingdoms to his Majesty and of each Kingdome to other being rightly considered as he is King to both as both are Subjects to him as both are ingaged in the same Cause and have been in the same War and are labouring under the same Danger are seeking the same Remedies and should have the same Security we do hold that the disposing of the Kings Person doth not properly belong to any one of the Kingdomes but joyntly to both And after Scotland hath suffered the heat of the day and winters cold have forsaken their own peace for love of their Brethren have set their own house on fire to quench theirs After so much expense of their blood in all the three Kingdomes after we have gone along with you in all the hardship of this War and without vanity be it spoken have been so usefull in this Cause And that the King hath cast himself into the hands of the Scottish Army and that by the blessing of God upon the joynt indeavour of both Kingdoms we are come to the harbour of a peace We cannot expect that the honourable Hâ—uses will think it agreeable with conscience or honour or with the justice of the Houses that the Person of the King should be disposed of by them as they shall think fit or by any one of the kingdoms alone but that what ever shall be resolved in this may be done by joynt advice of both as may serve most for the peace security and happinesse of both Kingdoms The Lord Chancellour of Scotland his second Speech At a Conference in the Painted Chamber with a Committee of both Houses Octob. 6. 1646. AT our last meeting in this Conference your Lordships did assert the Vote of the Houses That the Person of the King should he disposed on as the two Houses shall think fit And we did hold that the King who is the Head and Monarch of both Kingdoms ought not to be disposed of by any one of the Kingdoms but by joynt advice of both as might serve most for the peace happinesse and security of his Majesty and both Kingdoms which we fortified with severall arguments from the interests and relations which both Kingdoms have equally to the King and from the Covenant and Treaty between the Kingdoms as the best way â—o preserve our Vnity But since your Lordships do adhere to the Vote of the Houses as that which you cannot part from We do humbly desire that your Lordships may be pleased in time convenient at the close of this Conference to report the difference of our judgment to the honourable Houses who upon better reasons both may and we hope will take their Vote into further consideration And so with reservation of our judgement that the disposing of his Majesties Person doth belong to both and not to any one of the Kingdoms especially in such a juncture of affaires as both Kingdoms stand engaged in this cause I shall descend particularly how the Kings Person should be disposed of to the best advantage of both Kingdomes and for attaining such a happy peace as all good men should desire But lest we should walk in the dark upon obscurity of ambiguous words I shall desire that the word of disposing of the Kings Person may be rightly understood and the true sense of it may be
glorious a worke and so acceptable to all good men and to the whole people that it would after so great trouble be like raine to the new mownegrasse or like a resurrection from the dead and is a worke worthy of a Kings presence And the King may without arrogancy desire that glory to himselfe the more to reingratiate him to his people and not devolve that honour wholly to anyother wherein he himself ought to be the prime Actor And therefore the Kings presence with his Parliament is the most probable way to attain to a speedy and blessed peace which certainly will be the more durable if it be with the good liking of both sides I know there is one common objection and I know not another wherewith many are possest and prejudiced against the Kings coming to his Parliament That his presence may breed division and that he may thereafter withdraw and continue our troubles Unity and Concord I confesse is that by which Kingdoms and Common-wealthes doe flourish and there is nothing more dangerous then division Concordia enim res parvae creseunt discordia vero miximae dilabuntur But is there any greater or more dangerous division then to have the Head divided from the Body to have the King divided from his Parliament the representative body of the kingdome whereof he is the Head Hath not this division divided brother against brother the father against the son and the son against the father and Countrey against Countrey This division is the cause of all our other divisions Take this away and all our other divisions are at an end Ablata causa tollitur effectus The King doth with all earnestnesse desire to be joyned with you and stands more in need of reconciliation and I hope will according to his profession endeavour it rather then division And I trust the wisdom of the honourable Houâ—…s is such as they will doe so too and rather be reconciled to the King then diâ—ide amongst our selves And that argument not to admit of the Kings coming â—o his Parliament because his presence may breed division is an argument to debar him perpetually from his Parliament And now the case is altered from what 〈◊〉 was when it was thought unfit that the King should come to his Parliament 〈…〉 then he had forces in the fields garisons and strong holds to returne to Now he hath none of these against you And his desire of coming to his Parliament cannot be but with resolution 〈◊〉 agree and stay with you for if hee were once with you where can he goe from you And if they were esteemed enemies to the Parliament and the Peace of the kingdoms who advised the King to withdraw from his Parliament what estimation will the world have of them who will not suffer him to returne to his Parliament when he offers to cast himselfe in your armes Nor can there be a more reall testimony of our respect and affection to England then that we desire he may be with you and be advised by you neither can you have any greater honour then that after you haue dissipated your Enemies his Majesty is willing to returne to you And if so kind an offer shall be refused and the King driven to despaire it is to be feared these kingdomes will be involved in greater difficulties then ever and we shall be driven out of the harbour and entrance of a peace into the tempest of new and bloudy wars For although Scotland be most willing and desirous that the King should return to his Parliament with honour safety and freedome and that he may remaine where his personall presence may serve most for the security and happinesse of his people yet if any such course shall be taken or any demand made for rendring 〈◊〉 his Person which cannot stand with his honour and safety or which cannot consist with our duty allegiance and Covenant not with the honour of that Army to whom in time of his extreme danger he had his recourse for safety it cannot be expected that we can be capable of so base an Act. And if to shun this and avoid occasion of quarrelling between the kingdomes he shall goe to Scotland and resent his expulsion out of England and crave the assistance of that kingdome for recovery of his right to this Crown Hee may in a short time raise such Forces in Scotland and Ireland as with the assistance of Foraine Princes these kingdomes may be made a field of bloud and the youngest amongst us not live to see the end of these unnaturall wars But if the present opportunity be wisely managed and that we maintaine the just priviledges of Parliament and liberty of the Subject in both kingdomes with that wisedome and discretion as that may be given to God which is Gods and to Caesar what is Caesars if we fear God and the King and doe not medle with them who are given to change That same divine providence and wisdome which hath brought us through many difficulties will also teach us how to establish these kingdomes in peace and the Kings Throne in righteousnesse That the great blessing of a constant and friendly conjunction of the two kingdomes now united by allegeance and loyall subjection to one Soveraigne and Head may be firmly observed and continued to all posterity The Land Chancellour of Scotland his last Speech At a Conference in the Painted Chambâ—â— with a Committee of both Houses October 10. 1646. My Lords and Gentlemen THis day I hope will bring our Conference to some results to be reported 〈◊〉 the Houses and therefore I shall frame my Discourse and Arguments with that succinctnesse as may bring us soonest to a close At our first meeting the subject of our debate was Whether the Right and Power of disposing the Person of the King is solely in the two Houses as theâ— shall think fit or in the two Kingdomes and at our last meeting we had soâ—… arguing 〈◊〉 the same question but your Lordships did â—…ill assert the 〈◊〉 of the Houses and we say in respect of the interest and relations which both Kingdoms have equally to the King especially in the present juncture of affaires when both Kingdomes are entred in the same League and Covenant have jeoparded their lives in the same War are labouring under the same danger are seeking the same remedies and stand in need of the same Peace and security and both Kingdomes are bound by our Covenant to preserve Vnity and are obliged by Treaty that none of us shall make any peace cessation or agreement whatsoever without mutuall advice and consent of both That the Person of the King cannot be disposed of without the joynt advice and consent of both Kingdomes But as we doe acknowledge that England hath parity of interest with Scotland so doe we still offer that they shall have parity of power in disposing of the King and we doe affirm That the Person of the King who is the King of Scotland as
well as of England and is Head and Monarch of both Kingdomes cannot be disposed of by any one of the Kingdomes alone but what ever is to be done concerning the disposing of his Majesties Person ought to be done by joynt advice common consent of both as may serve most for the Peace security and happinesse of the King and Kingdomes which we did prove by severall Arguments To which there was nothing answered in effect but That the King being within England his person was to be disposed of as the two Houses shall think fit and that the King being with the Scottish Army and they being paid by the Parliament of England he is in effect in the power of the Houses and ought to be at their disposing in the same way as if he had come in the Army of Sir Thomas Fairfax or any other of the Parliaments Armies To which we shall not need to make any reply other then we have made already That the Kings present residence in England nor no locality can take away the reality of our relations formerly mentioned by us farre lesse can it take away the ingagements and stipulations betweene the Kingdomes and though the Scottish Army be paid by the Parliament of England yet they are the Army of Scotland raised for pursuance of the ends of the Covenant and are to be ordered and directed by the Parliaments or Committees of both Kingdomes And therefore they cannot with conscience duty nor honour deliver the Person of the King without his owne consent to be disposed of as the two Houses shall thinke fit but we have declared and doe still declare That we are content that the Person of the King be disposed of the word Disposed being taken in a right sense as may serve most for the Peace safety security honour and happinesse of the King and both Kingdomes and did offer to your Lordships consideration his Majesties coming to or neere London as the most probable meanes to procure a speedy and well-grounded Peace And seeing your Lordships have done us the honour to meet with us in this free and brotherly Conference we doe expect that you will concurre and assent to this Proposition or propound a better expedient for the good of both Kingdomes But if the honourable Houses will not admit of this Proposition our next desire is that it may appear no lawfull and possible meanes are left unassayed which may procure a happy agreement betwixt the King and his Parliaments and for our further exoneration That Commissioners may yet once more be sent â—…om both Kingdomes to his Majesty to shew the meaning of our Propositions â—…d to assert them and to heare the Kings doubts and difficulties and desires who â—…ay further intimate that if his Majesty shall not give a satisfactory answer to the Propositions then both Kingdoms will without making any such further application to him take such course as they shall judge fittest for the peace and security of the Kingdomes And as at the opening of this Conference I did begin with an humble lawfull and laudable desire for unity in relation to Religion the King and amongst our selves so shall I close in the same dialect for the first of Religion if we doe remember our vowes to God to perform them and shall endeavour really constantly and sincerely the Reformation of Religion and uniformity according to our Covenant we may certainly expect that God will crowne this great worke wherein he hath honoured us to be actors with his blessing but if in place of uniformity which we are obliged to endeavour there shall be a toleration of all Sects and sorts of Religion and if we neglect to build the house of God and become insolent upon our successes although we could mount up with Eagles wings and build our nests as high as the starres and had an army who for valour and strength could march to Constantinople God shall lay our glory low in the dust and suffer the work to fall in our hands like the confusion of Babell And what ever hath been moved by us concerning the King we desire it may be rightly constructed as proceeding from such as have not wavered from their first principles for when the King was in the height of his power we did not and I hope never shall flatter him and when the enemy was in the height of their pride and strength Scotland did feare no colours and now when the King is at his lowest ebb and hath cast himselfe into our Army for safety we hope your Lordships will pardon us from our sense of honour and duty to be very tender of the person and posterity of the King to whom we have so many neer relations and not like the worse of us that we cannot so farre forget our allegeance and duty as not to have an antipathy against the change of Monarchical government in which we have lived through the descent of so many Kings and under which both kingdomes have been governed so many ages and flourished in all happinesse And now my last word shall be for constant Vnity between the kingdomes which as it hath been the chiefe meanes to promote the great work wherein both kingdoms are so deeply engaged so there is nothing can make us so formidable to our enemies nor so much aiding one to another as the cherishing and continuing thereof and I dare say that no man would divide the one from the other but such as desire to fish in troubled waters and are reall enemies to both God hath blest the joynt endeavours of both Nations both are in one ship and are come through a very great storme and now when we are come in the harbour it would be great shame to both to split upon the rocks of division devorate bove deficere in cauda and your Lordships may be confident that Scotland who have esteemed no hazzard too great for settling of Religion and love to their Brethren will stick so fast and firmly to you so long as you hold the principles of your Covenant as no feare nor favour will ever be able to divide them from you and we doe expect that reciprocal amity which may perpetuate our Vnity The Lord Chancellour of Scotland his Speech to the Kings Majesty at NEWCASTLE YOur Majestie was pleased on Monday last to call the Lords of your privy Counsell of Scotland and the Committee to acquaint them with the Propositions and told That before the delivery of your answer you would make the same known to them The time assigned for the stay of the Commissioners is so short and the consequence of your Majesties answer is of so great importance either for the preservation or ruine of your Crown and Kingdomes as we could not be answerable to God nor to that trust reposed in us unlesse we represent to your Majesty how necessary it is as the condition of affaires now stand and in so great an extremity that your Majesty should assent to the
any other way for healing of differences between two free Nations which are as Brethren and equalities and neither of them subordinat to the other If therefore any difference should arise which God forbid between the two Parliaments or any others of the Subjects of the two Nations concerning the disposing of His Majesties Person then the question cannot be otherwise resolved and determined but by the mutuall advcie and consent of both How much better is it according to the 6th Article of the Covenant to consult how to prevent all differences which are like to arise between us or our posterities The honourable Houses in their wisdome did think fit that in the managing of this War there should be a conjunction of the Councels of both Kingdoms in reference to the English aswell as to the Scottish forces How much more may we expect a conjunction of Councels in disposing of His Majesties Person wherein the one Kingdome is as much interested as the other If more need to be said in this businesse we hope it is not forgotten how the Declarations of both Houses and their Commissioners sent into Scotland to desire their assistance and engagement in this Warre did invite solicite and perswade that Nation upon principles of common interest And in regard the one Kingdome cannot enjoy a firme and durable peace while the other is in warre Wee were also put in mind of the affection and duty which becometh brethren And as we did upon these and the like considerations espouse our brethrens quarrell So it cannot be offensive that we desire from them an improvement of the very same principles And that the same measure of the Conjunction of interests be given to us which was got from us God forbid that wayes of separating the interests of the Kingdoms should now be studied as much as ways of Uniting them were before indeavoured We cannot but expect beter things from our Brethren then in their posterity to desert us who did engage and joyn with them in their greatest affliction Or to think of securing their own Peace without us while the troubles of our Kingdome continue Wherefore wee cannot choose but obtest by the common good of both Kingdomes by the conjunction and parity of interests by the love of Brethren by Declaration of both Houses by former presidents by the Treaty between the Kingdoms by the solemn League and Covenant yea by the very law of Nations and rules of common equity that there may be a conjunction of the Counsells and resolutions of both Kingdomes in disposing of that royall Person who is King of both and that all lawfull and possible means of which is one and a cheife one may be used which may preserve His Majesties Person honour and hapinesse according to the Covenant Monarchicall government according to the fundamentall lawes of both Kingdoms Together with a firme and happy Union between the Kingdoms These principles we desire still to go upon And therefore if the vote of both Houses communicated unto us be understood as a materiall demand of his Majesties Person to be delivered unto them to be disposed of as they shall think fit This as it doth not necessarily follow from the words of the vote nor doth agree with that sense of the vote which in charity we are most willing to entertain so there are just great reasons against it We acknowledge that wee are not to presume the worst but the best concerning the intentions of the honorable Houses towards the King But we do not doubt it will be mutually acknowledged that for preventing of differences afterward it is most fit and necessary that there be a cleere and distinct understanding between the two Kingdomes in a businesse of this nature and consequence And that it is not to be expected from private persons though under jurisdiction much lesse from another Kingdome that they should passe from their interest or just security because they have to do with such as they judge to be honest and faithfull To speake therefore to the nature of the thing in it self if the Scotch army should deliver up His Majesties Person without his owne consent and that upon the vote communicated unto us which although it may suffer a benign interpretation and be understood of the disposing of the Kings Person favorably and honorably yet as the words stand is comprehensive and capacious of more then is fit to be expressed This Act of the Army were not agreeable to their Oath of Allegeance obliging them to defend his Majesties person from all harms and prejudices nor to the Solemne League and Covenant which was not intended to weaken but to strengthen our Allegeance and to wipe off the calumny and aspersion of Rebellion For which end before our engagement in this Warre it was mutually covenanted between the Kingdoms to preserve the Kings Majesties Person and Authority in the preservation of the Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms Thereby holding forth to the world that the preservation and defence of Religion and Liberties may well consist and was intended to consist with the preservation of his Majesties Person and Authority whom therefore our Army cannot deliver to be disposed of by any others at pleasure This delivery were also inconsistent with that joint equall and common interest of both Kingdomes in the disposall of his Majesties Person which we have before asserted And were upon the matter a passing from the right interest of the Kingdom of Scotland in that businesse It were also contrary to his Majesties power of residence in any of his Kingdoms and to the free exercising of the duties of his place and acts of personall Government such as the hearing and redressing of the grievances of his Subjects in Parliament and his concurring to the making of Laws Neither could it stand with the Commissions given to the Committee of Estates and general Officers of our Army or with their military Oath to deliver up their Kiâ—… without his own consent and without warrant from the Parliament of Scotland to be disposed of by another Nation Even as it were not to be expected that the Army under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax if they were in Scotland for our assistance there in the like cause and under the like ingagement in a recesse of the Parliament of England and without their warrant would upon the like demand deliver up the King having cast himself in their hands to be disposed of by the Parliament of Scotland Finally if it be contrary to the Law and common practice of Nations to deliver up the meanest subject fled to them though it be for the greatest crimes for which cause the Parliament of England in the 4. of King James as likewise in the large Treaty refused a generall Act of remanding between the two Kingdomes unlesse they should be united into one how much more would the world abroad condemn our Army for a base and dishonourable act if they should deliver up their
means for their satisfaction we were pressed by them to come to a speedy agreement concerning the particular time of the removal of our Army out of this Kingdom which was insisted upon with so much earnestnesse as at the Conference in September last it was required that we should declare That our consultation about the disposing of the King should be no hinderance to the marching of our Army out of this Kingdom or to any Treaty concerning the same To which we did not onely willingly assent but have since declared That we were ready within four and twenty hours to agree concerning the time and place of the payment of the first 200000 l. and the security to be given for the other and to appoint a day for the delivery of the Garisons and marching of our Army out of this Kingdom For above these six moneths past no money hath been sent to our Army nor hath any course been taken for their maintenance during that time but they have been forced to quarter upon the Northern Counties of whose sufferings we have been so sensible That there was no mean could occur to us which might afford them relief but we have from time to time represented the same to the honorable Houses And we may from certain knowledge and with confidence say That for above these two moneths past the Northern Counties have been no more desirous to be eased of their pressures then the Scottish Army hath been to remove out of this Kingdom and return to their native Countrey All which notwithstanding we do perceive that our malicious enemies will never give over to calumniate even our best actions and most faithful endeavours and for their own base ends to foment and increase jealousies and differences between the Kingdoms as may appear by a printed declaration here enclosed which we find to be so full of wicked spite bitter invectives and â—etestable lies against the Scottish Army so directly aiming to stir up a dis-affection in the people against that Nation and Army as we could not but present it to the view of the honorable Houses earnestly desiring them seriously to consider how they would construct of it if Diurnals and Pamphlets of this kind were daily licensed in the kingdom of Scotland to be printed against the English Nation or Army and no course taken for their vindication but rather all Papers which may cleer their proceedings denied to be licensed or stopped and suppressed We did long since in our Paper of the eleventh of August expresse our confidence that the honourable Houses in their wisdom and justice would take some course to prevent such vile abuses for the future and have ever since been expecting to hear of their resolutions for a speedy redresse But having perceived that the patience of the Houses hath animated the Authors of such Pamphlets to return to their former boldnes we are necessitated to renew our former desires being still confident that if the honourable Houses could spare but a little time from their greater affairs upon the perusal and consideration of a few of the Diurnalls and Pamplets that are almost daily published to the World their wisdom and affection would never bear with so many base calumnies and reproachful aspersions as are therein cast upon their Brethren of Scotland with whom they are tyed by so many bonds and mutual obligations We shall not further insist upon this busines expecting upon what is already represented to receive speedy satisfaction not doubting also but that the honourable Houses will in their wisdom and civility give order that the speeches of the Lord Chancellour of Scotland lately seized on at the Presse and which were by him discharged to be published till the conference was reported to the Houses shall be returned unto us And to end a happy correspondence with love and amity may be inviolably preserved between the Kingdoms we do again earnestly desire That all inconveniences by approaching of Armies may be prevented that some course be taken for the present maintenance of the Scottish Army and ease of the Northern parts Or which we much rather desire that the 200000. l. may be forthwith provided and sent to that Army and without further delay that a day may be agreed on for the delivery of the Garrisons and marching of our Army out of this Kingdom that after all these troubles and heavie pressures of both Kingdoms they may at last enjoy the fruits of their labours A happy Peace which is the earnest desire of Your Lordships most humble Servants Lowdoun Lauderdail Charles Erskine Hugh Kennedy Rob. Barclay Worcester House the 29. of Octob. 1646. For the Right Honourable the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore The Lord Chancellour of Scotland his first Speech At a Conference in the Painted Chamber with a Committe of both Houses Octob. 1. 1646. My Lords and Gentlemen THe end of this Conference is to advise what is fit to be done for the Peace and Security of the Kingdomes in relation to the King and how to dispose of his Majesties Person which is a matter very ticklish and of most high concernment and they who would build very high must dig very low for a firm foundation And therefore I shall make bold to desire That what ever we resolve upon concerning the Kings Majesty it may be done by joint advice and consent of both Kingdoms and that the Unity between the Kingdomes may be inviolably preserved as that wherein next to Gods protection the chief strength of both lies which would be laid as a ground of our future debates And because the purpose we are to speak of is very grave and serious I shall speak of it with that sincerity as I wish my words were written with the beams of the Sun and registred to posterity that all the world might see the candor and integrity of our proceedings towards the King and our Brethren of England And as I had occasion once to expresse in this place so do I now say That no man hath conscience nor honour who will not remember our solemn League and Covenant as the strongest bond under heaven between God and man between man and man and between Nation and Nation in which our Unity is founded upon Verity in a threefold relation to God to the King and amongst our selves The first is the greatest and ascends as high as heaven for Religion which hath its name a religando unites us to God himself and so long as he is in League with us we need not fear who be against us Let us therefore hold fast our Unity in Religion and beware of Toleration of all Religions which is the ready way to have none for there is nothing more divine in God then Unitie and nothing more Diabolicall in the Divell then Division who therefore is known to the vulgar by his cloven foot to be the spirit of Division The next ground and relation of our Unity is with the King to whom
clearly known For Dolus versatur in universalibus For To dispose of the Kings Person as both Houses or both Kingdoms shall think fit may in some sense be to depose or worse But berause the word Dispose may admit a more benign interpretation as when men commit their estates and children or that which is dearest to them to be disposed of which is but to be advised by these who have nearest relation to them and in whom they repose most trust I shall speak of the disposing of his Majesties Royall person in that sense which I hope is also the sense of the Houses Nor doe I know any other way how his Majesties Person can be disposed of but that he be put either under restraint or be at freedome with honour and safety As for the way of restraint I look upon it as it looks upon us as a remedy more dangerous then the disease and as a mean to draw the war of forain Kings upon us especially the Prince being in other Kingdoms rather then to quiet our troubles at home And therefore supposing that none of the Kingdoms will take any way concerning his Majesties Person but such as may consist with duty and honour and which may lessen and not encrease our troubles I shall lay aside the way of restraint and speak of the way which may be with freedome honour and safety which can be no other but that his Majesty shall go into Scotland or come to his Parliament here or some of his houses neer-abouts His going into Scotland is full of dangers and inconveniences to both Kingdomes The Amalckites are not yet driven out of that Land The bloudy barbarous Irish banded with a wicked crew of Malignants possesse the Mountains and high-lands which are the strong holds and never conquered parts of that Kingdome They have not laid down Arms but keep in a body together and they are so neere Ireland as the Forces of the Rebels there may in two or three houres space come over and joyn with them and Scotland not being able to keep and entertaine Armies long the King being there may raise such Forces in Scotland as may make way quickly into England And therefore his Majesties going into Scotland before our peace be settled being of most dangerous consequence to both Kingdomes I shall humbly offer to your Lordships consideration his Majesties coming to London or some of his houses here-abouts as the most probable way to procure a speedy and happy agreement which is also his Majesties own desire in his answer to the Propositions And although no perswasion of ours could prevaile to procure a more satisfactory answer for the time then what is returned to the Houses of Parliament yet I assure your Lordships that the Committee of Estates of the Parliament of Scotland and the Noblemen who were at Newcastle did faithfully contribute their best endeavours that his Majesty might have given his assent to the Propositions And as wee did then deliver our minds with that plainnesse and freedome which was fit for faithfull and loyall Subjects with no lesse regard to this Kingdom then our own Nation so are we now with the same candor and tendernesse of affection willing and ready to concurre with the honourable Houses in every thing which may promote the great work of Reformation and settle Religion according to the Covenant with a well grounded peace And for these ends we desire that his Majesties answer may be improved to the best advantage of the publike For albeit the King hath not given a present assent to the Propositions yet he hath not in his answer refused them but doth promise That hee will cheerfully grant and give his assent unto all such Bills at the desire of the two Houses and reasonable demands for Scotland which shall be really for the good peace of his people To which end he desireth and proposeth That he may come to London or any of his houses thereabouts upon security That he shall be there with honour freedome and safety as the best expedient to procure a happy agreement between his Majesty and his Parliament which we desire may be weighed in the ballance of righterous judgement as a business of the greatest consequence which can fall within humane consideration and wherein the glory of God is most concerned of any businesse under heaven For upon a blessed agreement between the King and his Parliament Religion and Righteousnesse Truth and Peace which are the compend and height of all happinesse will be established to the eternall fame and glory of great Britaine and the great comfort of all the Protestant Churches And upon our disagreement all the calamities of a bloudy and unnaturall war will be continued and nothing heard nor seen in Church nor State but confusion God hath brought both Kingdoms thorow the surges and waves of a boisterous tempest into the harbour of a peace hath scattered most part of our Enemies now our work is how to come a-shore establish a right peace I hope it is as far from our desires and intentions as it is against our Covenant and Professions to change fundamental government We have need to take heed that we run not from one extreme into another Dum stulti vitant vitia in contraria current Therefore our study would be how to cure the wound which our sins and the evill counsells of others have made between the King and his Parliament to make up the breach and not make it wider It hath been universally acknowledged That the Kings removall from his Parliament is the immediate and chiefe cause of all the war mischief and calamities of the kingdomes Then his Majesties presence in joyning with his Parliament must be the best if not the onely remedy to remove our troubles for it is a maxime no lesse true then common that Contraries have contrary consequents Contrariorum contraria sunt consequentiaâ— The King desires to come to his Parliament not onely to have his doubts cleered and have these difficulties explained which hinder his consent to the Propositions as they now stand But likewise that his coming may raise a mutuall confidence beween him and his Parliament If the last were done the first would soon be performed and all those mountaines of difficulties would easily be removed and become valleys Your Commissioners had no power to give any reasons no not so much as tel what is the meaning of any of your demands nor hearken to any desire of the Kings And certainly some things might be justly moved by his Majesty which are necessary for the Crowne and a well grounded Peace as That he may have his Revenues That he may return with honour and safety to his Crowne and government And if the King were with his Parliament where he might both give and receive satisfaction he might with reason be convinced to assent to what hee now conceives to be unreasonable The making of a peace is so great and