which Party doth declare and argue more prudentially the Reasons of their severall undertakings in this Quarrell as which Party the Kings or the Parliaments have writ more sufficiently and substantially concerning the subject of their Proceedings in this Warre whose Writings and Declarations have been more true whose most seditious and false which Party hath in their severall Books been most seriously and truly charged and accused of offending which more genuinely and sincerely have argued let the Reader judge So because there may not want Fuell for Contention 't is debated concerning the actions of Violence and Terrour to the People on either part the Kings and the Parliaments which did act with more Cruelty by putting all sorts of People to the Sword spoyling consuming with sire laying wast Houses Villages Towns 'T is known that a a County not farre distant scituate in the chiefest part of the Land gives testimony of consuming by b fire against the one in a sad Record As to the Writings on either side where the one hath propounded and objected what the other hath answered for instance sake take three or four here following for the rest First the Letter to the Governour and Councell of War at Bristol that City being then a Garrison for the Parliament from the Lord Lieutenant-Generall of the Kings Forces c requiring the Governour and Councell there to forbear the putting to death the two Citizens threatning withall to retaliate the like judgment and execution upon some Gentlemen of the Parliaments Party kept Prisoners by the Kings with the resolution and Answer of the Governour and Councell to such Message The quality of which Answer is forejudged already and replyed unto in d Print to be an insolent Pamphlet with other words of scorne which Letter and Answer being here set down the Reader may discerne the difference between the weight of either PATRICK Earl of FORTH Lord ETTERICK and Lord Lieutenant-Generall of all his Majesties Forces I Having been informed that lately at a Councell of War you have condemned to death Robert Yeomans late Sheriffe of Bristol who hath his Majesties Commission for raising a Regiment for his service William Yeomans his Brother George Bourchier and Edward Dacres all for expresing their Loyalty to his Majesty and endeavouring his service according to their Allegiance and that you intend to proceed speedily against others in the like manner do therefore signifie to you that I intend speedily to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others taken in Rebelion against his Majesty at Cyrencester into the same condition I do further advise you that if you offer by that unjust judgment to execute any of them you have so condemned that those here in Custody Master George Master Stephens and Captaine Huntley must expect no Favour or Mercy Given under mine hand at Oxford this 16th of May 1643. FORTH To the Commander in chief of the Councell of Warre at Bristoll The Answer of this Letter was as followeth NATHANIEL FIENNES Governour and the Councell of Warre in the City of BRISTOL HAving received a writing from your Lordship wherein it is declared that upon information of our late proceedings against Robert Yeomans William Yeomans and others you intend to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others into the same condition we are well assured that neither your Lordship or any other mortall man can put them into the same condition for whâ—ther they live or dye they will alwayes be accounted true and honest men faithfull to their King and Country and such as in a faire and open way have alwayes prosecuted that cause which in their judgment guided by the judgement of the highest Court they held the justest whereas the Conspirators of this City must both in life and death carry perpetually with them the Brand of Treachery and Conspiracy and if Robert Yeomans had made use of his commission in an open way he should be put in no worse condition then others in the like kind had been but the law of Nature amongst all men and the Law of arms among Souldiers make a difference between open Enemies and secret Spyes and Conspirators And if you shall not make the like distinction we do signifie unto you that we will not only proceed to the execution of the persons already condemned but also of divers others of the Conspirators unto whom we had some thoughts of extending mercy And doe further advise you that if by any inhumane and un-souldier-like sentence you shall proceed to the execution of the persons by you named or any other of our freinds in your custody that have been taken in a faire and open way of Warre then Sir Walter Pye Sir William Crofts and Colonell Connesby with divers others taken in open Rebelion and actuall Warre against the King and Kingdom whom we have here in custody must expect no Favour or Mercy And by Gods blessing upon our most just Cause we have powers enough for our friends security without taking in any that have gotten out of our reach and power and although divers of yours of no mean quality and condition have been released by us Given under our hand the 18th of May 1643. Nathaniel Fiennes President Clement Walker c. To Patrick Earl of Forth Lord Lieutenant-Generall Secondly e That from the Marquesse of Argyle and Sir William Armine Commissioners from both Kingdomes of England and Scotland fully and in few words delivering their Intentions and Reasons for the Summons sent to the Governour of Carlislâ—a Garrison for the King with his Answer to them full of words pregnancy of wit and iealousie reiecting their Summons and some of his Party derogating elsewhere from the worth of f one of the Commissioners A g third of no great length the Reader hath it in the very words sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King with his Parties descant and scornfull Comment on the same The Message sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King VVE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England taking into our Consideration a Letter sent from your Majesty dated the third of March instant and directed to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster which by the contents of a Letter from the Earle of Forth unto the Lord Generall the Earl of Essex we conceive was intended to our selves Have resolved with the concurrent advice aâ—d consent of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland to represent to your Majesty in all humility and pâ—aiâ—nessâ— as followeth That as we have used all means for a just and safe Peace so will we never be wanting to dâ—e our utmost for the procuring thereof But when we consider the expressions in that Letter of your Majesties we have more sad and despairing thoughts of attaining the same then ever because thereby those persons now assembled at Oxâ—ord who contrary to their duty have deserâ—ed your Parliament are put
of their Right to the Crown as Hen. 6. the lawfulness whereof not at any time questioned and when the Tytle to the Crown hath been disputed it was by Authority of that Court setled and the Crown entailed as they in Pollâ—y and prudence thought sit Speeds Chronic. in the life of Hen. 6. Edward 4 5. k See the Scots Remonstrance Printed 1640 cited by Master Thomas May in his History of the Parliament of England written 1647. l Cited and complained of by the King in the same Dâ—clararation against His Scotish Subjects for inviting forrein forces into this Kingdome page 55 56. See the Letter it self in the same Declaration signed by seven of the principall of the Nobility of Scotland m The Lord London See his Answer n See in the Kings name the Authors accompt of them how in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} he keeps in memory That the Scots weâ—e the first that began the Kings troubles in the Treatise of his leaving Oxford and going to the Scots and elsewhere in severall places of that Book Also in the Declaration printed on the Kings behalfe at Oxford 1643. pag. 23. suggesting an intent in them to confound the Government and alter the Laws of England The Marquesse of Montrosse declareth how they began His Troubles viz. by dispersing their Apologeticall Pamphlets as he termes them through Great Britaine before the Troubles began and before their comming with an Army into England See a Book entituled The History of His Majesties affairs under the Conduct of the Marquesse in the years 1644 1645 1646. page 3. o Amongst other Motives to his aâ—gâ—r about the Earl of Strafford's death which whether he would have avenged on the Party who condemned him may be guessed at in that an unknown Author in his name severall times repents the injustice of that Act to which he was forced to yeeld complyance for which sin as the Author mentions it the King and his Kingdomes have felt long great and heavy Troubles See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in the Treatise concerning the Earl of Strafford and the Marquesse of Moâ—trosse his Declaration set forth 1649 aggravating the same to incense the King and his party against the Scots expressing in it their disloyall Practices Breach of Duty Covenants calling them Traytors c. p See the Kings gratefull acknowledgement of the Affection and Loyalty of his Irish Subjects in offering to supply him with Preparations c. together with their Persons and Estates even to the uttermost of their ability to reduce his dis-affected Subjects of Scotland to their obedience desiring withal it may be Recorded as an Ordinance of Parliament and to be Printed as a Testimony of their Loyalty to all the world and succeeding Ages In his Declaration since the Pacification pag. 63. Which could not but stir up the Scots to seeke protection and assistance from their fellow subjects and friends wheresoever whom the King calls his dis-affected subjects and how he doth secern them from the rest is hard to judge when as the whole and most considerable part of that Kingdome did by their Pacts and Counsels at their Assemblies hâ—ld withstand and resolve to withstand divers of his Messages obtruding on them such matters as made against the Peace of their Church and Kingdome q In the third Treatise r Mr. Dâ—nz Hollis his speech June 1642. Å¿ See the Message sâ—nt from both Houses of Parliament to the King his parties receiving it mentioned in this Book t See the Declaration of the Lords Commâ—ns assembled at Oxford printed there 1643. u See the Remonstâ—ance sent out of Scotland 1639. w See the same Declaration ibid. x See it cited in the Declaration Printed at Oxford 1643. pag. 13. y Mr. John Heywood on the life of Hen the 4th z Bracton lib. 4. a France b See the Duke of Rohan in his Treatise of the Interests of the Princes and States of Christendome calling England a little world set apart as having nothing to do with other Princes c. c Mercurius Aulicus d Victoria naturâ insolens superba est Cicero e King James his Speech in Parliament 1609 f In Norththamptonshire g Sir Francis Bacon on the life of Hen. the 7th h Nulla tam sancta Lex est quam non oppoâ—ceat si salus populi postâ—let urgeatque necessitâ—s muâ—are Bodin lib. 4. de Repub. i See the Parliaments Remonstrance 1647. k In the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 28. upon the Vote of Non-Addresses l In the Book stiled the present judgment of the Convocation held at Oxford m Calâ—ing Jâ—piter amongst the rest of tâ—e heathen Gods {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} n {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} quasi {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} o Sir Francis Bacon on the life of Hen. the 7th p In the Remonstrance dated Nov. 1648. pag. 6. q See the Declaration of the Lords and Commons in Answer to the Scots Commissioners dated the fourth of March 1647. r See the Breviary of the History of the Parliament of England pag. 112. Å¿ See the Objections and Answers at large in the relation of the passages at the meeting at Vxbridge 1644. Printed then at Oxford t Hen. 2. â— Eliz. u The Law book Casâ—s give the Reason why the bringing counterfeit money into England out of Ireland is but Misprision of Treason although the bringers know and utter it Quiae Hibernia est membrum Angliae Dalâ—on Iustice of Peace in cap. de high Treason w The Lord wâ—aâ—ton z See these Charges mentioned by the two Houses of Parliament against the King in Mâ— May his History lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 118. a BERK-SHIRE b Twyford O kingham â—arringdon c See Master May his History of the Parliament of England mentioning the Demand and Answer d In the Book of an unknown Author called The State's Martyr e See the Message and Answer f See the History of the Kings affaires in Scotland c. where the Historian speaking of the Marquesses Mâ—nâ—â—osse and Argyle the Generalls of the two opposite Armies in the Kingdome of Scotland he highly exâ—olls Mâ—ntrosse and as much reviles and derogates from Argyle rendring him in many passages of that Booke A 〈◊〉 spirited Soâ—ldâ—er and a Knave when as in other mens judgements he had when he was so depraved otherwise proved himself g See it cited in the Oxford Declaration pag. 1â— h See the Kings Letter March 23. 1644. and the Committees Summons in Aprill following i See the Proclamation in the Kings name set forth 1642 accusing many Gentlemen serving as Knights and Burgesses for their severall and respective Countâ—es to be Trayâ—ors and their Persons to be seized on as Rebells k See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in Treatise 17. on Church-Government l See their Declaration Printed at Oxford March 1643. towards the end of the Book m In a Book styled The
England to be bound by any Coronation Oath in a blind and brutish formality and that the King reckons himselfe accomptable to none but God which the Parliament objecteth as a maxime and ground for any Tyranny the enacting Lawes are of no value as to the King and then the Question is how far swearing Allegiance is to the Subject as the Oath was therefore and then imposed which is next to be discussed To the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance obje Books seditiously printed and privately dispersed abroad to discountenance and depresse the Parliaments cause to extoll and magnifie their own obtruding their writings on such Authors as they please all to affect the Reader sometimes on the adverse part to render them the more dâ—spicable and ridiculous sometimes on their own Friends to make them the more applauded and famous for their Actions or sufferings as by that one more remarkeably for the King in his name it may appeare of which it may be said as it was of Sampson that it did his Enemies more hurt upon and by the occasion of his death then he could doe when he was alive namely and to instance in one of his parties acts amongst the rest their publishing the Posthume Book called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} by some men reputed to be his though unlikely since by the Parliaments Declarations and Proofes convicting him of severall crimes it is made appeare unto those who shall impartially read and judge the transactions mutually passed betwixt him and his accusers either that the Book and those applauded Tracts and Meditations in it are none of his or that his party by setting forth that Book in his name would have him act the part of an exquisite hypocrite in representing such devotions as most of all should consist and be wholly taken up in a serious and reall sincerity so that the Tytle of that Book might be both literally and morally as to the King himselfe or to him who personates such conceptions in his name be entituled the Image and Pourtraiture of a Counterfeit rather than the Pourtraiture of a King the falshood and imposture resting on them alone who thus dresse and sets him forth Whosoever shall read the Parliaments often Declarations and Charges against the King set forth since the beginning of this War not denyed or answered by any of his Party saving in a recriminatory and scoffing way calling the Parliament and their Acherents Rebells or who shall read the n History of the Parliament of England summarily reciting what the Lords and Commons have accused the King of his countenancing and giving way to the Rebellion in IRELAND setting downe at large the strong presumptions against him for his countenancing it although eloquently excused and in a fine and pious Language denyed by the Author of the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} his averseness from calling Parliaments cannot but acknowledg that Book o whatsoever the fair and plausible flourishes in it do pretend of the Kings inclining to and desiring Parliaments to be falsly and injuriously charged on him few or none so indulgent to his Cause as to beleeve the whole Booke both for matter and forme to be of his owne penning however they may thinke some part of it to be his Falsly because they cannot but know how p unwillingly and seldome he called any how q oft he did dissolve or attempt to dissolve them when they were called notwithstanding the great Necessity of that Court for the propagation and maintenance of Justice that it drew on a r Law yet in force to call a Parliament every year in that through the discontinuance of them through the often dissolving them in the time of his Reigne and his Declarations published against some of the Members of either House the Historian reports The deiected People were forced to read with Patience and to allow against their own Reason Whence the Reader may observe an Answer to an Objection which the Kings Party makes r That the Parliaments party did begin the Preparations for a War before the Kings The People 't is true were discontented and greived at the Exactions and Oppressions practised in the time of his Reign they held themselves destitute of any means of redresse and therefore might harbour Heart burnings and thoughts of Rising but could not devise or thinke of any course towards the Preparations for a War the Power of the County being in every Sheriff of the severall Shires and Lords Lieutenants and their Deputies many other suborâ—inate Officers of the Kings upon the first Summons given from him to them in a readinesse to suppresse and check the People in case they should but move or stir up Commotions to the likenesse of a War neither could they build upon the strength of any Power to levy War on their behalf a Parliaments strength they sadly and long since observed was of too frail and uncertain a fabrick for them to trust unto as being awed and dissolved at pleasure so that if they had no thoughts of levying a War wanting the opportunities means of Prevailing if they had entertained such thoughts the first offering of Hostile attempts and acts will lye upon the Kings Parties accompt his aversenesse to call Parliaments his awing and dissolving them when called often and long before any preparations could be thought of for a War may satisfie the Objection when as to adde to the probability of some of his parties hostile and warlike preparations it hath been observed that some of his Friends knowing themselves obnoxious and questionable for their Tenents Demeanours when time should serve have long since before this Parliament was called fortified and furnished their Houses in divers parts of the Klngdome with Armes and Ammuniâ—ion no other notice taken til of late then of adorning them for strength and splendour which with some small addition became strong Garrisons for him the Parliaments Friends had none or not so many Holds so soon or suddenly to be fortified for their defeâ—ce The most wise and happy of Å¿ Kings could tell us by his own practiced Policy That it is not the first Blow that makes the War Invasive for that no wise Power would stay for nor the Voting a War to be Defensive as the t Scots have theirs which makes it so but the first Provocation or at least the first Preparations towards a War Injuriously charged on the King in that the Author and Reader also if a friend to Him and would have the Book reputed his doe unawares and as it were against their Will wound his honour and render the manner of his death the more unchristian then otherwise it might be judged when whilst the life is mortall they make the Vices of Dissembling and Uncharitablenesse to be surviving and immortall moâ—ions The reporting it to be the Kings seems besides to blemish the credit of those penitentiall expressions therein derogating from the serious
the whole Kingdome In severall his Messages returned unto their Propositions he repeats and confirms the same judgement of and concerning their full and ample power being lawfully summoned and by a Law consented unto by himselfe in full Parliament Not to be dissolved unless by their own consent Notwithstanding which severall attempts of force and violence were offered as far as his and his parties power could extend it self to the dissolving it by contending to divide and scatter them accusing the remaining part of the Members sitting in the House at Westminster of being Rebells so being divided to account no other of the Parliament at Westminster than he did soone after the Pacification made with his Scotish Subjects of the Parliament in Scotland terming them h The divided Members of that distracted Parliamentary Body remaining at Edinburgh So that as to the Parliament of England it must be confessed that he meaned not what he expressed in allowing to them that lati-tude of Power and Priviledges or that his Party hath since prevailed with him to renounce that judgement which he declared to have had of them That the contentions at the first sitting of the House were upon the point about matters of fact what things were done what projected to be done How the King and his Ministers of Justice had demeaned themselves since the beginning of his Reign how many oppressions of severall kinds had been offered by them how they had offended against the known Lawes in an Arbitrary way of Government which being disputed by all men as they conversed together or within themselves a Division could not be avoided but must break out into contrariety of Opinions and Affections consequently into Partyes and Engagings as their judgements should direct some likely to adhere unto the King contending to make him Absolute to doe whatsoever he pleased others contending on the other hand to have him govern according to the Lawes as bound by his Oath the result from out the differences betwixt them both could be no other than for the one Party knowing what of late had passed to endeavour a redresse to consult a remedy against the like Exorbitances withall that there was no other visible power in being to emulate and check a King 's except a Parliament's i the Power and Priviledges of which Court in Rivalship with the Kings have been many wayes manifested in the actings and contestings betwixt their powers In the present contention betwixt which it is not so much what hath accidentally fallen out in the progresse of this war as what hath been actually and intentionally attempted to be done which foments the quarrell or decides the controversy That this Parliament in contending to maintaine their power their friends and assistants against their enemies confronting them was by an high hand interrupted and opposed and if we take our Neighbour Nation the k Scots their judgment in the stating the occasion of this VVarre and the Enemies designe this Parliament was for no other reason called then to give the King relief and aid against their comming into England This the occasion of the League and union betwixt us and them On these and the like grounds they knowing what had been attempted against their Nationall Lawes and Rights foreseeing what the event was like to be in case they did not bear with patience knowing also in what condition the English at or near that time were what Declarations the King had published against some what severe courses he had taken against other Members of the Parliament of England which the Historian notes the dejected People were enforced to endure with patience and to allow against their own reason the Scots considering withall that if of themselves they made resistance without the aid of friends they were too weak a power that if they delayed their course for remedy too long their friends and strength might have been prevented and knowing before hand that there are but two remedies applyable to the approach of dangers Prevention and Recovery the first the right hand rather the heart of Policy the other the left and after-game They begun before any preparations made for or against a VVar with sending to the Parliament of England a Iustification of their proceedings intreating them to be wary in Vindicating their own Lawes and Liberties to frustrate the designs of those evill Counsellours who had procured this Parliament for no other end than to arme the King with warlike supplies against his Scotish Subjects and by that Warre to enslave if not to ruine both Nations that after many violations and dissolutions of Parliaments in England This was not to redresse grievances but to be so over-reached if they were not carefull and couragious that no possibility should be left for the future redressing any That so dangerous practises might be well suspected when at the same time a Parliament was denyed to Scotland although promised on the word of a King granted to England when not expected and obtruded upon Ireland when not desired The rise of all which was from the anger which the Scots knew the King conceived against them for some particular acts of theirs charged with Disloyalty as without recounting all other differences and jealousâ—es betwixt him and them That they refused and declared against the Messages sent them to receive the Service-Book obtruded on them for which as for vindicating themselves from the like charged Disloyalties they were accused by the King to have wrote a l Letter to the K. of France Imploring His Protection as weary of their Obedience to their owne King for which disloyall Letter as it was termed a chief m Peer of theirs was imprisoned and condemned to dye That the Pacification had and made to take away all differences past and which might ensue betwixt the King the English and the Scots by the prudent and joynt advice of a select Committee of English and Scotish Lords as to remove all jealousies betwixt both Nations was soone after it was made scoâ—ned and slighted the Scots then complaining in their informations made unto the English their Friends and Brethren of many injuries they had received since the Pacification made and contrary to that Agreement This was the condition of the Scots these the very words of their Remonstrance That the Union and Brotherly League entred into by both Nations was no otherwise construed than an Invitation in the one and invasion of n Forreiners in the other Nation and howsoever the Charge in the 7. Articles exhibited against the 5 Members of the House of Commons and one Lord of the House of Peers was laid to those few onely yet probably it had reached many other of the English Nation had not the first assault of violence in the Kings party miscarried as it did But wherefore were those Articles exhibited against those Members and the King attempt in an hostile array to seize their Persons in the House of Commons which when he could not effect
want the blessing of Peace but grow subject to the oppression charges and injuries incident to a VVar. V. The Parliament could not but foresee that in case a VVar were to be waged their own Countrey-men both Officers and private Souldiers must fight it out Souldiers of Fortune when they have gained will sometimes desist their undertakings and leave off the service VI That the English were unaccustomed to War and by reason of their easie and soft way of breeding not fitted to the discipline and managing thereof neither able to endure the hardship and duties of a VVar howbeit experience hath otherwise proved it VII That the English gallantry and their courage unacquainted with the conditions of a warfare and the temper requisite to a Souldier might make them upon every discontent as apt to Mutiny and Resist as fight VIII The Parliament could not but be sensible withal of their fellow subjects that the apprehension of Engaging would carry with it a sad aspect all men unwilling to and wary how they did Engage that if they did Engage the Engaging parties on either side when they see the face of a VVar inevitably approaching would and must for their better strength and union betake themselves to what Policy Pacts and Leagues they could Defensive and Offensive as to bind themselves and friends by Vow and Covenant which being to consist of severall Heads and Parts to be without much study or delay framed for fear of their Enemies gaining time on them could not be so exactly and entirely devised but might admit of a doubtfull sense how to be understood in part or in the whole so consequently divide the Covenanters within themselves IX That when they should have gained a power they must to maintain the same Engage and Enforce all men to acknowledge and conform unto their Power thence hazarding the repute and censure of becomming Usurpers over their fellow-subjects of exercising an Arbitrary and Tyrannicall power over the Peoples estates and consciences X. They could not but withall know that which side soever should prevail both sides would be losers the King and Kingdome vast sufferers in the losse as they in an humble and dutifull x Message although contrariwise interpreted did in the sadnesse of their hearts foretel the King XI That in this War the prevailing Power would be to seeke to carry an even well tempered hand how to deal with the vanquished their own Countreymen and mistaken fellow-subjects for 't was a Misunderstanding which first made the rent between them scorn to acknowledge and retract their Errour widened and continued it amongst which doubtings if they did inflict too heavy a punishment either pecuniary by Mulct or corporall by Imprisonment 't would seem unjust and harsh from the Conquerour being of their own Nation and keep off the hopes of reconcilement and re-union if too gentle and remisse 't would leave and allow the Conquered a power and means of recovering their power again XII That if the Parliament should in any degree prevaile there would want no Policy or Stratagems to disturb and interrupt their further prevailing all Falshoods Impostures Counterseitings Semblances of friendship of busines Commerce to be practised against them and their successe as by Forrein Tenders from abroad Private Addresses here at home all from the same dis-affected and troubled Fountain moved and stirred by the Enemy on purpose to divert their thoughts and counsels to retard and hinder their progresse and successe XIII That above all in the doubtful events of War as it was likely to fall out betwixt Persons offending on the part hating to be reformed and a Court of Parliament on the other chosen and set apart to redresse Grievances in a Commonwealth Offendors would apply themselves for refuge to the King a supreme Power whom if he did protect y making thereby the Offendors faults his own would without dispute revert to his dishonor and consequently begâ—t a Jealousie and Difference betwixt him and his People and if the Parliment should take ill his protecting them there would issue a Contest kindling and preparatory to a War thence if the King engaged and the Parliament resisted or fought they could not hope if they were subdued to avoyd the Charge of High-Treason nor think it an easie thing in the first beginning of their strength to prove Conquerours over a King seated a long time in an ancient Monarchy invested with many advantages of power and guarded with Courtiers Friends of all sorts Servants and Favourites all of which had their retinue also and traine of Freinds to assist in case of needing such Besides the King if resisted and opposed and thence a War fall out betwixt him and his subjects They could not hope soon or suddenly to overcome him but the War must be of some continuance the seat thereof in the bowels and best parts of the Kingdome nor to be onely an intestine War at home but forreign Forces to be expected from abroad for that the King to maintain his cause would endeavour to engage other Kings in his Quarrell to take part with him upon this suggestion That their Subjects by the example of his may doe the like how treasonable and dangerous a President it is for Subiects to rise in Armes against their King when as unto them who have known the state and government of other Kingdoms the case between other Kings and their Subjects is far different from This both in the manner and frequency of his Offendings as the Charges and Remonstrances of both Houses of Parliament published to the world have declared touching his actions and demeanour during or neer the time of his whole reign as also in the condition and quality of the Government of this Kingdom different by many Notes of distinction limited from all other throughout EUROPE all States and Kingdomes having their peculiar Laws Constitutions Forms of Government Degrees of Subjection in the Governed This having been no absolute but a limited and mixt Monarchy where the King was as a great z Lawyer takes his Dimension Singulis maior universis minor c. Wherefore if amongst other Nations our neighbouring a Kingdome by reason of the Commotions and Civil broyls in it shall as some of them do object That the Subiects of this having taken up Arms against the Kings Parties attempts and force have infected the Subiects of that Kingdome with the like disposition and designe of disobedience and rebellion 'T is answered the Government of That differs in their Laws Manners Constitutions and Policies as much from This as two Christian Kingdoms may in theirs and as to the matter of Freedom the old received saying mentions the different wayes of Government betwixt Us and Them betwixt the King of that Realm commanding on his part whatsoever he pleaseth and the Subjects obeying on theirs in that it is commonly said howbeit with too acute and bold a censure that their King is Asinorum Rex the King of England
Hominum for no other reason than that the People of the one are subject and obedient to the Will and Arbitrary Government of theirs the People of England pay a known and limited obedience by the Lawes which the King is alike sworn to keep by his practice in his own Person and by his power to maintaine it towards others as the People to obey The Lawes Customes and Constitutions of England as a b Noble Prince and Peer of France observes are of another Forme of Government differing from all other Nations some being Free-States others simply and absolutely Monarchies having Power and as they think also Right to inforce and conform all under them to slavery and vassallage XIIII That if the Parliament notwithstanding these attempts and practices against Their Power should prevail They would and must to keep up Their Power lay Taxes and Payments on the People who when the War did seem or was neer an end their complaint would be and that with repining and murmuring The War is ended the Taxes and Payments yet continued not considering that it is of as great concernment to keep as to gaine a Victory nor sensible of the quiet and safety which through the counsel and vigilancy of the higher Powers they doe enjoy and other Countries infested with the like Civil Wars doe want when as the Parliament in case of Their prevailing were to weigh withall the doubts and dangers attending Them the care jealousie and fears which no men but would avoid the troubles of and such as They must be subject to untill the Conquest be fully made the cares against the surprizall of their Enemy the Jealousie of friends proving false or falling off the feares of losing what They should gaine all these being passive more serious and anxious than the hopes of the adverse part Feares more deeply seizing and disquieting the Conquerours spirits especially whilest their Victory is accompanied with study and thoughts of mercy towards the Conquered hopes in the vanquished being more bold and active raising thoughts working still how to recover what they have lost XV Again They could not but consider that in a War with Them the King Their Enemy would have some of his Party fit and able to inveigh and declaim against Them as being Rebels for contending with him wherefore in case of the Parliaments prevailing untill a full Conquest made They being subject to the charge of Rebellion Treason and accused thereof as by several Edicts and Declarations published it hath fallen out and that the King with the help of his c Chronicler hath in a continued tone named Them the Rebells at Westminster Perjured and nothing since of pardon to assoil them from such guilt to repeale such censure could not but expect to be dealt with by their Enemies thirsting after Revenge and Conquest with Vices of as sharp an edge to revenge and wound as with Dissembling Treachery Falshood Perjury whilst the Parliament and their friends are in the state of Traytors as the Kings party counteth Them and nothing done by him to clear Them from such guilt t is held but just to recompence Treason with Treachery Forswearing with Forswearing and all held honest means in order to the chastising Rebells and good enough to be practiced against the Power of Traytors casting and scattering the seeds of those Vices even amongst the Parliaments own Friends to divide Them within Themselves to cut asunder the Tyes and Ligaments which should strengthen their Accord that being weakned they may be overcome at last So the Dissembling Fraud and Art which the Loser practiseth as his means of recovering his loss may teach the Winner as his means to keep what he hath got XVI That all disasters and evils whether Sicknesse Dearth or what Calamities soever happening through and by reason of such numerous bodies as an Army consists of what Enormities and Errors committed or suffered either in Church or State an Army can by their strength defend and justifie none daring to question them so all the evils and injuries done to be laid to the charge of the present power which Governs and Rules no better in the peoples account thence reckoning all the disasters of the war to flow not looking on the first occasion and Authors of the war Neither doth the peoples Regreet and Iealousie cease in this surmise for that moreover there are to be Agents and Officers belonging to and providing for an Army Receivers Expenditors Treasurers others too many to be here recited who in troubled waters will bring in to their private banke what is to be raised for the publique use and that the Warre and Calamities thereof are protracted through their corruption and privy gainings XVII That in a Battle fought which side soever should prevaile there would fall ouâ— enough to disturbe and divide the thoughts of either side the Conquered and Conquerour fears and doubtings in the Conquered whether they should wholly yeeld unto the Conquerour or entertaine hopes of recovering their losse againe Pride and Insolence in the Conquerours dividing them likewise into variety of opinions what course were fittest to be taken for their next atchievement the distractions thereof have sometimes overthrown an Army the Commander in chief being not at al times present nor his judgment at any time infallibly certain to direct and when a d victory shall be gained which naturally is proud and by Pride comes contentions emulations and variances in actions as well as in opinions the Conquerors strength would be thereby weakned and thence in danger to be lost XVIII That untill a compleat and full conquest made which could not be without much pressure and heavy sufferings on the vanquished without charge and payments layd on all Enemies Friends Enemies in being fined for their Delinquency Friends burthened by reason of their expence and charge in the publique service of providing for the common peace for the maintenance of the Souldiery and the like an Army was to be continued and maintained to prevent Insurrections here at home inroads and invasions from abroad that the Army was to consist of multitudes of Souldiers those multitudes would have their severall humours and opinions tending to divisions consequently to the destruction and ruine of the whole that without an extraordinary care to please and satisfie them in their demands there would be mutinying revolting and inconstancy in the private Souldiery for want of judgment to discern for what they fought XIX That if the Conquerours power should at any time abate before a full and totall conquest made he would be put to it what course to take to encrease it againe Forcing and Impressing men to fight in a cause so intricate as unto some it seemed then and for a long time controverted as this hath been would prove harsh and irksom and would meet with resistance in a people made and born free unlesse their pay and reward be answerable to yea beyond their meritings XX That in the confusion
Directory and Negative Oath are learnedly penned if as appositely applyed To the two first let the Scots maintain what they were the first contrivers of themselves yet thus much may be said on their and our part joyntly that the signification of the termes Tyrant and King being opposite although in m Homers time the word Tyrant was taken in the better part the one the desolation the other the n foundation of a people both Nations declaring and accusing the King of Tyranny neither of them could think that the frequent Petitions in the Common Prayer book for and in the King's behalfe were to be used by his people himself being in open arms against them The Common Prayer book was confirmed by a Statute Law in a Princes time who at the beginning of her Reigne having redeemed the protestant Religion out of the bondage of Popery and superstition did by her piety and prowesse keep her people in peace and plenty and therefore might deserve their prayers when and as often as the Liturgy prescribes The Ordinance for laying aside the Service book for enjoying the Directory is an act of their present Iudgment who have done it as the arguing against the Directory from Oxford is an act of theirs which they so represent as if their after-Iudgement and second thoughts might admit what for the present they have reasoned against who with a cautious modesty have argued and styled it their present Iudgment If positive Lawes be subject to alteration and repeale Ordinances which bind only for the present may likewise be so then a set form of prayer may be resumed and used according to the Orthodox and true Church discipline admitting also the most principall and necessary parts of divine service prescribed in the Liturgy So the Negative Oath That none shall assist the King against the Parliament and his People c. where a thing is commanded or forbidden by any Powers the withstanding and doing contrary to the command of such Powers is a transgression punishable at their pleasure and discretion whether it be by Fining Imprisoning according to the degree of the offence wherefore the urging Cap. 11. Hen. 7. seems not applyable to the condition of this present Quarrell for admit that neither of the three viz. The Covenant the Directory the Negative Oath be in the judgement of the Convocation at Oxford and of many others free from being excepted against as that neither the Covenant nor Negative Oath are to be imposed upon the Subjects yet the distinction being made between the times of Peace and these of Warre takes off from the value of the exceptions where two Parties are extremely opposite each Party striving to make good their Interest if the one may impose what Oathes they please as the Kings party did at Oxford to enjoyn all within their power whether satisfied in their Consciences of the truth therof or no to swear that he was a Just Pious and Protestant Prince the present Powers may enjoyne what they think fit in their prudence and knowledge of him to abrogate this latter Oath and to forbid the assisting him In the Convocation House at Oxford their examining the Ordinance for enjoyning all the Three particulars forementioned they should as wel have examined the Reasons of the Ordaining them they should have premised and stated the occasion the beginning of the Warre how it came to be waged by whose means on which side the Offensive on which the Defensive was For to measure the thing enjoyned by the particular events by the subsequent and emergent actings as what hath since fallen out what hath been done what required to be done is no good or adequate rule had the matter occasioned been more suitable to the occasion their exceptions against those Ordinances had more availed their Cause The urging the transgression of a known Law viz. the 11 of Hen 7. 18. That none that shall attend upon the King do him true service shall be attainted or forfeit any thing fitteth not this present case neither do they who urge the same rightly examine the occasion and ground of enacting it the Parliaments imprisoning fining their Enemies is no transgression of that Law if rightly and formally understood and wherefore t was made The reason of enacting that Law is to be weighed It was not with the late King as with Henry the seventh the late King had no forraigne or domestique VVarres none stood in Rivalship with him for his Crowne he came in Peace and by a lineall succession to it when that Law was made in the eleventh of Henry the seventh his Raigne and after his conquest made many the like Lawes were made in severall Parliaments from his first comming to the Crown in relation to the security and attendance upon his person meeting with a Rebellion in the Kingdom of Ireland mutinous and male-contented Subjects in the Kingdom here ready to bid battell to him the Parliament called when that Law was made therefore styled by a learned o Writer a Parliament of Warre being indeed in substance a Declaration only of a War against two potent Kings Charls the eighth of France Iames the fourth of Scotland two Neighbouring Enemies of Henry the seventh and then enacted with some Statutes conducing thereunto as the severe punishing mortpayes and keeping back Souldiers wages by their Captaines the like severity for the departure of Souldiers without Licence strengthning of the Common-Law in favour of protections for those that were in the Kings service and setting the gate open and wide for men to sell and morgage their Lands without Fines for alienation to furnish themselves with money for the War and lastly the voyding all Scottish men out of England So the reader may observe wherefore that Statute so much urged against this present Parliament and on the Kings behalfe was enacted which also the aforesaid Writer judgeth to be more just then legall more magnanimous than prudent his reason was That it was both agreeable to reason of State that the Subiects then should not enquire of the Iustice of the Kings Title or Quarrell as also to good Conscience that whatsoever the fruits of War were the Subiects should not suffer for their obedience besides it did the better take away the occasion for the people to busie themselves to pry into the Kings Tytle or Quarrell for that however it fell their safety was already provided for withall it could not but greatly draw unto him the love and hearts of his people because he seemed more carefull for them then for himself the Writer excellently disputes the quality of that Statute setting forth the reason for the inconvenience against the making it observing also that it did take off from his party that great tye and spurre of necessity to go Victours out of the field coâ—sidering their lives and fortunes were put in safety and protected whether they stood to it or ranne away concluding the force and obligation of the Law
But how they have been discouraged retarded and diverted in and from this pious and glorious worke by those traiterous Counsells about his Maiesty will appear by these particulars They there mention the sending over at the first of twenty thousand pounds by the Parliament and that good way found out to reduce Ireland by the Adventure of private men without charging the Subiect in generall which would probably have brought in a million of money had the King continued in or near London and not by leaving his Parliament and making War upon it so intimidated and discouraged the Adventurers and Others who would have adventured that that good Bill is rendered in a manner ineffectuall They mention that when at the sole charge of the Adventurers five thousand Foot and five hundred Horse were designed for the relief of Munster under the Command of an English w Lord and nothing was wanting but a Commission to enable him for the service such was the power of wicked Counsell that no Commission could be obtained from the King by reason whereof Lymrick was wholly lost and the Province of Munster since in very great distresse That when well-affected Persons at their own charges by way of Adventure had prepared divers Ships and Pinnaces with a thousand Land Forces for the service of Ireland desiring nothing but a Commission from his Maiesty that Commission after twice sending to York for it and the Ships lying ready to set saile three weeks together at the charge of neer three hundred pounds a day was likewise denyed and those Adventurers rather than to lose their Expedition were constrained to goe by vertue of an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament That although the Lords Iustices of Ireland earnestly desired to have some pieces of Battery sent over as necessary for that service â—et such Command was given to the Officers of the Tower that nâ—ne of the Kings Ordnance must be sent to save his Kingdome That a prime Engineer and Quarteâ— master Generall of the Army in Ireland and in actuall imployment there against the Rebells was called away from that important service by expresse command from the King That a Captaine Comptroller of the Artillery a man in pay and principally imployed and trusted here by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for providing and ordering the Train of Artillery which was to be sent to Dublin and who had received great sums of money for that purpose was Commanded from that Employment and Trust to serve the King in this unnaturall War against his Parliament and when the Parliament had provided many hundred suits of Cloaths and sent them towards Chester the Waggoners that undertook the Carriage of them were assaulted by the Kings Souldiers lying about COVENTRY who took away the Clothes That three hundred suits of Clothes sent likewise by the Parliament for Ireland towards Chester were all taken away by the Kings Troopers under their Captain allowing it As likewise that a great number of Draught-Horses prepared by the Parliament for the Artillery and Baggage for the Irish Army and sent to Chester for that purpose being there attending a Passage were then required by the King for his present service in England whose Forces were so quartâ—râ—d about the Roads to Ireland that no Provision could pass thither by Land with any safety That two other Captains the the Admirall and Vice-Admiral of the ships appointed to lie upon the Coast of Ireland to annoy the Rebels and to prevent the bringing Ammunition and Relief from Forreign Parts were both called away from that employment by the Kings Command and by reason of their departure from the Coast of Munster to which they were designed the Rebels there have received Powder Ammunition and other Relief from Forreign Parts By which z particulars say they it may seem that those Rebells were countenanced there to assist the Enemies of the Parliament here especially considering that those confident Rebels have presumed very lately to send a Petition to the King entituling themselves his Majesties Catholique Subjects of Ireland complaining of the Puritan Parliament of England and desiring that since his Majesty comes not over thither according to their expectation they may come into England to his Maiâ—sty These are the Charges whereof both Houses of Parliament have in these very words accused the King and cannot look back to retract their Charge And what at the beginning of this Warre was imputed to the Kings evill Counsell as their crime in seducing him to an arbitrary and tyrannicall way of Government to the countenancing if not the promoting this Rebellion of the Irish even now mentioned to the refusing to signe the Proposition tendered to him by the two Houses of Parliament as the onely and necessary means for setling a firm and well-grounded Peace with other of the like kinde which might be instanced in the Houses out of tendernesse to his honour would have remitted as to him being willing to abstract and sever his personall Acts from the Acts of such his Counsell yet he refuseth not to excuse his Counsell nor positively or seriously denieth those Charges as to himself only jestingly declines the particular presumptions wherewith he was charged of his privily countenancing that Rebellion in Ireland as not worth the answering Withall whereas the Kings party argue to have the King himself excused his Counsell blamed for his mis-government they must as well distinguish betwixt his Counsell before the Warre and his Counsel since the War began and limit it to whom of that his Counsel were his Seducers so the distinguishing before the War began between the Kings own Acts and those of his evill Counsell seems to be of no value whereby to excuse the King and wholly and in a generall way to charge his Counsell indefinitely named his Evill Counsell ignoâ—ely spoken who they were neither assigning or setting forth as the Arguers in the particulars should for the better compleating their Apology for the King who the Super-intendent and President of that Counsell was Besides the King contending on the one hand to rescue and protect whom the Parliament on the other did contend to punish it was a matter of no small difficulty to discern and judge by the understanding how an abstract and separation might be had betwixt the King and that his Counsell they mutually and strenuously contending to assist and defend one another The Question therefore by way of Argument betwixt the Kings party and the Parliaments as between the Commissioners imployed on either side to Treat admits now no verball or written Answer to or Denying it is to be determined by no other Umpire then the Sword and what the two opposite Parties have a long time strove for the one defending their Cause in their Books and Writings by vehemency and height of Wit the other theirs by solid and substantiall Prudence seems to be left to the Conquerour to determine What the odds is betwixt their Writings because controverted by either side
presenâ— judgment of the Corvocation at Oxford dated June 1647. which if weighed with the Arguments in the Letter written by the London Ministers to the Lord Fairfax and his Councell of War dated January 1648. in behalf of the Covenant and the keeping it the Reader will soone discern the odds * Suprema Lex Salus Populi n See the Exhortation to the taking the Covenant for Reformation and Defence of Religion c. * Livy * Isaiah * Ciceâ—o o See the Exhortation of the Assembly of Divines to the taking the Covenant Printed Feb. 1643. p See the Lords and Commons Instructions for taking the Covenant The unanimous judgment of most part of the Kingdome observed by their severall Petiâ—ions at that time presented especially that of the Gentry and Trained Bands of the County of Essex presented to their Lord Lieut. the Earl of Warwick Likewise Sir Benjamine Rudyard his speech in the beginning of this Parliament about Popery countenanced See Master May his History Lib. 2. Chapter 6. Page 15. q See the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament with Instructions for taking the Covenant r Mr. Alexander Henderson in his reply to the Kings first Paper Å¿ See the Essex Petition before cited t See their Commissioners judgement and intentions concerning Episcopacy Declaring Prelacy to be the cause of all our broilâ— In their Papers dated 24 Feb. 1640. u See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in severall Treatises viz. Upon the Listing Raising Armieâ— against the King Upon the Covenant and elsewhere w See the 6. Article of the Covenant x See the Articles pag. 16 Demand 4 Granted by the King 1641. viz. That none should be admitted to his Councell or attendance but such as should be approved by both Kingdoms y See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 4 and elsewhere in that Book his parties constant 〈◊〉 towards the City of London and upon all occasions of his partâ—s naming it some of them have termed it a Rebellious City a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition raised against their King reproaching it with scornfull Nick-names as they pleased z See their Declaration Printed at Oxford 1643 pag. 14 15. against the suggested irregular and undue procâ—edings of the Common-Councell the Represenâ—ative of the whole City a See in the Letter of the Ministers their notice taking of the Parliament and Armies conceipt had of the Covenant page 8. b See his Parties opinion of the Covenant and the taking of it in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} pag. 113 114 115. whether and how far it is to be kept how little uniformity in the taking or keeping it and for what purpose in the Authors judgment framed at first how ambiguous and hard to be understood how much mistaking or dissembling in the making it at first or mis-representing by those who like it noâ— that howbeit one part thereof is That they had then no intention to diminish the King's just Power and Greatnesse the Authour in the King's name conceives that it was made and intended against the King as in many places of the Treatise against the Covenant the Kings Party complaineth See also the Kings Declaration since the Paciâ—iâ—aâ—ion against the Scots and the Covenant pag 8 which opinion of his see confirmed in the Marquesse of Montrosse his Declaration set forth 1649 As in a Bâ—ok called the History of the Kings affairs in Scotland before cited pag. 6. * Paâ—auâ— * St. Ierome c See their Acts and Ordinances for raising Contribution-money towards the Warrs throughout all Counties exempting the Universities and other Colledges from such Payments * Oxford d See the like observed in the Consecration of the Bishops of England written by Mr. Mason sometimes Fellow of Merton Colledge in Oxford in his Epâ—stle to the Archbishop of Canterbury e See their Remonstrances since the beginning of this War h See their Remonstrance before cited i See the Declaration of the Lords Commons assembled at Oxford c. printed there 1643. p. 24. 26. 27. k In the Treaâ—ise concerning the Kings retirement from Westminster n Written by Mr. Tho. May 1647. beginning at pag. 6. unto pag. 46. o See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 1. on the Kings calling the Parliament p Mr. May his History q Mr. Hollis his Speech r See the 36 Statute of Edw. â— r See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise to upon their seizing the Kings Magazines Forts Navy and Militia Å¿ Hen. the 7. t In their Apology Printed soon after the â—nglâ—sh Army went toward Scotland y Tantum res 〈◊〉 câ—m qu 〈◊〉 satellâ—ith 〈◊〉 Pontific is 〈◊〉 Iewel in Apolog. Eccles. Anglican z The speedy and effectu-suppressing Errors and Schisms is charged on him b K. Iames his Speech before-mentioned c See the Oxford Declaration pag. 19. d In the treatise concerning the Kings going to the House of Commons to surprise the five Members g Marlborougâ— Decemb. 1642. h See the Oxford Declaration page 26. 27. i See the same Declaration page 11. * 25 Edw. 3 l Sir Edward Cooke his Collections concerning the Authority of the Parliament in the fourth Book of his Institut m Quanquam Principes sunt ex numero {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} tamen natura temporis ratione prius sueâ— int Subditi Princ pes veâ—o nisi qui Tyrannidem usurpârint non naturà ut Patâ—es sed suffragio Subditorum gratia constituti sâ—nt Iâ—de illud Domini apud Daniel 4. 32. Scias quod dominetur Altissimus in regno homin um cui volueâ—it dabiâ— illud Ex quâ— sequitur non Regum causâ Subditos nasci sed Reges commodis SubditoruÌ„ inserviâ—e debere Bucan. Institut Theolog. Tractat. de Magistratu Thomas 1 part 1 samma Theolog. quest 9. Art 3 4. n The Author of the Peoples Plea * Aristotle * Tertullian * Treatise 26. p Master Lambards Eirenarch cap. 2. in his Tract on King Edw. the third his Writ directed to the high Sheriff of Kent for the Proclaming Peace where he speaks first of Uâ—iting Minds then of Restraining Hands as a meanes for the preservation of the publick peace * See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} upon the Covenant * See the Covenant * Pag. 16. Demand 4. q At the defeat given them by Montrosse at Kilsyth eveâ— to the ruining the State of Scotland when the Lord Fairfax the English Generall and other Commanders in chief wrote to the Earle of Leven the Scottish Generall that they accounted the calamities of Scotland to be their own and would willingly adventure their owne blood for the Scots as for the English till the Enemies of the three Kingdoms were fully vanquâ—shed See the Breviary of the History of the Parliament of England r Noli in caducum parietem inclinare Lipsius Politic. * In sapientem non potest cadere Injuria Seneca Å¿ See the exhortation for and touching the taking the Covenant annexed to the Covenant Printed 9 February 1643 t Commonly discoursed in the Diurnalls and Occurrences Printed in Aprill and May 1651. * Psal. 19.
they pretend the Authority of the Word and whatsoever conceipt is begotten in their heads the Spirit of God to be presently the Author of it when as learned and judicious men in whom the Lord hath put wisdome and understanding to know how to worke all manner of worke for the service of the Sanctuary like Bezaleel and Aholiab refuse much of the stuffe which is offered them Scripture is given to all to learne to teach to interpret only to a few It is the voice of God confessed by all that the sense is Scripture not the words it cannot be therefore avoyded but that he that wilfully strives to fasten some sense of his owne other then the nature of the place will beare must needs take upon him the person of God himselfe and to be an indicter of Scripture No Scripture is of private interpretation There can be but two certaine and infallible Interpreters of it either it selfe or the holy Ghost the Author of it it selfe doth then expound it encouragement to the Study and Increase thereof by their favour and respect shewn unto the Universities and Colledges where it is most properly to be acquired and had for which they were instituted at first and are renowned equally to the best Seminaries of Learning throughout all EUROPE the Parliament having for the c most part exempted them from any Charge or Tax for raising mony towards this War by giving way unto and placing painful and sober Governours in the severall Societies of the Universities to reduce them to their former temper of acquiring Learning and good Manners that what the fury and fiercenesse of the War was likely to demolish and destroy is yet recoverable by the care and industry of their Governours that whereas there is a Disproportion and Antipathy between Science a soft milde and tender habit and a War a privative and destroying judgement there is yet by Gods blessing left a possibility and meanes of a regresse from a Warre and Garrison of Souldiers in * one of them to an acquisition of Sciences and Learning Neither doth the Parliament for ought we see neglect or disesteem the Universities or other Seminaries of Learning or take away the Endowments of Colledgeâ— as their Enemies give out in that some of the most learned of the Schollers there are dispossessed of part of their Estates for their disaffection or because that able men of the Universities and elsewhere are sequestred for a time by reason of their constant prejudice and ill will against the Parliament and their Proceedings the Parliament knowing such to be Interested and not long since seasoned by the Enemy Garrisoning in one of the Vniversities and devising yet to contrive their overthrow to let in the King's Power againe They could not be ignorant of the discontent and envy borne towards Them by divers of the more ripe and learned of the Clergy to see the Church Preferments and Dignities which they aimed at to be taken away how apt withall to engage the younger sort of Schollers in this their Cause by seasoning them with the same leaven of Discontent without considâ—ring that what was bestowed and instituted at first by Pious d Founders for the encouragement of Learning study and good uses many of them did betray to Luxury and Ease which the Parliament not knowing how otherwise to correct or moderate and foreseeing such Corruption to be so incorporate into their Prelaticall and Caâ—hedrall Calling that amidst these oppositions and distractions threatning the ruine of Three Kingdomes occasioned chiefly by reason of a corrupt and Prelaticall Clergy as the e Estates of 2 of the said Kingdoms have observed They knew no other remedy to be applyed then to alienate those Endowments to dispose of them to other uses The work of Reformation being in hand and Preaching the Gospell the instrumentall means thereof no man will judge such an emulation or ill-will to be in a prudent Laity intending to Reform towards a learned Clergy the means of Reforming that the one should discountenance or bring down the other the Clergy such as the Apostle would have them be Blamelesse have h Remonstrated and Protested for the contrary Rather the Kings Party with the Presbyterians most adhering unto him now seem to give way to many practises tending to Irreligion although not directly and immediately unless by those of the Popish Faction yet remotely and consequently whilst they so earnestly contend against the opposite Party called Independents that they would rather submit unto a Turk or Jew then to be mastered by that Party for the Presbyterians weakning them and themselves also by striving each with other help the Enemy into a Power to subvert that which some of the Kings Party have heretofore aimed at and hath been the first object of this Quarrell Religion The Emulation and Discontent of which Parties the Kings and those of Presbyterian grows out of a fear to be overcome Adversaries convinced are prone to Revenge and Envy and that appears from the judgement and censure the Kings Party have passed against the Parliaments in the punishment had the Kings prevailed they would have condemned them to for of the moderate sort of the Parliament and their Friends they hold them unskillfull i vulgar spirited weak and seduced men for siding with the People as they term it and their Multitudes the more eminent active sort Traitors Periured All yea the Neutralls too for not offering to defend the King according to the Oath of Allegiance the Parliament Party having a more moderate and milde judgment of the King's knowing many of them restlesse and implacable as yet judging others mistaken onely misapprehending the Cause in hand or to have been led away through ambition aspiring thoughts to adhere unto the King whereupon they have accordingly passed by the Errors and Transgressions of the Kings by an easy mulcting them giving way unto their enjoying their Estates and Fortunes so that if the judgment at the first had been no worse no more rashly and erroneously passed against the one then it was against the other Party the War had soon been ended and a Peace restored By the Kings Parties large extenâ—ion of which Oath in not offering to defend the King they may bring many within the compasse of Perjury the King holding himselfe bound to maintaine the Lawes by his Supreme power to tâ—ke vengeance on evill doers without which he may think he bears the Sword in 〈◊〉 as the Subjects are to their Allegiance the obligation is reciprocall as the two Houses of Parliament when allowed to be and styled by the King himselfe a Parliament with an unanimous consent observed in their Message sent unto him else-where recited in this discourse if the King may dispence with his Oath from which the Author of the k {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} presumes to discharge him as that the Author is so far from thinking the Maiesty of the Crown of