Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	john_n	king_n	normandy_n	5,766	5	11.9981	5	true

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A34703	An answer made by command of Prince Henry to certain propositions of warre and peace delivered to His Highnesse by some of his military servants whereunto is adjoyned The French charity, or, An essay written in French by an English gentleman, upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into England, and translated into English by F.S.J.E.	Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631.; Evelyn, John, 1620-1706. French charity.	1655 (1655)	Wing C6477; ESTC R32525	69,823	112

King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428. l. 18. shil. From the first purchase of it by Edward the 3. untill the losse thereof by Queen Mary it was ever a perpetuall issue of the Treasure of this Land which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us then any Fort of Security For from the waste of money which is Nervus Reipublicae the Sinew of a Common-wealth as Ulpian saith we may conclude with Tacitus Dissolutionem Imperii docet si fructus quibus Respub. sustinetur diminuantur it foreshews the ruine of an Empire if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth And therefore it was not the worst opinion at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King incited b Henry the 8. to put off that Kingdome although in the close major pars vicit meliorem the greater party out-voted the better that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable then profitable and the keeping more then the enjoying The issue was in Tournay Bullen and this Town manifest Besides the jealousy that Nation ever held over our designes and their own liberty For as Graecia libera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his custody so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easy descent into and convenient place to trouble the Country a Fetter to intangle them they neither had assurance of their own quiet nor we of their Amity And it was not the least Argument from Conveniencie in the detention of Callis after the 8 yeares expired of Re-delivery used by the Chancellour of France a That we should gain much more in assured peace which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town then by any benefit it did or could yield us It was never but a Pike and Quarrell between the two Realms For upon every light displeasure either Princes would take by and by to Callis and make war there God hath made a separation naturall betwixt both Nations a sure wall and defence Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos That is the English were divided from all the world But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges it is not amisse to touch by way of comfort that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered and also that other of burthen still though much lightened untill conformity of Affections and designs of Councells shall further effect a Remedie The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20. b Edward 3. was 3129. l. for three yeares In the end of Richard 2. entrance of Henry the 4. c 10153. l. And d 11. of Henry 6. the Custodie of the Marches 4766. l. In the 2. Mariae the annuall Charge of Barwick was 9413. l. e And in an. 2. Elizabeth 13430. l. And an. 26. 12391. l. The Kingdome of Ireland beyond the Revenues was 29. E. 3. f 2285. l. An. 30. g 2880. l. and h an. 50. 1808. l. All the time of Richard 2. i it never defrayed the charges And came short in 11. Henry 6. 4000. Marks a of annuall issues The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus proficuis in all the rents and profits yearly by Accompt of Cromwell Lord Treasurer not above 3040. l. But passing over these elder times in the Reign of the late Queen when the yearly Revenue was not 15000. l. the expence for 2. yeares b ending 1571. amounted to 116874. l. In anno 1584. for lesse then 2 yeares came it to 86983. l. c The charge there in two years of S. Iohn Parrots government ending 1586. was 116368. l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000. l. the issue was 91072. l. And when in 35. Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdome exceeded not 27118. l. the Disbursments in 7 moneths were 171883. l. The Charge 1601. d for 9 moneths 167987. l. And for the two yeares following accounted by the allayed money 670403. l. And in the first of the King 84179. l. Whose government although it hath blessed both us and that Kingdome with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forreign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forreign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiorie the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassallage then which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is e Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch in his Kingdome and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperiall Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a Subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majestie and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King Iohn did Normandy and Edward the 2. resigned to his Son the Dutchie of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regaltie but be a dishonour As appeareth in Henry the 2. who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the 17. of Richard 2. the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unlesse the King might not do Homage they held it so base supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territorie those subordinate Dutchies in

home loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies since no motives are so powerfull to the Common greedy People as the hopes of gain which will easily enforce them b Ire super gladios superque Cadavera patrum Et caesos calcare Duces Tread upon Swords and on their Fathers Graves And spurn their slaughter'd Captains In the Expeditions of Henry 3. their purchases were so great that the a Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back then for the expence of their own monyes For Cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas When Toil brings Loss Begg'ry must needs increase The same King although called in by the Nobility of France b in Faction against their Master returned no better rewarded then Consumpta pecunia infinita Nobilibus Militibus innumeralibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati vel fame attenuatis vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem with the having spent an infinite deal of money his Nobles and Souldiers without number being either slain or sickly or maimed or half-starved or else reduced to extreme poverty Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence of Henry the 3. and his people in his Sicilian Service with no better wages then this Scoffe That England was c Puteus inexhaustus quem nullus poterat exsiccare a Well not to be emptied which no man could draw dry What the succeeding times afforded may be well gathered out of the many Petitions in Parliament 22. Edward 3. 4 and 7. of Richard 2. 8. of Henry 5. and 10. of Henry 6. ever complaining of the extreme Beggery the people brought home and desiring some speedy Relief The Treasure d Henry the 8. spent in aide of Maximilian about recovery of Verona nullum aliud factum nisi damnum dedecus peperit brought him nothing else but Loss and Dishonour For the Emperour having his turn served delivered contrary to Contract that City to the French threatning to confederate with them ni Rex ei continuo per solveret unless the King would forth with pay him down a great summe of money believing as the words are Minis terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words For the great Army of this King sent over into France and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Burbon with in their wars of Millan his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad he was himself at the last of all their ends effected having spent the Treasure of his Father and the Bounty of his Subjects forsaken and left as the Pasquill painted him inter Moysem Christum Mahumetem betwixt Moses Christ and Mahomet with this word Quo me vertam nescio Which way to turn me I know not For 2. Millions of a Crowns bestowed in purchase of Tournay not without suite of his own he delivered it with little or no recompence rated his potentiall Interest of France at no greater Summe then an Annuity b of 100000. Crowns What from the 30. of this King untill the last of his son Edward the sixth for c 3173478. l. 15s 4d spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars this State received of inrichment it seemeth so mean as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts Untill the late Queen was drawn into wars she had in Treasure 700000. l. but after she was once intangled it cost her before the 30. of her Reign 1517351. l. at which time she was but entering into the vastness of her future Charge For the annuall expence of 126000. l. in the Low-Countries from 1587. untill 1593. the yearly disbursment for a Flushing and the Brill 28482. l. the debts of the States 800000. l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734. l. was after that time Thus by reason of warre besides Taxes upon her People to the Summe of two Millions and 800000. l. by Subsidies Tenths Fifteens she hath spent of her Lands Jewells and Revenues an infinite proportion As for the imaginary Profit grown by the many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain it may be well cast up by two examples of our best Fortunes The Journey of Cales b defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000. l. And our times of most advantage by Prizes between c anno 30. and 34. of the Queen wherein we received but 64044. l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy arising in the same yeares to 275761. l. As to the greatest Losse expence of Christian Blood it may well suffice to be moan with * Horace Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam nisi in dispar feris Is there as yet so little Latine Bloud Spilt on the Fields and Flouds Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind THe last motive from Utility is increase of Revenues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction as to instance the particular Summes exhausted in every Age to retain them Beginning first with the Dutchie of Normandy For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence as the a Author saith laden Thesauris innumeris with uncountable Treasure exacted sive per fas sive per nefas in Normanniam transfretavit gathethered together by hook or by crook wafted over into Normandy His Son b ad retinendam Normanniam Angliam excoriavit to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin The same end by c Henry the first Anglia fuit bonis spoliata England was despoiled of its Goods His d Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae a Scutage for his army in Normandy 3. times at a high rate and was inforced then against incursions of the French to build and man e 13 Castles de novo integro intirely new Richard the first f exacted heavily upon his people ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerfull Courtiers of France so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy King Iohn g as wearied with the Charge neglected it And his Son h feeling a burden more then benefit resigned his interest there for a little Money When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth i the judgement in Councel was That the keeping of it would be no lesse of expence then to war forth for all France In the quiet possession of his Son Henry a Iohn Duke of Bedford then Regent this Dutchie cost the Crown of England 10942. l. yearly In an. 10. it appeareth by

the Accompts of the Lord Cromwell Treasurer of England b that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminster the entertainment of the Garrison and Governour was defrayed the Rents of the Dutchy not supporting the charge ordinary c When Richard Duke of York was in the 15. year of Henry the 6. Regent the certain Expence overballanced the Receipt 34008. l. And an. 27. d the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament that Normandy was not able to maintain it self But thus it continued not much longer for this Crown was both eased of the Dutchy and Charge shortly Of the Principality of Aquitain the Duchie of Gascoign Guien and the Members I find the state thus in record In the 26. of Henry 3. e there was issued from the Treasurer Chamberlains at Westminster 10000. l. for paiments in Gascoign besides an infinite proportion of Victualls and Munition thither sent To retain this Dutchie in Duty and possession f this king was inforced to pawn his Jewells being aere alieno graviter obligatus The sauris Donativis Tallagiis extersionibus in Anglia consumptis very much indebted and having spent all his Treasures Grants Tallages and other Sweepings in England Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum forced an acknowledgement from him of 40000. Marks And a Story of that time saith of ann. 38. g Ille per multos labores expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae with a great deal of toyle and expense he unprofitably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign of which the Labour was more then ever the Benefit could be And thus it appeareth to have continued for an. 17. a of Edward the second the money disbursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595. l. 9. shillings 7d besides 29660. Quarters of Grain and of Beeves and Bacons an infinite proportion In the first of Edward the 3. b the issues of Gascoign were 10000. l. above the Revenues The Signiories in Aquitain c cost in 8. years ending 36. of this King 192599. l. 4. shill. 5d de receptis forinsecis onely It was delivered in Parliament an. 1. Rich. 2. d that Gascoign and some few other places that were then held in France cost yearly this Crown 42000. l. And in the 17th of this King e a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especiall then to provide money to clear the annuall expences of those parts The charge of Bordeaux f but one Town surmounting in half a year all Rents and perquisites there 2232. l. As Fronsack in Aquitain 5787. l. for double that time when the intire Dutchie exceeded not 820. l. in yearly Revenues The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry 4. g was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England By accompt Aquitain besides Guien 6606. l. was the h first of Henry the fifth in surplussage of charge 11200. l. the Town of i Bordeaux the 5. first years of the same King 6815. l. In the 11. of k Henry the 6. Sir Iohn Radcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis c. 2729. l. and for expense in custody of Fronsack Castle onely he payed 666. l. 13. shill. the profits of the Dutchie no wayes able to cleare the Accompts The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britanny may in a few Examples appeare a Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri quod jam per triennium comprobavit that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britanny which he had found to be true upon 3 years tryall and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari to tire himself farther with such toilsome expenses The Town of Brest b cost Richard the second 12000. Marks a year and it stood him in an. 9. in 13118. l. 18. shillings For Callis I will deliver with as much shortness as may be from the first acquisition untill the losse in every age the Expense for the most part either out of the Treasury or Customes of England disbursed c From the 18. of Edward the 3. untill the 21. in which space it was taken the Charge amounted to 337400. l. 9. shil. 4d Anno 28. of the same King for little more then a yeare 17847. l. 5. shillings In an. 29. 30581. l. 18d for 2. years compleat d In 30. received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasurer of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England 17847. l. e And in the yeare following 26355. l. 15. shillings f In the second of Richard 2. de receptis forinsecis which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster 20000. l. for 3 yeares compleat g Anno 5. 19783. l. For three yeares ending a anno 10. 77375. l. For the like term untill ann. 13. 48609. l. 8. shillings And b for the 4. succeeding yeares 90297. l. 19. shil. And for the last 3 yeares of his Reign 85643. l. From the end of c Richard 2. untill the 4. of Henry 4. for 3. yeares d 62655. l. 17. shillings And for one succeeding 19783. l. The Charge in Victuall and Provision for 2. yeares 5. moneths in this Kings Reign e 46519. l. 15. shillings In the first 4. and peaceable yeares of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England f 86938. l. 10. shil. for this place And from anno 8. untill the 9. 65363. l. It cost Henry the g 6. above all Revenue 9054. l. 5. shillings in an. 11. The Subsidies in England were an. 27. h levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis And the i 31. of this King there was a Fifteen and 2. shil. of every Sack of Wooll imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end k And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis and the like authority directed 4. of Edward the fourth l that the Souldiers there should receive Victualls and salary from out of the Subsidies of England The disbursement thereof one yeare being 12771. l. m And in the 16. of the same King for like term there was de Portu London Hull Sancti Botolphi Poole Sandwico by the Ports of London Hull Boston Pool Sandwich 12488. l. paid to the Treasury of Callis n And in an. 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290. l. 18. shillings o And in 22. 11102. l. And the year following 10788. l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24. a Henry 8. 8834. l. And about 30th when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy 8117. l. And from the 30th of this

accounted heretick either by the Church of Rome or any other way to do contra formam Tractatus contrary to the form of Agreement how much more must their jealousie be to us And therefore in a Consultation in Henry the 8s time a whether with best security we should confederate with France or Spain it was resolved that either of them may slip off their advantage by colour of our Separation from the Church of Rome if there be no better hold in their Honesties then in their Bonds For it will be held not onely worthy dispensation but merit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church by the Doctrine of that See which teacheth all Contracts with any Catholick Prince to be instanti dissolved because we are by them ranked in the list of Hereticks which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by b Bull to Wenceslaus King of Bohemia and Charles then Emperor before the Councill of Constance declaring all Confederations Leagues and Conventions to be Lege Divina temerariae illicitae ipso jure nullae etiamsi forent fide data firmatae aut Confirmatione Apostolica roboratae to be by the Law of God invalid void and in law null although confirmed by the plighting of faith nay though strengthened by confirmation Apostolicall if the parties were separatae ab Unitate sanctae Ecclesiae separate from the Unity of Holy Church when the league was made or si postea sint effecti if they become so after What assurance can there then be either with France who is received by his Rebenediction into the Bosome of the Church and his sonne made Adoptivus Filius Ecclesiae an adopted Son of the Church or against him with Spain who being Protector and Champion of that See Apostolick submitteth himself as he hath ever done to the Popes pleasure and designe and must not onely forsake but aide against us in any warre we should there undertake Danger by difference in Religion in respect of the Subjects Besides it is considerable howsoever all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mutuall aide whether they will so in a forrain Invasion especially when the party assailed shall be of their own Religion For when the Interdiction of the Pope could draw against Iohn King of England a Lewis the 12. a side of their own Subjects as it did after in the same Kingdome against Hen. 3. though all 3. conformable in points of Religion to that See how much more will it work with the people devoted to their opinions in a State divided from their obedience For amongst us the Catholick Church hath many Iesuites to raise Faction and divert people from duty the Recusants many and Malecontents not few all which with warre will discover themselves but now by this happy calm unassured of assistance lock up their riches in security their hearts in silence And therefore by any enterprize it is not with the rule of Seneca safe concutere felicem statum For provoking of some adversary in respect of Papall protection they pick advantage to ground a quarrel of Religion then the sancta Expeditio the holy expedition against Lewis will be made Bellū Sacrum a holy Warre against us But admitting no lesse then in former times an easiness to attempt it is not a meditation unnecessary to think in generall of the dangers and impossibilities to retain For first we must more then transgresse Limites quos posuerunt Patres the Bounds which our Fathers owned Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos And Britans from the world wholy divided and relinquish that defence of Nature wherewith she hath incirculed divided and secured us from the whole world a Te natura potens Pelago divisit ab omni Parte orbis tuta ut semper ab hoste fores From all the Earth Nature hath parted thee With Seas and set thee safe from Enemy and commit our Frontiers had we never so much upon the next Continent to the protection of an Army which besides the continuall Charge if we give Ambitious and able Commanders as unable for our Interest we will not how ready shall it be in such a Leader and backt if he please to give Law to his own countrey For Trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by Power And whensoever means and Ambition leads any to trouble the State he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest Titles b Alii sicuti Iura populi defenderent Pars quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret bonum publicum simulantes some declaring to maintain the rights of the People others to uphold the authority of the Senate all pretending to act for the publick good Hence was it that Augustus c refused to add any more of the Barbarous Nations to the body of his Empire which with great facility he might have done d and to restrain that infinite and unsafe desire of enlarging left in Charge to his Successors that especiall point of advice a coercendi intra Terminos Imperii to keep the Empire within due fitting bounds The like moderation from the same ground was in the late Queen who refused the soveraignty of the Netherlands b so often and earnestly offered to her fore-seeing well that as her State should grow more respective by addition of People and augmentation of Territory so Factions and Discontents a common accident in worldly affaires would arise from superfluity Besides the State that may best admit increase is that unto which addition may be on every part indifferently Such was the advantage of Rome by being situate in the middest of Europe whereas we are thrust out of the world to which we have no other contiguity then an unsure element of fluxible foundation the Sea subject to tempest contrariety of wind and more commodious for a potent enemy to intercept then our selves to secure For how large soever any Kingdome is all great directions move from one place commonly from one man as the Heart in the Body It is therefore necessary that the seat be so placed that as well Intelligence as Dispatch may safely passe with indifferency and assured Speed And those Forms are most quick and easy in motion whose extremes are all equally distant from the Centre for the more different from the Circle the more slow and hard Rome may sufficiently example this For so long as the Orbe of that Empire so moved about her all things kept on their course with order and ease but after the Seate was by c Constantine removed to an extremity of the Circle it stood a while still and in the end dissolved For either through the masse of Business the limitedness of any mans sufficiency or impossibility to consider all due Circumstances but in re praesenti there must fall out infinite defects in the directions Or if