of Syria through all which land the king had free passage without resistance neither durst the Saracenâ— Prince encounter after that with K. Richard Of all which his atchâ—uances the sayd K. Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England as also to the Abbot of Clara valle in France well hoping y t he God willing should be able to make his repaire againe to them by Easter next Many other famous acts were done in this voyage by these two Kings and moe should haue bene had not they falling into discorde disseuered themselues by reason whereof Philip the French king returned home againe within short space who being returned againe eftsoones inuaded the countrey of Normandy exciting also Iohn the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdome of Englande in his brothers absence who then made league vpon the same with the French king and did homage vnto him which was about the fourth yeere of king Richard Who then being in Syria and hearing thereof made peace with the Turkes for three yeeres and not long after king Richard the next spring following returned also who in his returne driuen by distresse of weather about the parts of Histria in a towne called Synaca was there taken by Lympold Duke of the same countrey and so solde to the Emperour for sixtie thousand Markes who for no small ioy thereof writeth to Philip the French king these letters here following The letter of the Emperour to Philip the French king concerning the taking of King Richard HEnricus Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus Dilecto speciali amico suo Philippo illustri Francorum Regi salutem sincerae dilectionis affectum Quoniam Imperatoria Celsitudo non dubitat Regalem Magnificentiam tuam latiorem effici de vniuersis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos Romanum Imperâ—um honorauerit exaltauerit nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus quod inimicus Imperij nostri â—urbator Regni tui Rex Angliae quam esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reuer surus accidit vt ventus rupta naui sua in qua ipse erat induceret eum in partes Histriae ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam Venetias Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium cum paucis euasit Quidam itaque fidelis noster Comes Maynardus de Grooxâ—e populas regionis illius audito quod in terra erat considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis proditionem traditionem perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat insecuti sunt intendentes eum captiuare Ipso autem Rege in fugam conuerso ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiepâ—scopatu Salseburgensi qui vocatur Frisorum vbi Fridericus de Betesow Rege cum tribus tantum versus Austriam properante noctu sex milites de suis coepit Dilectus autem Consanguineus noster Lympoldus Dux Austriae obseruata strata saepè dictum Regemiuxta Denam in villa viciniori in domo despecta captiuaâ—â—t Cumitaque in nostra nunc habeatur Potestate ipse semper tua molestauit turbationis operam praestiterit ea quae praemisimus nobilitati tuae insmuare curaâ—imus scientes ea dilectioni tuae beneplacita existere animo tuo vberrimam importare laetitiam Datum apud Ritheountum 5. Kalendas Ianua King Richard being thus traiterously taken and solde to the Emperour by the Duke of Austridge for 60000. markes was there kept in custodie a yeere and 3. moneths In some stories it is affirmed that King Richard returning out of Asia came to Italy with prosperous winde where he desired of the Pope to be absolued of an othe made against this will and could not obteine it and so setting out from thence towards England passing by the Countrey of Conradus the Marques whose death he being slaine a litle before was falsâ—y imputed by the French king to the king of England there traiterously was taken as is aforesayde by Limpoldus duke of Austridge Albeit in another storie I finde the matter more credibly set forth which saith thus That king Richard slewe the brother of this Limpoldus playing with him at Chesse in the French Kings Court and Limpoldus taking his vantage was more cruel against him and deliuered him as is sayde to the Emperour In whose custodie he was deteined during the time aboue mentioned a yeere 3. moneths During which time of the kings endurance the French king in the meane season stirred warre in Normandie and Earle Iohn the Kings brother made stirre and inuaded England but the Barons and Bishops of the land mightily withstood him At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperour that king Richard should be released for a hundreth and foure thousand pound of which money part should remaine to the Duke of Austridge the rest should be the Emperours The summe of which money was here gathered and made in England of chalices crosses shrines candlestickes and other Church plate also with publike contribution of Friers Abbots and other subiects of the Realme whereof part was presently paid and for the residue remaining hostages and pledges were taken which was about the fift yeere of his reigne and then it was obteined of the Pope that Priestes might celebrate with Chalices of latten and tinne At what time this aforesaide money was payde and the hostages giuen for the ransome of the King I haue an olde historie which saith that the aforesaid Duke of Austridge was shortly after plagued by God with 5. sundry plagues First with the burning of his chiefe Townes 2 With drowning of tenne thousand of his men in a flood happening no man can tell how 3 By turning all the eares of his corne fieldes into wormes 4. By taking away almost all the Nobles of his land by death 5. By breaking his owne leg falling from his horse which leg he was compelled to cut off with his owne hands and afterwards died of the same who then at his death is reported to forgiue K. Richard 50000. marks and sent home the hostages that were with him And further a certaine booke intituled Eulogium declareth that the sayd Limpoldus duke of Austrich fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome and died excommunicate the next yeere after Anno 1196. But thus as you haue heard Richard the King was ransomed deliuered from the couetous captiuitie of the Emperor and returning home made an ende of his voyage for Asia which was both honourable to himselfe and to all Christian states but to the Saracens the enemies of Christianitie terrible and dishonourable This historie of King Richards voiage to Ierusalem is very excellently and largely written in Latine by Guilielmus Neobrigensis and Roger Houeden Epitaphium Richardi primi regis Anglorum apud fontem Ebraldi SCribitur hoc auro rex auree laus tua tota aurea materiae conueniente nota
And yet not containing themselues within all that maine circumference they haue aduentured their persons shippes and goods homewards and outwards foureteene times ouer the vnknowen and dangerous Caspian sea that valiant wise and personable gentleman M. Anthonie Ienkinson being their first ring-leader who in Anno 1558. sailing from Astracan towards the East shore of the Caspian sea and there arriuing at the port of Mangusla trauelled thence by Vrgence and Shelisur and by the riuers of Oxus and Ardok 40. dayes iourney ouer desert and wast countreys to Boghar a principall citie of Bactria being there by the way friendly entertained dismissed and safely conducted by certaine Tartarian kings and Murses Then haue you a second Nauigation of his performance to the South shore of the foresayd Caspian sea together with his landing at Derbent his arriuall at Shabran his proceeding vnto Shamaky the great curtesie vouchsafed on him by Obdolowcan king of Hircan his iourney after of 30. dayes Southward by Yauate Ardouil and other townâ—s and cities to Casben being as then the seate imperiall of Shaugh Thamas the great Sophy of Persia with diuers other notable accidents in his going foorth in his abode there and in his returne home Immediately after you haue set downe in fiue seuerall voiages the successe of M. Ienkinsons laudable and well-begun enterprise vnder the foresayd Shaugh Thamas vnder Shally Murzey the new king of Hircan and lastly our traffique with Osman Basha the great Turkes lieutenant at Derbent Moreouer as in M. Ienkinsons trauel to Boghar the Tartars with their territories habitations maner of liuing apparell food armour c. are most liuely represented vnto you so likewise in the sixe Persian Iournals you may here and there obserue the state of that countrey of the great Shaugh and of his subiects together with their religion lawes customes maner of gouernment their coines weights and measures the distances of places the temperature of the climate and region and the natural commodities and discommodities of the same Furthermore in this first Volume all the Ambassages and Negotiations from her Maiestie to the Russian Emperor or from him vnto her Maiestie seemed by good right to chalenge their due places of Record As namely first that of M. Randolph 1568. then the emploiment of M. Ienkinson 1571. thirdly Sir Ierome Bowes his honorable commission and ambassage 1582. and last of all the Ambassage of M. Doct. Fletcher 1588. Neither do we forget the Emperours first Ambassador Osep Napea his arriuall in Scotland his most honourable entertainment and abode in England and his dismission into Russeland In the second place we doe make mention of Stephen Tuerdico and Pheodata Pogoâ—ella thirdly of Andrea Sauin and lastly of Pheodor Andrewich Phisemski And to be briefe I haue not omitted the Commissions Letters Priuileges Instructions Obseruations or any other Particulars which might serue both in this age and with all posteritie either for presidents in such like princely and weightie actions to bee imitated or as woorthy monuments in no wise to bee buried in silence Finally that nothing should be wanting which might adde any grace or shew of perfection vnto this discourse of Russia I haue prefixed before the beginning thereof the petigree and genealogie of the Russian Emperors and Dukes gathered out of their owne Chronicles by a Polonian containing in briefe many notable antiquities and much knowledge of those partes as likewise about the conclusion I haue signified in the branch of a letter the last Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich his death and the inauguration of Boris Pheodorowich vnto the Empire But that no man should imagine that our forren trades of merchandise haue bene comprised within some few yeeres or at least wise haue not bene of any long continuance let vs now withdraw our selues from our affaires in Russia and ascending somewhat higher let vs take a sleight suruey of our traffiques and negotiations in former ages First therefore the Reader may haue recourse vnto the 124 page of this Volume there with great delight and admiration consider out of the iudicial Historiographer Cornelius Tacitus that the Citie of London fifteene hundred yeeres agoe in the time of Nero the Emperour was most famous for multitude of merchants and concourse of people In the pages folowing he may learne out of Venerable Beda that almost 900. yeeres past in the time of the Saxons the said citie of London was multorum emporium populorum a Mart-towne for many nations There he may behold out of William of Malmesburie a league concluded betweene the most renoumed and victorious Germane Emperour Carolus Magnus and the Saxon king Offa together with the sayd Charles his patronage and protection granted vnto all English merchants which in those dayes frequented his dominions There may bee plainly see in an auncient testimonie translated out of the Saxon tongue how our merchants were often woont for traffiques sake so many hundred yeeres since to crosse the wide Seas and how their industry in so doing was recompensed Yea there mayest thou obserue friendly Reader what priuileges the Danish king Canutus obtained at Rome of Pope Iohn of Conradus the Emperour and of king Rudolphus for our English merchants Aduenturers of those times Then if you shall thinke good to descend vnto the times and ages succeeding the conquest there may you partly see what our state of merchandise was in the time of king Stephen and of his predecessor and how the Citie of Bristol which may seeme somewhat strange was then greatly resorted vnto with ships from Norway and from Ireland There may you see the friendly league betweene king Henry the second and the famous Germane Emperour Friderick Barbarossa and the gracious authorizing of both their merchaÌ„ts to traffique in either of their dominions And what need I to put you in mind of king Iohn his fauourable safe-conduct whereby all forren merchants were to haue the same priuileges here in England which our English merchants enioied abroad in their seuerall countreys Or what should I signifie vnto you the entercourse of league and of other curtesies betweene king Henry the third and Haquinus king of Norway and likewise of the free trade of merchandise between their subiects or tell you what fauours the citizens of Colen of Lubek and of all the Hanse-townes obtained of king Edward the first or to what high endes and purposes the generall large and stately Charter concerning all outlandish merchants whatsoeuer was by the same prince most graciously published You are of your owne industry sufficiently able to conceiue of the letters negotiatioÌ„s which passed between K. Edward the 2. Haquinus the Noruagian king of our English merchants and their goods detained vpon arrest at Bergen in Norway and also of the first ordination of a Staple or of one onely setled Mart-towne for the vttering of English woolls woollen fells instituted by the sayd K. Edward last before named All which Reader being throughly considered I referre you then
at Fontanas and Nichoâ—as succeeded in his roome In the yere 1204. Hugo de Lacy inuaded Vlster with an armie and encountered with Iohn de Curcy tooke him prisoner subdued Vlster vnto himselfe Afterward he permitted the said Iohn to goe at libertie who comming vnto king Reginald was honourably enterteined by him because he was his sonne in lawe for Iohn de Curcy had taken to wife Affrica the daughter of Godredus which founded the abbey of S. Mary de iugo domini and was there buried In the yeere 1205. Iohn de Curcy Reginald king of the islands inuading Vlster with a hundreth ships at the port which is called Stranfeord did negligently besiege the castle of Rath but Walter de Lacy coÌ„ming vpoÌ„ them with his armie put them to flight from that time Curcy neuer recouered his land In the yere 1210. Eâ—gus the son of Sumerled his 3. sonnes were slaine At the same time Iohn king of England conducted a fleet of 500. ships into Irland and subdued it vnto himselfe and sending a certaine earle named Fulco vnto the isle of Man his souldiers almost vtterly wasted it in the space of 15. dayes and hauing taken pledges they returned home into their owne countrey King Reginald and his nobles were at this time absent from Man In the yere 1217. deceased Nicolas bishop of the islands and was buried in Vlster in the house of Benchor whom Reginald succeeded I thinke it not amisse to report somewhat more concerning the two foresaid brethren Reginaldus and Olauus REginald gaue vnto his brother Olauus the island called Lodhus or Lewes which is saide to be larger then the rest of the islands but almost destitute of inhabitants because it is so ful of mountaines quarreis being almost no where fit for tillage Howbeit the inhabitants thereof do liue for the most part vpon hunting and fishing Olauus therefore went to take possession of this Island and dwelt therein leading a poore life and when he saw that it would by no meanes suffice for the sustentation of himselfe his folowers hee went boldly vnto his brother Reginald who as then remained in the islands spake on this wise vnto him My brother said he and my lord and king you know that the kingdom of the islands pertained vnto me by right of inheritance howbeit because the Lord had chosen you to beare the scepter I doe not enuie that honour vnto you neither doeth it any whit grieue mee that you are exalted vnto this royall dignitie Nowe therefore I beseech you to prouide mee some portion of land in the islands whereby I may honestly liue For the Island of Lewis which you gaue me is not sufficient for my maintenance Which his brother Reginald hearing said that he would consult about the premisses And on the morow when Olauus was sent for to parle Reginald coÌ„manded him to be attached and to be caried vnto William king of Scotland and with him to remaine prisoner and Olauus remained in prison almost for the space of 7. yeres But at the 7. yeres end William king of Scots deceased and Alexander his sonne reigned in his stead The foresaid William before his death commanded that all prisoners should be set at libertie Olauus therefore being at libertie came vnto Man and immediatly with a great company of nobles tooke his iourney vnto S. Iames and his brother Reginald caused the said Olauus to take vnto wife the daughter of a certaine noble man of Kentyre cousine german vnto his owne wife by name being called Lauon and he granted vnto him the possession of Lewis After a few dayes Reginald the bishop of the Islands hauing gathered a Synod separated Olauus and Godred his sonne and Lauon his wife namely because shee was cousin german vnto his former wife Afterward Olauus maried Scristina daughter vnto Ferkarus earle of Rosse Hereupon the wife of Reginald Queene of the Islands being incensed sent letters vnto the Island of Sky in K. Reginald his name to her sonne Godred willing him to take Olauus Which coÌ„mandement Godred putting in practise entring the isle of Lewis for y e same purpose Olauus fled in a litle skiffe vnto his father in law the earle of Rosse in the meane time Godred wasted the isle of Lewis At the very same time Pol the son of Boke vicount of Sky being a man of power in al the Islands because he would not consent vnto Godred fled dwelt together with Olauus in the dominions of the earle of Rosse making a league with Olauus they went both in a ship vnto Sky To be short sending certaine spies they were informed that Godred remained secure with a smal company in a certaine Isle called y e isle of S. Columba And vniting vnto themselues their friends and acquaintance others that would goe voluntarily with them in the dead of the night hauing lanched 5. ships from the next sea-shore which was distant about the space of 2. furlongs from the foresaid Island they enuironed the said Island on all sides Now Godred and his company rising early in the morning and seeing themselues beset with their enemies on all sides they were vtterly astonied Howbeit arming themselues they began stoutly to make resistance but altogether in vaine For about 9. of the clocke in the morning Olauus and the foresaid vicount Pol with al their souldiers entred the Island and hauing slaine all whom they found without the precincts of the Church they apprehended Godred gelding him and putting out his eyes Unto which action Olauus gaue not his coÌ„sent neither could he withstand it by reason of the forenamed vicount the son of Boke This was done in the yere of Christ 1223. The next sommer folowing Olauus hauing receiued pledges from all the chiefe men of the Islands with a fleet of 32. ships sailed vnto Man and arriued at Rognolfwaht At the same time Reginald and Olauus diuided the kingdome of the Islands betweene themselues Man being granted vnto Reginald besides his portion the name of a king also Olauus hauing receiued certaine victuals of the people of Man returned together with his company vnto his owne portion of Islands The yeere folowing Reginald taking vnto him Alanus lord of Galway together with his subiects of Man sailed vnto the Islands that hee might take away that portion of ground from his brother Olauus which he had granted vnto him and subdue it vnto himselfe Howbeit by reason that the people of Man had no list to fight against Olauus or the Islanders because they bare good will towards them Reginald and Alanus lord of Galway being defeated of their purpose returned home vnto their owne Within a short space after Reginald vnder pretense of going vnto the Court of his lord the king of England receiued an 100. markes of the people of Man and tooke his iourney vnto Alanus lord of Galway Which the people of Man hearing tooke great indignation thereat insomuch that they sent for
would withholde from him all other gold within the earth I sawe some of those people being very deformed creatures In Tangut I saw lusly tall men but browne and smart in colour The Iugures are of a middle stature like vnto our French men Amongst the Iugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish and Comanian languages Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court And they had brought more then ten great cartes with them euery one of which was drawen with sixe oxen They be little browne men like vnto Spaniards Also they haue iackets like vnto the vpper vestment of a deacon sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter And they haue miters vpon their heads like bishops But the fore part of their miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe but there hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a kinde of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat and is so trimmed that it glittereth in the sunne beames like vnto a glasse or an helmet well burnished And about their temples they haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto their miters which houer in the wind as if two long hornes grewe out of their heads And when the winde tosseth them vp and downe too much they tie them ouer the midst of their miter from one temple to another and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads Moreouer their principal messenger comming vnto the Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite in length and a handfull in breadth being very smoothe And whensoeuer hee spake vnto the Emperor himselfe or vnto any other great personage hee alwayes beheld that table as if hee had found therein those things which hee spake neither did he cast his eyes to the right hand nor to the lefte nor vpon his face with whom he talked Yea going too and fro before his lord he looketh no where but only vpon his table Beyond theÌ„ as I vnderstand of a certainty there are other people called Muc hauing villages but no one particular man of them appropriating any cattell vnto himselfe Notwithstanding there are many flockes and droâ—es of cattell in their countrey no man appointed to keepe them But when any one of them standeth in neede of any beast hee ascendeth vp vnto an hill and there maketh a shout and all the cattell which are within hearing of the noyse come flocking about him and suffer themselues to be handled and taken as if they were tame And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their countrie they shut him vp into an house ministring there things necessary vnto him vntill his businesse he dispatched For if anie stranger should trauell through that countrie the cattell would flee away at the very sent of him and so would become wilde Beyond Muc is great Cathâ—ya the inhabitants whereof as I suppose were of olde time called Seres For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke And this people is called Seres of a certain towne in the same countrey I was crediblie informedâ— that in the said countrey there is one towne hauing walles of siluer and bulwarkes or towers of golde There be many prouinces in that land the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars And amongst * Somewhat is wanting Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque portes in the sixt yeere of his reigne 1278. for their good seruices done vnto him by sea wherein is mention of their former ancient Charters from Edward the Confessor William the Conqueror William Rufus Henry the second king Richard the first king Iohn and Henry the third continued vnto them EDward by the grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Gascoigne to all Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earles Barons Iustices Shirifs Prouosts Officers to all Bayliffes and true subiects greeting You shall knowe that for the faithfull seruice that our Barons of the fiue Ports hitherto to our predecessors kings of England vnto vs lately in our armie of Wales haue done and for their good seruice to vs and our heires kings of England truly to be continued in time to come we haue granted by this our Charter confirmed for vs and our heires to the same our Barons and to their heires all their liberties and freedomes So that they shall be free from all toll and from all custome that is to say from all lastage tollage passage cariage riuage asponsage and from all wrecke and from all their sale carying and recarying through all our realme and dominion with socke and souke toll and theme And that they shall haue Infangthefe and that they shall be wreckefree lastagefree and louecopfree And that they shall haue Denne and Strande at great Yarmouth according as it is contayned in the ordinance by vs thereof made perpetually to bee obserued And also that they are free from all shires and hundreds so that if any person will plead against them they shall not aunswere nor pleade otherwise then they were wont to plead in the time of the lord king Henrie our great grandfather And that they shall haue their findeâ—â—es in the sea and in the land And that they be free of all their goods and of all their marchandises as our freemen And that they haue their honours in our court and their liberties throughout all the land wheresoeuer they shall come And that they shall be free for euer of all their lands which in the time of Lord Henrie the king our father they possessed that is to say in the 44. yere of his reign from all maner of summonces before our Iustices to any maner of pleadings iourneying in what shire soeuer their lands are So that they shall not be bound to come before the Iustices aforesaid except any of the same Barons doe implead any man or if any man be impleaded And that they shall not pleade in any other place except where they ought and where they were wont that is to say aâ— Shepeway And that they haue their liberties and freedomes from hencefoorth as they and their predecessors haue had them at any time better more fully and honourably in the time of the kings of England Edward William the first William the second Henrie the king our great grandfatherâ— and in the times of king Richard and king Iohn our grandfathers and lord king Henrie our father by their Charters as the same Charters which the same our Barons thereof haue and which we haue seene doe reasonably testifie And we forbid that no man vniustly trouble them nor their marchandise vpon our forfeyture of ten pounds So neuerthelesse that when the same Barons shall fayle in doing of Iustice or in receiuing of Iustice our Warden and the
wardens of our heires of the Cinque Portes which for the time shall be their Ports and liberties may enter for to doe their full Iustice. So also that the sayd Barons and their heires do vnto vs and to our heirs kings of England by the yeare their full seruice of 57. shippes at their costs by the space of fifteene dayes at our somounce or at the somounce of our heires We haue granted also vnto them of our speciall grace that they haue Outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesayd in the same maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their monours in the countie of Kent And they be not put in any Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will and that they be free of all their owne wines for which they do trauaile of our right prise that is to say of one tunne before the mast and of another behind the maste We haue granted furthermore vnto the said Barons for vs and our heires that they for euer haue this liberty that is to say That we or our heires shall not haue the wardship or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayde for the which they doe their seruice aforesayd and for the which wee and our progenitors had not the wardships and mariages in time past But we our aforesayd confirmation vpon the liberties and freedomes aforesayde and our grants following to them of our especiall grace of newe haue caused to be made sauing alwaies in al things our kingly dignitie And sauing vnto vs and to our heires plea of our crowne life and member Wherefore we will and surely command for vs and our heires that the aforesaid Barons and their heires for euer haue all the aforesaid liberties and freedomes as the aforesaid Charters do reasonably testifie And that of our especial grace they haue outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their manours in the county of Kent And that they be not put in Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will And that they bee free of their owne wines for which they trauaile of our right price or custome that is to say of one tunne of wine before the maste and of another tunne behinde the maste And that likewise for euer they haue the libertie aforesayde that is to say That wee and our heires haue not the wardships or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayd for which they doe their seruice aforesaid and for which wee and our predecessors the wardships and mariages haue not had in times past But our aforesayd confirmation of their liberties and freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to them of our especiall grace of new we haue caused to bee made Sauing alwayes and in all things our regall dignity And sauing vnto vs and our heires the pleas of our crowne of life and member as is aforesayd These being witnesses the reuerend father Robert of Portuens Cardinall of the holie Church of Rome frier William of Southhampton Prior pouincial of the friers preachers in England William of Valencia our vncle Roger of the dead sea Roger of Clifford Master Robert Samuel deane of Sarum Master Robert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding Master Robert of Seyton Bartholomew of Southley Thomas of Wayland Walter of Hoptan Thomas of Normannel Steuen of Pennester Frances of Bonaua Iohn of Lenetotes Iohn of Metingham and others Giuen by our hand at Westminster the fourteenth day of Iune in the sixth yeare of our reigne The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third before Calice extant in the kings great wardrobe in London whereby the wonderfull strength of England by sea in those dayes may appeare The South fleete The Kings Shippes 25. Mariners 419. London Shippes 25. Mariners 662. Aileford Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Hoo Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Maydstone Shippes 2. Mariners 51. Hope Shippes 2. Mariners 59. New Hithe Shippes 5. Mariners 49. Margat Shippes 15. Mariners 160. Motue Shippes 2. Mariners 22. Feuersham Shippes 2. Mariners 25. Sandwich Ships 22. Mariners 504. Douer Ships 16. Mariners 336. Wight Ships 13. Mariners 220. Winchelsey Ships 21. Mariners 596. Waymouth Ships 15. Mariners 263. Lyme Ships 4. Mariners 62. Seton Ships 2. Mariners 25. Sydmouth Ships 3. Mariners 62. Exmouth Ships 10. Mariners 193. Tegmouth Ships 7. Mariners 120. Dartmouth Ships 31. Mariners 757. Portsmouth Ships 5. Mariners 96. Plimouth Ships 26. Mariners 603. Loo Ships 20. Mariners 315. Yalme Ships 2. Mariners 47. Fowey Ships 47. Mariners 770. Bristol Ships 22. Mariners 608. Tenmouth Ships 2. Mariners 25. Hasting Ships 5. Mariners 96. Romney Ships 4. Mariners 65. Rye Ships 9. Mariners 156. Hithe Ships 6. Mariners 122. Shoreham Ships 20. Mariners 329. Soford Ships 5. Mariners 80. Newmouth Ships 2. Mariners 18. Hamowlhooke Ships 7. Mariners 117. Hoke Ships 11. Mariners 208. SouthhaÌ„pton Ships 21. Mariners 576. Leymington Ships 9. Mariners 159 Poole Ships 4. Mariners 94. Warham Ships 3. Mariners 59. Swanzey Ships 1. Mariners 29. Iâ—fercombe Ships 6. Mariners 79. Patrickestowe Ships 2. Mariners 27. Polerwan Ships 1. Mariners 60. Wadworth Ships 1. Mariners 14. Kardife Ships 1. Mariners 51. Bridgwater Ships 1. Mariners 15. Kaertnarthen Ships 1. Mariners 16. Cailechesworth Ships 1. Mariners 12. Mulbrooke Ships 1. Mariners 12. Summe of the South fleete Ships 493 Mariners 9630 The North fleete Bamburgh Ships 1. Mariners 9. Newcastle Ships 17. Mariners 314. Walcrich Ships 1. Mariners 12. Hertilpoole Ships 5. Mariners 145. Hull Ships 16. Mariners 466. Yorke Ships 1. Mariners 9. Rauenset Ships 1. Mariners 27. Woodhouse Ships 1. Mariners 22. Strâ—khithe Ships 1. Mariners 10. Barton Ships 3. Mariners 30. Swinefleete Ships 1. Mariners 11. Saltfleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Grimesby Ships 11. Mariners 171. Waynefleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Wrangle Ships 1. Mariners 8. Lenne Ships 16. Mariners 382. Blackney Ships 2. Mariners 38. Scarborough Ships 1. Mariners 19. Yernmouth Ships 43. Mariners 1950. or 1075. Donwich Ships 6. Mariners 102. Orford Ships 3. Mariners 62. Goford Ships 13. Mariners 303. Herwich Ships 14. Mariners 283. Ipswich Ships 12 Mariners 239. Mersey Ships 1. Mariners 6. Brightlingsey Ships 5. Mariners 61. Colchester Ships 5. Mariners 90. Whitbanes Ships 1. Mariners 17. Malden Ships 2. Mariners 32. Derwen Ships 1. Mariners 15. Boston Ships 17. Mariners 361. Swinhumber Ships 1. Mariners 32. Barton Ships 5. Mariners 91. The Summe of the North fleete Ships 217. Mariners 4521. The summe totall of all the English fleete Ships 700. Mariners 14151. Estrangers their ships and mariners Bayon Ships 15. Mariners 439. Spayne Ships 7. Mariners 184. Ireland Ships 1. Mariners 25. Flanders Ships 14. Mariners 133. Gelderland Ships 1. Mariners 24. The summe of all the Estrangers Ships 38. Mariners 805.
THe summe of expenses aswell of wages prests as for the expenses of the kings houses and for other gifts and rewards shippes and other things necessary to the parties of France and Normandie and before Calice during the siege there as it appeareth in the accompts of William Norwel keeper of the kings Wardrobe from the 21. day of April in the 18 yeere of the reigne of the said king vnto the foure and twentieth day of Nouember in the one and twentieth yeere of his reigne is iii. hundreth xxxvii thousand li. ix s iiii d. A note out of Thomas Walsingham touching the huge Fleete of eleuen hundred well furnished ships wherewith king Edward the third passed ouer vnto Calais in the yeere 1359. ANno gratiae 1359. Iohannes Rex Franciae sub vmbra pacis dolose obtulit Regi Angliae Flandriam Picardiam Aquitaniam aliasque terras quas equitauerat vastarat pro quibus omnibus ratificandis idem Rex Edwardus in Franciam nuncios suos direxit quibus omnibus Franci contradixerunt Vnde motus Rex Anglie celeriter se suos praeparauit ad transfretandum ducens secum principem Walliae Edwardum suum primogenitum ducem Henricum Lancastrie ferè proceres omnes quos comitabantur vel sequebaÌ„tur poene mille currusâ— habuirque apud Sanwicum instructas optime vndecies centum naues cum hoc apparatu ad humiliandum Francorum fastum Franciam nauigauit relicto domino Thoma de Wooodstock filio suo iuniore admodum paruulo Anglici regni custode sub tutela tamen The same in English IN the yeere of our Lord 1359. Iohn the French king craftily and vnder pretence of peace offered vnto Edward the third king of England Flanders Picardie Gascoigne and other territories which he had spoyled and wasted for the ratifying of which agreement the foresaid king Edward sent his ambassadors into France but the Frenchmen gain saied them in all their articles and demaunds Whereupon the king of England being prouoked speedily prepared himselfe and his forces to crosse the seas carying with him Edward Prince of Wales his heire apparant and Henry duke of Lancaster and almost all his Nobles with a thousand wagons and cartes attending vpon them And the said king had at Sandwich eleuen hundred ships exceedingly well furnished with which preparation he passed ouer the seas to abate the Frenchmens arrogancie leauing his yonger sonne Thomas of Woodstocke being very tender of age as his vicegerent in the Realme of England albeit not without a protectour c. The voyage of Nicholas de Lynna a Franciscan Frier and an excellent Mathematician of Oxford to all the Regions situate vnder the North pole in the yeere 1360. and in the raigne of Edward the 3. king of England QVod ad descriptionem partium Septentrionalium attinet eam nos accipimus ex Itinerario Iacobi Cnoyen Buscoducensis qui quaedam exrebus gestis Arthuri Britanni citat maiorem autem partem potiora à Sacerdote quodam apud Regem Noruegiae An. Dom. 1364. didicit Descenderat is ex illis quos Arthurus ad has habitandas insulas miserat referebat An. 1360. Minoritam quendam Anglum Oxoniensem Mathematicum in eas insulas venisse ipsisque relictis ad vlteriora arte Magica profectuÌ„ descripsisse omnia Astrolabio dimensum esse in hanc subiectam formam ferè vti ex Iacobo collegimus Euripos illos quatuor dicebat tanto impetu ad interiorem voraginem rapi vt naues semel ingressae nullo vento retroagi possent nequè verò vnquam tantum ibi ventum esse vt molae frumentarie circumagendae sufficiat Simillima his habet Giraldus Cambrensis qui floruit An. 1210. in libro de mirabilibus Hyberniae sic enim scribit Non procul ab insulis Hebridibus Islandia c. ex parte Boreali est maris quae dam miranda vorago in quam à remotis partibus omnes vndique fluctus marinitanquam ex condicto fluunt recurrunt qui in secreta naturae penetralia se ibi transfundentes quasi in Abyssum vorantur Si verò nauem hâc fortè transire contigerit tanta rapitur attrahitur fluctuum violentia vt eam statim irreuocabiliter vis voracitatis absorbeat Quatuor voragines huius Oceani a quatuor oppositis mundi partibus Philosophi describunt vnde â—am marinos fluctus quà m AEolicos flatus causaliter peruenire nonnulli coniectant The same in English TOuching the description of the North partes I haue taken the same out of the voyage of Iames Cnoyen of Hartzeuan Buske which alleageth certaine conquests of Arthur king of Britaine and the most part and chiefest things among the rest he learned of a certaine priest in the king of Norwayes court in the yeere 1364. This priest was descended from them which king Arthur had sent to inhabite these Islands and he reported that in the yeere 1360 a certaine English Frier a Franciscan and a Mathematician of Oxford came into those Islands who leauing them and passing further by his Magicall Arte described all those places that he sawe and tooke the height of them with his Astrolabe according to the forme that I Gerard Mercator haue set downe in my mappe and as I haue taken it out of the aforesaid Iames Cnoyen Hee sayd that those foure Indraughts were drawne into an inward gulfe or whirlepoole with so great a force that the ships which once entred therein could by no meanes be driuen backe againe and that there is neuer in those parts so much winde blowing as might be sufficient to driue a Corne mill Giraldus Cambrensis who florished in the yeere 1210 vnder king Iohn in his booke of the miracles of Ireland hath certaine words altogether alike with these videlicet Not farre from these Islands namely the Hebrides Island c. towards the North there is a certaine woonderful whirlpoole of the sea whereinto all the waues of the sea from farre haue their course and recourse as it were without stoppe which there conueying themselues into the secret receptacles of nature are swallowed vp as it were into a bottomlesse pit and if it chance that any shippe doe passe this way it is pulled and drawen with such a violence of the waues that eftsoones without remedy the force of the whirlepoole deuoureth the same The Philosophers describe foure indraughts of this Ocean sea in the foure opposite quarters of the world from whence many doe coniecture that as well the flowing of the sea as the blasts of the winde haue their first originall A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician master Iohn Dee touching the foresaid voyage of Nicholas De Linna ANno 1360. that is to wit in the 34. yeere of the reigne of the triumphant king Edward the third a frier of Oxford being a good Astronomer went in companie with others to the most Northren Islands of the world and there leauing his company together hee trauailed alone
English lawes that the people and the lawes were in reputation and then were the wisest of the people worship-worthy euery one after his degree Earle and Churle Thein and vnder-Thein And if a churle thriued so that hee had fully five hides of his owne land a Church and a Kitchin a Belhouse and a gate a seate and a seuerall office in the Kings hall then was he thenceforth the Theins right worthy And if a Thein so thriued that he serued the king and on his message rid in his houshold if he then had a Thein that followed him the which to the kings iourney fiue hides had and in the kings seate his Lord serued and thrise with his errand had gone to the king he might afterward with his forâ—oth his lords part play at any great neede And if a Thein did thriue so that he became an Earle then was he afterward an Earles right worthie And if a Marchant so thriued that he passed thrise ouer the wide seas of his owne craft he was thencefoorth a Theins right worthie And if a scholar so prospered thorow learning that he degree had and serued Christ he was then afterward of dignitie and peace so much worthie as thereunto belonged vnlesse he forfaited so that he the vse of his degree vse ne might A testimonie of certaine priuiledges obtained for the English and Danish Marchants of Conradus the Emperour and Iohn the Bishop of Rome by Canutus the King of England in his iourney to Rome extracted out of a letter of his written vnto the Cleargie of England SIt vobis notum quia magna congregatio nobilum in ipsa solemnitate Pascali Romae cum Domino Papa Ioanne imperatore Conrado erat scilicet omnes principes gentium a monte Gargano vsque ad iâ—tum proximum Marâ—â— qui omnes me honorifice suscepere magnificis donis honorauere Maxime autem ab imperatore donis varijs muneribus pretiosis honoratus sum tam in vasis aureis argenteis quam in pallijs vestibus valde pretiosis Locutus sum igitur cum ipso imperatore Domino Papa principibus qui ibi erant de necessitatibus totius populi mei tam Angli quam Dani vt eis concederetur lex aequior pax securior in via RomaÌ„ adeundi ne tot clausuris per viam arcerentur propter iniustum teloneuÌ„ fatigarentur Annuitque postulatis Imperator Rodulphus Rex qui maxime ipsarum clausurarum dominatur cunctique principes edictis firmarunt vt homines mei tam Mercatores quà m alij orandi gratia viatores absque omni anguria clausurarum teloneaâ—iorum cum firma pace Romam eant redeant The same in English YOu are to vnderstand that at the feast of Easter there was a great company of Nobles with Pope Iohn and Conradus the Emperour assembled at Rome namely all the princes of the nations from mount Garganus vnto the West Ocean sea Who all of them honourably interteined me and welcomed mee with rich and magnificent gifts but especially the Emperour bestowed diuers costly presents and rewards vpon mee both in vessels of golde and siluer and also in cloakes and garments of great value Wherefore I conferred with the Emperour himselfe and the Pope and with the other Princes who were there present concerning the necessities of all my subiects both Englishmen and Danes that a more fauourable law secure peace in their way to Rome might bee graunted vnto them and that they might not bee hindered by so many stops impediments in their iourney and wearied by reason of iniust exactions And the Emperour condescended vnto my request and king Rodulphus also who hath greatest authoritie ouer the foresaid stops and streights and all the other princes confirmed by their Edicts that my subiects as well Marchants as others who trauailed for deuotions sake should without all hinderance and restraint of the foresaid stops and customers goe vnto Rome in peace and returne from thence in safetie The flourishing state of Marchandise in the Citie of London in the dayes of Willielmus Malmesburiensis which died in the yeere 1142. in the reigne of K. Stephen HAud longe a Rofa quasi viginti quinque milliarijs est Londonia Ciuitas nobilis opima ciuium diuitijs constipata negociatorum ex omni terra maxime ex Germania venientium commercijs Vnde fit vt cum vbique in Anglia caritas victualium pro sterili prouentu messium sit ibi necessaria distrahantur emantur minore quà m alibi vel vendentium compendio vel ementium dispendio Peregrinas inuehit merces Ciuitatis sinibus Tamesis fluuius famosus qui citra vrbem ad ' 80. milliaria fonticulo fusus vltra plus 70. nomen profert The same in English NOt farre from Rochester about the distance of fiue and twenty miles standeth the Noble Citie of London abounding with the riches of the inhabitants and being frequented with the traffique of Marchants resorting thither out of all nations and especially out of Germanie Whereupon it commeth to passe that when any generall dearth of victuals falleth out in England by reason of the scarcitie of corne things necessary may there be prouided and bought with lesse gaine vnto the sellers and with lesse hinderance and losse vnto the buyers then in any other place of the Realme Outlandish wares are conueighed into the same Citie by the famous riuer of Thames which riuer springing out of a fountaine 80. miles beyond the Citie is called by one and the selfe same name .70 miles beneath it The aforesaid William of Malmesburie writeth of traffike in his time to Bristowe in his fourth booke degestis pontificum Anglorum after this maner IN eadem valle est vicus celeberrimus Bristow nomine in quo est nauium portus ab Hibernia Norwegia caeteris transinarinis terris venientium receptaculum ne scilicet genitalibus diuitijs tam fortunata regio peregrinarum opum frauderetur commercio The same in English IN the same valley stands the famous Towne of Bristow with an Hauen belonging thereunto which is a commodious and safe receptacle for all ships directing their course for the same from Ireland Norway and other outlandish and foren countreys namely that a region so fortunate and blessed with the riches that nature hath vouchsafed thereupon should not bee destitute of the wealth and commodities of other lands The league betweene Henry the second and Fredericke Barbarossa Emperour of Germanie wherein is mention of friendly traffike betweene the Marchants of the Empire and England confirmed in the yeere of our Lord 1157. recorded in the first Booke and seuenteenth Chapter of Radeuicus Canonicus Frisingensis being an appendix to Otto Frisingensis IBidem tunc affuere etiam Henrici Regis Angliae missi varia preciosa donaria multo lepore verborum adornata praestantes Inter quae papilionem vnum quantitate maximum qualitate optimum perspeximus
Kingdome and buy and sell in the Citie of London Wherefore we will and firmely command for vs and our heires that the forenamed Marchants of Colen may enioy the liberties and free priuiledges aboue-mentioned throughout our whole kingdome of England as is aforesaid Witnesses the reuerend father Walter Bishop of Carlil William de Ferarijs Gilbert Basset Walter de Beau-champ Hugh Disspenser Walter Marescal Geofrie Disspensser Bartholomew Peach Bartholomew de Saukeuill and others Giuen by the hand of the reuerend father Ralph Bishop of Chichester and our Chauncellour at Dauintre the eight day of Nouember in the twentieth yeere of our reigne Carta Lubecensibus ad septennium concessa Anno 41. Henrici 3. HEnricus dei gracia Rex Angliae dominus Hiberniae dux Normanniae Aquitaniae Comes Andegauiae omnibus Balliuis suis salutem Sciatis nos ad instantiam dilecti fidelis fratris nostri Ricardi Comitis Cornubiae in Regem Romanorum electi suscepisse in protectionem defensionem nostram saluum securum conductum nostrum Burgenses de Lubek in Alemania cum omnibus rebus mercandisis quas in Regnum nostrum deferent vel facient deferri Et eis concessimus quod de omnibus rebus mercandisis suis nihil capiatur ad opus nostrum vel alterius contra voluntatem corundem sed libere vendant negocientur inde in Regno praedicto prout sibi viderint expedite Et ideo vobis mandamus quod dictis Burgensibus vel eorum nuncijs in veniendo in terram nostram cum rebus mercandisis suis ibidem morando inde recedendo nullum inseratis aut ab alijs inferri permittatis impedimentum aut grauamen Nec eos contra quietantiam praedictam vexetis aut ab alijs vexari permittatis In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes per septennium durantes Dum tamen ijdem Burgenses interim bene fideliter se habuerint erga praefatum electum fratrem nostrum Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium vndecimo die Maij Anno Regni nostri quadragesimo primo Haec litera duplicata est pro Burgensibus mercatoribus Dacis Brunswig Lubek The same in English The charter of Lubek granted for seuen yeeres obtained in the one and fortieth yeere of Henry the third HEnry by the grace of God King of England Lord of Ireland Duke of Normandie and Aquitaine and Earle of Anjou to all his Bailifs sendeth greeting Know ye that at the instant request of our welbeloued and trusty brother Richard Earle of Cornewal being of late elected king of the Romanes we haue receiued vnder our protection and defence and vnder our safe and secure conduct the citizens of Lubek in Alemain with all their goods and wares which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our kingdome We haue also granted vnto them that of all their goods and merchandize nothing shal be seized vnto the vse of our selues or of any other without their owne consent but that they may freely sell and exercise traffike therewith according as they shall thinke expedient And therefore we straightly command you that neither your selues do offer nor that you permit any other to offer any impediment or molestation vnto the said Burgers or vnto their messengers either at their comming into our land with their goods and marchandize in the time of their abode there or at their departure from thence and that yee neither molest them your selues nor yet suffer them by others to be molested contrary to the aforesaid Charter In testimonie whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made Patents during the space of seuen yeeres next following Prouided that the sayd Burghers doe in the meane time behaue themselues well and faithfully towards our foresaid elected brother Witnesse our selues at Westminster the eleuenth day of March in the one and fortieth yeere of our reigne This Letter was doubled namely for the Burghers and the Marchants of Denmarke of Brunswig and of Lubecke Carta pro Mercatoribus Alemanniae qui habent domum in London quae Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncupatur Anno 44. Henriciterty Anno primo 29. Edwardi primi renouata confirmata AD instantiam Serenissimi principis Richardi Romanorum Regis charissimi fratris nostri concedimus mercatoribus Alemanniae illis videlicet qui habent domum in Ciuitate nostra London quae Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncupatur quod eos vniuersos manutenebimus per totum RegnuÌ„ nostrum in omnibus ijsdem libertatibus liberis consuetudinibus quibus ipsi nostris progenitorum nostrorum temporibus vsi sunt gauisi Ipsosque extra huiâ—sinodi libertates liberas consuetudines non trahemus nec trahi aliquatenus permittemus In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes The same in English A charter for the Marchants of Almaine who haue an house at London commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch graunted in the 44. yeere of Henry the third renued and confirmed in the 1. 29. yeere of Edward the first AT the instant request of the most gracious Prince Richard king of the Romanes our most deare brother wee doe graunt vnto the Marchants of Alemain namely vnto those that haue an house in our citie of London commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch Merchants that we will throughout our whole Realme maintaine all and euery of them in all those liberties and free customes which both in our times and in the times of our progenitors they haue vsed and enioyed Neither will we inforce them beyond these liberties and free customes nor in any wife permit them to be inforced In witnesse whereof wee haue caused these our letters to be made patents Mandatum regis Edwardi primi de mercatoribus alienigenis MErcatores extranei vendant mercimonia sua in ciuitate London c. infra quadraginta dies post ingressum suum anno 3. Edwardi primi The same in English A mandate of king Edward the first concerning outlandish marchants VVE will and command that outlandish marchants doe sel their wares in the citie of London c. within forty dayes of their arriuall The great Charter granted vnto forreine marchants by king Edward the first in the 31 yeare of his reigne commonly called Carta mercatoria Anno Domini 1303. EDwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Dominus Hiberniae dux Aquitaniae Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Comitibus Baronibus Iustitiarijs Vicecomitibus praepositis ministris omnibus balliuis fidelibus suis salutem Circa bonum statum omnium mercatorum subscriptorum regnorum terrarum prouinciatum videlicet Alemanniae Franciae Hispaniae Protugalliae Nauarrae Lombardiae Thusciae Prouincie Cataloniae ducatus nostri Aquitaniae Tholosanie Caturluni Flandriae Brabantie omnium aliarum terrarum locorum extraneorum quocunque nomine censeantur venientium in regnum nostrum Anglie ibidem
Giuen in our castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our Lord 1398 and vpon the 22. day of February Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital at Ierusalem A briefe relation of VVilliam Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their ambassages into Prussia and the Hans-townes IN primis that in the moueth of Iuly and in the yeare of our Lord 1403 and the fift yeare of the reigne of our souereigne Lord the king that nowe is there came into England the ambassadours of the mighty lord Fr Conradus de lungingen being then Master general of Prussia with his letters directed vnto our foresayd souereigne lord the king requiring amends and recompense for certaine iniuries vniustly offered by English men vnto the subiects of the sayd Master generall written in 20. articles which amounted vnto the summe of 19120. nobles and a halfe c. Item that the third day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our Lord aboue written and in the fift yere of the reigne of our soueraigne lord the king between the reuerend father in God Henrie then bishop of Lincolne lord chancelor and William lord de Roos high treasurer of England on the one party and the sayd ambassadours on the other party it was according to their petition amongst other things ordayned namely that the liege people of our soueraigne lord the king should freely he permitted vntill the feast of Easter then next after ensuing to remaine in the land of Prussia and from thence with their goods marchandises to returne vnto their own home and also that the subiects of the sayd Master generall in the kingdome of England should haue licence and liberty to doe the like Prouided alwayes that after the time aboue limitted neither the English marchants in the land of Prussia nor the Prussian marchaÌ„ts in the realme of England should vse any traffique of marchandise at all vnlesse in the meane space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the sayd king and the sayd Master general Item immediately after our sayd soueraigne lord the king sent his letters by Iohn Browne marchant of Lin vnto the foresayd Master generall for to haue mutuall conuersation and intercourse of dealing to continue some certain space betweene the marchants of England and of Prussia promising in the same letters that he would in the meane season send vnto the foresayd Master his ambassadors to intreat about the pretended iniuries aforesaid which letters the foresayd Master for diuers causes refused to yeelde vnto as in his letters sent vnto our lord the king bearing date the 16. day of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare of our lord 1404. more plainely appeareth Item that after the receit of the letters of the Master aforesaid which are next aboue mentioned our sayd king according to his promise sent William Esturmy knight M. Iohn Kington câ—erke and William Brampton citizen of London from his court of parliament holden at Couentrie very slightly informed as his ambassadours into Prussia Item before the arriuall of the sayd ambassadours in Prussia all intercourse of traffique betweene the English and the Prussians in the realme of England and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited and in the same land it was ordayned and put in practise that in whatsoeuer porte of the land of Prussia any English marchant had arriued with his goods he was not permitted to conueigh the sayd goods out of that porte vnto any other place of the land of Prussia either by water or by lande vnder the payne of the forfeiting of the same but was enioyned to sell them in the very same porte vnto the Prussians onely and to none other to the great preiudice of our English marchants Item that after the arriuall of the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia it was ordayned that from the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our lord 1405 all English marchants whatsoeuer should haue free liberty to arriue with all kindes of their marchandise in whatsoeuer port of the land of Prussia and to make sale of them in the said land as hath heretofore from auncient times bene accustomed Also sundry other commodious priuiledges vnto the realme of England were then ordayned and established as in the indentures made for this purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item the said English ambassadours being arriued in the land of Prussia demanded of the â—aid Master generall a reformation and amends for the damages and iniuries offered by the Prussians vnto the liege people of our souereigne lord and king written in fifteene articles which losses amounted vnto the summe of 4535. nobles Item the said Master generall besides the articles exhibited vnto our soueraigne lord the king as it is aboue mentioned deliuered vnto the sayd ambassadours diuers other articles of certaine iniuries offered as he â—ayth vniustly by English men vnto his subiects which amounted vnto the summe of 5100. nobles Item it was afterward concluded that vpon the first of May next then insuing namely in the yeere of our Lord 1406 or within the space of one yeare immediatly following there should bee made a conuenâ—ent iust and reasonable satisfaction for all molestatious vniustly ofâ—â—red on both partes as well on the behalfe of our soueraigne lord the king as of the foresayd Master general Which satisfaction not being performed the Prussians with their goods marchandises within three moneths after the end of the sayd yere next following were without molestation or impediment enioined to depart out of the realme of England with their ships and goods and the English men likewise out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general both of them without any further admonition to abstaine separate themselues from both the countreis aforesayd For the performance of which premisses the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed were appointed to meete the first day of May at the towne of Dordract in Holland Item that the sayd William Esturmy and Iohn Kington in their returne homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chiefe cities of the Hans and treated in such sorte with the Burgomasters of them that there were sent messengers and agents in the behalfe of the common society of the Hans marchants vnto the towne of Dordract to conferre with the ambassadors of England about the redressing of iniuries attempted on both parts where diuers agreements were set downe betweene the sayd ambassadors and messengers as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item that the meeting appointed at the towne of Dordract vpon the first of May was by the letters of the foresayd ambassadors proroged vnto the first of August then next ensuing and afterward by vertue of the kings letters vnto the first day of March next following and there was another day of prorogation also Item that after the prorogations aforesayd
Liuonia doe demaund restitution namely waxe and furres redounded vnto the vse and commoditie of our soueraigne lord the king And also our said soueraigne lord the king gaue commandement by his letters that some of the sayd goods should be deliuered vnto others And a great part of them is as yet reserued in the towne of Newcastle One Benteld also hath the best of the sayd three ships in possession Also it is reported and thought to be true that certaine Furriers of London which will be detected in the end haue had a great part of the sayd goods namely of the Furres Now as concerning the cities of the Hans IN primis the Hamburgers exhibited nine articles wherein they demaunded restitution for certaine damages offered as they sayd by the English men the value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 9117. nobles 20. pence For the which after due examination there was promised restitution to the summe of 416. nobles 5. shillings Besides the two articles propounded against theÌ„ of Scardeburg the summe wherof was 231. pounds 15. s. 8. d. coÌ„cerning the which there was sentence giuen in England by the coÌ„missioners of our lord the king the execution wherof was promised vnto the said Hamburgers by the ambassadors of England leaue and licence being reserued vnto the sayd Hamburgers of declaring or explaning certaine obscure articles by them exhibited which declaration was to be made at the feast of Easter then next to come or within one yeare next ensuing the said feast vnto the chancelor of England for the time being and of proouing the sayd articles and others also which haue not as yet sufficiently bene proued Which being done they are to haue full complement and execution of iustice Also by the Hamburgers there are demaunded 445. nobles from certaine of the inhabitants of Linne in England Which summe if it shal be prooued to be due vnto any English men the Hamburgers are to rest contented with those goods which they haue already in their possessions Item they of Breme propounded â—â—xe articles wherein the summe conteined amounteth vnto 4414. nobles And there was no satisfaction promised vnto them But the same libertie and licence was reserued vnto them in like maner as before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Stralessund propounded 23. articles wherof the summe amounted vnto 7415. nobles 20. d. for the which there was promised satisfaction of 253. nobles 3. q. Also here is a caueat to be obserued that they of Stralessund had of English mens goods a great summe particularly to be declared which will peraduenture suffice for a recompense And some of their articles are concerning iniuries offered before 20,22,23,24 yeres past Also their articles are so obscure that they will neuer or very hardly be able to declare or proue them Howbeit there is reserued the very same liberty vnto them that was before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Lubec propounded 23. articles the summe whereof extended vnto 8690. nobles and an halfe whereupon it was agreed that they should haue paied vnto them 550. nobles There was reserued the same libertie vnto them which was vnto the men of Stralessund Item they of Gripeswold exhibited 5. articles the summe whereof amounted vnto 2092. nobles and an halfe For the which there was promised satisfaction of 153. nobles and an half And the said men of Gripeswold haue of the goods of English men in possession to the value of 22015. nobles 18. s as it is reported by them of Linne And the same libertie is reserued vnto them that was vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Campen propounded ten articles the summe whereof extended vnto 1405. nobles There is no satisfaction promised vnto them but the same liberty is reserued vnto them which was vnto the other abouementioned Item the ambassadors of England demanded of the citizens of Rostok Wismer for damages iniuries by them committed against the subiects of the foresayd souereigne king 32407. nobles 2. s. 10. d. And albeit euery of the foresayd cities sent one of their burgomasters vnto the towne of Hage in Holland to treat with the English ambassadours it was in the end found out that they had not any authority of negotiating or concluding ought at al. And therfore they made their faithfull promises that euery of the said cities should send vnto our soueraigne Lord the king one or two procurator or procurators sufficiently instructed to treat conclude with our said souereigne lord the king about the damages and iniuries aforesaid at the feast of the nauitie of Saint Iohn the Baptist. Compositions and ordinances concluded between the messengers of Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia and the chancelor and treasurer of the realme of England 1403. IN the yere of our Lord 1403 vpon the feast of S. Michael the Archangel the right hono Henrie bishop of Lincoln chancelor of England and the lord de Roos high treasurer of England the ambassadors of Prussia Iohn Godek of Dantzik Henry Monek of Elbing masters of the same cities haue at Westminster treated in maner of composition about the articles vnderwritten between the most souereigne lord the king of England and the right reuerend honorable Conradus de Iungingen Master general of Prussia as concerning the iniuries offered vnto the people of Prussia and Liuonia vpon the sea by the English First that all ships with their appurtenances the commodities of the mariners according vnto the condition of the things and all other goods taken away by the English which are actually vndiuided whole are incontinently with al speed to bee restored And if there bee any defect in ought the value of the said defect is to be accounted with other losses of goods to be restored at the terme of the restitution to be made and deliuered Item that all ships damages and goods as they are conteined in our bill of accusation which are not now immediately restored are to be restored and payd in the land of Prussia between this and the terme appointed with full execution and complement of iustice Item concerning the persons throwen ouer boord or slaine in the sea it shall remayne to bee determined at the will and pleasure of the most mighty prince the king of England and of the right reuerend the Master of Prussia Item betwene this and the terme appointed for the restoring of the goods taken away vntill there be due payment restitution of the said goods performed the marchants of England and of Prussia are in no wise to exercise any traffique of marchandise at all in the foresaid lands Memorandum that the third day of the moneth of October in the yere of our Lord 1403. and in the fift yere of the reigne of the most mighty prince and lord king Henrie the fourth by the grace of God king of England and France c. betweene the reuerend father Henrie bishop of Lincolâ— chancelor and the
right honorable William lord de Roos high treasurer of England both of them counsellers vnto the sayd soueraigne king on the one party and the right worshipfull Iohn Godeke and Henrie Moneke sent as messengers by the right reuerend and religious personage Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party it was at the request and instancie of the sayd messengers appoynted and mutually agreed vpon that all the liege people and subiects of the sayd soueraigne lord and king shall haue free licence and liberty vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing safely to trauel vnto the land of Prussia aforesayd there to remaine and thence with their ships marchandises other their goods whatsoeuer to returne vnto their owne home which on the other side all the subiects of the sayd Master general may within the terme prefixed likewise doe in the foresaid realme of England Prouided alwaies that after the time aboue limited neither the sayd marchants of the realme of England may in the land of Prussia nor the marchants of that land in the realme of England exercise any traffique at al vnles it be otherwise ordained by some composition betweene the foresaid king of England the said Master general in the meane time concluded In witnesse wherof one part of this present Indenture is to remaine in the custodie of the foresaid messengers Giuen in the Chapter-house of the Church of S. Paul at London the day and yere aboue written The letters of the chancelor and treasurer of England vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 1403. RIght reuerend and mighty lord your honorable messengers Iohn Godeke and Henry Moneke the bearers hereof comming of late before the presence of our most souereigne lord the king of England and of France and being welcomed by our said lord with a chearefull and fauourable countenance they presented certaine letters on your behalfe vnto the kings Maiestie with that reuerence which be seemed them expounding vnto his highnes sundry piracies molestations offered of late vpon the sea by his liege people subiects vnto yours contrary to the leagues of peace and amitie which hitherto by Gods grace haue bene maintained and continued on both parts In consideration of which piracies and molestations your messengers demanded full restitution and recompeâ—se to be made either vnto the damnified parties or vnto their procurators We therefore at that time especially being in the presence of our soueraigne who with his puissant army tooke his progresse towards the remote part of Wales being subiect vnto his dominion to see iustice executed vpon his people of those parts who very rashly haue presumed to rebell against him their souereigne contrary to their allegeance right well perceiued that it was his hignesse intention that euery one should haue due iustice faithfully administred vnto him especially your subiects and that with all fauour whom he hath alwayes in times past right graciously intreated as if they had bene his owne liege subiects and natiue countrey men whome also hee purposeth hereafter friendly to protect insomuch that betweene him and his subiects on the one party and betweene you and yours on the other party great abundance and perfection of mutuall amity may increase And therefore we offered vnto your foresayd messengers after they had particularly declared vnto vs such piracies and wrongs to sende the kings letters vnto them of whom complaint was made firmely inioyning them vnder grieuous penalties that without delay they restore or cause to bee restored vnto the parties damnified or vnto their procuratours all ships marchandises wares and goods by them taken or violently stolne from your subiects And that your said messengers may partly attaine their desire we haue commaunded certaine ships marchandises wares and goods found in certaine hauens to be deliuered vnto them Howbeit as touching other goods which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortunate dissipation or destruction and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made vnto them within a certain time by vs limited may it please your honor to vnderstand that in the absence of our sayd souereigne lord the king being as yet farre distant from vs wee can in no wise limit or set downe any such terme of time Notwithstanding at the prosperous returne of our soueraigne we are determined to commune with him about this matter Of whose answere so soone as we be certified we purpose to signifie his intention vnto you by our letters Sithens also right reuerend and mighty lord your sayd messengers are contented for the present to accept of our offer aforesayde as indeede by all reason they ought thereat to rest content especially whereas by this meanes they shall the more speedily attaine vnto the effect of their purposes to the shorte and wished execution and performance of which offer we will by Gods helpe endeuour to the vtmost of our ability may it be your will and pleasure that as in the kingdome of England your marchants and subiects are courteously intreated euen so the marchants and liege people of our soueraigne lord the king and of his kingdomes peaceably frequenting your parts either in regard of traffique or of any other iust occasion may there in like manner friendly bee vsed and with your marchants and subiects suffered to communicate and to haue intercourse of traffique inioying the commodities of the ancient league By this also the feruent zeale and affection which you beare vnto the royall crowne of England shall vndoubtedly appeare albeit betweene the famous houses of England and of Prussia the bandes of vnfained loue and friendship haue bin successiuely confirmed and kept inuiolable in times past And thus right reuerend and mighty lord wishing vnto you increase of honour and prosperity wee take our leaues Written at London the fift of October in the yeare of our lord 1403 By the chancelor the treasurer and other lords of the hono counsell of the king of England and France being personally present at London The letters of king Henry the 4. vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master general of Prussia for mutual conuersation and intercourse of traffique to continue between the marchants of England and of Prussia for a certaine terme of time HEnry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland to the noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare and welbeloued friend greeting and continuall increase of our auncient and sincere amity By the grieuous complaynts of our liege subiects concerning traffique as it were circular wise too fro both our dominions we haue often bene aduertised that in regard of diuers iniuries and damages which as well our as your marchants who by their dealings in marchandise were woont peaceably to vse mutual conuersation together
our selues or of any appertayning vnto vs but that our inclinations and desires in this regarde are all one and the same neither would we lightly transgresse the limits of your perswasions without some iust weighty reasonable cause forasmuch as the matters perswaded are in very deede most happy preseruatiues of a common weale yea of nature it selfe Moreouer whereas your highnes hath farther requested vs that the prohibition of your subiects accesse vnto our dominions might vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing be released we answere vnder correction of your maiesties more deliberate counsell that it is farre more expedient for both parts to haue the sayd prohibition continued then released vntil such time as satisfaction be performed on both sides vnto the parties endamaged not in words only but actually really in deeds or by some course of law or friendly composition For there is no equall nor indifferent kinde of consort or trade between the impouerished party and him that is inriched betweene the partie which hath obtayned iustice and him that hath obtayned none between the offender and the party offended because they are not mooued with like affections For the remeÌ„brance of iniuries easily stirreth vp inconsiderate motions of anger Also such a kind of temperature or permixtion as it were by way of contrariety breedeth more bitternes then sweetnes more hate then loue whereupon more grieuous complaints aswel vnto your highnes as vnto our selues might be occasioned The lord knoweth that euen now we are too much wearied and disquieted with the importunate and instant complaints of our subiects insomuch that wee cannot at this present by any conuenient meanes release or dissolue the sayd prohibition before wee be sufficiently informed by your maiesties ambassadors of the satisfaction of our endamaged subiects Furthermore whereas your maiesties request concerning your subiects that shal come vnto the parts of Sconia is that we would defend them vnder our protection be it knowen vnto your highnes that for diuers considerations vs reasonably mouing being prouoked by the queene of Denmarke and her people being also vrged thereunto full sore against our wils for the repelling and auoiding of iniuries we haue sent forth our armie against them Howbeit for a certaine time a â—ruce is concluded on both parts so that our people are actually returned home Farre be it from vs also that our subiects being occupied in warres should in any sort willingly molest or reproch any strangers of what landes or nations soeuer not being our professed enemies For this should be to oppresse the innocent in stead of the guilty to condemne the iust for the vniust then which nothing can be more cruel nor a reuenge of greater impietie In very deede most gracious prince and lorde we are mouâ—d with right hearty sympathy and compassion for any inconuenience which might happen in your regiment wishing from the bottome of our hearts that all affayres may right prosperously and happily succeede about the royall person and regiment of your most excellent Maiestie and that continually The like whereof wee hope from you most humbly commending our selues and our whole Order vnto your highnes Giuen at our castle of Marienburgh the 16. day the moneth of Iuly in the yere of our Lord 1404. An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the land of Prussia THis Indentnre made between Sir William Esturmy knight Iohn Kington clerke and William Brampton citizen of London the ambassadors commissioners messengers of the most mighty prince and lord our souereigne lord Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland for the repayring reformaâ—ion and amâ—nds of whatsoeuer damages grieuances excesses violences and iniuries in any sort vniustly attempted done or offered by our sayd soueraigne lord the king and his liege people and subiects vnto the great and mighty lord Conradus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospitall of Ierusalem or his subiects and for the requiring demanding and receiuing of such like reparations reformations amends by the foresayd lord the Master generall for the behalfe of himselfe or any of his subiects whatsoeuer from in the name of our soueraign lord the king his subiects vnto the sayd Master general into his land of Prussia by our souereigne lord the king appointed as ambassadors on the one party And betweene the hono Lords and religious personages Conradus de Lichtenstein great commander Warnherus de Tetâ—ingen chiefe hospitalary commaÌ„der in Elbing Arnold de Hacken treasurer the procurators commissioners of the great mighty lord the Master general being in like equal sort and in all respects as the ambassadours of England are authorized on the contrary side by the authoritie and power of the sayd Master general on the other part witnesseth That diuers treaties conferences being holden between the said ambassadors messengers procurators or coÌ„missioners of concerning the reparations reformations amends of certaine damages grieuances excesses violences iniuries offered and attempted aswel by the Prussians against the English as by the English against the Prussians and of other actes vniustly committed on both parts in conclusion after the sayd treatise the foresayd ambassadours procurators and commissioners by vertue of the authority committed vnto them appoynted and with one consent agreed vnto the articles vnder written Inprimis that for the consideration of mutuall loue and woonted friendship and of peace and tranquillity hereafter to be continued and maintained and also that the articles vnderwritten may more prosperously be brought vnto a wished effect between our said soueraign lord the king his liege people subiects the subiects people inhabitants of the territories and dominions of the foresayd lord the Master generall it is agreed and concluded that all liege marchants of England whatsoeuer shall haue free licence and libertie to arriue with their shippes goods and marchandises whatsoeuer at any Porte of the land of Prussia and also the sayd goods and marchandises farther vnto any place of the sayd land of Prussia to transport and there with any person or persons freely to contract and bargaine euen as heretofore and from auncient times it hath bene accustomed Which liberty in all respects is granted vnto the Prussians in England Item it is farther agreed betweene the sayd ambassadours procurators and commissioners that whereas of late namely in the yeare of our lord 1403 the sayd Master general by his discreet subiects Iohn Godek of Dantzik and Henry Monek of Elbing his ambassadors messengers for this purpose hath caused certain articles namely 20 in number containing in them matters of damages molestations violences and iniuries committed and offered against the said Master generall his subiects by our sayd soueraigne lord the king his subiects liege people to be exhibited giuen vp and deliuered vnto our lord the king
statutes ordinations and prohibitions al English marchants whatsoeuer resorting vnto the land of Prussia must be firmely bounden and subiect Also it is ordained that whatsoeuer sale-clothes are already transported or at any time hereafter to bee transported out of England into Prussia by the English marchants and shall there be offered to bee solde whether they be whole cloathes or halfe cloathes they must containe both their endes Lastly that the matters aboue-mentioned fall not short and voyde of their wished effect the treaty and conference about all and singular damages and grieuances whereof there is not as yet done but there must be by the vertue of these presents performed a reformation and amendment must be continued and proroged vntill the first of May next ensuing as by these presents they are continued and proroged with the continuation of the dayes then immediately following at the towne of Dordract aforesaide at the which time and place or at other times and places in the meane space as occasion shall serue by both parties to be limited and assigned or else within oue yeere after the said first day of the moneth of May next ensuing bee expired the hurt and damaged parties generally before-mentioned shall haue performed vuto them a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation on both partes Prouided alwayes if within the terme of the saide yeere some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation bee not performed vnto the parties iniuried and endamaged which are generally aboue mentioned that then within three whole moneths after the foresaid yere shall expired the Prussians shall depart out of the realmes and dominions of the saide Soueraigne Lorde the king of England together with their marchandize and with other goods which they shal haue gotten or bought within the space of the foresaide three moneths and that the English men also are likewise in all respects bounden to auoid and no lawfull impediment hindering them to withdrawe themselues and to depart out of the territories and dominions of the saide Master generall without all molestation◠perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this regard Howbeit least that by the robberies and piracies of some insolent and peruerse people matter should be ministred vnto the said lord the Master generall of swaruing from the faithfull obseruation of the foresaide agreements or which God forbid any occasion bee giuen him of not obseruing them it is also decreed by the often aboue mentioned Ambassadours and messengers that if the goods and marchandize of any of the saide lorde Master generall his subiectes whatsoeuer shall be from hencefoorth vniustly taken vpon the Sea by any English Pirates and shal be caried into the realme of England and there receiued that the Gouernours and keepers of portes and of other places with whatsoeuer names they be called at the which portes and places such marchandises and goods shall chaunce to arriue beeing onely informed of the saide goods and marchandises by sole report or other proofes wanting by probable suspition are bound to arrest and to keep them in safe custodie fauourably to be restored vnto the owners therof whensoeuer they shall be lawfully demaunded which if they shall omit or deny to performe from thenceforth the saide gouernours and keepers are bound to make vnto the parties endamaged a recompease of their losses And for fault of iustice to be executed by the said gouernours and keepers our soueraign lord the king aboue named after he shall conueniently be requested by the parties damnified is bound within three moneths next ensuing all lawfull impediments being excepted to make correspondent iust and reasonable satisfaction vnto the saide parties endamaged Otherwise that it shal be right lawfull for the saide lorde the Master generall to arrest and after the arrest to keepe in safe custodie the goods of the English marchants being in the land of Prussia to the condigne satisfaction of such iniuries as haue bene offered vnto his subiects vntill his said subiects be iustly and reasonably contented Likewise also in all respects the same iustice is to be done vnto the English by the said Lord the Master generall and his subiects in Prussia euen as it hath bene enacted and decreed in the aboue written clause beginning Caeterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. for the said Master general and his subiects by the foresaide ambassadors of England and the commissioners of the said lord the Master generall that in like cases iustice ought to be administred on the behalfe of himselfe and of his subiects in the realme of England And that all and singular the couenants aboue written may in time to come by the parties whom they concerne firmly and inuiolably be obserued the forenamed ambassadors messengers and commissioners all and euery of them for the full credite probation and testimonie of all the premisses haue vnto these present Indentures made for the same purpose caused euerie one of their seales with their owne hands to be put One part of the which indentures remaineth in the custodie of the English ambassadors and the other part in the hands of the commissioners of Prussia Giuen at the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. vpon the 8. day of the moneth of October An agreement made betweene King Henrie the fourth and the common societie of the Marchants of the Hans THis Indenture made betweene the honourable Sir William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington clearke procurators messengers and commissioners sufficiently deputed and authorized by the most mighty Prince Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland for the performation of y e things vnder written on the one part the hon personages M. Henry Vredeland M. Riman Salum chief notaries Thederic Knesuolt secretary M. Simō Clouesten chief notary and Iohn Zotebotter citizen being sufficiently made and ordained procurators and messengers on the behalfe of the cities of Lubec Bremen Hamburg Sund and Gripeswold for the demanding obtaining seuerally of due reformation and recompense at the hands of our saide souereigne lord the king and of his messengers and commissioners aforesayde for all iniuries damages grieuances and manslaughters any wayes vniustly done and offred seuerally by the liege people and subiects of our soueraigne lord the king vnto the common societie of the marchants of the Hans and vnto any of the Citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide whatsoeuer on the other part Witnesseth That betweene all and euery of the saide Procurators messengers and Commissioners by vertue of the authoritie committed vnto them it hath bene and is appointed concluded and decreed that the liege marchants and subiects of our said soueraigne lord the king and the marchants of the common societie of the Dutch Hans aforesaide from hencefoorth for one whole yeere and seuen moneths immediately next ensuing and following shal be permitted and licenced friendly freely and securely to exercise mutual traffike
and like marchants to buy sell together one of and vnto another euen as in times past namely in the yeere 1400. and before that time also they haue bin accustomed to exercise mutuall traffike and marchandiseâ— and to buy and sell. Also the saide William and Iohn agreed and consented that they themselues or some other perhaps to be appointed in this behalfe by their saide lord the king in their stead shall vpon the first day of the moneth of May next to come with the continuation of the dayes following at the towne of Dordract in Holland or vpon any other terme or termes then perhaps to bee limited competently satisfie and performe conuenient recompence vnto the saide common societie citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide and also of other cities townes and villages of theâ— Hans of and for all iniuries damages grieuances and drownings or manslaughters done and committed as they alleage against them deliuered and exhibited in written articles vnto the aboue named William and Iohn or els heereafter to bee deliuered and exhibited either by the same procurators or by some others which shall perhaps be authorized in their stead or by the messengers procurators and commissioners of other cities townes and places of the Hans in equall and like maner and forme euen as at the saide terme limited or then perhaps to be proroged there is appointed by the said William and Iohn reparation reformation and recompence vnto the inhabitants of Prussia and Liuonia for the iniuries damages and grieuances uniustly done and committed against them by the liege people and subiects of the saide soueraigne lord the king in the presence of the mightie lord the Master general of Prussia in his land of Prussia as in certain letters indented bearing date in the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeere of our lord 1405. and being made and written about the reparation reformation and recompence of such like iniuries c. the tenour whereof ought here to be vnderstood as if it were inserted it is more manifestly contained It was furthermore promised by the said William and Iohn that they should not inforce nor compell the citizens people or inhabitants of the common society of the Hans or of the aboue named cities or of any other cities of the Hans aforesaid hauing receiued sufficient information of their dwelling and place of abode to more difficult or district proofes of their Articles of complaints alreadie exhibited and in the foresaide termes to come to bee exhibited then vnto the inhabitants of the lands of Prussia and Liuonia according to the forme of the Indentures aboue mentioned Moreouer the saide William and Iohn doe promise that so soone as they shall come into the kingdome of England and before the presence of their king they shall prouide that all and singular the priuiledges graunted vnto the marchants of the saide Hans by the renowmed kings of England and confirmed by the said Soueraigne lord the king that now is must according to al their contents be inuiolably obserued by the said soueraigne king and his subiects and also that from henceforth nothing is vniustly to be attempted vpon any occasion pretense or colour by the saide Soueraigne Prince and the inhabitants of the realme of England to the preiudice of the sayde priuiledges They shall prouide also that all things heretofore attempted and practised against the saide priuiledges shall by reasonable amendement and iust reformation vtterly be abolished But if after the date of these presents which God forfend within the space of the said one yere and seuen moneths prescribed any damages iniuries or grieuances in ships goods or persons should either by the English and the inhabitants of England be vniustly inflicted vpon the cities and marchants of the cities townes and places of the Hans aforesaid or by any marchants or others of the cities or townes of the saide Hans either vnto the English or vnto any of the inhabitants of that Realme vpon any fained pretense whatsoeuer all and singular the foresaide messengers commissioners ambassadours and procurators haue promised that all such damages iniuries and molestations so inflicted by them who shall offer and commit them must bee reformed and amended after the very same forme and manner that in the like case reformation reparation and amends of iniuries damages and molestations committed by the English against them of Prussia is to be performed according vnto a certaine clause contained in the letters aboue mentioned which beginneth Ceterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. continuing vnto that clause Et vt praescripta omnia c. In English And that all the couenants aboue written c. It was also concluded betweene the foresaide messengers commissioners and procurators and with one generall consent agreed vpon that if from the first day of the moneth of May next to come within one whole yeere following some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation be not performed vnto the parties iniuried and damnified generally aboue mentioned in regard of their damages molestations and iniuries then within three moneths after the saide yeere bee expired the marchants of the Hans cities aforesaid are bound without any molestation perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this behalfe to auoyde and if no lawfull impediment shall hinder them to abstaine and depart from the Realmes and dominions of the said Soueraigne king of England with their marchandize and other goods bought or gotten within the space of the saide three moneths and also the English likewise in all respects shall auoide abstaine and depart from the territories and dominions of the Hans cities aforesaide Also it was promised by the saide William and Iohn that at the terme appointed namely vpon the first of May next following or at some other terme or termes then limited or to bee limited there must be made a due recompense and a proportionall satisfaction for all those persons of the land of Prussia Liuonia and of the cities townes and other places of the Hans who haue vniustly bene drowned and slaine by the English and that according to the tenour of a certain schedule written concerning a recompense to be had in regarde of the saide persons drowned and slaine and presented vnto them by Albertus Rode consul of the citie of Thoren and by the forenamed procurators and messengers of the cities aforesaid they must faithfully and effectually to the vtâ—ost of their abilitie indeuour for the obtaining of the saide recompense and amends In witnesse whereof these letters of Indenture remaining in the possession of the saide William and Iohn the messengers procurators commissioners of England aforesaid and left in their custodie by the aboue named procurators and messengers Henrie Rimarus Thedericus Simon and Iohn Sotebotter of their certaine knowledge and assurance and for the full confirmation and testimonie of al the premisses the foresaid procurators
goods be customed By meanes of the which sealing the foresaide parties doe compell the marchants aboue-named vpon an vse and custome whereof themselues haue bene the authors to paye a certaine summe of money to the great hinderance of the sayde marchants and coâ—trarie to iustice and to their charter Moreouer the saide customers haue ordained betweene themselues that the saide marchants shall put or make vp no cloâ—h iâ—to fardels to transport out of the realme vnlesse certaine mâ—n appointed by them for the same purpose bee there present to see what maner of clothes they bee vnder paine of the forfâ—iture of the saide goods Also of late when the sayde marchants would haue made vp such fardels the foresayde parties assigned to be ouerseers refused to come vnlesse they might haue for their comming some certaine summe of money delaying and procrastinating from day to day so long as themselues listed to the great losse and vndoing of the foresaide marchants and contrarie to their liberties because the foresaide customers are bound by their office to doe this without any contribution therefore to bee paide vnto them by the saide marchants for that they doe enioy from our soueraigne Lorde the King their fees and commodities to the ende that they may serue him and euery marchant iustly and faithfully without any contribution by them to be imposed anewe vpon the sayde marchants of custome Item the said marchants doe alleage that the customers bailifs of the town of Southhampton do compel them to pay for euery last of herrings pitch sope ashes brought thither by theÌ„ 2 s more then the kings custome and for ech hundreth of bowstaues boords called Waghenscot 2. d. for euery hundreth of boords called Richolt 4.d for al other marchandize brought by the foresaid marchants vnto the same towne which contributions they neuer paid at any time heeretofore being greatly to their hinderance and contrary to the tâ—nour of their Charter Item the foresaid marchants do alleage that one of their company called Albert Redewish of Prussia bringing diuers goods marchandizes vnto Newcastle vpon Tine there paying the vsual custom of 3.d in the pound for al his wares the bailifs of the saide towne against all reason exacted 7. pound sterling at his hands more then the custome whereupon the foresaide marchant got a briefe from the kings maiesty for the recouery of the said 7 li according to equity reason howbeit that at the comming of the said briefe the foresaid bailifes would do nothing on his behalfe but would haue slaine their foresaid associate contrary to their charter and priuiledges William Esturmy knight Iohn Kington canon of Lincolne being by y e most mighty prince lord L. Henry by Gods grace â— of England France lord of Ireland sufficiently deputed and appointed to parle treate agree w t the common society of y e marchants of the Hans of Dutchland or Almain concerning about the redressing reformation of vniust atteÌ„pts happening between our said soueraign L. the king his liege people subiects on the one part between the coÌ„mon society aforesaid the cities towns particular persons therof on the other part do for the behalf of our said souraign L. the king with a mind intention to haue al singular y e things vnderwritten to come to the knowledge of the said common society intimate declare make known vnto you hono sirs Henr. Westhoff citizen deputy of the city of Lubec Henry Fredelaw Ioh. van Berk citizen of Colen Mainard Buxtehude citizen deputy of the city of Hamburgh M. SimoÌ„ Clawsten clerk sir Iohn de Aa knight deputie of the citie of Rostok Herman Meyer deputy of the citie of Wismar being as the procuratorsâ— messengers commissioners of the foresaid cities assembled together at the town of Hage in Holland with y e forenamed Willâ— Iohn in regard of the foresaid redres reformation that euen as our said soueraign L. the king his meaning is not to disturb or hinder such priuiledges as haue bin heretofore granted vouchsafed vnto the coÌ„mon society of the marchaÌ„ts aforesaid by the renoumed kings of England the worthy progenitors of our L. the K. that now is by himself also vnder a certain form confirmed euen so he is determined without y e preiudice of forren lawes vpon iust mature and sober deliberation by his royall authoritie to withstand such priuiledges as by reason of the abuse thereofâ— haue bene infinitely preâ—â—diciall vnto himselfe and his subiects Inprimis the said ambassadours doe affirme as afore that whereas all and euery the Marchants of the said company as often as they would were both in the Realme of England and in other territories dominions subiect vnto our soueraigne lord the king admitted and suffered according to the tenor of the forenamed priuiledges granted vnto them freely friendly and securely to traffique and conuerse with any of his Maiesties liege people and subiects whatsoeuer or with other people of whatsoeuer nation liuing in the realme of England or in the dominions aforesaid the said common society of marchants by their publike deliberate common counsel did appoint ordain y t no society in any cities townes or places neither yet any particular man of any such society there being no lawfull or reasonable cause why shoulde in any wise admit any marchants of the realm of England resorting vnto their cities or other places for marchandise to enioy intercourse of traffike but that the saide English marchants should bee altogether excluded from all traffike and mutuall conuersation among them by denouncing and inflicting grieuous penalties of money as well vpon cities as other places and vpon particular marchants also of the foresaid societie practising the contrary Item that immediatly after the foresaid parties enacting and ordaining published their sayde statute and ordinance in all kingdomes prouinces partes cities and townes wherin any marchants of the said societie were conuersant Item that after that publication the statute and ordinance aforesaid by euery of the marchants of the forenamed society were inuiolably obserued Item that the said statute and ordinance hath bene so rigorously put in execution that whereas immediatly after certaine English marchants with their ships mariners and marchandize beeing in a cerâ—aine part of one of the principall cities of the foresaide societie vtterly destitute of meate drinke and money publikely offred to sell their wollen clothes of England onely to prouide themselues of necessary victuals yet the marchants of the saide citie sâ—outely persisting in their statute and ordinance aforesaid straightly prohibited the buying of such clothes vnchristianly denying meate and drinke vnto the said English marchants Item the foresaid society decreed and ordained that no marchant of the saide company should in any place or countrey whatsoeuer buy any woollen clothes of the realme or dominion of England albeit offered by others and not by English men or hauing bought any should after
thankfull mind accept and by the tenour of the said letters of yours totally approue the concord of a certaine satisfaction to be performed with the payment of certaine summes of money howsoeuer due vnto your subiects as well of Prussia as of Liuonia expressed in our former letters within the termes prefixed by our consent and limited in our said letters aud also of other summes which within one whole yeare immediatly following the feast of Easter last past by sufficient proofes on their part to bee made before our chauncelour at our citie of London shall be found due vnto them conditionally that without inconuenience of delay and impediments the premisses be performed as they ought to be And that your selfe also will without fayle vpon the termes appoynted for the said payments procure satisfaction â—o be made accordingly vnto our endamaged subiects with the summes due vnto them by reason of their losses whereof they haue sufficient information Wherefore in regard of those your friendly letters and your courteous auswere returned by them vnto vs as is aforesaid wee doe yeelde vnto you right vnfained thanks But because it will vndoubtedly be most acceptable and pleasing both vnto vs and vnto our people and vnto you and your subiects that the zeale and ferueâ—cie of loue which hath from auncient times growen and increased betweene our progenitours for them and their subiects and your predecessors and their subiects and which by the insolencie of of certayne lewde persons without any consent of the principall lords hath often bene violated betweene vs and you and mutually betweene the subiects of vs both may be put in perpetuall vre and obtaine full strength in time to come sithens hereupon by Gods assistance it is to be hoped that vnspeakeable commodity and quiet will redound vnto both parts may it seeme good vnto your discretion as it seemeth expedient vnto vs that some messengers of yours sufficiently authorised to parle agree and conclude with our deputy about the mutuall contraction of a perpetuall league and confirmation of friendship may with all conuenient speede be sent vnto our presence At whose arriuall not onely in this busines so profitable and behoouefull but also in certaine other affaires concerning the former treaties and conclusions they may yea and of necessitie must greatly auayle Wherefore our entirely beloued friend euen as vpon confidence of the premisses we haue thought good to grant vnto the marchants and subiects of our realme full authority to resort vnto your dominions so we doe in like maner graunt vnto your marchants and subiects free licence and liberty with their marchandises and goods securely to come into our realmes and dominions there to stay and at their pleasures thence to returne home Moreouer if Arnold Dassel who last of all presented your foresayd letters vnto vs shal thinke good in the meane season to make his abode here in our dominions as in very deede it is expedient he may both by serious consideration and deliberate consulting with our commissioners more conueniently and prosperously finde out wayes and meanes for the more speedy expedition of all the premisses Fare ye well in Christ. Giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of Westminster the seuenth of March in the yere of our lord 1408 according to the computation of the Church of England and in the tenth yere of our reigne A new concord concluded between king Henry the 4. and Vlricus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia in the yeare of our Lord 1409. BY this indenture or letters indented be it euidently knowen for the perpetual memory of the matter vnto all faithfull Christians that the noble honourable personages Richard Merlowe Maior and citizen of London Master Iohn Kington clerke and William Askham citizen and Alderman of the same citie the commissioners of the most soueraigne prince and lord L. Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and Tidericus de Longenthorpe knight Lefardus de Hereford burgomaster of Elbing and Iohn Crolowe citizen of the citie of Dantzik the procurators commissioners deputies and messengers of the right noble and religious personage Fr. Vlricus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital of Ierusalem hauing in the names of the sayd king and Master by vertue of the power on both parts committed vnto them sufficient authority haue appointed and with one consent agreed vpon all and singular the things vnder written Imprimis for the conseruation of mutuall loue and wonted amiâ—ie and for the tranquilitie of sweete amiable peace it is decreed and ordained that all and singular the liege people subiects of the Realme of England and the Marchants of the territories dominions of the said Realme and all other persons of what state or condition soeuer shall and may safely and securely as well by land as by water enter into the parts of Prussia and there mutually conuerse and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique aswell with the Prussians as with others of what nation or qualitie soeuer there also make their abode and thence vnto their owne homes and dwelling places returne and depart vnto any place whither and so often as they shall thinke good as well by land as by water with their goods marchandize and wares whatsoeuer faithfully paying in the meane time all rights customes due in regard of their said wares and marchandize Reserued alwaies vnto the said Master and his successours all right and remedie ordained granted and vouchsafed in certaine obligations by our Lord the king whereof mention shall be made in the articles following Item it is ordained that all and singular the subiects of the said Master generall and of his order of what state and condition soeuer shall and may as well by water as by land enter into the kingdome of England and into the territories and dominions thereof and there mutually conuerse and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique as well with all English people as with others of what nation or qualitie soeuer and there also make their abode and thence returne vnto their owne habitations and dwelling places and to depart whither they will and as oft as they shall thinke good as well by land as by water with their goods marchandize and wares whatsoeuer truely paying in the meane time all rights and customes due in regard of their said wares and Marchandize Reserued alwayes vnto the said soueraigne king his heires and successours all rights and remedies ordained and graunted vnto them in certaine obligations by the commissioners and procurators of the said Master generall aboue-named and in the name of the said Master generall Item it is with one consent agreed vpon promised and graunted that for all and singular damages grieuances and robberies howsoeuer done and committed before the date of these presents against the foresaid soueraigne Prince and his subiects whatsoeuer and all others which at the time
prouince is 35. thousand markes sterling being not the 5. part of his yerely reuenue Further he and his house be of such authoritie and power that in 40. dayes warning they are able to bring into the fielde 100. thousand Souldiers well furnished The conclusion of the Emperors Coronation was a peale of ordinance called a peale royall two miles without the citie being 170. great pieces of brasse of all sorts as faire as any can be made these pieces were all discharged with shot against bulwarkes made of purpose 20. thousand hargubusers standing in 8. rankes two miles in length appareled all in veluet coloured silke stammels discharged their shot also twise ouer in good order and so the Emperor accompanied with all his princes and nobles at the least 50. thousand horse departed through the City to his pallace This royall coronation would aske much time and many leaues of paper to be described particularly as it was performed it shal suffice to vnderstand that the like magnificence was neuer seene in Russia The coronation and other triumphes ended al the nobilitie officers and merchants according to an accustomed order euery one in his place and degree brought rich presents vnto the Emperor wishing him long life and ioy in his kingdome The sametime also Master Ierom Horsey aforesaid remayning as seruant in Russia for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie was called for to the Emperor as he sate in his imperiall seat and then also a famous Merchant of Netherland being newly come to Mosco who gaue him selfe out to be the king of Spaines subiect called Iohn de Wale was in like sort called for Some of the nobilitie would haue preferred this subiect of the Spaniard before Master Horsey seruant to the Queene of England whereunto Master Horsey would in no case agree saying he would haue his legges cut off by the knees before he would yeeld to such an indignitie offered to his Soueraigne the Queenes Maiesty of England to bring the Emperor a present in course after the King of Spaines subiect or any other whatsoeuer The Emperor and the Prince Boris Pheodorowich perceiuing the controuersie sent the Lord Treasorer Peter Iuanowich Galauyn and Vasili Shalkan both of the Counsell to them who deliuered the Emperor backe Master Horseys speech whereupon he was first in order as good reason admitted and presented the Emperor in the behalfe of the English Merchants trading thither a present wishing him ioy and long to raigne intranquilitie and so kissed the Emperors hand he accepting the present with good liking and auouching that for his sisters sake Queene Elizabeth of England he would be a gracious Lord to her Merchants in as ample maner as euer his father had ben and being dismissed he had the same day sent him 70. dishes of sundry kinds of meats with 3. carts laden with al sorts of drinks very bountifully After him was the foresayd subiect of the Spanish king admitted with his present whom the Emperor willed to be no lesse faithfull and seruiceable vnto him then the Queene of Englands subiects were had bene and then the king of Spaines subiects should receiue fauour accordingly All these things thus in order performed praises were sung in all the churches The Emperor and Empresse very deuoutly resorted on foote to many principal Churches in the Citie and vpon Trinitie Sunday betooke themselues to a progresse in order of procession to a famous monasterie called Sergius and the Trinitie 60. miles distant from the Citie of Mosco accompanied with a huge armie of Noblemen Gentlemen and others mounted vpon goodly horses with furniture accordingly The Empresse of deuotion tooke this iourney on foot all the way accompanied with her princesses and ladies no small number her guard and gunners were in number 20000. her chiefe counseller or attendant was a noble man of the blood Roial her vncle of great authoritie called Demetri Iuanowich Godonoua All this progresse ended both the Emperor and Empresse returned to Mosco shortly after the Emperor by the direction of the prince Boris Pheodorowich sent a power into the land of Siberia where all the rich Sables Furres are gotten This power conquered in one yeere and a halfe 1000. miles In the performance of this warre there was taken prisoner the Emperor of the countrey called Chare Sibersky and with him many other dukes and noble men which were brought to Mosko with a guard of souldiers and gunners who were receiued into the citie in very honorable maner and do there remaine to this day Hereupon the corrupt officers Iudges Iustices captains and lieutenants through the whole kingdom were remooued and more honest men substituted in their places with expresse commandement vnder seuere punishment to surcease their old bribing extortion which they had vsed in the old Emperors time and now to execute true iustice without respect of persons and to the end that this might be the better done their lands and yeerly stipends were augmented the great taskes customes and duties which were before layd vpon the people in the old Emperors time were now abated and â—ome wholy remitted and no punishments commanded to be vsed without sufficient and due proofe although the crime were capitall deseruing death many Dukes and noble men of great houses that were vnder displeasure and imprisoned 20. yeeres by the old Emperor were now set at libertie and restored to their lands all prisoners were set at libertie and their trespasses forgiuen In summe a great alteration vniuersally in the gouernment folowed and yet all was done quietly ciuilly peaceably without trouble to the Prince or offence to the Subiect and this bred great assurance and honour to the kingdom and all was accomplished by the wisedom especially of Irenia the Empresse These things being reported and caried to the eares of the kings and princes that were borderers vpon Russia they grew so fearefull and terrible to them that the Monarch of all the Scythians called the Crimme Tartar or great Can himselfe named Sopheâ— Keri Alli came out of his owne countrey to the Emperor of Russia accompanied with a great number of his nobilitie well horsed although to them that were Christians they seemed rude yet they were personable men and valiant their comming was gratefull to the Emperor and their entertainment was honourableâ— the Tartar prince hauing brought with him his wiues also receiued of the Russe Emperor entertainment and princely welcome according to their estates Not long after 1200. Polish gentlemen valiant Souldiors and proper men came to Mosko offring their seruice to the Emperor who were all entertained and in like sort many Chirkasses and people of other natioâ—s came and offred seruice And assoone as the report of this new created Emperor was spred ouer other kingdoms of Europe there were sent to him sundry Ambassadors to wish him ioy and prosperitie in his kingdom thither came Ambassadors from the Turke from the Persian the Boghariaâ— the Crimme the Georgian and many other Tartar
authoritie For the second point when it pleased your Honour in sommer was two yeeres to haue some conference with me and to demaund mine opinion touching the state of the Country of Guiana and whether it were fit to be planted by the English I then to my no small ioy did admire the exact knowledge which you had gotten of those matters of Indian Nauigations and how carefull you were not to be ouertaken with any partiall affection to the Action appeared also by the sound arguments which you made pro contra of the likelihood and reason of good or ill successe of the same before the State and common wealth wherein you haue an extraordinarie voyce should be farther engaged In consideration whereof I thinke my selfe thrise happie to haue these my trauailes censured by your Honours so well approued iudgement Touching the third and last motiue I cannot but acknowledge my selfe much indebted for your fauourable letters heretofore written in my behalfe in mine honest causes Whereunto I may adde that when this worke was to passe vnto the presse your Honour did not onely intreate a worthy knight a person of speciall experience as in many others so in marine causes to ouersee and peruse the same but also vpon his good report with your most fauourable letters did warrant and with extraordinarie commendation did approue and allow my labours and desire to publish the same Wherefore to conclude seeing they take their life and light from the most cheerefull and benigne aspect of your fauour I thinke it my bounden dutie in all humilitie and with much bashfulnesse to recommend my selfe and them vnto your right Honorable and fauourable protection and your Honour to the mercifull tuition of the most High From London this 24. of October 1599. Your Honors most humble to be commanded Richard Hakluyt preacher ¶ A Catalogue of the English Voyages made by and within the Streight of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world conteined in the first part of this second volume Voyages before the Conquest 1 THe voyage of Helena the Empresse daughter of Coelus king of Britain and mother of Constantine the Great to Ierusalem An. 337. pag. 1.2 2 The voyage of Constantine the Great Emperour and king of Britaine to Greece AEgypt Persia and Asia Anno 339. pag. 2.3 3 The voyage of Pelagius Cambrensis vnder Maximus king of the Britaines into AEgypt and Syria Anno 390. pag. 4 4 The voyage of certaine Englishmen sent by the French king to Constantinople vnto Iustinian the Emperour about the yeere of our Lord 500. pag. 4 5 The memorable voyage of Sighelmus bishop of Shirburne sent by king Alphred vnto S. Thomas of India An. 883. confirmed by two testimonies pag. 5 6 The voyage of Iohn Erigen vnder king Alphred to Athens in the yeere of our Lorde 885. pag. 5.6 7 The voyage of Andrew Whiteman aliâs Leucander vnder Canutus the Dane to Palastina Anno 1020. pag. 6 8 The voyage of Swanus one of the sonnes of Earle Godwin vnto Ierusalem Anno 1052. pag. 6 9 A voyage of three Ambassadours sent in the time of king Edward the Confessor vnto Constantinople and from thence vnto Ephesus Anno 1056. pag. 7 10 The voyage of Alured bishop of Worcester vnto Ierusalem Anno 1058. pag. 8 11 The voyage of Ingulphus afterward Abbat of Croiland vnto Ierusalem An. 1064. pag. 8.9 Voyages since the Conquest 12 A Voyage made by diuerse of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtois the sonne of William the Conquerour to Ierusalem Anno 1096. pag. 10 13 The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady married vnto Baldwine brother of Godfrey duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem An. 1097. 10.11 14 The voyage of Edgar the sonne of Edward which was the sonne of Edmund surnamed Ironside brother vnto king Edward the Confessor being accompanied with valiant Robert the sonne of Godwine to Ierusalem Anno 1102. 11 15 The voyage of Godericus a valiant Englishman who trauailed with his ships in an expedition vnto the holy land Anno 3. Hen. 1. 12 16 The voyage of Hardine an Englishman and one of the principall commaunders of 200 sayles of Christians ships which arriued at Ioppa Anno 1102 12. 13 17 A voyage by sea of Englishmen Danes and Flemings who arriued at Ioppa in the holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Ierusalem and in the 8. yeere of Henry the first king of England pag. 13,14 15 18 The voyage of Athelard of Bathe to AEgypt and Arabia in the yeere of our Lord 1130 pag. 15. 16 19 The voyage of William Archbishop of Tyre to Ierusalem and to the citie of Tyre in Phoenicia Anno 1130. 16 20 The voyage of Robert Ketenensis vnder king Stephen to Dalmatia Greece and Asia Anno 1143. 16 21 A voyage of certaine Englishmen vnder the conduct of Lewis the French king vnto the holy land Anno 1147. 17 22 The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ierusalem Anno 1173 17 23 The voyage of William Mandeuile Erle of Essex to Ierusalem Anno 1177. 17 24 The famous voyage of Richard the first king of England into Asia for the recouering of Ierusalem out of the hands of the Saracens Anno 1190. 20 25 The voyage of Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury vnto Syria and Palaestina in the yeere 1190. 28 26 The voyage of Richard Surnamed Canonicus vnder king Richard the first into Syria and Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 27 The voyage of Gulielmus Peregrinus vnder king Richard the first to Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 28 The voyage of Hubert Walter bishop of Salisbury vnder king Richard also vnto Syria Anno 1190. 31 29 The voyage of Robert Curson a nobleman of England and a Cardinall vnder Hen. the third to Damiata in AEgypt Anno 1218. 31. 32 30 The voyage of Rainulph Earle of Chester of Saer Quincy Earle of Winchester of William de Albanie Earle of Arundel c. to the holy land Anno 1218. 32 31 The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the holy land in the yeere of our Lord 1222. 32 32 The voyage of Rainulph Glanuile Earle of Chester to the holy land and to Damiata in AEgypt 32 33 The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1231. 33 34 The honourable voyage of Richard Earle of Cornwall brother to king Hen. the third accompanied with William Long-espee Earle of Salisburie and diuerse other noblemen into Syria Anno 1240. 33 35 The voyage of William Long-espee or Long-sword Erle of Salisburie into AEgypt with Lewis the French king Anno 1248. 33 36 The voyage of prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Syria An. 1270. 36 37 The voyage of Robert Turneham vnder the said prince Edward into Syria in the yeere of our Lord 1270 38.39 38 The voyage of Frier Beatus Odoricus to Asia minor Armenia Chaldaea Persia India China and other remote parts c. 39.53 39 The voyage of Matthew Gurney an
English knight against the Moores of Alger to Barbary and to Spaine 67 40 The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derby after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England with an army of Englishmen to Tunis in Barbary 69 41 The trauailes and memorable victories of Iohn Hawkwood Englishman in diuerse places of Italy in the reigne of Richard the second 70 42 The voyage of Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mother to K. Richard the second to Ierusalem and S. Katherins mount Anno 1394. 70 43 The voyage of Thomas Lord Mowbrey duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. 70 44 The voyage of the bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1417. 71 45 A voyage intended by king Henry the fourth to the holy land against the Saracens and Infidels Anno 1413. 71. 72 46 A voyage made with two ships called The holy Crosse and The Matthew Gunson to the Isles of Candia and Chio about the yeere 1534. 98 47 Another voyage vnto Candia and Chio made by the foresayd ship called The Matthewâ— Gunson Anno 1535. 98 48 The voyage of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read to Tunis in Barbarie 1538 recorded in his Epitaph 99 49 The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with the Emperour Charles the fift Anno 1541. 99 50 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenâ—am with the great barke Aucher to Candia and Chio Anno 1550. 99 51 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Ierusalem Anno 1553. 101 52 The voyage of Iohn Foxe to the Streit of Gibraltar in a ship called The three halfe-moones Anno 1563. And his worthy enterprize in deliuering 266 Christians from the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria Anno 1577. 131.132 53 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis in the yeere 1581. 150 54 The voyage of The Susan of London to Constantinople wherein M. William Hareborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Zuldan Murad Can the great Turke Anno 1582. 165 55 The voyage of a ship called The Iesus to Tripolis in Barbary Anno 1583. 184 56 The voyage of M. Henry Austel by Venice to Ragusa and thence ouer-land to Constantinople and from thence through Moldauia Polonia Silesia and Germany into England Anno 1586. 194 57 The voyage of Master Cesar Frederick into the east India and beyonde the Indies Anno 1563. 213 58 The long dangerous and memorable voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormuz to Goa in the East India to Cambaia to the riuer of Ganges to Bengala to Bacola to Chonderi to Pegu to Siam c. begunne in the yeere 1583 and ended in the yeere 1591. 250 59 The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Tripolis in Syria by sea and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara Anno 1583. 268 60 The voyage of M. Iohn Euesham by sea into AEgypt Anno 1586. 281 61 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Alexandria and Cairo in Aegypt Anno 1586. 282 62 The voyage of fiue marchants ships of London into Turkie and their valiant fight in their returne with 11 gallies and two frigats of the king of Spaine at Pantalarea within the Streits of Gibraltar Anno 1586. 285 63 The voyage of Master William Hareborne ouer-land from Constantinople to London Anno 1588. 289 64 A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21 of March 1593 and ended the ninth of August 1595 wherein is shewed the manner of deliuering the second present by M. Edward Barton her Maiesties ambassadour which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can the Emperour of Turkie 33 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses Aduertisements and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages contayned in the first part of this second Volume 1 A Testimony that the Britons were in Italy and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gauls before the incarnation of Christ. pag. 1 2 A testimony that certain Englishmen were of the guard of the Emperour of Constantinople in the time of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus 17 3 A great supply of money sent to the Holy land by King Henry the second 18 4 A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henry the second King of England Ann. 1177 wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries noblemen and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battel against the Soldan of Iconium 18 5 A note drawen out of a very auncient booke in the custodie of the right Wor. M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Fredericke Tilney his ancester knighted for his valour at Acon in the Holyland by king Richard the first 29 6 A large contribution to the succour of the holy land made by king Iohn king of England Anno 1201. 30 7 The comming of Baldwin the Emperour of Constantinople into England An. 1247. 31 8 A testimony concerning Anthony Beck bishop of Duresme that he was elected Patriarke of Ierusalem and confirmed by Clement the 5 bishop of Rome Anno 1305. 39 9 The comming of Lyon king of Armenia into England Anno 1â—86 to make a treaty of peace betweene Richard the second king of England and the French king 67 10 The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople into England to desire the ayde of king Henry the fourth against the Turkes Anno 1400. 70 11 A relation of the siege and taking of the citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke Wherein honorable mention is made of diuers valiant English knights Anno 1522. 72 12 An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the Emperour Charles the fift vnto King Henry the eight crauing his ayde against Soliman the great Turke An. 1527. 95 13 The antiquitie of the trade of English marchants vnto the remote parts of the Leuant seas Anno 1511 1512 c. 96 14 A letter of Henry the eight king of England to Iohn the third king of Portugale for a Portugale ship fraighted at Chio with the goods of Iohn Gresham William Lok and others and wrongfully vnladen in Portugale Anno 1531. 96 15 The maner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke with his army into Alepo in Syria as hee was marching toward Persia agaiâ—st the great Sophi Anno 1553. 112 16 A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Alepo to the Grand Signor and the names of the presenters 113 17 The safe conduct granted by Sultan Soliman the great Turke to M. Anthony Ienkinson at Alepo in Syria Anno 1553. 114 18 A discourse of the trade to Chio written by Gaspar Campion in the yeere 1569. 114 19 A letter of the sayd Gaspar Campion to M. William Winter in the yeare 1569. 116 20 A briefe description of the Isle of Cyprus 119 21 A report of the siege and taking of Famagusta the strongest citie in al Cyprus by Mustafa Bassa Generall of the great Turkes army Anno 1571. 121 22 The
the imprisonment of M. Newbery and M. Fitch at Goa and of their escape from thence which happened while himselfe was in Goa 265 70 The money weights measures and customes vsed in Babylon Balsara Ormuz Goa Cochin and Malacca written from Alepo in Syria by M. William Barret Anno 1584. 271 71 The charge of a iourney by land and riuer from Alepo in Syria to Goa in the East India 276 72 A declaration of all the places from whence each particular commoditie of the East Indies commeth 277 73 The times or seasonable windes called Monsons wherein the ships depart from place to place in the East Indies 278 74 A description of the Isle of S. Helena frequented by the Portugales in their returne from the East India 280 75 A Priuiledge granted by Peter Prince of Moldauia to the English merchants Anno 1588. pag. 290 76 A briefe extract specifying the certaine dayly payments answered quarterly in time of peace by the Grand Signor out of his treasury to the officers of his Seraglio or Court successiuely in degrees pag. 290 77 The chiefe officers of the great Turkes Empire the number of souldiers attending vpon each of his Beglerbegs the principal officers in his Seraglio or Court his yeerely reuenues and his allowances to forren Ambassadours 292,293,294 78 The letters of Sinan Bassa chiefe counsellor to Sultan Murad Can the Grand Signor An. 1590 to the sacred Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England signifying that vpon her request and for her sake especially he granted peace vnto the king of Poland 294 79 The second letters patents granted by the Queenes Maiestie to the right wor. company of the English merchants for the Leuant in the yere of our Lord 1592. 295 80 A letter written by the most high and mighty Empresse the wife of the Grand Signor Sultan Murad Can to her most sacred Maiesty of England Anno 1594. 311 A briefe Catalogue of the principall English Voyages made without the Straight of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world contayned in the second part of this second volume immediatly following Wherein also mention is made of certaine Sea-fights and other memorable acts performed by the English Nation 1 THe voyage of Macham the first discouerer of the Isle of Madera in the yeere 1344. pag. 1 2 The first voyage to Barbary Anno 1551. pag. 7.8 3 The second voyage to Barbary Anno 1552. pag. 8.9 4 The voyage of M. Thomas Windam to Guinea and the kingdom of Benin Anno 1553. pag. 9 5 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Guinea Anno 1554. 14 6 The first voyage of Master William Towrson marchant of London to Guinea in the yeere of our Lord 1555. 23 7 The second voyage of M. William Towrson to Guinea and the castle of Mina An. 1556. 36 8 The third voyage of the sayd M. William Towrson to the coast of Guinea and the riuer of Seâ—tos Anno 1557. 44 9 A voyage made to Guinea at the charges of Sir William Gerard Sir William Chester c. Anno 1562. 54 10 The successe of another voyage made to Guinea at the direction of the said Sir William Gerard and others Anno 1564. 56 11 The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinea and to the Isles of Capo Verde An. 1566. 57 12 The voyage and ambassage of Master Edmund Hogan to the Emperour of Marocco Anno 1577. 64 13 The voyage of Thomas Stukeley into Barbary 1578. 67 14 The voyage of Thomas Steuens about the Cape of Buona Esperanza vnto Goa in the East India Anno 1579. 99 15 The memorable voyage of M. Iames Lancaster about the Cape of Buona Esperanza along the Easterne coast of Africa beyond Cape Comori as far as the maine land of Malacca and from thence home againe begun in the yeere 1591. 102 16 The voyage and ambassage of Master Henry Roberts to Mully Hamet Emperour of Marocco Anno 1585. 117 17 The voyage made by two of sir Walter Raleghs Pinasses called The Serpent and The Mary Spark of Plimouth to the Azores which tooke the gouernour of the Isle of S. Michael and Pedro Sarmiento gouernour of the Streights of Magellan in the yere 1586. 120 18 The voyage of Sir Francis Drake to Cadiz and the memorable exploits and seruices performed by him as well there as at diuerse other places vpon the coast of Spaine and Portugale and his taking of the great East Indian Carak called The Sant Philip neere the Isle of S. Michael Anno 1587. 121 19 A voyage to Benin beyond the countrey of Guinea made by Master Iames Welsh who set foorth in the yeere 1588. 126 20 The second voyage made by M. Iames Welsh to Benin in Africa An. 1590. 130 21 The voyage to Spaine and Portugale written as it is thought by Colonell Anthonie Wingfield An. 1589. 134 22 The voyage of the Right honourable the Earle of Cumberland to the Azores in the yeere 1589. 155 23 A fight performed by ten marchants ships of London against 12 Spanish gallies in the Streit of Gibraltar An. 1590. 166 24 The valiant fight performed in the Streit of Gibraltar by the Centurion of London against fiue Spanish gallies An. 1591. 168 25 A true report of the fight about the Isles of the Azores betweene the Reuenge one of her Maiesties ships vnder the conduct of Sir Richard Grinuile and an Armada of the king of Spaine An. 1591. 169 26 A voyage of certaine ships of London to the coast of Spaine and the Azores Anno. 1591 Reported by M. Robert Flick 176 27 The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassell to the riuers of Senega and Gambra neere the coast of Guinea Anno 1591. 188 28 The taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksiluer and with the Popes Bulles bound for the west Indies by M. Thomas White in the Amitie of London An. 1592. 193 29 The taking of the mightie and rich Carak called The Madre de Dios and of the Santa Clara a Biskaine of 600 tunnes as likewise the firing of another great Carak called The Santa Cruz Anno 1592. 194 30 The firing and sinking of the stout and warlike Carak called The Cinquo Chaguas or The fiue woundes by three ships of the R. H. the Earle of Cumberland Anno 1594. 199 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses and other necessary matters of circumstance appertaining to the voyages in the second part of this second volume next ensuing 1 A Note concerning the ayde and assistance giuen to king Iohn the first of Portugale by certaine English merchants for the winning of Ceut in Barbary Anno 1415. pag. 1 2 2 The Ambassage of Iohn the second king of Portugale to Edward the 4. king of England to stay Iohn Tintam and William Fabian Englishmen preparing for a voyage to Guinea Anno 1481. pag. 2. 3 A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of English marchants to the Canarie Isles Anno 1526. 3 4 A description of the Canarie Islands with their strange fruits and
by the name of Tilney who dwelt alwayes one after another at the towne of Boston aforesayd vntill such time as the possessions of the elder brother fell vnto an heire general which was maried vnto Iohn duke of Northfolke The last knight of that name was sir Philip Tilney late of Shelleigh in the Countie of Suffolke predecessor and father vnto Thomas Tilney of Hadleigh in the Countie aforesayd Esquire vnto whom the sayd booke of late appertained In the yeere of his age 64. and in the yeere of our Lord 1556. ¶ The trauailes of one Richard surnamed Canonicus RIchardus Canonicus ad Trinitatis fanum Londini Regularis ab ipsa pueritia bonarum artium literas impensè amauit excoluit ac didicit Qui ex râ—niâ—â—o labore atque exercitatione longa talis tandem euasit orator Poeta quales ea aetas tarissimos mitriebat Ob id Richardo Anglorum time Regi charus longam cum eo peregrinationem in Palestinam ac Sytiam dum expugnaret Turcas suscepit Vnde in Angliam tum demum reuersus omnia quâ—â— pâ—â—â—sens vidit in vâ—bibus agris ac milâ—â—um castris fideli narratione tam carmine quà m prosae descripsit Neque interim omisit eiusdem Regis mores formam per omnia corporis lineamenta de signare â—â—diditque praeclaro suo operi hoc aptissimum pro titulo nomem â—â—ifceâ— Itinerarium Regis Richardi Claruit anno redemptionis nostrae 1200. sub â—oanno Anglorum Regâ— The same in English RIchard surnamed Canonicus an obseruant Frier of Trinitie Church in London was in great loue with the studies of good Artes and tooke paines in them and learned them And at last by his continuall endeuour and long exercise therein hee grewe to bee such an Oratour and Poet as fewe were in that age liuing by reason whereof hee grew in fauour with Richard then King of England and vndertooke that long voyage with him into Palestina and Syria agaynst the Turkes From whence being returned againe into England hee faithfully described both in Uerse and Prose all such things as hee had seene in the Cities fieldes and tentes of the souldiours where hee was present and omitted not to note the behauiour forme and proportion of body in the foresayd king giuing to his notable worke this most apt name for the titleâ— The Iournall of King Richard He flourished in the yeere of our Redemption 1200. vnder Iohn king of England ¶ The trauailes of Gulielmus Peregrinus GVlielmus Peregriâ—us Poeta quidem per eam aetatem excellens genere Anglus florebat literarum vt multi tunc erant amator maximus qui bona tempora melioribus impenderat studijs Hic cum acâ—episset expeditionem in Saracenos per Regem Richardum parari accinxit se ad iter illud non tantum vt miles sed etiam peregrinus Vidit ea quae in Mari Hispanico fiebant vidit quae in Syria Palestina commissa fuerunt in Sultanum Babylonie Regem ac perfidos Saracenos Omnia haec scripsit viuis depinxit coloribus ita vt quasi prae oculis totum poneret negotium idémque Argumentum cum Richardo Canonico non inâ—oeliciter Heroico pertractauit carmine opúsque iam absolutum Huberto Cantuariorum Archiepiscopo Stephano Turnhamo Capitaneo rerum bellicarum expertissimo dedicauit additâ— hoc titulo Odepoâ—icon Richardi Regis Multáque alia edidisse Poetam talem non dubito sed num extent illa eius scripta mihi non constat Hoc ramen satis constat eum fuisse in pretio Anno à salutisero virginis partu 1200. sub Anglorum Rege Ioanne The same in English VVIlliam the Pilgrime a very excellent Poet in those dayes and an Englishman borne was of great fame being much giuen to good letters as many then were and bestowed his good time in the best kinde of studies Hee vnderstanding of the preparation of king Richard against the Saracens prepared himselfe also for the same voyage not onely as a Souldiour but as a Pilgrime also He sawe those things which happened in the Spanish Seas and which were done in Syria and Palestina against the Sultan the king of Babylon and the trecherous Saracens All which things he wrote and expressed them as it were in liuely colours as if they had bene still in doing before his eyes and handled the same Argument in Heroicall verse which the forenamed Richard Canonicus did And hauing finished his worke he dedicated it to Hubert Archbishop of Canterburie and to Stephen Turneham a most expert Captaine of the warres giuing it this Title The expedition of King Richard And I doubt not but that so good a Poet as hee was published many other things but whether they be extanâ— yea or no I know not but this I know that he was a man well accounted of and flourished in the yeere after the birth of Christ 1200. vnder king Iohn The large contribution to the succour of the Holy land made by king Iohn king of England in the third yeere of his reigne 1201. Matth. Paris and Holinsh. pag. 164. AT the same time alâ—o the kings of France and England gaue large money towards the maintenance of the army which at this present went fâ—orth vnder the leading of the earle of Flanders and other to warre against the enemies of the Christian faith at the instance of pope Innocent There was furthermore granted vnto them the fortieth part of all the reuenues belonging vnto ecclesiasticall persons towards the ayd of the Christians then being in the Holy land and all such aswel of the nobility as other of the weaker sort which had taken vpon them the crosse and secretly layed it downe were compelled eft soones to receiue it now againe The trauailes of Hubert VValter bishop of Sarisburie HVbertus Walterus Sarisburiensis Episcopus vir probus ingenióque ac pictate clarus inter praecipuos vnus eorum erat qui post Richardum regem expugnandorum Saracenorum gratia in Syriam proficisce bantur Cum ex Palestina rediens audiret in Sicilia quod idem Richardus in inimicorum manus incidisset omisso itinere incoepto ad eum cursim diuertebat Quem ille statim in Angliam misit vt illic regij Senatus authoritate indicto pro eius redemptione tributo pecuniam colligeret quod industrius fecit ac regem liberauit Inde Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus factus post eius mortem Ioanni illius fratri ac successori paria fidelitatis officia praestitit Longa enim oratione toti Anglorum nationi â—ersuasit quod vir prouidus praestans fortis genere nobilissimus imperio dignissimus eiset quo salutatus a populo fuit aâ—que in regem coronatus Composuit quaedam opuscula ex immenso animi dolore demum obijsse fertur Anno salutis humanae 1205. cum sedisset annos 11. Menses octo dies sex quum vidisset ex intestinis odijs omnia in transmarinis regionibus pessùm ire regnante Ioanne The same in
English HVbert Walter bishop of Sarisburie a vertuous man and famous for his good wit and piety was one of the chiefest of them that followed king Richard into Syria going against the Saracens As he returned from Palaestina and came in his iourney into Sicilia he there heard of the ill fortune of the king being fallen into his enemies handes and thereupon leauing his iourney homewards he went presently and in all haste to the place where the king was captiued whom the king immediatly vpon his comming sent into England that by the authority of the councell a tribute might be collected for his redemption which this Hubert performed with great diligâ—nce and deliuered the king After this he was made Archbishop of Canterburie and after the death of king Richard he shewed the like dueties of fidelitie and trust to his brother Iohn that succeeded him For by a long oration he perswaded the whole nation of the English men that he was a very circumspect man vertuous valiant borne of noble parentage and most woorthy of the crowne Whereupon he was so receiued of all the people and crowned king He wrote certaine books and died at the last with very great griefe of minde in the yeere 1205 hauing beene archbishop the space of 11 yeres 8 moneths and sixe dayes by reason of the ciuil discords abroad whereby all things went topsie turuy and in the reigne of king Iohn The trauailes of Robert Curson RObertus Curson ex nobili quodam Anglorum ortus genere disciplinis tum prophanis tum sacris studiosus incubuit idque quantum ex coniecturis colligo in celebratissima Oxonij Academia Praestantissimis illic institutoribus vsus ex summa circa ingenuas artes industria assiduo literarum labore famam sibi inter suos celeberrimam comparauit Ampliora deinde meditatus Parisiorum Lutetiam aâ—que Romam ipsam perijt illic Theologus Doctor hic verò Cardinalis effectus Vnde vterque Matthaeus Parisius ae Westmonasterius hoc de ipso testimonium adferunt hic libro 2. ille 8. suoâ—um Chronicorum Anno Domini 1218 inquiunt in captione Damiatae AEgypti vrbis sub Ioanne Brenno Hierosolymorum rege fuit cum Pelagio Albanensi Magister Robertus de Curson Anglus Clericus celebertimus genere nobilis ac Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis c Bostonus Buriensis in suo Catalogo Cursonum aliquos libros composuisle narrat Claruit anno superius numerato per praedictos testes in Anglia regnante Henrico tertio Ioannis regis filio fuÃtque hic diebus Honorij tertij Romani pontificis in Angliam Bostono teste legatus The same in English RObert Curson descended of a noble family of England vsed great diligence aswell in prophane as in diuine studies in the famous Uniuersity of Oxford as I coniecture He had there the best scholemasters that were to be gotten and was most industrious in the arts and continual exercises of learning by meanes whereof he grew to be of great renowne where he liued Afterward thinking of greater matters he went to Paris and thence to Rome it selfe and at Paris he proceeded doctor of Diuinity at Rome he was made cardinall whereupon both Matthew Paris Matthew of Westminster produce this testimony of him the one in his second booke the other in his eight booke of Chronicles In the yere of our Lord say they 1218 at the taking of Damiata a city of Egypt vnder Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem M. Robert Curson an English man a most famous clearke of noble parentage and cardinall of the church of Rome was there with Pelagius Albanensis c. Boston of Burie in Suffolke in his catalogue reporteth that he wrote diuers books He flourished in the yeere aforesayd by the witnesses aforesayd Henry the third sonne of king Iohn being then king of England and by the further testimony of Boston this Curson was legate into England in the dayes of Honorius the third bishop of Rome The voyage of Ranulph earle of Chester of Saer Quincy earle of VVinchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel with diuers other noble men to the Holy land in the second yere of K. Henry the third Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. IN the yeere 1218 Ranulph earle of Chester was sent into the Holy land by king Henry the third with a goodly company of souldiers and men of warre to ayde the Christians there against the Infidels which at the same time had besieged the city of Damiata in Egypt In which enterprise the valiancy of the same earle after his comming thither was to his great praise most apparant There went with him in that iourney Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel besides diuers barons as the lord Robert fitz Walter Iohn constable of Chester William de Harecourt and Oliuer fitz Roy sonne to the king of England and diuers others The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the Holy land THis yere being the sixt yere of Henry the third deceased Henry de Bohun earle of Hereford and Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester in their iourney which they made to the Holy land Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. colâ— 2. The trauailes of Ranulph Glanuile earle of Chester RAnulphus Glanuile Cestriae Comes vir nobilissimi generis vâ—roque iure eruditus in albo illustâ—ium virorum à me meritò ponendus venit Ita probè omnes adolescentiae suae annos legibus tum humanis tum diuinis consecrauit vt non prius in hominem per aetatem euaserit quà m nomen decúsque ab insigni eruditione sibi comparauerit Cum profecti essent Francorum Heroes Ptolemaidem inito cum Ioanne Brenâ—o Hierosolymorum rege concilio Damiatam AEgypti vrbem obsidendam constituebant aâ—no salutis humanae 1218. Misitillùe Henricus rex ab Honorio 3 Rom. Pontifice rogatus cum magna armatorum manu Ranulphum ad rem Christian am iuuandam Cuius viâ—tus Polydoro teste in eo bello mitis omnium laudibus celebrata â—uit Quo confecto negotio Ranulphus in patriam reuersus scripfit De legibus Angliae librum vnum Fertur praeterea alia quaedam scripsisse sed tempus edax rerum ea nobis abstulit Claruit anno à Seruatoris nostri natiuitate 1230 confectus senio dum Henricus terâ—ius sub Antichristi tyrannide in Anglia regnaret The same in English RAnulph Glanuile earle of Chester a man of a very noble house and learned in both the Lawes deserues of duetie to be here placed by me in the catalogue of woorthy and notable men He applied so well all the yeeres of his youth to the study of humane and diuine Lawes that he came not so soone to the age of a man as he had purchased to himselfe by reason of his singular learning renowme and honour When the noble men of France went to Ptolomais vpon the counsell of Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem they resolued to besiege Damiata a city
I was testifieth those things which I saw to be true Many other things I haue omitted because I beheld them not with mine owne eyes Howbeit from day to day I purpose with my selfe to trauell countreyes or lands in which action I dispose my selfe to die or to liue as it shall please my God Of the death of frier Odoricus IN the yeere therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresayd frier Odoricus preparing himselfe for the performance of his intended iourney that his trauell and labour might be to greater purpose he determined to present himselfe vnto pope Iohn the two and twentieth whose benediction and obedience being receiued he with a certaine number of friers willing to beare him company might conuey himselfe vnto all the countreyes of infidels And as he was trauelling towards the pope and not farre distant from the city of Pisa there meets him by the way a certaine olde man in the habit and attire of a pilgrime saluting him by name and saying All haile frier Odoricus And when the frier demaunded how he had knowledge of him he answered Whilest you were in India I knew you full well yea and I knew your holy purpose also but see that you returne immediatly vnto the couen from whence you came for tenne dayes hence you shall depart out of this present world Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these wordes especially the olde man vanishing out of his sight presently after he had spoken them he determined to returne And so he returned in perfect health feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body And being in his rouen at Vdene in the prouince of Padua the tenth day after the foresayd vision hauing receiued the Communion and preparing himselfe vnto God yea being strong and sound of body hee happily rested in the Lord whose sacred departure was signified vnto the Pope aforesaid vnder the hand of the publique notary in these words following In the yeere of our Lord 1331 the 14. day of Ianuarie Beatus Odoricus a Frier minorite deceased in Christ at whose prayers God shewed many and sundry miracles which I Guetelus publique notarie of Vtina sonne of M. Damianus de Porto Gruaro at the commandement and direction of the honorable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion and one of the Councell of Vtina haue written as faithfully as I could and haue deliuered a copie thereof vnto the Friers minorites howbeit not of all because they are innumerable and too difficult for me to write The voyage of Matthew Gourney a most valiant English Knight against the Moores of Algier in Barbarie and Spaine M. Camden pag. 159. NEctacendum Matthaeum Gourney in oppido quodam vulgarilingua Stoke vnder Hamden in comitatu Somersetensi appellato sepultum esâ—e virum bellico sissimum regnante Edwardo tertio qui 96. aetatis anno diem obiuit cum vt ex inscriptione videre licuit obsidioni d'Algizer contra Saracenos praelijs Benamazin Sclusensi Cressiaco Ingenos Pictauiensi Nazarano in Hispania dimicasset The same in English IT is by no meanes to be passed ouer in silence that Matthew Gourney being a most valiant warriour in the reigne of Edward the third lyeth buried at a certaine towne in the countie of Somerset commonly called Stoke vnder Hamden who deceased in the 96. yeare of his age and that as it is manifest by the inscription of his monument after he had valiantly behaued himselfe at the siege of Algizer against the Sarazens and at the battailes of Benamazin of Sluce of Cressie of Ingenos of Poictou and of Nazaran in Spaine The comming of Lyon King of Armenia into England in the yeere 1386 and in the ninth yeere of Richard the second in trust to finde some meanes of peace or good agreement betweene the King of England and the French king Iohn Froyssart lib. 3. cap. 56. THus in abiding for the Duke of Berrie and for the â—â—â—stable who were behind then king Lyon of Armenia who was in Franâ—â— and had assigned him by the king sixe thousande frankes by the yeare to maintaine his estate tooke vpon him for a good intent to goe into England to speake with the king there and his Councell to see if he might finde any matter of peace to be had betweene the two Reaâ—mes England and France And so he departed from his lodging of Saint Albeyne beside Saint Denice alonely with his owne company and with no great apparell So he rode to Boloine and there he tooke a shippe and so sayled foorth till he came to Douer and there he found the Earle of Cambridge and the Earle of Buckingham and moe then a hundreth men of armes and a two thousand Archers who lay there to keepe that passage for the brute ran that the Frenchmen should lande there or at Sandwich and the king lay at London and part of his Councell with him and daily heard tydings from all the Portes of England When the king of Armenia was arriued at Douer he had there good cheere because he was a stranger and so he came to the kings Uncles there who sweetly receiued him and at a time conuenient they demaunded of him from whence he came and whither he would The king answered and sayd that in trust of goodnesse he was come thither to see the king of England and his Councell to treate of peace betweene England and France for he saide that he thought the warre was not meete for he sayd by reason of warre betweene these two Realmes which hath indured so long the Saracens Iewes Turkes are waxed proude for there is none that make them any warre and by occasion thereof I haue lost my land and Realme and am not like to recouer them againe without there were firme peace in all Christendome I would gladly shew the matter that toucheth all Christendome to the king of England and to his Councell as I haue done to the French king Then the kings Uncles demaunded of him if the French king sent him thither or no he answered and sayd no there is no man that sent mee but I am come hither by mine owne motion to see if the king of England his Councel would any thing leane to any treaty of peace then was he demaunded where the French king was he answered I beleeue he be at Sluce I sawe not him sithence I tooke my leaue of him at Senlize Then he was demaunded howe he could make any treatie of peace and had no charge so to doe and Sir if yee be conueyed to the King our Nephew and to his Counsell and the French king in the meane season enter with his puissance into England yee may happe thereby to receiue great blame and your person to be in great ieoperdy with them of the Countrey Then the King answered and said I am in suretie of the French king for I haue sent to him desiring him till I returne againe not to remoue from Sluce and I repute him so noble and so well aduised that he
loose townes and lordships and that hee should not take ouermuch thought for it and as for his promise he bade that he should not doubt in any thing and that he should not feare any displeasure to his person and that he should goe with his people without feare With these wordes the sayd lord thanked him and tooke his leaue and departed FINIS ¶ Lenuoy of the Translator GOe little booke and woefull Tragedie Of the Rhodian fearefull oppugnation To all estates complaining ruthfully Of thine estate and sudden transmutation Excusing me if in thy translation Ought be amisse in language or in werke I me submit with their supportation To be correct that am so small a clerke An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the emperor Charles the 5. vnto king Henry the 8. in the yere 1527. desiring his aide against Solyman the great Turke Holinshed pag. 894. ON the 14. day of March 1527. were conueied from London to Greenwich by the earle of Rutland and others the lord Gabriel de Salamanca earle of Ottonburge Iohn Burgraue of Syluerberge and Iohn Faber a famous clerke after bishop of Vien as ambassadours from Don Ferdinando brother to Charles the emperor newly elect king of Hungarie and Beame after the death of his brother in law king Lewes which was slaine by Solyman the Turke the last Sommer This company was welcommed of the high officers and after brought into the kings presence all the nobilitie being present and there after great reuerence made M. Faber made a notable oration taking his ground out of the Gospell Exijt seminator seminare semen suum and of that hee declared how Christ and his disciples went foorth to sowe and how their seed was good that fel into the good ground and brought foorth good fruite which was the Christian faith And then he declared how contrary to that sowing Mahomet had sowen seed which brought foorth euillfruit He also shewed from the beginning how the Turkes haue increased in power what realmes they had conquered what people they had subdued euen to that day He declared further what actes the great Turke then liuing had done and in especiall he noted the getting of Belgrade and of the Rhodes and the slaying of the king of Hungarie to the great rebuke as he sayd of all the kings christened Hee set foorth also what power the Turke had what diuersities of companies what capitaines he had so that he thought that without a marueilous great number of people hee could not be ouerthrowen Wherefore be most humbly besought the king as S. Georges knight and defender of the faith to assist the king his master in that godly warre and vertuous purpose To this oration the king by the mouth of Sir Thomas Moore answered that much hee lamented the losse that happened in Hungarie and if it were not for the warres which were betweene the two great pruices he thought that the Turke would not haue enterprised that acte wherefore he with all his studie would take paine first to set an vnitie and peace throughout all Christendome and after that both with money and men he would be readie to helpe toward that glorious warre as much as any other prince in Christendome After this done the ambassadours were well cherished and diuers times resorted to the court and had great cheere and good rewards and so the third day of May next following they tooke their leaue departed homeward The antiquitie of the trade with English ships into the Leuant IN the yeeres of our Lord 1511. 1512. c. till the yeere 1534. diuers tall ships of London namely The Christopher Campion wherein was Factor onâ— Râ—ger Whitcome the Mary George wherein was Factor William Gresham the great Mary Grace the Owner whereof was William Gunson and the master one Iohn Hely the Trinitie Fitz-williams whereof was master Laurence Arkey the Mathew of London whereof was master William Capling with certaine other ships of Southampton and Bristow had an ordinarie and vsuall trade to Sicilia Candie Chio and some whiles to Cyprus as also to Tripolis and Barutti in Syria The commodities which they caried thither were fine Kersies of diuers colours course Kersies white Westerne dozens Cottons certaine clothes called Statutes and others called Cardinal-whites and Calueskins which were well sold in Sicilie c. The commodities which they returned backe were Silks Chamlets Rubarbe Malinesies Muskadels and other wines sweete oyles cotten wooll Turkie carpets Galles Pepper Cinamom and some other spices c. Besides the naturall inhabitants of the foresayd places they had euen in those dayes traffique with Iewes Turkes and other forreiners Neither did our merchants onely employ their owne English shipping before mentioned but sundry strangers also as namely Candiots Raguseans Sicilians Genouezes Venetian galliasses Spanish and Portugale ships All which particulars doe most euidently appeare out of certaine auncient Ligier bookes of the R. W. Sir William Locke Mercer of London of Sir William Bowyer Alderman of London of master Iohn Gresham and of others which I Richard Hakluyt haue diligently perused and copied out And here for authorities sake I doe annexe as a thing not impertinent to this purpose a letter of king Henry the eight vnto Don Iohn the third king of Portugale A letter of the king of England Henry the eight to Iohn king of Portugale for a Portingale ship with the goods of Iohn Gresham and Wil. Locke with others vnladen in Portugale from Chio. SErenissimo Principi domino Ioanni Dei gratia Regi Portugallieâ— Algarbiorum citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guineae conquistae nauigationis commercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae fidei desensor ac dominus Hiberniae Serenissimo Principi domino Ioanni eadem gratia Regi Portugallie AlgarbioruÌ„ citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guinee conquistae nauigationis coÌ„mercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo saluteÌ„ Tanto libentiùs promptiúsque iustas omnes causas vestre Serenitati commendandas suscipimus quanto apertiori indiès nostroruÌ„ qui in eiusdem vestre Serenitatis regno ac ditione negociantur subditorum testimonio cognoscimus ipsam ex optimi principis officio ita accuratè exactéque ius suum cuÃque praebere vt ad eaÌ„ nemo iustitiae consequendae gratia frustrà vnquam confugiar Cúm itaque dilectus ac fidelis subditus noster Ioannes Gresham mercator Londoniensis nuper nobis humiliter exposuerit quod quidaÌ„ Willielmus Heith ipsius Factor negotiorum gestor nauim quandam Portugallensem cui nomen erat Sancto Antonio praeerátque Diego Peres Portugallensis superioribus mensibus in Candia conduxerit cum nauisque praefecto conuenerit vtin insulam Chium ad quas dam diuersi generis merces onerandas primo nauigaret in Candiámque mox aliarum
mescium osserandarum gratia rediret omnes quidein in hoc nostrum regnum postmodùm aduecturus ad valorem circiter duodecim millium ducatorum quemadmodum expactionis conuentionis que instrumento apertius constat accidit vt praefatus Diego vestrae Serenitatis subditus dictis susceptis mercibus iam in itinere parùm fidelitèr longè praeter initas conuentiones grauissimo certe nostrorum subditorum detrimento vbi in Portugalliae portum diuertisset sententia huc nauigandi mutata in eodem portu commoretur nostrorúmque etiam subditorum merces detineat quam iniuriam quum subditis nostris in vestrae Serenitatis regno ab eius subdito illata sit exaequitate ac iustitia ab ipsa corrigi emendarÃque confidimus nostro quoque potissimùm intuitu qui vestrae Serenitaris ipsiúsque subditorum causas mercésque si quando in hoc nostrum regnum appulerint semper commendatissimas habemus id quod superiori anno testatisumus proin de ipsam vehementerrogamus vt Iohannem Ratliffe praesentium latorem dicti Iohannis Gresham nouum constiturum procuratorem huius rei causa istuc venientem velit in suis agendis in dictisque bonis recuperandis impunéque asportandis remittendisque vectigalibus quod nos in vestros subditos fecimus quum per nauis prefectum fraude ac dolo istuc merces fuerint aduectae nisi istic vendantur ac toto denique exaequitate conficiendo negotio sic commendatum suscipere sicque ad suos quos opus fore intellexerit magistratus missis literis rem omnem iuuare expedire vt perspiciamus ex hac nostra commendatione fuisse nostrorum subditotum iuri indemnitati quà m maximè consultum Quod nobis gratissimum est futurum in re consimili aut grauiori vestra Serenitas nos sibi gratificandi cupidissimos experietur que foeliciter valeat Ex Regia nostra de Waltham Die 15. Octobr. 1531. The same in English TO the high and mighty prince Iohn by the grace of God king of Portugale and of Algarue on this side and beyond the sea in Africa lord of Ghinea and of the conquest nauigation and traffique of AEthiopia Arabia Persia India c. our mostdeere and welbeloued brother Henry by the grace of God king of England and of France defender of the faith and lord of Ireland to Iohn by the same grace king of Portugale and Algarue on this side and beyond the sea in Africa and lord of Ghinea and of the conquest nauigation and traffique of Aethiopia Arabia Persia India c. our most deare and welbeloued brother sendeth greeting So much y e more willingly and readily we vndertake the recommending of all iust causes vnto your highnesse because by the daily testimonie of our subiects which traffike in your kingdoms and dominions we are informed that according to the dutie of a most worthy prince so carefully and exactly you minister iustice vnto euery man that all men most willingly repaire vnto your highnesse with full trust to obtaine the same Whereas therefore our welbeloued and trustie subiect Iohn Gresham merchant of London of late in humble maner hath signified vnto vs that one William Heith his Factor and Agent certaine moneths agoe had hired in Candie a certaine Portugale ship called Santo Antonio the patrone whereof is Diego Perez and couenaunted with the patrone of the sayd ship that he should first saile to the Isle of Sio to take in merchandize of sundry sortes then eftsoones returne to Candie to be fraighted with other goods all which he was to bring into our kingdome of England to the value of 12000 ducats as by their billes of couenant agreement more plainly appeareth it so fel out that y e aforesaid Diego your highnes subiect hauing receiued the said goods very trecherously much coÌ„trary to his couenant to the exceeding great losse of our subiects putting in by the way into an hauen of Portugale altering his purpose of coÌ„ming into England he remaineth still in that hauen likewise detaineth our subiects goods Which iniury seeing it is done in your Highnes kingdome we hope your Highnes will see reformed according to equity right the rather at our request which alwayes haue had a speciall care of the causes goods of your Highnes of your subiects whensoeuer they come into our kingdome whereof we made proofe the last yeere Wherefore we instantly request your Highnes y t you would so receiue Iohn Ratcliffe the bearer of these present letters the new appointed agent of Iohn Gresham which cuÌ„nteth into your dominions about this busines being thus coÌ„mended vnto you in this busines recouering freely bringing home of the said goods in remitting of the customs vnlesse they were sold there the like whereof we did towards your subiects seeing by the fraud deceit of the patron of the ship the wares were brought thither finally in dispatching y e whole matter according to iustice so further the same by directing your highnes letters to your officers whoÌ„ it may concerne that we may perceiue that our subiects right and liberty hath especially beene maintained vpon this our commendation Which we will take in most thankfull part and your highnes shal find vs in the like or a greater matter most ready to gratifie you whom we wish most heartily well to fare From out Court at Waltham the 15. of October 1531. A voyage made with the shippes called the Holy Crosse and the Mathew Gonson to the Iles of Candia and Chio about the yeere 1534 according to a relation made to Master Richard Hackluit by Iohn Williamson Cooper and citizen of London who liued in the yere 1592 and went as cooper in the Mathew Gonson the next voyage after THe shippes called the Holy Crosse and the Mathew Gonson made a voyage to the Ilandes of Candia and Chio in Turkie about the yeere 1534. And in the Mathew went as Captaine M. Richard Gonson sonne of old Master William Gonson paymaster of the kings nauie In this first voyage went William Holstocke who afterwards was Controuller of her Maiesties Nauie lately deceased as page to M. Richard Gonson aforesaid which M. Gonson died in Chio in this his first voyage The ship called the Holy Crosse was a short shippe and of burden 160 tunnes And hauing beene a full yeere at the sea in performance of this voyage with great danger she returned home where vpon her arriuall at Blackwall in the riuer of Thames her wine and oyle caske was found so weake that they were not able to hoyse them out of the ship but were constrayned to draw them as they lay and put their wine and oyle into new vessels and so to vnlade the shippe Their chiefe fraight was very excellent Muscatels and red Malmesie the like whereof were seeldome seene before in England They brought home also good quantitie of sweete oyles cotton woolles Turkie Carpeâ—s Galles Cynamon
sword and he tooke their city which was very mighty seated vpon the sea which is called Ceuta in their language Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliae datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris 1482 anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra cap. 33. EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito de que el Rey muyto confiaua é ho doutor Ioam d' Eluas é Fernam de Pina por secretario E for am por mar muy honradamente com may boa companhia hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra que polla condisan dellus ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada que pera laa faziam per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia hum Ioam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses Com ha qual embaixada el rey d' Inglaterra mostrou receber grande contentamento é foy delle com muyta honra recebida é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores Ibe foy requerido De que elles trouxeran autenticas escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram é assi as prouisones das aprouasones que eran necessarias é com tudo muyto ben acabado é ha vontade del rey se vieram The Ambassage which king Iohn the second king of Portugall sent to Edward the fourth king of England which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea 1481 taken out of the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second king of Portugall Chap. 33. ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England Ruy de Sonsa a principall person and a man of great wisedome and estimation and in whom the king reposed great trust with doctor Iohn d'Eluas and Ferdinand de Pina as secretarie And they made their voyage by sea very honourably being very well accompanied These men were sent on the behalfe of their king to confirme the ancient leagues with England wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee and also to request him that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men were making by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased and they were receiued of him with very great honour and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed with publication thereof by the heralds and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary And hauing dispatched all things well and with the kings good will they returned home into their countrey A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the English Marchants to the Canarie-ilands gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of the city of Bristoll IT appeareth euidently out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt written by M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll to his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne seruant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 and by all circumstances and probabilities long before certaine English marchants and among the rest himselfe with one Thomas Spacheford exercised vsuall and ordinary trade of marchandise vnto the Canarie Ilands For by the sayd letter notice was giuen to Thomas Midnall and William Ballard aforesayd that a certaine ship called The Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and fine broad and narrow of diuers sorts and colours some arouas of packthreed sixe cerons or bagges of sope with other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne to be deliuered at Santa Cruz the chiefe towne in Tenerifa one of the seuen Canary-ilands All which commodities the sayd Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter sell away at Santa Cruz. And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to returne backe into England good store of Orchell which is a certaine kinde of mosse growing vpon high rocks in those dayes much vsed to die withall some quantity of sugar and certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz and to remaine there as factours for the abouesayd M. Nicolas Thorne And here also I thought good to signifie that in the sayd letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an English man who before the foresayd yere 1526 had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent certaine armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd A description of the fortunate Ilands otherwise called the Ilands of Canaria with their strange fruits and commodities composed by Thomas Nicols English man who remained there the space of seuen yeeres together MIne intent is particularly to speake of the Canaria Ilands which are seuen in number wherein I dwelt the space of seuen yeres and more because I finde such variety in sundry writers and especially great vntruths in a booke called The New found world Antarctike set out by a French man called Andrew Theuet the which
assistance to the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes and deputies and that as well in arming and furnishing their ships or vessels as in prouision of food and in buying of victuals for their money and all other things by them to be prouided necessary for the sayd nauigation they do giue them all their helpe and fauour In witnesse whereof we haue caused to be made these our Letters patents Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the fift day of March in the eleuenth yeere of our reigne Billa signata anno 13 Henrici septimi REx tertio die Februarij anno 13 licentiam de dit Ioanni Caboto quod ipse capere possit sex naues Anglicanas in aliquo portu siue portibus regni Angâ—iae ita quod sint deportagio 200. doliorum vel subtùs cum apparatu requisito quod recipere possit in dictas naues omnes tales magistros marinarios subditos regis qui cumeo exire voluerint c. The same in English THe king vpon the third day of February in the 13 yeere of his reigne gaue licence to Iohn Caboâ— to take sixe English ships in any hauen or hauens of the realme of England being of the burden of 200 tunnes or vnder with all necessary furniture and to take also into the said ships all such masters mariners and subiects of the king as willingly will go with him c. An extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot cut by Clement Adams concerning his discouery of the West Indies which is to be seene in her Maiesties priuie gallerie at Westminster and in many other ancient merchants houses ANno Domini 1497 Ioannes Cabotus Venetus Sebastianus illius filius eam terram fecerunt peruiam quam nullus priùs adire ausus fuit die 24 Iunij circiter horam quintam bene manè Hanc autem appellauit Terram primùm visam credo quod ex mari in eam partem primùm oculos inieâ—erat Nam que ex aduerso sira est insula eam appellauit insulam Diui Ioannis hac opinor ratione quòd a perta fuit eo dieÌ„ qui est sacer Diuo Ioanni Baptistae Huius incolae pelles animalium exuuiásque feraâ—um pro indumentis habent easque tanti faciunt quanti nos vestes preciosissimas Cùm bellum gerunt vtuntur aâ—cu sagittis hastis spiculis clauis ligneis fundis Tellus sterilis est neque vllos fructus affert ex quo fit vt vrsis albo colore ceruis inusitatae apud nos magnitudinis referta sit piscibus abundar ijsque sane magnis quales sunt lupi marini quos salmones vulgus appellat soleae autem reperiuntur tam longae vt vlnae mensuram excedant Imprimis autem magna est copia eorum piscium quos vulgari sermone vocant Bacallaos Gignuntur in ea insula accipitres ita nigti vt coruorum similitudinem mirum in modum exprimant perdices autem aquilae sunt nigri coloris The same in English IN the yere of our Lord 1497 Iohn Câ—bot a Uenetian and his sonne Sebastian with an English fleet set out from Bristoll discouered that land which no man before that time had attempted on the 24 of Iune about fiue of the clockâ— early in the morning This land he called Prima vista that is to say First seene because as I suppose it was that part whereof they had the first sight from sea That Island which lieth out before the land he called the Island of S. Iohn vpon this occasion as I thinke because it was discouered vpon the day of Iohn the Baptist. The inhabitants of this Island vse to weare beasts skinnes and haue them in as great estimation as we haue our finest garments In their warres they vse bowes arrowes pikes darts woodden clubs and slings The saile is barren in some places yeeldeth litle fruit but it is full of white beares and stagges farre greater then ours It yeeldeth plenty of fish and those very great as seales and those which commonly we call salmons there are soles also aboue a yard in length but especially there is great abundance of that kinde of fish which the Sauages call baccalaos In the same Island also there bréed hauks but they are so blacke that they are very like to rauens as also their partridges and egles which are in like sort blacke A discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his discouery of part of the West India out of England in the time of king Henry the seuenth vsed to Galeacius Butrigarius the Popes Legate in Spaine and reported by the sayd Legate in this sort DOe you not vnderstand sayd he speaking to certaine Gentlemen of Venice how to passe to India toward the Northwest as did of late a citizen of Venice so valiant a man and so well practised in all things pertaining to nauigations and the science of Cosmographie that at this present he hath not his like in Spaine insomuch that for his vertues he is preferred aboue all other pilots that saile to the West Indies who may not passe thither without his licence and is therefore called Piloto mayor that is the grand Pilot. And when we sayd that we knew him not he proceeded saying that being certaine yeres in the city of Siuil and desirous to haue some knowledge of the nauigations of the Spanyards it was tolde him that there was in the city a valiant man a Uenetian borne named Sebastian Cabot who had the charge of those things being an expert man in that science and one that coulde make Cardes for the Sea with his owne hand and that by this report seeking his acquaintance hee found him a very gentle person who intertained him friendly and shewed him many things and among other a large Mappe of the world with certaine particuler Nauigations as well of the Portugals as of the Spaniards and that he spake further vnto him to this effect When my father departed from Venice many yeeres since to dwell in England to follow the trade of marchandises hee tooke mee with him to the citie of London while I was very yong yet hauing neuerthelesse some knowledge of letters of humanitie and of the Sphere And when my father died in that time when newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genuese had discouered the coasts of India whereof was great talke in all the Court of king Henry the 7. who then raigned insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more diuine then humane to saile by the West into the East where spices growe by a way that was neuer knowen before by this fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing And vnderstanding by reason of the Sphere that if I should saile by way of the Northwest I should by a shorter tract come into India I thereupon caused the King to be aduertised of my deuise who immediatly commanded two Caruels to bee furnished
Master Lane Master Candish Master Hariot and twentie others in the new pinnesse Captaine Amadas Captaine Clarke with ten others in a shipboat Francis Brooke and Iohn White in another ship-boate passed ouer the water from Wococon to the maine land victualled for eight dayes in which voyage we first discouered the townes of Pomeiok Aquascogoc and Secotan and also the great lake called by the Sauages Paquipe with diuers other places and so returned with that discouery to our Fleete The 12. we came to the Towne of Pomeiok The 13. we passed by water to Aquascogok The 15. we came to Secotan and were well entertained there of the Sauages The 16. wee returned thence and one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascogok to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had stollen from vs and not receiuing it according to his promise wee burnt and spoyled their corne and Towne all the people being fled The 18. we returned from the discouery of Secotan and the same day câ—me aboord our Fleete ryding at Wococon The 21. our Fleete ankering at Wococon we wayed anker for Hatoraske The 27. our Fleete ankered at Hatorask and there we rested The 29. Granginâ— brother to king Wingina came aboord the Admirall and Mantâ—â— with him The 2. the Admirall was sent to Weapomeiok The 5. M. Iohn Arundell was sent for England The 25. our Generall wayed anker and set saile for England About the 31. he tooke a Spanish ship of 300. tunne richly loaden boording her with a beaâ— made with boards of chests which sell asunder and sunke at the ships side assoone as euer he and his men were out of it The 10. of September by foule weather the Generall then shipped in the prize iust sight of the Tyger The 6. the Tyger fell with the Landes end and the same day came to anker at Falmouth The 18. the Generall came with the prize to Plymmouth and was courteously receiued by 〈◊〉 of hs his worshipfull friends The names of those as well Gentlemen as others that remained one whole yeere in Virginia vnder the Gouernement of Master Ralph Lane MAster Philip Amadas Admirall of the countrey Master Hariot Master Acton Master Edward Stafford Thomas Luddington Master Maruyn Master Gardiner Captaine Vaughan Master Kendall Master Prideox Robert Holecroft Rise Courtney Master Hugh Rogers Master Thomas Haruie Master Snelling Master Anthony Russe Master Allyne Master Michael Polison Iohn Cage Thomas Parre William Randes Gefferey Churchman William Farthow Iohn Taylor Philip Robyns Thomas Philips Valentine Beale Thomas Foxe Darby Glande Edward Nugen Edward Kelley Iohn Gostigo Erasmus Cless Edward Ketcheman Iohn Linsey Thomas Rottenbury Roger Deane Iohn Harris Francis Norris Matthew Lyne Edward Kettell Thomas Wisse Robert Biscombe William Backhouse William White Henry Potkin Dennis Barnes Ioseph Borges Dougham Gannes William Tenche Randall Latham Thomas Hulme Walter Mill. Richard Gilbert Steuen Pomarie Iohn Brocke Bennet Harrie Iames Steuenion Charles Steuenson Christopher Lowde Ieremie Man Iames Mason Dauid Salter Richard Ireland Thomas Bookener William Philips Randall Mayne Iames Skinner George Eseuen Iohn Chandeler Philip Blunt Richard Poore Robert Yong. Marmaduke Constable Thomas Hesket William Wasse Iohn Feuer Daniel Thomas Taylor Richard Humfrey Iohn Wright Gabriel North. Benneâ— Chappell Richard Sarc Iames Lacie Smolkin Thomas Smart Robert Iohn Euans Roger Large Humfrey Garden Francis Whitton Rowland Griffyn William Millard Iohn Twit Edward Seclemore Iohn Anwike Christopher Marshall Dauid Williams Nicholas Swabber Edward Chipping Siluester Beching Vincent Cheyne Hance Walters Edward Barecombe Thomas Skeuelabs William Walters An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire and another Gentleman of the middle Temple from Virginia IN the meane while you shall vnderstand that since Sir Richard Greenuils departure from vs as also before we haue discouered the maine to be the goodliest soyle vnder the cope of heauen so abounding with sweete trees that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gummes grapes of such greatnesse yet wilde as France Spaine nor Italie haue no greater so many sorts of Apothecarie drugs such seuerall kindes of flaxe one kind like silke the same gathered of a grasse as common there as grasse is here And now within these few dayes we haue sound here Maiz or or Guinie wheate whose eare yeeldeth corne for bread 400. vpon one eare and the Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar also Terra Samia otherwise Terra sigillara Besides that it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territorie of the world for the continent is of an huge and vnknowen greatnesse and very well peopled and towned though sauagely and the climate to wholsome that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here To conclude if Virginia had â—ut horses and kine in some reasonable proportion I dare asâ—â—â—â— my selfe being inhabited with English no realme in Christendome were comparable to it For this already we finde that what commodities soeuer Spaine France Italy or the East partes doe yeeld vnto vs in wiues of all sortes in oyles in flaxe in rosens pitch frakensence corrans sugers and such like these parts doe abound with the growth of them all but being Sauages that possesse the land they know no vse of the same And sundry other rich commodities that no parts of the world be they West or East Indies haue here wee finde great abundance of The people naturally are most curteous and very desirous to haue clothes but especially of course cloth rather then silke course canuas they also like well of but copper caryeth the price of all so it be made red Thus good M. Hakluyt and M.H. I haue ioyned you both in one letter of remembrance as two that I loue dearely well and commending me most heartily to you both I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie From the new Fort in Virginia this third of September 1585. Your most assured friend RALPH LANE An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same from the 17. of August 1585. vntill the 18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh THat I may proceede with order in this discourse I thinke it requisite to diuide it into two parts The first shall declare the particularities of such parts of the Countrey within the maine as our weake number and supply of things necessarie did inable vs to enter into the discouery of The second part shall set downe the reasons generally mouing vs to resolue on our departure at the instant with the Generall Sir Francis Drake and our common request for passage with him when the barkes pinnesses and boates with the Masters and Mariners meant by him to bee left in the Countrey for the supply of such as for a further time meant to haue stayed there were caryed away with tempest and
this Cape almost halfe a league To the Southward of this Cape where the lather is there is a little Bay which is the entrance of Rio de Galegos it ebbeth and floweth here 12 fathomes A man must haue a great care how he goeth in here for the cause abouesaid but he must keepe himselfe out and not anker in it From Rio de Galegos to the Streits of Magelan the coast lyeth Northnorthwest Southsoutheast 8 leagues vnto Cabo de la virgin Maria which is the entrance into the Streit and 4 leagues before a man come to this Cape there are white cliffes with certaine blacke spots in them and they be caused with the falling downe of the water Here is water inough and thou mayest come to an anker hard aboord the shore and hast a good defence for a Southwest wind And the Cape it selfe is the highest land of all and is like to Cape Saint Vincent in Spaine and it hath on the East side a ledge of rockes and a poynt of sand with diuers sands which shewe themselues at a lowe water thou must take great heede heere and giue them a good bredth halfe a league or a quarter of a league off vntil thou bring the Cape Westnorthwest and then thou mayest stirre away Southwest And when thou commest to the lower land and into tenne or twelue fathoms then art thou ouer against la Purificacion And halfe a league within the land the citie of Nombre de Iesus was builded East and West with the sayd Cape right against a cliffe which commeth from the sayd Cape and goeth within the Streits This Cape standeth in 52 degrees iust And this is to be taken for a warning that he that commeth neere this Cape and passeth by it as I haue said with the wind at Northeast or any other wind off the sea inclining to the Southeast must not come to anker but presently be sure to passe by because in Sommer this place is much subiect to Southwest winds which blow right in and they put a man from his tackle make him to loose his voyage And from March forwards there blow fauourable winds from the sea to goe from this Cape to enter into the Streits from this said Cape the Streits go in to the Northwest 14 leagues and the chanell waâ—eth narrower and narrower vnto the first Streit which runneth Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest And comming out of the mouth thereof a man must keepe himselfe a poynt to the Northward because there be rocks and stoalds And if you see beds of weeds take heed of them and keepe off from them and after you be past this Streight you must stirre Westsouthwest 8 leagues vnto Cabo de San Gregorio which is a high white cliffe and is a good road for any wind from the Northwest to the Southwest But men must beware and not trust the Indians of this Cape for they be subtill and will betray a man From this Cape beginneth the second Streit which is called Nuestra Sennora de Gracia and lyeth Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest 3 leagues And comming out of this Streit thou shalt see 3 little Islands lying West off this Streit thou mayest go betweene them for there is no danger prouided alwayes that thou keepe well off from the bayes on both sides lest thou bee imbayed And from these Islands thou must keepe forwards in the chanell Westsouthwest two leagues and then the coast lyeth North and South vnto 53 degrees and a halfe vnto a place called Punta de Santa Anna and to the Northwest thereof in a corner or nooke which is one of the rincones or nookes was the towne builded called La Ciudad del Don Philippe Thou must come to an anker to the Northward thereof after thou art past the castle and a great tree TWO VOYAGES OF CERTAINE ENGLISHmen to the riuer of Plate situate in 35 degrees of Southerly latitude together with an exact Ruttier and description thereof and of all the maine branches so farre as they are nauigable with small barkes By which riuer the Spaniards of late yeeres haue frequented an exceeding rich trade to and from Peru and the mines of Potossi as also to Chili and other places A report of a voyage of two Englishmen in the company of Sebastian Cabota intended for the Malucos by the Streights of Magellan but perfourmed onely to the riuer of Plate in April 1527. Taken out of the information of M. Robert Thorne to Doctor Ley Ambassadour for King Henry the eight to Charles the Emperour touching the discouery of the Malucos by the North. IN a flote of three ships and a carauell that went from this citie of Siuil armed by the merchants of it which departed in Aprill last past I and my partner haue one thousand foure hundred duckets that wee employed in the sayd fleete principally for that two Englishmen friendes of mine which are somewhat learned in Cosmographie should goe in the same ships to bring me certaine relation of the situation of the countrey and to be expert in the nauigation of those seas and there to haue informations of many other things and aduise that I desire to know especially Sâ—â—ing in those quarters are ships and mariners of that countrey and cardes by which they saile though much vnlike ours that they should procure to haue the sayd cards and learne how they vnderstand them and especially to know what nauigation they haue for those Islands Northwards and Northeastward For if from the said Islands the sea doth extend without interposition of land to saile from the North point to the Northeast point one thousand seuen hundred or one thousand eight hundred leagues they should come to The new found Islands that we discouered so we should be neerer to the said Spiâ—erie by almost 200 leagues then the Emperour or the king of Portugall are An extract out of the discourse of one Lopez Vaz a Portugal touching the fight of M. Fenton with the Spanish ships with a report of the proceeding of M. Iohn Drake after his departing from him to the riuer of Plate VPon the relation of Pedro Sarmiento concerning the streits of Magellan that they might be fortified and for that the king heard that there were ships in England preparing for the same streits he commanded Diego Flores de Valdes a noble man of Spaine to passe thither with 23 ships and 3500 men to stoppe the passage of the Englishmen There went in this fleete the gouernour of Chili with 500 olde souldiers that came out of Flanders but this was the vnhappiest fleet of ships that euer went out of Spaine for before they came from the coast of Spaine a storme tooke them and cast away fiue of the fleete and in them aboue 800 men and the rest came into Cadiz But the king sent them word that they should proceede and so there went out on the voyage 16 of the shippes
Dulce mare inter Nouam Zemblam Tabin suspicatur A great gulfe is beyond Vaigats whereinto mighty riuers descend The best course to be taken in discoueries The mouthes of Bautisus and Oechardus 300. leagues from Cambalu Upon the obseruations of the tides depend great speculations May. Iune Kene an Island of Norway The North cape doubled Wardhouse Iuly Willoughbies land â—0 leagues from Kegor A sight of perfect land 70. deg 3. min. An Island The maine land Bearebay 70. deg 26. min. The supposed maine of Noua Zembla Many ouerfals The bay of Pechora They had sight of Vaygatz In Island hauing store of wood water â— faire islands An Island to the East of Vaigatz 4. or 5. leagues The William and the George meete againe Their returâ—e The currant runneth with the winde August A whole land of yce 70. degr 4. min. Frost The appearing of the starres signe of Winter Much snow Great store of snowe 69 degrees 49 minutes Then are thwart against Vaigats The Islands Shoales off Colgoyeue They lost the William here The land of Hugry The bay of Morezouets The towne of Hungon They double the North Cape in their returne Fowlenesse Lowfoote The sound of Romesal October Moore soundâ— Berozoua Vstia The Russian fleet best to be set forth in the beginning of May. 1582 Doctor Iacob Pheodor Andreuich Phisemsky the Emperors â—mbassadour The Hollanders intrude into our trade ‖ M. Coâ—e The great friendship of L. Boris Pheodorouich ‖ The Emperours house of recreation Anno 1553. M. William Burrough was then yong and with his brother in this first voyage Newnox is froÌ„ the road of S. Nicholas Westward 35 miles Note Anno 1554. Anno 1555. The King and Queenes letters M. Killingworths beard of a marueâ—lous length Anno 1556. Anno 1557. Loghar voyage 1560. The first trade to the Narue 1560. Alcock slaine in Persia. Edwards died at Astracanâ— Bannister died in Media ‖ Or Theodor. The death of Iuan Vasiliwich 1584. Apr. 18. â— Boris adopted as the Emperors third sonne The old Empresse her father and her yong sonne sent to Ouglets The day of Pheodor his coronation Iohn de Wale Chare Siberskâ— prince of Siberia taken prisoner and brought to Mosco Sopher Keri Alli king of the Crimmes arriual at Mosco The new Emperor Pheodore Iuanoâ—ich his letters and requests to the Queene M. Horseis voiage froÌ„ Mosco to England ouerland 1586 * It is rosting to death Strabo in his 7. booke of Geogr. Gen. 10. Ioseph l. 1 ca,14 The borders of Russia The Shires of Russia The Prouinces or Countries got by conquest The breadth and length of the Countrey Pechinga The colde of Russia The chiefe Riuers of Russia The fruits and graine of Russia The chiefe commodities of the Countrey 1 Furres These Rats are in Canada Momgosorskoy perhaps Molgomzaiâ— 2 Waxe 3 Hony 4 Tallow 5 Hide 6 Trane oyle The maner of hunting the Seale fish 7 Ickary 8 Hempe and Flaxe 9 Salt Nonocks 10 Tarre 11 Ribazuba 12 Slude 13 Saltpeter and brimstone 14 Iron The strange beasâ—es fish foule c. that breed in Russia Mosco Nouograd Iaruslaue Saxo Grammaticus lib. 11. pag. â—87 The maner of Russe building Souldiers by birth and inheritance Degrees of horsemen 1. â—raetoriani or such as attend the Emperors person 15000. Two other troupes to the number of 65000. Horsemen in continuall pay 80000. Footmen in continual pay 12000. StraÌ„gers mercenaries in pay 4300. The chief captains or leaders 1. The Voiauod or General 2. Lieutenant general 3. Marshals of the field foure Foure marshals deputies right Fiue Coronels vnder Captains Sixe Masters of the Artillery The walking Captaine Their order of mustering The horsemaÌ„s furniture The footmans furniture Prouision of victual Horsemens drummes The horsâ—mans maner of charging The footmans charge The walking Castle 1580. Reward for valure 1580. Lituania Narue Siberia and Ob. Conquest of a 1000 miles Permia and Pechora Means of holding chiefe townes Meanes of holding the countries of Pechora Permia and Siberia Siberia The kings brother of Siberia 1588. The PoloniaÌ„s called Laches by the Russe The Chrim Tartar The firing of Mosco by the Chrim Tartar in the yeare 1571. Homage done bâ— the Russe to the Chrim Tartar The maner of the Tartars fight and armour The subtiltiâ— of the Tartar The Tartar religion The Tartar nobilitie The Tartar diet 1588. The Tartars dwelling Pachymerius Laonicus Calcocondylas 1400 The Nagay Tartar the cruellest The Chircasce the câ—uâ—llest Tartar The Cheremissen Tartar of two sorts the Lugauoy and the Nagornay The Mordwit Tartar y e most barbarous of the rest The reuiuing of silkwormes Chrinisin a kind of silkworme Liberty to trade downe the Caspian sea No stranger without pasport admitted The Permians The Samoits The Samoits religion Slata Baba or the goldeÌ„ Hag. A fable The Sea Fishing oâ— sea The Samoits habit and behauiour The people of Meta Incognita such The â—appes The mart at Cola. Sleds drawen with Deere The dominion of the Duke of Moscouia Vologda Verst Vstiug Suchana Iug. So called of his swift and pleasant streame Pienega Nicholai Kuluio The regions by the North sea Pieza Piescoia Rubicho Czircho Czilma Petzora Pustosero Vssa * Cingulus mundâ— Stzuchogora Potzscheriema Camenipoias Samoged Foules and beasts Wilde people Poiassa Camen Artawischa Sibut Lepin Sossa Obi. Kitaisko Vuogolici Irtische Ierom. Tumen Grustina Kitai Blacke men without speech Serponow Lucomoria Men that yerely die and reuiue Obi. Calami Riuers Aureâ— Anus Obdora Cossin Cassima Tachnin a great riuer People of moÌ„strous shape A fish like a man Plinie writeth of the like fish The end of the iournall Mountaines The great Can of Cathay Moria is the sea Lucomoria Tumen Petzora Papin High mountaines supposed to be Hyperborei and Khipphet Cathay The fâ—uitâ—ull prouince of Rezan Iâ—â—oslaue Hony La regione della Cine. Confini delli vâ—rimi Tartariâ— Alcune Terre Incognite Confini Settentrionall della Russia The Countrey of China The coasts of the vttermost Tartaâ—s Certaine vnknowne Countrees The Northern coasts oâ— Russia The Northwest Master of the Horse The L. Steward The â— Treasurer Controller Chamberlaine Tasters Harbengers Gentlemen of the chamber The Gard. Groomes Constitution of their bodies Their diet An admirable induring of extreme heat and colde at one and the same time The Noble mans attire The Gentlemans apparel The Noble womans attire The Mousickâ— or common mans attire The Emperors stile increased The English Marchants complaints English Marchants in great fauour with the Emperor Halfe the debt of Aâ—tony Marsh remitted Ann. Dom. 1590. 1590 1585 The Emperor seised our merâ—â—ants goods 1591 This is a new poâ—t The English merchants 3 weeks restrained from their Mart. 1591 1592 The Emperors â—â—ile lately enlarged This is a damty meat made of the roâ—d of sturgeons M. Thomas Lind. 1592 The Empresse Irene deliuered of a daughter M. Francis Cherie Anno Domini 1592. After our accompt 1596. 10. Febr. 1597. Prince Boris Pheodorowich by
the Whale 413. 113 The deposition of William Burrough to certeine Interrogatories mooued vnto him concerning the Narue and Kegor 414. 114 The reasons of M. William Burrough to disswade the vse of a trade to the Narue by the way through Sweden 416. 115 A remembrance of aduise giuen to the Moscouie merchants touching a voyage for Cola abouesaid 416. 116 An Epistle dedicatorie vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie written by M. William Burrough 417. 117 The Queenes Maiesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophy of Persia. 418. 118 The Latitudes and Meridian Altitudes of diuers places in Russia from the North to the South 431. 119 Directions giuen by M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire to Morgan Hubblethorne Dier sent into Persia. 432. 120 A Commission giuen by sir Rowland Heyward knight and George Barne Aldermen and gouernours of the Moscouie Companyâ— to Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman for the discouery by Sea towards Cathay 433. 121 Rules and orders giuen to be obserued by them in that Discouery 435. 122 Briefe aduises giuen by M. Iohn Dee to that purpose 437. 123 Instructions giuen them by Richard Hakluyt Esquire to that purpose also 437,438 124 The letter of Gerard. Mercator to Richard Hakluyt of Oxford touching that discouery 443. 125 Instructions giuen by the Moscouie Company vnto Richard Gibbs William Biggat Iohn Backhouseâ— c. Masters of their ships 453. 126 The opinion of M. William Burrough sent to a friend requiring his iudgement for the fittest time of the departure of our ships toward S. Nicolas in Russia 455. 127 The Queenes Maiesties Commission giuen to sir Ierome Bowes authorizing him her highnesse Ambassadour with the Emperour of Moscouie 455. 128 The Queenes Maiesties letters written to the Emperour by sir Ierome Bowes in his commendation 457. 129 The discourse of the Ambassage of sir Ierome Bowes to the aforesaid Emperour 458. 130 The maner of preferring suites in Russia 463. 131 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. William Sanderson merchant of London conteyning a briefe discourse of all things passed in our Northren discoueries for the space of 33. yeeres 464. 132 The most solemne and magnificent Coronation of Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia set downe by M. Ierome Horsey 466. 133 The Priuileges graunted by the newe Emperour to the English merchants and obteined by the foresaid Ierom Horsey 470. 134 The Ambassage of M. Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil lawe from her Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia 473. 135 A notable description of Ruâ—â—ia 475 c. 136 A speciall note gathered by the excellent Venetian Cosmographer M. Iohn Baptista Ramusius concerning the Northeast passage 495. 137 The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the right honourable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England 498. 138 The Queenes Maiesties letter to Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia 499. 139 The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 501. 140 The L. Treasurer sir William Cecil his letter to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 502. 141 A letter of Pheodor Iuanowich to the Queenes Maiestie 502. 142 An other letter to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 503. 143 A second letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the L. William Burghley 504. 144 A most gracious letter of Priuileges giuen to the English merchants by Pheodor Iuanowich 505. 145 The contents of M. Garlands Commission vnto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. Iohn Dee to the Emperour of Russia his Court. 508. 146 A letter to the right worsh. M. Iohn Dee Esquier conteyning the summe and effect of M. Garland his message 508. 147 A branch of a letter from Iohn Merick touching the death of Pheodor Iuanowich 509. 148 A learned Epistle written vnto the famous Cosmographer M. Gerardus Mercator concerning the Countreys Riuers and Seas towards the Northeast 510. 149 The honourable testimonies of diuers strangers touching the notable discoueries of the English made in the North-east parts 513. 150 A briefe Commentarie of the true state of Island 515. 550. 151 A letter written by the graue and learned Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Holen in Island concerning the ancient state of Island and Gronland 590. THE FIRST VOLVME OF THE principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English nation made to the North and Northeast quarters of the World with the directions letters priuiledges discourses and obseruations incident to the same Certeine testimonies concerning K. Arthur and his conquests of the North regions taken out of the historie of the Kings of Britaine written by Galfridus Monumetensis and newly printed at Heidelberge Anno 1587. Lib. 9. cap. 10. ANno Christi 517. Arthurus secundo regni sui anno subiugatis totius Hyberniae partibus claslem suam direxit in Islandiam eámque debellato populo subiugauit Exin diuulgato per caeteras insulas rumore quod eâ— nulla Prouincia resistere poterat Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunfacius râ—x Orcadum vltrò venerunt promissoque vectigali subiectionem feceiunt Emensa deinde hyeme reuersus est in Britanniam statúmque regni in firmam pacem renouans moram duodecim annis ibidem fecit The same in English IN the yere of Christ 517. king Arthur in the second yeere of his reigne hauing subdued all parts of Ireland sailed with his fleet into Island and brought it and the people thereof vnder his subiection The rumour afterwards being spread thorowout all the other Islands that no countrey was able to withstand him Doldauius the king of Gotland and Gunfacius the king of Orkney came voluntarily vnto him and yeelded him their obedience promising to pay him tribute The Winter being spent he returned into Britaine and establishing his kingdome in perfect peace he continued there for the space of twelue yeres Lib. 9 cap. 12. MIssis deinde in diuersa regna Legatis inuitantur tam ex Gallijs quà m ex collatetalibus Insulis Oceani qui ad curiam venire deberent c. Et paulò post Ex collateralibus autem Insulis Guillaumurius rex Hyberniae Maluasius rex Islandiae Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunnasius rex Orchadum Lot rex Noruegiae Aschilius rex Danorum The same in English AFter that king Arthur sending his messengers into diuers kingdomes he summoned such as were to come to his Court aswell out of France as out of the adiacent Islands of the sea c. and a little after From those adiacent Islands came Guillaumurius king of Ireland Maluasius king of Island Doldauius king of Gotland Gunnasius king of Orkney Lot the king of Norway and Aschilius the king of Denmarke Lib. 9 cap. 19. AT reges caeterarum Insularum quoniam non duxerant in morem equites habere pedites quot quisque debebat promittunt ita vt ex sex Insulis videlicet Hyberniae Islandiae Gotlandiae Orcadum Noruegiae atque Daciae sexies viginti millia essent annumerata The same in English BUt the kings of the other Islands because it was not their custome
Cuius si quantitatem requitis non nisi machinis instrumentorum genere adminiculo leuari poterat si qualitatem nec maâ—eria nec opere ipsum putem aliquando ab aliquo huiusce apparatu superatum iri Literas quoque mellito sermone plenas pariter direxerat quarum hic tenor fuit Praecordiali amico suo Frederico Dei gratia Romanorum imperatori inuictissimo Henricus Rex Angliae dux Normanniae Aquitaniae Comes Andegauensis salutem verae dilectionis concordiam Excellentiae vestrae quantas possumus referimus grates dominantium optime quod nos nuncijs vestris visitare salutare literis muneribus praeuenire quod his charius amplectimur pacis amoris inuicem dignatus estis foedera inchoare Exultauimus quodammodo animum nobis crescere in maius sensimus euehi dum vestra promissio in qua nobis spem dedistis in disponendis Regni nostri negocijs alacriores nos reddidit promptiores Exultauimus in quam tota mente magnificentiae vestrae assurreximus id vobis in sincero cordis affectu respondentes quod quicquid ad honorem vestrum spectare nouerimus pro posse nostro effectui mancipare parati sumus Regnum nostrum quicquid vbique nostrae subijcitur ditioni vobis exponimus vestre committimus potestari vt ad vestrum nutum omnia disponantur in omnibus vestri fiat voluntas imperij Sit igitur inter nos populos nostros dilectionis pacis vnitas indiuisa commercia tuta Ita tamen vt vobis qui dignitate praeminetis imperandi cedat authoritas nobis non deerit voluntas obsequendi Et sicut vestrae Serenitatis memoriam vestrorum excitat in nobis munerum largitio sic vos nostri quoque reminisci praeoptamus mittentes quae pulchriora penes nos erant vobis magis placitura Attendite itaque dantis affectum non data eo animo quo dantur accipite De manu beati Iacobi super qua nobis scripsistis in ore magistri Hereberti Guilielmi Clerici nostri verbuÌ„ posuimus Teste Thoma Cancellario apud Northanton The same in English THere were present also the same time the messengers of Henry king of England presenting diuers rich and precious gifts and that with great learning eloquence of speech Amongst the which we saw a pauilion most large in quantity most excellent in quality For if you desire to know the quantitie therof it could not be erected without engines and a kinde of instruments and maine force if the qualitie I thinke there was neuer any furniture of the same kinde that surpassed the same either in stuffe or workemanship The said king directed his letters also full of sugred speeches the tenour whereof was this that followeth To his entirely beloued friend Frederick by the grace of God Emperour of the Romanes most inuincible Henry king of England duke of Normandie and Aquitaine Earle of Anjou wisheth health and concord of sincere amitie We doe render vnto your highnes most renowmed and peerelesse Prince exceeding great thanks for that you haue so graciously vouchsafed by your messengers to visite vs in your letters to salute vs with your gifts to preuent vs and which wee doe more highly esteeme of then all the rest to beginne a league of peace and friendship betweene vs. We reioyced and in a maner sensibly felt our selues to bee greatly emboldened and our courage to encrease whilest your promise whereby you put vs in good comfort did make vs more cheerefull and resolute in managing the affaires of our kingdome We reioyced I say in our secret cogitations did humble obeisance vnto your Maiestie giuing you at this time to vnderstand froÌ„ the sincere vnfained affection of our heart that whatsoeuer we shal know to tend vnto your honour we are to our power most ready to put in practise Our kingdome and whatsoeuer is vnder our iurisdiction we doe offer vnto you and commit the same vnto your highnesse that all matters may be disposed according to your direction and that your pleasure may in all things be fulfilled Let there be therefore betweene our selues and our subiects an indiuisible vnitie of friendship and peace and safe trade of Marchandize yet so as that vnto you who excell in dignitie authoritie in commanding may bee ascribed and diligence in obeying shall not want in vs. And as the liberalitie of your rewards doeth often put vs in remembrance of your Maiestie euen so in like maner sending vnto your Highnesse the most rare things in our custodâ—e and which we thought should be most acceptable vnto you wee doe most heartily with that your selfe also would not altogether bee vnmindefull of vs. Haue respect therefore not vnto the gifts but vnto the affection of the giuer and accept of them with that minde wherewith they are offered vnto you Concerning the hand of S. Iames about which you wrote vnto vs we haue sent you word by M. Herbert and by William the Clerke Witnes Thomas our Chancelour at Northanton A generall safe conduct graunted to all forreine Marchants by king Iohn in the first yeere of his reigne as appeareth in the Records of the Tower Anno 1. Regis Ioannis IOannes Dei gratia c. Maiori Communitati Londinensi salutem Sciatis voluntatem esse nostram quod omnes Mercatores de quacunque fuerint terra saluum habeant conductum ire redire cum mercibus suis in Angliam Volumus etiam quod ean dem habeant pacem in Anglia quam Mercatores de Anglia habent in terris illis vnde fuerunt egressi Et ideo vobis praecipimus quod hoc faciatis denunciati in Balliua vestra firmiter teneri permittentes eos ire redire sine impedimento per debitas rectas solitas consuetudines in Balliua vestra Teste Galfredo silio Perri comite Essexiae apud Kinefard 5. die Aprilis In eadem forma scribitur vicecomiti Sudsex Maiori communitati Ciuitatis Winton Balliuo de Southampton Balliuo de Lenne Balliuo Kent Vicecomiti Norffolciae Suffolciae Vicecomiti dorset Sommerset Baronibus de quinque portubus Vicecomiti de Southampton sire Vicecomiti de Herteford Essex Vicecomiti Cornubiae Deuon The same in English IOhn by the grace of God c. to the Maior and communaltie of London greeting You are to vnderstand that it is our pleasure that all Marchants of what nation soeuer shall haue safe conduct to passe and repasse with their Marchandize into England It is our will also that they be vouchsafed the same fauour in England which is granted vnto the English Marchants in those places from whence they come And therefore we giue you in charge that you cause this to be published and proclaimed in your bailiwicke firmely to be obserued permitting them to goe come without impediment according to the due right and ancient customes vsed
vnto y e foresaid Matthew Ludekinson Item by Nicholas Scot of Caleis the sonne of Tutbury and Hilg of Hull 256. nobles which are due vnto the foresayd Arnold de Aschen Item by the inhabitants of Scardeburgh Blakeney and Crowmer who had one Iohn Iolly of Blakeney for their captaine 156. nobles which are due vnto Henrie Culeman aforesayd Item by the inhabitants of Bayon Whose Capitaine was one Pideuille 125. nobles which are due vnto the said Iohn Vnkeltop Item by the inhabitants of Plymmouth and Dertmouth whose Captaines were Henry Pay and William Gadeling 600. nobles which are due vnto the foresayde Iohn Halewater in respect of his goods by them violently taken away Item 334. nobles to be payed by the selfe same parties being due vnto the sayde Iohn Halewater by reason that they detained his ship from him three moneths and more which ship was of the burthen of three hundreth tonnes of wine and had in it all the foresayde time fiue and fourtie seruants maintained at the expenses of the sayde Iohn Halewater Item that Sir William de Ethingham knight who was Uice-admirall for the sea must bee summoned to alleage a reasonable cause for that the sayd Sir William with his seruants expelled the said Iohn Halewater out of his ship for the space of fifteene dayes together and tooke of the goods and victuals of the said Iohn to the summe of 114. nobles why he ought not to pay the said summe of 114. nobles vnto Iohn Halewater aforesaid which if hee shall not bee willing nor able to alleage before the first of April next ensuing that then by the kings authoritie hee must be compelled to pay vnto the foresaid Iohn the said 114 nobles Item by the inhabitants of Caleis whose captaines were Michael Scot Bishop and William Horneby 1900. nobles which are due vnto the foresayde Eggard Scoff because the saide soueraigne king hath giuen them in charge by the said Michael Scot and the rest concerning the payment of the summe aforesaid Item by Iohn Bilis neere vnto Crowmer 68. nobles which are due vnto Nicholas Wolmersten of Elbing Which summes of nobles must by the kings authoritie bee leuied at the hands of his subiects aboue-mentioned betweene the time that nowe is and the feast of the Purification of the blessed virgine which shall fall in the yeere of our Lord 1411. effectually to bee deliuered and payed vnto the sayd Master generall or his lawfull procurator or vnto his successours or their lawfull procuratours at the Citie of London vpon the feast aforesaid Item it is couenanted that besides the summes specified in the foresayde letters obligatorie made in the behalfe of the said soueraigne prince there are due to be paied vnto one Iohn Marion of Wersingham lately deceased being in his life-time the liege subiect of the foresaid soueraigne prince 200. nobles of English money in regard of certaine iniuries and robberies done and committed before the date of these presents against the foresayde Iohn by one Eghard Scoff subiect vnto the said Master generall for the full satisfaction of the saide damages and robberies to bee made vnto the said deceased Iohn his wife children heires or exceutors by the said Egghard his heâ—res or by the administrators of his goods at the time and place aboue-mentioned Item it is couenanted confirmed and promised that for all the iniuries and robberies done and committed against one Iohn Dordewant of Elbing being in his life time subiect vnto the sayd Master generall by the liege people and subiects of the said soueraigne king the inhabitants of Scardeburgh before the date of these presents for the full recompense of all such iniuries and robberies there must bee payed vnto one Iohn Gruk of Dantzik eight hundred nobles of English money vpon the feast of Easter next following in the Citie of London by them of Scardeburgh being guiltie and culpable in this behalfe who are by definitiue sentence condemned vnto the said Iohn in the summe of 800. nobles by reason of the iniuries and robberies aforesaid Except the lawfull expenses in this behalfe layed out they are also taxed in due time for the issue And therefore the foresayde condemned parties whose names are in the sentence against them pronounced in this behalfe more expresly contained must in the meane season by the kings authoritie be compelled and constrained really and actually to obey the foresaid sentence namely by deliuering and paying vnto Iohn Gruk the summe of 800. nobles at the time and place aboue mentioned with reasonable expences wherein also the said parties stand condemned their lawfull taxation being reserued Item it is couenanted and granted that the heires of Lord Henrie de Percy the yonger after they shall come vnto lawfull age and shall haue attained vnto the possessions and goods of their inheritance must be compelled by the kings authoritie iustice going before to make satisfaction vnto the great procurator of Marienburgh with the summe of 838. nobles in lieu of certaine corne and graine which the foresaid Lord Henrie in the yeere 1403 bought and receiued of the said great procuratour for the vse of the castle of Zutberwik In testimonie and confirmation of all the which premisses the said Tedericus Lefardus and Iohn Crolow of their certaine knowledges haue put tâ—eir seales vnto these present letters indented in the presence of the aboue-named Richard Merlow Iohn Kington and William Askam commissioners for the behalfe of England Giuen at the Citie of London in England the fourth day of December in the yeere of our Lord 1409. Carta Henrici quarti Anno quinto regni sui concesâ—a mercatoribus Angliae in partibus Prussiae Daciae Norwegiae Swethiae Germaniae de gubernatore inter ipsos ibidem constituendo HEnricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hiberniae omnibus ad quos praesentes literae peruenerint salutem Sâ—iatis quod cum vt accepimus ob defectum boni sani regiminis gubernationis diuersa damna dissensiones grauamina angustiae inter mercatores Regni nostri Angliae in partibus Pruciae Daciae Norwegiae Hansae Swethiae commorâ—ntes saepius ante haec tempora mota fuissent perpetrata ac maiora exinde quod absit futuris temporibus verisimiliter euenire formidantur nisi pro meliori gubernatione inter eosdem mercatores mutuò habenda manus nostras adiutrices apponamus Nos damnis periculis in hac parte imminentibus praecauere eosdem Mercatores alios de dicto regno nostro ad partes praedictas venturos iuste fideliter regi pertractari intime desiderantes volumus tenore praesentium concedimus eisdem mercatoribus quod ipsi quoties quando eis placuerit in quodam loco competenti honesto vbi sibi placuerit se congregare vnire certas personas sufficientes idoneas in gubernatores suos in eisdem pattibus inter se ad eorum libitum eligere obtinere valeant libere impune
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
whatsoeuer hee or they bee that then and in such case wee will doe all that in vs is to cause restitution reparation and satisfaction to bee duely made to the said English marchants by our letters and otherwise as shall stand with our honour and be consonant to equitie and iustice 10 Item for vs our heires and successours wee doe promise and graunt to performe mainteine corroborate autenticate and obserue all and singular the aforesaide liberties franchises and priuiledges like as presently we firmely doe intend and will corroborate autentike and performe the same by all meane and way that we can as much as may be to the commoditie and profite of the said English Marchants and their successours for euer And to the intent that all and singuler the saide giftes graunts and promises may bee inuiolably obserued and performed we the said Iohn Vasiliuich by the grace of God Emperor of Russia great Duke of Nouogrode Mosco c. for vs our heires and successors by our Imperiall and lordly word in stead of an othe haue and doe promise by these presents inuiolably to mainteyne and obserue and cause to be inuiolably obserued and mainteined all and singuler the aforesayde giftes graunts and promises from time to time and at all and euery time and times heereafter And for the more corroboration hereof haue caused our Signet hereunto to be put Dated in our Castle of Mosco the 20. day of in the yeere The Charter of the Marchants of Russia graunted vpon the discouerie of the saide Countrey by King Philip and Queene Marie PHilip and Marie by the grace of God King and Queene c. To all manner of officers true Iurie men ministers aud subiects and to all other people as well within this our Realme or elsewhere vnder our obeysance iurisdiction and rule or otherwise vnto whome these our letters shall bee shewed séene or read greeting Whereas wee be credibly informed that our right trusâ—ie right faithfull and welbeloued Counsailors William Marques of Winchester Lord high Treasurer of this our Realme of England Henrie Earle of Arundel Lord Steward of our housholde Iohn Earle of Bedford Lord keeper of our priuie Seale William Earle of Pembroke William Lorde Howard of Esfingham Lorde high Admirall of our saide Realme of England c. Haue at their owne aduenture costs and charges prouided rigged and tackled certaine ships pinnesses and other meete vessels and the same furnished with all things necessary haue aduanced and set forward for to discouer descrie and finde Iles landes territories Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and by our subiects before this not commonly by sea frequented which by the sufferance and grace of Almightie God it shall chaunce them sailing Northwards Northeastwards and Northwestwards or any partes thereof in that race or course which other Christian Monarches being with vs in league and amitie haue not heeretofore by Seas traffiqued haunted or frequented to finde and attaine by their said aduenture as well for the glorie of God as for the illustrating of our honour and dignitie royall in the increase of the reuenues of our Crowne and generall wealth of this and other our Realmes and Dominions and of our subiects of the same And to this intent our subiects aboue specified and named haue most humbly beseeched vs that our abundant grace fauour and clemencie may be gratiously extended vnto them in this behalfe Whereupon wee inclined to the petition of the foresaide our Counsailours subiects and marchants and willing to animate aduance further and nourish them in their said godlie honest and good purpose and as we hope profitable aduenture and that they may the more willingly and readily atchieue the same Of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt for vs our heires and successours vnto our said right trustie and right faithfull and right welbeloued Counsailours and the other before named persons that they by the name of marchants aduenturers of England for the discouery of lands â—erritories Iles Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and not before that late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented as aforesaid shal be from hâ—nceforth one bodie and perpetuall fellowship and communaltie of themselues both in deede and in name and them by the names of Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of lands territories Iles sâ—igniories vnknowen and not by the seas and Nauigations before their saide late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented We doe incorporate name and declare by these presents and that the same fellowship or communalty from henceforth shal be and may haue one Gouernour of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath bin the chiefest setter forth of this iourney or voyage therefore we make ordeine and constitute him the said Sebastian to be the first and present gouernour of the same fellowship and communaltie by these presents To haue and enioy the said office of Gouernour to him the said Sebastian Cabota during his naturall life without amouing or dimissing from the same roome And furthermore we graunt vnto the saine fellowship and communaltie and their successors that they the saide fellowship and communaltie and their successors afâ—er the decease of the saide Sebastian Cabota shall and may freely and lawfully in places conuenient and honest assemble themselues together or so many of them as will or can assemble together as well within our citie of London or elsewhere as it shall please them in such sort and maner as other worshipfull corporations of our saide citie haue vsed to assemble and there yeerely name elect and choose one Gouernour or two of themselues and their liberties and also as well yeerely during the natural life of the said Sebastian Cabota now Gouernour as also at the election of such saide Gouernour or gouernours before his decease to choose name and appoint eight and twenty of the most sad discreete and honest persons of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchant aduenturers as is aboue specified and 4. of the most expert and skilfull persons of the same 28. to be named and called Consuls and 24. of the residue to be named and called Assistants to the saide Gouernour or gouernours and Consuls for the time being which shal remaine and stand in their authorities for one whole yeere then nâ—â—t following And if it shall fortune the saide Gouernour Consuls and assistants or any of them so to be elected and chosen as is aforesaid to die within the yeere after his or their election that then and so often it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said fellowship and communalty to elect and choose of themselues other Gouernour or gouernours Consuls and assistants in the place and sleade of such as so shall happen to die to serue out the same yeere And further we do make ordeine and constitute George Barnes knight and Alderman of our
England receiued and conducted there intertained vsed honoured and finally in good safetie towards his returne and repaire furnished and with much liberalitie and franke handling friendly dismissed to the intent that the trueth of the premisses may bee to the most mightie Emperour of Russia sincerely signified in eschewment of all euents and misfortunes that may chance in this voyage which God defend to the Ambassadours person traine and goods this present memoriall is written and autentikely made and by the sayde Ambassadour his seruants whose names be vnderwritten and traine in presence of the Notarie and witnesses vndernamed recognized and acknowledged Giuen the day moneth and yeere vnderwritten of which instrument into euery of the sayde Shippes one testimoniall is deliuered and the first remaineth with the sayde Companie in London Giftes sent to the King and Queenes Maiesties of England by the Emperour of Russia by the report of the Ambassadour and spoyled by the Scots after the Shipwracke 1 First sixe timber of Sables rich in colour and haire 2 Item twentie entire Sables exceeding beautifull with teeth eares and clawes 3 Item foure liuing Sables with chaines and collars 4 Item thirtie Lusarnes large and beautifull 5 Item sixe large and great skinnes very rich and rare worne onely by the Emperour for woorthinesse 6 Item a large and faire white Ierfawcon for the wilde Swanne Crane Goose and other great Fowles together with a drumme of siluer the hoopes gilt vsed for a lure to call the sayd Hawke Giftes sent to the Emperour of Russia by the King and Queenes Maiesties of England 1 First two rich pieces of cloth of Tissue 2 Item one fine piece of Scarlet 3 Item one fine Uiolet in graine 4 Item one fine Azur cloth 5 Item a notable paire of Brigandines with a Murrian couered with Crimson veluet and gilt nailes 6 Item a Male and Female Lions Giftes giuen to the Ambassadour at his departure ouer and aboue such as were deliuered vnto him at his first arriuall 1 First a chaine of golde of one hundred pound 2 Item a large Bason and Ewer siluer and gilt 3 Item a paire of pottle pots gilt 4 Item a paire of flaggons gift The names of all such Russies as were attendant vpon the Ambassadour at and before his departure out of England Isaak Fwesschencke Demetre Gorbolones Symonde Yeroffia Stephen Lowca Andria Foma Memorandum the day and yeere of our Lord aboue mentioned in the house of the worshipfull Iohn Dimmocke Citizen and Draper of London situate within the famous Citie of London in the Realme of England the aboue named honourable Osep Gregorywich Napea Ambassadour and Orator aboue mentioned personally constituted and present hauing declared vnto him by the mouth of the right worshipfull master Anthonie Hussie Esquire the effect of the causes and contents of and in this booke at the interpretation of Robert Best his interpreter sworne recognized and knowledged in presence of me the Notarie personages vnder written the contents of this booke to be true aswell for his owne person as for his seruants aboue named who did not subscribe their names as is aboue mentioned but onely recognized the same In witnesse whereof I Iohn Incent Notarie Publike at the request of the said Master Anthonie Hussie and other of the Marchants haue to these presents vnderwritten set my accustomed signe with the Subscription of my name the day and yeere aboue written being present the right Worshipfull Aldermen of London Knights Andrew Iudde George Barne William Chester Rafe Greeneaway Iohn Mersh Esquier Iohn Dimmock Blase Sanders Hubert Hussie and Robert Best aboue mentioned The voyage of the foresaid M. Stephen Burrough An. 1557. from Colmogro to Wardhouse which was sent to seeke the Bona Esperanza the Bona Confidentia and the Philip and Mary which were not heard of the yeere before May. VPon Sunday the 23. of May I departed with the Searchthrift from Colmogro the latitude whereof is 64. degrees 25. minutes and the variation of the compasse 5. degrees 10. minutes from the North to the East Wednesday we came to the Island called Pozanka which Island is within foure leagues of the barre Berozoua It floweth here at an East and by South Moone full sea Saturday in the morning we departed from Pozanka and plied to the barre of Berôzoua Gooba whereupon wee came to anker at a lowe water and sounded the said Barre with our two Skiffes and found in the best vpon the shoaldest of the barre 13. foote water by the rule It highâ—th vpon this barre in spring streames 3. foote water and an East Moone maketh a full sea vpon this barre Sunday in the morning wee departed from the barre of Berozoua and plied along by the shoalds in fiue fadome vntill I had sight of S. Nicholas roade and then wee cast about to the Northwards and went with a hommocke which is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coya Reca which hommocke and S. Nicholas abbey lye Southsouthwest and Northnortheast and betweene them are 11. leagues Coia Reca is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coscaynos Coscaynos the middes of the Island called Mondeustoua ostroue which is thwart of the barre of Berozoua lieth South and by East North and by West and betweene them are 4. leagues or as you may say from the Seaboord part of the barre to Coscaynos are 3. leagues and a halfe Munday at a Northeast and by East sunne we were thwart of Coscaynos Dogs nose lieth from Coscaynos Northnorthwest and betweene them are eight leagues and Dogs nose sheweth like a Gurnerds head if you be inwardly on both sides of it on the lowe point of Dogs nose there standeth a crosse alone Iune FRom Dogs nose to Foxenose are three leagues North and by West The 2. day of Iune I went on shoare 2. miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose and had the latitude of that place in 65. degrees 47. minutes It floweth a shoare at this place at an East Moone full sea and the shippe lay thwart to wende a floodâ— in the off at a Southsoutheast moone So that it is to be vnderstoode that when it is a full sea on the shoare it is two points to ebbe before it be a lowe water in the off The variation of the Compasse at this place is 4. degrees from the North to the East This day the Northnorthwest winde put vs backe againe with Dogs nose where a ship may ride thwart of a salt house in 4. fadome or 4. fadome and a halfe of water and haue Landfange for a North and by West winde which Salt house is halfe a mile to the Southwards of Dogs nose Friday at a Southsouthwest Sunne wee departed from this Salt house It is to be noted that foure miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose there growe no trees on the banke by the water side and the bankes consist of fullers earth Ouer the cliffes there growe some trees so that Dogs nose is the better to be
shoulde be taken off but no worde I could heare when I should be deliuered out of captiuitie till it was Saint George his day on which day I was had before the Marshall who declared vnto me that the Kings Maiestie had shewed his mercie and goodnesse towardes mee for his pleasure was that I should be deliuered out of prison to depart into England but no way else So after I had giuen thankes for the Kings Maiesties goodnesse shewed vnto me I desired him that he woulde be a meane that I might haue the remaynder of such thinges as were taken from me restored vnto me againe Hee made me answere that I might thanke God that I escaped with my head and that if euer there came any more of vs through the land they should not so doe The weeke before Easter they deliuered mee my Corobia againe with all thinges that were therein They tooke from mee in money nine Hungers gylderns in golde fiue shillings foure pence in Lettoes money fourtie Altines in Russe money whereof twentie and more were for tokens halfe an angell and a quarter of Master Doctour Standishes with his golde ring Your two pieces of money Master Gray that you sent to your wife and daughter with my two pieces of Boghary money Of all this I had eight Hungers gilderns deliuered mee the thirde weeke of mine imprisonment to paye for my charges which stoode mee in a Doller a weeke So that at the day of my deliuerie I had but three gyldernes left me For the rest I made a supplication to the Captaine and had the like answere giuen mee as the Marshall gaue me So that all the rest of the thinges before written are lost and no recouerie to bee had which grieueth me more for the tokens â—akes then doeth mine eight weeks imprisonment They haue also my sword my bootes my bowe and arrowes that I bought at Smolensco which cost me foure marks my sled my felt the comhold a booke of the Flowres of godly prayers and my booke wherein my charges were written Of all these I can get nothing againe not so much as my two bookes After I had remayned there fiue and thirtie dayes I was had before the Captaine vp into a great chamber to bee examined for letters and of the cause of my comming through the Countrey In the Captaines companie was one of the Lordes of Danske They demaunded of mee where my letters were I declared vnto them that I had none your Officers sayd I tooke me when I was in my bedde they searched mee and tooke all that I had from mee if there be any they shall finde them among my stuffe which they haue They asked mee then for what cause I went home ouer lande I declared vnto them that the Winter beeing a warme season and hauing intelligence that The frozen Sea was not much frozen and supposing this Sommer it would be nauigable I was onely sent to prouide a Shippe to bee sent to passe the sayde Seas to discouer Cataia which if God graunted wee might doe it woulde not onely bee a commoditie to the Realme of Englande but vnto all Christian landes by the riches that might bee brought from thence if the histories bee true that are written thereof Much other communication I had with them concerning the same voyage Then he demaunded of mee what wares wee brought into Russia and what wee carried from thence I declared the same vnto them Then they burdened mee that wee brought thither thousandes of ordinance as also of harneis swordes with other munitions of warre artificers copper with many other things I made them answere that wee had brought thither about one hundred shirtes of mayle such olde thinges newe scowred as no man in Englande woulde weare Other talke they had with mee concerning the trade of Moscouia too long to commit to writing At my comming hither heere were Ambassadours from the townes of Danske Lubeck and Hamburgh as also out of Liefland to desire this king to bee their Captaine and head in their intended voyage which was to stoppe all such shippes as shoulde goe out of England for Moscouia Whereunto the King graunted and immediatly they departed to prepare their shippes So that I am afraide that either these our enemies or the great warres that we haue with France and Scotland will be an occasion that you shall haue no shippes at Colmogro this yeere To conclude although I haue no tokens to deliuer them that the tokens token from me were sent vnto yet I will declare vnto them that I had tokens for them with the mischance And thus I commit you to Amightie God with the rest of the companie who keepe you in health to his holy will and pleasure By yours to commaund THOMAS ALCOCKE A Letter of Master Anthonie Ienkinson vpon his returne from Boghar to the worshipful Master Henrie Lane Agent for the Moscouie companie resident in Vologda written in the Mosco the 18. of September 1559. VVOrshipfull Sir after my heartie commendations prâ—mised with most desire to God of your welfare and prosperous successe in all your affaires It may please you to bee aduertised that the fourth of this present I arriued with Richard Iohnson and Robert Iohnson all in health thankes bee to God Wee haue bene as farre as Boghar and had proceeded farther on our voyage toward the lande of Cathay had it not bene for the vncessant and continuall warres which are in all these brutall and wilde countreys that it is at this present impossible to passe neither went thâ—re any Carauan of people from Boghar that way these three yeeres And although our iourney hath bene so miserable dangerous and chargeable with losses charges and expenses as my penne is not able to expresse the same yet shall wee bee able to satisfie the woorshipfull Companies mindes as touching the discouerie of The Caspian Sea with the trade of merchandise to bee had in such landes and counteyes as bee thereabout adiacent and haue brought of the wares and commodities of those Countries able to answere the principall with profite wishing that there were vtterance for as great a quantitie of kersies and other wares as there is profite to bee had in the sales of a small quantitie all such euill fortunes beeing escaped as to vs haue chaunced this present voyage for then it woulde be a trade woorthie to bee followed Sir for that I trust you will be here shortly which I much desire I will deferre the discourse with you at large vntill your comming as well touching my trauel as of other things Sir Iohn Lucke departed from hence toward England the seuenth of this present and intendeth to passe by the way of Sweden by whom I sent a letter to the worshipfull Companie and haue written that I intend to come downe vnto Colmogro to be readie there at the next shipping to imbarke my selfe for England declaring that my seruice shal not be needfull here for that you
to the saide fellowship and company nor to any of them to cary and transport or cause to be caried and transported any commodie of this Realme to their newe trade but onely in English ships and to be sailed for the most part with English Mariners nor also to bring into this Realme nor into Flanders from their saide new trade any merchandizes or other commodities but in English ships and sailed for the most part by the English Mariners on paine to forfeit for euery such offence two hundred pounds whereof the one moitie shall be to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other moitie to the head officers of any port towne hauing any hauen or harborough decayed by what name soeuer they bee incorporate to the reparation of such harborough that will sue for the same in any Court of Record by action bill plaint or information wherein no essoine protection or wager of lawe for the defendant shall be admitted or allowed Prouided also and be it enacted that no maner of person or persons shall from hence forth carrie or transport or cause to bee carried or transported out of this Realme of England any maner of clothes or karsies into any of the partes where the said fellowship and societie is priuiledged to trade by this Act before the same clothes and karsies shall be all dressed and for the most part died within this Realme vpon paine of forfeiture for euery such cloth and karsie otherwise caried and transported fiue pounds the one halfe thereof to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other halfe to the Master and Wardens of the Clothworkers in the Citie of London for the time being by what name soeuer they be incorporate that wil sue for the same Prouided also that whensoeuer the said societie or company shall willingly withdraw and discontinue wholy by the space of three yeeres in time of peace the discharging of their marchandizes at the road of S. Nicholas bay in Russia and doe not discharge their said merchandizes at some other port or roade lying on that North coast of Russia or other territorie nowe subiect to the saide mightie prince of Russia c. hitherto by the subiects of this realme not commonly frequented that then during the time of any such discontinuance and withdrawing as is aforesaid it shal be lawful to all the subiects of this realme to trade to the Narue onely in English bottoms any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding Prouided also that euery of the Queenes Maiesties Subiects inhabiting within the Citie of Yorke the townes of Newcastle vpon Tine Hull and of Boston hauing continually traded the course of merchandize by the space of ten yeeres and which before the 25. of December that shal be in Anno D. 1567. shal contribute ioyne and put in stocke to with and amongst the said company such summe summes of money as any of the said company which hath throughly continued and contributed to the saide newe trade from the yeere 1552. hath done and before the saide 25. of December 1567. shall do for the furniture of one ordinary full and intire portion or share and do in all things behaue himselfe as others of the said societie be bound to doe and hereafter shall bee bound to do by the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company shall from the same 25. day of December 1567. be and be accompted free and as one of the saide societie and company and subiect to the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company reasonably made and to be made any thing in this present Act to the contrary notwithstanding A very briefe remembrance of a voyage made by M. Anthony Ienkinson from London to Moscouia sent from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour in the yeere 1566. THe fourth day of May in the yere aforesaid I imbarked my selfe at Grauesend in the good ship called the Harry of London and hauing had a prosperous voyage arriued at the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia the 10. day of Iuly following and immediatly I sent in post to the Emperor to aduertise of my comming and traueiling then thorowe the countrey I with my company came to the Mosco where the Emperour kept his court the 23. of August and foorthwith gaue the Secretarie to vâ—derstand of my arriuall who aduertised the Emperours Maiestie of it and the first day of September being a solemne feast among the Russes I came before the Emperours Maiestie sitting in his seate of honour and hauing kissed his hand and done the Queenes Maiesties commendations and deliuered her Graces letters and present he â—ad me to dinner which I accepted and had much honour done vnto me both then and all the time of my abode in Russia The Priuiledges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants of that company obteined the 22. of September Anno 1567. by M. Anthony Ienkinson ONe onely strengthener of all things and God without beginning which was before the world the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost our onely God in Trinitie and maker of all things whom we worship in all things and in all places the doer and fulfiller of all things which is the perfect knowledge giuer of the true God our Lorde Iesus Christ with the comforter the holy Spirit and thou which art the strengthener of our faith keepe vs together giue vs health to preserue our kingdome thou giuer of all good fruites and helper of all Christian beleeuers We great lord by the grace of God and great duke Iohn Vasiliwich of all Russia Volodimer Mosco Nouogrod Cazan Astracan Plesco Smolensko Tweria Yougorie Vadika Bulgar Sybier and others Emperour and great duke of Nouogrod of the lower land of Chernygo Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yereslaue Bealozera Oudoria Obdoria Condensa and lord of many other lands and of all the North parts commander and lord of Liffe-land Whereas our sister Queene Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland hath written to vs her letters that wee would graunt her merchants William Gerrard William Chester Rowland Heyward Lawrence Hussie Iohn Marsh Anthony Ienkinson William Rowly and their company of England to come in ships into this kingdome and those merchants William Gerrard and his company haue required of vs that we would graunt and licence them to come into our countrey of Dwina with all kind of wares at wil to our city of Mosco and to all our castles in our kingdomes we for our sisters sake Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland haue licenced her merchants William Gerrard and his company to passe in ships to our kingdome of Colmogro and to the land of Dwina and to all other our inheritances in the North parts with all kind of wares to our city of Mosco and to all castles and townes in our kingdome And sir William Garrard his company desired of vs that we would grant them licence to passe to
Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith hath written vnto vs her letters for her merchants who hath made sute that we should grant our goodnesse to the merchants which are of one Company and giue them free leaue to come to traffike in our kingdome to Colmogro and to the countrey of Dwina and to our great citie of Moscouia and to all the cities in our dominions and thorow our countrey to Boghar to Persia Casbin and Charday and to all other countreys 1 We Iohn Vasiliwich Emperour and great duke of all Russia for our sister Elizabeths sake Queene of England haue giuen and granted to the English merchants the Gouernours Consuls Assistants felloship sir Wil. Garrard Knight Rowland Haiward Alderman Ioh. Thamworth Esquire Iohn Riuers Alderman Henry Beecher Alderman Consuls Sir Wil. Chester Knight Edward Iackman Alderman Lionel Ducket Alderman Edward Gilbert Laurence Huse Francis Walsingham Clement Throgmorton Iohn Quarles Nicholas Wheeler Thomas Banister Iohn Harrison Francis Burnham Anthony Gamage Iohn Somers Richard Wilkinson Ioh. Sparke Richard Barne Robert Woolman Thomas Browne Thomas Smith Thomas Allen Thomas More William Bully Richard Yong Thomas Atkinson Assistants Iohn Mersh Esquire Geofrey Ducket Francis Robinson Matthew Field all the rest of their company and fellowship and to their successours and deputies to come with ships and other vessels into our Countrey at Colmogorod Dwina and to all the North parts now being ours or that hereafter shall at any time be in our possession by sea riuer or land euen to our great Citie of Mosco in all the townes of our Countrey to Cazan and Astracan to Nouogorod the great to Plesko Leifland Vriagorod to Narue and all other townes of Leifland 2 And to passe through our land to Boghar Persia Casbin Charday and other Countreyes And wheresoeuer they come there to be and abide freely and to barter and bargaine freely all wares of sale without custome of all people and Marchants strangers whatsoeuer And if so be they bring any fine wares out of Englande or any other Countrey from Boghar Persia Casbin or from any other place those their wares that come by the way of Narue or any other part into our Dominion to bring the same wares into our treasure and our Treasurers to view the same wares and to take into our Treasurie of the same such as shal be needfull for vs. And all such wares as we shal not need our Chancellour to redeliuer y e same And after the view of our Chancellours to barter it freely to whom they will not selling any of their wares needful for vs before our Chancellour haue seene the same And all other grosse and heauy wares that shall be needfull to our vse not being brought to Mosco to declare tell our Chancellour of the same wares And to giue a note thereof by name and how much they leaue there not brought to Mosco and then if we neede not the said wares the English Marchants their seruants Factors to conuey their wares the neerest way to Vstiug the great and so to Colmogorod or elsewhere at their pleasure thâ—re to barter and sell the same But those wares that shal be needfull for our Treasurie they shall not hide from vs in any case And when our Chauncellours shall send our aduenture with the said Marchants or their Factors they to take our aduentures with them and to sell to barter for such wares as shal be meete for our Treasurie and to returne it into our Treasurie And when we shall sende any aduenture into England then our Chauncellour to giue them a yeeres warning that their ships may be prouided thereafter that by taking in of our wares they leaue not their owne behind them And to take our aduenture yeerely when they goe into Persia. Neither shall the English marchants receiue or colour any of our peoples goods nor barter nor sell it in any wise likewise our people not to barter for the sayd English marchants or occupy for them 3 And when they shall come into our Empire of Casan and Astracan and other places of our Dominions thâ—n our Captaines of Casan and Astracan and our authorised people quietly to let them passe not taking any toll or custome of their wares nor once to make search thereof And when we shal send no aduenture with them yet to suffer them freely to passe not viewing their wares nor taking any kinde of custome And whatsoeuer English marchant will bargaine with our Marchants or Factors ware for ware to barter the same at their pleasure And whatsoeuer their Marchant or Factors will sell their wares at their house at Mosco which house I granted them at S. Maxims at the Mosco they to sel the ware to our people either strangers as they may best vtter it keeping within their house arshines measures and waights vnder seales 4 We haue granted them the saide house at S. Maxims in the halfe free and without standing renâ— as heretofore we did graunt it the said English Marchants sir Wil. Garrard and the Company maintayning in the said house one housekeeper a Russe and two Russe seruants or some of their owne countrey men and none other Russes besides the aforesayde And the said housekeepers that shal liue at their house with the English marchants neither to buy nor sel any wares for them but that the said marchants themselues or their factors shall buy sell and barter their owne wares And our Moscouie marchants not to take the said Englishmens wares to sell them in our townes nor to buy any wares for them neither the English marchant to colour any Russes wares at any towne 5 And whatsoeuer English marchant will sell his wares at Colmogorod Dwyna Vologda Yeraslaue Castran Nouogorod the lower Casan Astracan Nouogrod the great Vopsko the Narue Vriagorod or at any other townes they to sel their wares there at their pleasure And of all wares aswell of other countreis as of Russia no officer or other to take any custome neither in any place to stay them in any wise neither take any kinde of toll of them for their wares whatsoeuer 6 And whatsoeuer marchant shall bargaine or buy any wares of English marchants The said Russe not to returne those wares vpon the marchants hands againe but to giue ready money for the said wares otherwise they to craue the Iustice to giue right and to execute the lawe vpon the same with all expedition And when the English marchants or factors shal trauaile from Moscouie after the dispatch of their wares and businesse then to shew themselues vnto our Chancellours whatsoeuer wares of theirs shall goe from Mosco they not to shew the â—ame wares to any our officersâ— nor pay no custome nor toll in any place 7 If it so happen the English marchants haue any wracke and the shippes be brought to any port of our Dominions we to command the said goods to be enquired and
they thought it best to leaue them vnto those boisterous and vncouth Northren seas and not there to hunt after them The Spaniards seeing now that they wanted foure or fiue thousand of their people and hauing diuers maimed and sicke persons and likewise hauing lost 10 or 12 of their principall ships they consulted among themselues what they were best to doe being now escaped out of the hands of the English because their victuals failed them in like sort and they began also to want cables cordage ankers masts sailes and other naual furniture and vtterly despaired of the Duke of Parma his assistance who verily hoping and vndoubtedly expecting the returne of the Spanish Fleet was continually occupied about his great preparation commanding abundance of ankers to be made other necessary furniture for a Nauy to be prouided they thought it good at length so soone as the winde should serue them to fetch a compasse about Scotland and Ireland and so to returne for Spaine For they well vnderstood that commandement was giuen thorowout all Scotland that they should not haue any succour or assistance there Neither yet could they in Norway supply their wants Wherefore hauing taken certaine Scotish and other fisherboats they brought the men on boord their owne ships to the end they might be their guides and Pilots Fearing also least their fresh water should faile them they cast all their horses and mules ouer-boord and so touching no where vpon the coast of Scotland but being carried with a fresh gale betweene the Orcades and Faar-Isles they proceeded farre North euen vnto 61 degrees of latitude being distant from any land at the least 40 leagues Heere the Duke of Medina generall of the Fleet commanded all his followers to shape their course for Biscay and he himselfe with twenty or fiue and twenty of his ships which were best prouided of fresh water and other necessaries holding on his course ouer the maine Ocean returned safely home The residue of his ships being about forty in number and committed vnto his Uice-admirall fell neerer with the coast of Ireland intending their course for Cape Clare because they hoped there to get fresh water and to refresh themselues on land But after they were driuen with many contrary windes at length vpon the second of September they were cast by a tempest arising from the Southwest vpon diuers parts of Ireland where many of their ships perished And amongst others the shippe of Michael de Oquendo which was one of the great Galliasses and two great ships of Venice also namely la Ratta and Belanzara with other 36 or 38 ships more which perished in sundry tempests together with most of the persons contained in them Likewise some of the Spanish ships were the second time carried with a strong West winde into the chanell of England where of some were taken by the English vpon their coast and others by the men of Rochel vpon the coast of France Moreouer there arriued at Newhauen in Normandy being by tempest inforced so to doe one of the foure great Galliasses where they found the ships with the Spanish women which followed the Fleet at their setting forth Two ships also were cast away vpon the coast of Norway one of them being of a great burthen howbeit all the persons in the sayd great ship were saued insomuch that of 134 ships which set saile out of Portugall there returned home 53 onely small and great namely of the foure galliasses but one and but one of the foure gallies Of the 91 great galleons and hulks there were missing 58 and 33 returned of the pataches and zabraes 17 were missing and 18 returned home In briefe there were missing 81 ships in which number were galliasses gallies galeons and other vessels both great and small And amongst the 53 ships remaining those also are reckoned which returned home before they came into the English chanell Two galeons of those which were returned were by misfortune burnt as they rode in the hauen and such like mishaps did many others vndergo Of 30000 persons which went in this expedition there perished according to the number and proportion of the ships the greater and better part and many of them which came home by reason of the toiles and inconueniences which they sustained in this voyage died not long after their arriuall The Duke of Medina immediatly vpon his returne was deposed from his authority commanded to his priuate house and forbidden to repaire vnto the Court where he could hardly satisfie or yeeld a reason vnto his malicious enemies and backbiters Many honourable personages and men of great renowme deceased soone after their returne as namely Iohn Martines de Ricalde with diuers others A great part also of the Spanish Nobility and Gentry employed in this expedition perished either by fight diseases or drowning before their arriual among the rest Thomas Perenot of Granduell a Dutchman being earle of Cantebroi and sonne vnto Cardinall Granduell his brother Upon the coast of Zeland Don Diego de Pimentell brother vnto the Marques de Tamnares and kinseman vnto the earle of Beneuentum Calua and Colonell ouer 32 bands with many other in the same ship was taken and detained as prisoner in Zeland Into England as we sayd before Don Pedro de Valdez a man of singular experience and greatly honoured in his countrey was led captiue being accompanied with Don Vasquez de Siluaâ— Don Alonzo de Sayas and others Likewise vpon the Scotish Westerne Isles of Lewis and Ila and about Cape Cantyre vpon the maine land there were cast away certaine Spanish shippes out of which were saued diuers Captaines and Gentlemen and almost foure hundred souldiers who for the most part after their shipwracke were brought vnto Edenborough in Scotland and being miserably needy and naked were there clothed at the liberality of the King and the Marchants and afterward were secretly shipped for Spaine but the Scotish fleet wherein they passed touching at Yarmouth on the coast of Norfolke were there stayed for a time vntill the Councels pleasure was knowen who in regard of their manifolde miseries though they were enemies wincked at their passage Upon the Irish coast many of their Noblemen and Gentlemen were drowned and diuers slaine by the barbarous and wilde Irish. Howbeit there was brought prisoner out of Ireland Don Alonzo de Luçon Colonell of two and thirtie bandes commonly called a terza of Naples together with Rodorigo de Lasso and two others of the family of Cordoua who were committed vnto the custodie of Sir Horatio Palauicini that Monsieur de Teligny the sonne of Monsiâ—ur de la Noüe who being taken in sight neere Antwerpe was detained prisoner in the Castle of Turney might be raunsomed for them by way of exchange To conclude there was no famous nor woorthy family in all Spaine which in this expedition lost not a sonne a brother or a kinseman For the perpetuall memorie of this matter the Zelanders caused newe
that an vniuersall peace with our Christian neighbours will cut off the emploiment of the couragious increasing youth of this realme he is much deceiued For there are other most conuenient emploiments for all the superfluitie of euery profession in this realme For not to meddle with the state of Ireland nor that of Guiana there is vnder our noses the great ample countrey of Virginia the In-land whereof is found of late to bee so sweete and holesome a climate so rich and abundant in siluer mines so apt and capable of all commodities which Italy Spaine and France can affoord that the Spaniards themselues in their owne writings printed in Madrid 1586 and within few moneths afterward reprinted by me in Paris and in a secret mappe of those partes made in Mexico the yeere before for the king of Spaine which originall with many others is in the custodie of the excellent Mathematician M. Thomas Hariot as also in their intercepted letters come vnto my hand bearing date 1595. they acknowledge the In-land to be a better and richer countrey then Mexico and Nueua Spania it selfe And on the other side their chiefest writers as Peter Martyr ab Angleria and Francis Lopez de Gomara the most learned Venetian Iohn Baptista Ramusius and the French Geographers as namely Popiliniere and the rest acknowledge with one consent that all that mightie tract of land from 67. degrees Northward to the latitude almost of Florida was first discouered out of England by the commaundement of king Henry the seuenth and the South part thereof before any other Christian people of late hath bene planted with diuers English Colonies by the royal consent of her sacred Maiestie vnder the broad seale of England whereof one as yet remaineth for ought we know aliue in the countrey Which action if vpon a good godly peace obtained it shal please the Almighty to stirre vp her Maiesties heart to continue with her fauourable countenance as vpon the ceasing of the warres of Granada hee stirred vp the spirite of Isabella Queene of Castile to aduaunce the enterprise of Columbus with transporting of one or two thousand of her people and such others as vpon mine owne knowledge will most willingly at their owne charges become Aduenturers in good numbers with their bodies and goods she shall by Gods assistance in short space worke many great and vnlooked for effects increase her dominions enrich her cofers and reduce many Pagans to the faith of Christ. The neglecting hitherto of which last point our aduersaries daily in many of their bookes full bitterly lay vnto the charge of the professors of the Gospell No sooner should we set footing in that pleasant and good land and erect one or two conuenient Fortes in the Continent or in some Iland neere the maine but euery step we tread would yeeld vs new occasion of action which I wish the Gentrie of our nation rather to regard then to follow those soft vnprofitable pleasures wherein they now too much consume their time and patrimonie and hereafter will doe much more when as our neighbour warres being appeased they are like to haue lesse emploiment then nowe they haue vnlesse they bee occupied in this or some other the like expedition And to this ende and purpose giue me leaue I beseech you to impart this occurrent to your honourable and prouident cōsideration that in the yere one thousand fiue hundred eighty and seuen when I had caused the foure voyages of Ribault Laudonniere and Gourges to Florida at mine owne charges to bee printed in Paris which by the malice of some too much affectioned to the Spanish faction had bene aboue twentie yeeres suppressed assoone as that booke came to the view of that reuerend and prudent Counseller Monsieur Harlac the lord chiefe Iustice of France and certaine other of the wisest Iudges in great choler they asked who had done such intollerable wrong to their whole kingdome as to haue concealed that woorthie worke so long Protesting further that if their Kings and the Estate had throughly followed that action France had bene freed of their long ciuill warres and the variable humours of all sortes of people might haue had very ample and manifold occasions of good and honest emploiment abroad in that large and fruitfull Continent of the West Indies The application of which sentence vnto our selues I here omit hastening vnto the summarie recapitulation of other matters contained in this worke It may please your Honour therefore to vnderstand that the second part of this first Treatise containeth our auncient trade and traffique with English shipping to the Ilands of Sicilie Candie and Sio which by good warrant herein alleaged I find to haue bene begun in the yeere 1511. and to haue continued vntill the yeere 1552. and somewhat longer But shortly after as it seemeth it was intermitted or rather giuen ouer as is noted in master Gaspar Campions discreet letters to master Michael Lock and master William Winter inserted in this booke first by occasiō of the Turkes expelling of the foure and twentie Mauneses or gouernours of the Genouois out of the I le of Sio and by taking of the sayd Iland wholie into his owne hand in Aprill 1566. sending thither Piali Basha with fourescore gallies for that purpose and afterward by his growing ouer mightie and troublesome in those Seas by the cruell inuasion of Nicosia and Famagusta and the whole I le of Cyprus by his lieutenant Generall Mustapha Basha Which lamentable Tragedie I haue here againe reuiued that the posteritie may neuer forget what trust may bee giuen to the oath of a Mahumetan when hee hath aduauntage and is in his choler Lastly I haue here put downe at large the happie renuing and much increasing of our interrupted trade in all the Leuant accomplished by the great charges and speciall industrie of the worshipfull and worthy Citizens Sir Edward Osborne Knight M. Richard Staper and M. William Hareborne together with the league for traffike onely betweene her Maiestie and the Grand Signior with the great priuileges immunities and fauours obteyned of his imperiall Highnesse in that behalfe the admissions and residencies of our Ambassadours in his stately Porch and the great good and Christian offices which her Sacred Maiestie by her extraordinary fauour in that Court hath done for the king and kingdome of Poland and other Christian Princes the traffike of our Nation in all the chiefe Hauens of Africa and Egypt the searching and haunting the very bottome of the Mediterran Sea to the ports of Tripoli and Alexandretta of the Archipelagus by the Turkes now called The white sea euen to the walles of Constantinople the voyages ouer land and by riuer through Aleppo Birrha Babylon and Balsara and downe the Persian gulfe to Ormuz and thence by the Ocean sea to Goa and againe ouer-land to Bisnagar Cambaia Orixa Bengala Aracan Pegu Malacca Siam the Iangomes Quicheu and euen to the Frontiers of the Empire of China the former performed
of Egypt in the yeere 1218. And then Henry the king vpon the motion of Honorius the third bishop of Rome sent thither this earle Ranulph with a great power of armed souldiers to further the enterprise of the Christians whose valure in that warre by the testimonie of Polidor Virgil was marueilously commended of all men After the end of which businesse he being returned into his countrey wrote a booke of the lawes of England It is also reported that he wrote other books but time the destroyer of many memorials hath taken them from vs. He flourished in the yeere after the natiuity of Christ 1230 being very aged and in the reigne of K. Henry the third The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the yere of grace 1231 and in the 15 of Henry the third ANno gratiae 1231 mense verò Iulio Petrus Wintoniensis episcopus completo in terra sancta iam sere per quinquennium magnificè peregrinationis voto reuersus est in Angliam Kalendis Augusti Wintoniam veniens susceptus est cum processione solenni in sua ecclesia cathedrali The same in English IN the yere of grace 1231 and in the moneth of Iuly Peter bishop of Winchester hauing spent almost fiue whole yeres in fulfilling his vow of pilgrimage in the Holy land with great pompe returned into England about the Kalends of August and comming vnto Winchester was receiued with solemne procession into his cathedrall church The honourable and prosperous voyage of Richard earle of Cornewall brother to king Henry the third accompanied with William Longespee earle of Sarisburie and many other noble men into Syria IN the 24 yeere of king Henry the third Richard earle of Cornwall the kings brother with a nauy of ships sailed into Syria where in the warres against the Saracens he greatly aduanced the part of the Christians There went ouer with him the earle of Sarisburie William Longspee and William Basset Iohn Beauchampe Geoffrey de Lucie Iohn Neuel Geoffrey Beauchampe Peter de Brense and William Furniuall Simon Montfort earle of Leicester went ouer also the same time but whereas the earle of Cornwall tooke the sea at Marseils the earle of Leicester passed thorow Italy and tooke shipping at Brindize in Apulia and with him went these persons of name Thomas de Furniual with his brother Gerard de Furniuall Hugh Wake Almerike de S. Aumond Wiscard Ledet Punchard de Dewin and William de Dewin that were brethren Gerard Pesmes Fouke de Baugie and Peter de Chauntenay Shortly after also Iohn earle of Albemarle William Fortis and Peter de Mallow a Poictouin men for their valiancy greatly renowmed went thither leading with them a great number of Christian souldiers Matth. Paris Matth. West Holensh pag. 225. col 2. The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople called Baldwine into England in the yere 1247 out of Matthâ— Paris Holensh pag. 239. vol. 2. ABout the same time Baldwine naming himselfe emperour of Constantinople came againe into England to procure some new ayd of the king towards the recouery of his empire out of the which he was expelled by the Greeks The voyage of VVilliam Longespee Earle of Sarisburie into Asia in the yeere 1248 and in the 32 yeere of the reigne of Henry the third king of England LEwis the French king being recouered of his sickenesse which he fell into in the yere 1234 vowed thereupon for a free will sacriâ—ice to God that he if the Councell of his realme would suffer him would in his owne person visit the Holy land which matter was opened and debated in the Parliament of France held in the yeere 1247. Where at length it was concluded that the king according to his vow should take his iourney into Asia and the time thereof was also prefixed which should be after the feast of S. Iohn Baptist the next yeere ensuing At which time William Longespee a worthie warrior with the bishop of Worcester and certaine other great men in the Realme of England mooued with the example of the Frenchmen prepared themselues likewise to the same iourney It fell out in this enterprise that about the beginning of October the French king assaulted and tooke Damiata being the principall fort or hold of the Saracens in all Egypt Anno 1249. and hauing fortified the Citie with an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundie he remooued his tents from thence to goe Eastward In whose armie followed William Longespee accompanied with a piked number of English warriors retaining vnto him But such was the disdaine of the Frenchmen against this William Longespee and the Englishmen that they could not abide them but flouted them after an opprobrious maner with English tailes insomuch that the French king himselfe had much adoe to keepe peace betweene them The originall cause of this grudge betweene them began thus There was not farre from Alexandria in Egypt a strong fort or castle replenished with great Ladies and rich treasure of the Saracens which hold it chanced the sayd William Longespee with his company of English soldiers to get more by politique dexteritie then by open force of armes wherwith he his retinue were greatly enriched When the â—renchmen had knowledge hereof they not being made priuie hereto began to conceiue an heart burning against the English souldiers could not speake well of them after that It hapned againe not long after that the sayd William had intelligence of a company of rich merchants among the Saracens going to a certaine Faire about the parts of Alexandria hauing their camels asses and mules richly loden with silkes precious iewels spices gold siluer with cart loades of other wares beside victuall and other furniture whereof the souldiers then stood in great need he hauing secret knowledge hereof gathered all the power of Englishmen vnto him that he could and so by night falling vpon the merchants some he slew with their guides and conducters some hee tooke some hee put to flight the carts with the driuers and with the oxen camels asses and mules with the whole cariage and victuals he tooke brought with him loosing in all the skirmish but one souldier and eight of his seruitors of whom notwithstanding some he brought home wounded to be cured This being knowen in the Campe foorth came the Frenchmen which all this while loytered in their pauillions and meeting this cariage by the way tooke all the foresayd praie whole to themselues rating the said William and the Englishmen for aduenturing and issuing out of the Campe without leaue or knowledge of their Generall contrary to the discipline of warre William said againe he had done nothing but he would answere to it whose purpose was to haue the spoyle deuided to the behoofe of the whole armie When this would not serue hee being sore grieued in his minde so cowardly to be spoyled of that which he so aduenturously had trauailed for went to the
it is no maruell if the walles be and haue bene beaten downe and if there be breaches and clifts in many places Of the mines that the Turks made and how they ouerthrew part of the bulwarke of England ANd because as it is sayd before that the greatest hope that the enemies had to get the towne of Rhodes was by mining therefore now after that I haue spoken of the gunshot and beatings I shall shew of the mines that the Turks made the which were in so great quantity and in so many places that I beleeue the third part of the towne was mined and it is found by account made that there were about 60 mines howbeit thanked be God many of them came not to effect by occasion of the countermines that they within made and also trenches that the right prudent lord the great master caused to be made deepe within the ditches vnto two or three foot of water The which trenches and certaine pits that he had caused in the sayd ditches to be wrought or the host arriued serued right well since for night and day there were men in them to watch and hearken when the enemies mined for to meet them and cut their way as was done many times And for to speake of the mines that had effect and damaged vs it is to wit that the fourth day of September about foure houres after noone the enemies put fire in two mines one was betweene the posterne of Spaine and Auuergne which did no hurt but to the Barbican The other was at the bulwarke of England which was so fell and strong that it caused most part of the town to shake and cast down a great part of the sayd bulwarke at the spring of the day and by the earth and stones that fell into the ditches the enemies came vpon the bulwarke with their banners and fought sore and mightily with our men not with hands but with shot of handgunnes The lord great master that was come 15 dayes or more with his succours to the sayd bulwarke went with his company to helpe them that fought After that they had fought the space of two or three houres the enemies repelled and driuen backe by our men from the sayd bulwarke and beaten with ordinance on euery side withdrew them with their losse fhame and damage And this was the first victory that our lord gaue vs and there abode of our enemies a thousand and more When this assault was done they made another at the breach in the wall of Spaine and mounted vpon it but the ordinance of the trauerses of the walles and of the houses made so faire a riddance that they were very willing to withdraw themselues for at the retreat and also at their comming the sayd ordinance of the bulwarke did them great damage albeit that they had made some repaire of earth Of our men died that day 25 or thereabout aswell knights as other And the same day in the morning departed out of this world Gabriel de Pomerolles lieutenant to the lord master which on a certaine day before fell from the wall as he went to see the trenches in the ditches and hurt his breast and for fault of good attendance he fell into a feuer whereof he died How the Turks assailed the bulwarke of England and how they were driuen away THe ninth day of the sayd moneth at seuen in the morning the enemies put fire in two mines one at the posterne of Prouence which had none effect the other was at the bulwarke of England whâ—ch felled another piece nigh to that that was cast downe atorr And the sayd mine was as fierce as the other or more for it seemed that all the bulwarke went downe and almost all they that were in it ranne away And when the sâ—anderd of the religion came into the sayd bulwarke the enemies were at the breach ready to haue entred but wheâ— they saw the sayd standerd as people lost and ouercome they went downe againe Then the artillery of the bulwarke of Quosquino and of other places found them well enough and slew many of them Howbeit their captaines made them to returne with great strokes of swordes and other weapons and to remount vpon the earth fallen from the sayd bulwarke and pight seuen banners nigh to our repaire Then our men fought with morispikes and fired speares against them the space of three whole houres till at the last they being well beaten with great ordinance and small on euery side withdrew themselues And of their banners our men gate one for it was not possible to get any more for assâ—one as any of our men went vp on our repaires he was slaine with small gunnes of the trenches and holes made in the walles of our ditches And there was slaine of our enemies that day at the assault 2000 of meane men and three persons of estate which lay dead along in the ditch with faire and rich harnesse And it was reported to vs from the campe they were three saniacbeis that is to say great sencshalles or stuarde And of Christian men of our part abode about thirty persons And this was the second victory giuen to vs the grace diuine How Sir Iohn Bourgh Turcoplier of England was slaine at an assault of the English bulwarke THe 17 day of the same moneth about midday the enemy came againe to giue another assault to the sayd bulwarke at the same place aforesayd without setting of fire in mines and brought fiue banners with them nigh to the repaires Then was there strong figâ—â—â—g on both parts and there were gotten two of their banners of the which sir Christopher Valdenare that time Castelaine of Rhodes gate one the other was in the hands of sir Iohn Bourgh Turcoplier of England chiefe captaine of the succours of the sayd posterne of England a valiant mâ—n a hardy and in holding of it he was slaine with the stroke of a handgunne which was great damage The sayd banner was recouered by one of our men And after long fighting on both sides the enemies seeing that they go nothing but stripes returned into their trenches At the sayd fray the lord prior of S. Giles pre Iohn was hurt thorow the necke with a handgun and was in great danger of death but he escaped and was made whole The same day and the same houre of the sayd assault the enemies mounted to the breach in the wall of Spaine and came to the repaires to the handes of our men and fought a great while but the great quantity of artillery that was shot so busily and so sharply from our trauerses on ech side and out of the bulwarks of Auuergne and Spaine skirmished them so well that there abode as many at that assault as at the other of England well neere to the number of 5000. And they withdrew themselues with their great losse and confusion which was the third time that they were chased and ouercome thanked be our Lord which
Giambelat Bey the Sangiaccho of Tripolis the Begliarbei of Greece the Bassa of Sciuassi and of Marasco Ferca Framburaro the Sangiaccho of Antipo Soliman Bey three Sangiacchos of Arabia Mustafa Bey generall of the Uenturers Fergat gouernour of Malathia the Framburaro of Diuerie the Sangiaccho of Arabia and other Sangiacchos of lesser credite with the number of fourescore thousand persons besides as by the muster made by his Commission might well appeare The Framburaro which was at Rhodes was appointed and left gouernour at Famagusta and the report was that there should bee left in all the Island of Cyprus twentie thousand persons with two thousand horses many of the which I saw being very leane and euill appoynted for seruice It seemeth also a thing not impertinent to the matter to signifie to you how I by the especiall grace of God was deliuered out of their cruel hands I hauing paied within two fortie dayes all the which time I was slaue fiue hundred Zechins for my ransome to him whose prisoner I was by the meanes of the Consul for the French merchants a ligier then at Tripolis who a litle before came from Tripolis in Syria vnto Cyprus into the Turkes campe Yet for all that I had paied this summe of money to him hee would not so set me at libertie but fed mee vp still with faire wordes and promised mee that hee would first bring mee vnto his gouernement which abutted vpon a piece of the famous riuer of Euphrates and afterward dismisse me The which malice and falsehood of his I perceiuing determined with my selfe to giue him the slip and to flee so I waiting my time and repairing often to the Citie at length met with a small Fisher boate of the which a poore Grecian was Owner and master with whom in one night with two onely dares and a small saile made of two shirts I passed ouer from Cyprus vnto Tripolis being a very great danger of drowning whereas I remained in couert in the house of certaine Christians vntill the fiue and twentie of September at what time I departed from thence in a little French shippe called Santa Victor which came into these partes and as wee rode wee touched at a part of Cyprus Westward called Capo delle Garte where as I came on land and talking with certaine of the inhabitants of the Uillages who were then by chaunce a Hauking demaunded of them how they were intreated of the Turkes and after what sort the Island was tilled to the which they answered that they could not possiblie bee in worse pickle then they were at that present not enioying that quietly which was their owne being made villaines and slaues and almost alwayes carying away the Bastonados so that now they sayd they knew by triall too perfectly the pleasant and peaceable gouernment of the Christians wishing and praying God that they might shortly returne And concerning the tillage of the Island they made answere moreouer that no part of it was plowed or laboured sauing onely that mountaine which was towards the West and that because they were litle troubled with the crueltie of the Turkes but as for the plaine and East part of the Island there was small seede sowen therein but became in a maner desert there being left but few inhabitants and lesse store of cattell there Afterward wee departing from thence arriued in Candia I for my part being clothed in sackecloth whereas soone after by the great curtesie of the right honourable Signior Latino Orsino I was new apparelled accordingly friendly welcommed and my necessitie relieued From whence I shortly after sayling in a Cypriottes ship thankes be to almightie God arriued in this Citie in health and â—m safely come home now at the honorable feete of your highnesse The Captains of the Christians slaine in Famagusta THe lord Estor Baglione The lord Aluigi Martinengo The lord Federico Baglione The knight of Asta Uicegouernor The capitaine Dauid Noce Master of the Campe. The capitaine Meani of Perugia Serieant Maior The earle Sigismond of Casoldo The earle Francesco of Lobi of Cremona The captaine Francesco Troncauilla The captaine Hannibal Adamo of Fermo The captaine Scipio of the citie of Castello The captaine Charles Ragonasco of Cremona The captaine Francesco Siraco The captaine Roberto Maluezzo The captaine Caesar of Aduersa The captaine Bernardin of Agubio The captaine Francesco Bugon of Verona The captaine Iames of Fabiano The captaine Sebastian del Sole of Florence The captaine Hector of Brescia the successour to the captaine Caesar of Aduersa The captaine Flaminio of Florence successor vnto Sebastian del Sole The captaine Erasmus of Fermo successor to the captaine of Cernole The captaine Bartholomew of Cernole The captaine Iohn Battista of Riuarole The captaine Iohn Francesco of Venice The names of Christians made slaues THe Earle Herocles Martinengo with Iulius Caesar Ghelfo a Souldiour of Bressa The earle Nestor Martinengo which fled The captaine Marco Criuellatore The lord Herocles Malatesta The captaine Peter Conte of Montalberto The captaine Horatio of Veletri The captaine Aluigi Pezano The Conte Iames of Corbara The captaine Iohn of Istria The captaine Soldatelli of Agubio The captaine Iohn of Ascoli The captaine Antonie of the same towne The captaine Sebastian of the same towne The captaine Salgano of the citie of Castello The captaine Marcheso of Fermo The captaine Iohn Antonio of Piacenza The captaine Carletto Naldo The captaine Lorenzo Fornaretti The captaine Barnardo of Brescia The captaine Barnardino Coco The captaine Simon Bagnese successour to the captaine Dauid Noce The captaine Tiberio Ceruto successor vnto Conte Sigismond The captaine Ioseph of Lanciano successour vnto captaine Francesco Troncauilla The captaine Morgante successor to captain Hannibal The Lieutenant successour vnto the captaine Scipio The Standerdbearer successour to captaine Roberto The captaine Ottauio of Rimini successour to the captaine Francesco Bugon The captaine Mario de Fabiano successour to captaine Iacomo The captaine Francesco of Venice successour vnto captaine Antonio The captaine Matteo of Capua The captaine Iohn Maria of Verona The captaine Mancino The Fortifiers Iohn Marmori slaine The knight Maggio slaue Turkish Captaines at Famagusta MVstafa Generall The Bassa of Aleppo The Bassa of Natolia slaine Musafer Bassa of Nicosia The Bassa of Caramania The Aga of the Giannizers Giambelat Bey The Sangiaccho of Tripolis slaine The Begliarbei of Greece The Bassa of Sciuassi and Marasco Ferca Framburaro The Sangiaccho of Antipo slaine Soliman Bey slaine Three Sangiacchos of Arabia slaine Mustafa Bey General of the Venturers slain Fergat ruler of Malathia slaine The Framburaro of Diuerie slaine The woorthy enterprise of Iohn Foxe an English man in deliuering 266. Christians out of the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria the 3. of Ianuarie 1577. AMong our merchants here in England it is a common voiage to traffike into Spaine whereunto a ship being called The three halfe Moones manned with 38. men and well fensed with munitions
the better be preuented and the voyage acomplished with greater securitie to the men and shippes For which cause fiue tall and stoute shippes appertaining to London and intending onely a Marchants voyage were prouided and furnished with all things belonging to the Seas The names whereof were these 1. The Marchant Royall a very braue and good shippe and of great reporâ—â— 2. The Tobie 3. The Edward Bonauenture 4. The William and Iohn 5. The Susan These fiue departing from the coast of England in the moneth of Nouember 1585. kept together as one fleete til they came as high as the Isle of Sicile within the Leuant And there according to the order and direction of the voyage each shippe began to take leaue of the rest and to separate himselfe setting his course for the particular port whereunto hee was bounde one for Tripolie in Syria another for Constantinople the chiefe Citie of the Turkes Empire situated vpon the coast of Romania called of olde Thracia and the rest to those places whereunto they were priuatly appointed But before they deuided themselues they altogether consulted of and about a certaine and speciall place for their meeting againe after the lading of their goods at their seuerall portes And in conclusion the generall agreement was to meete at Zante an Island neere to the maine continent of the West part of Morea well knowen of all the Pilots thought to be the fittest place of their Rendeuous Concerning which meeting it was also couenanted on eche side and promised that whatsoeuer ship of these 5. should first arriue at Zante should there stay and expect the comming of the rest of the fleete for the space of twentie dayes This being done ech man made his best hast according as winde and wether woulde serue him to fulfill his course and to dispatch his businesse and no neede was there to admonish or incourage any man seeing no time was ill spent nor opportunitie omitted on any side in the performance of ech mans duetie according to his place It fell out that the Tobie which was bound for Constantinople had made such good speede and gotten such good weather that she first of al the rest came back to the appointed place of Zante and not forgetting the former conclusion did there cast ancre attending the arriuall of the rest of the fleete which accordingly their businâ—s first performed failed not to keepe promise The first next after the Tobie was the Royal Marchant which togeâ—her with the William and Iohn came from Tripolie in Syria and arriued at Zante within the compasse of the foresaide time limitted These ships in token of the ioy on all parts conceiued for their happy meâ—ting spared not the discharging of their Ordinance the sounding of drums trumpets the spreading of Ensignes with other warlike and ioyfull bâ—hauiours expressing by these ouâ—ward signes the inward gladnesse of their mindes being all as ready to ioyne together in mutuall consent to resist the cruel enemie as now in sporting maner they made myrth and pastime among themselues These three had not bene long in the hauen but the Edward Bonauenture also together with the Susan her consort were come from Venice with their lading the sight of whom increased the ioy of the rest and they no lesse glad of the presence of the others saluted them in most friendly and kinde sort according to the maner of the Seas and whereas some of these ships sloode at that instant in some want of victuals they were all content to stay in the port till the necessities of ech shippe were supplied and nothing wanted to set out for their returne In this port of Zante the newes was fresh and currant of seuerall armies and fleetes prouided by the king of Spaine and lying in waite to intercept them the one consisting of 30. strong Gallies so well appointed in all respects for the warre that no necessary thing wanted and this fleete houered about the Streights of Gibraltar The other armie had in it 20. Gallies whereof some were of Sicilie and some of the Island of Malta vnder the charge and gouernment of Iohn Andrea Dorea a Captaine of name seruing the king of Spaine These two diuers and strong fleetes waited and attended in the Seas for none but the English shippes and no doubt made their accompt and sure reckoning that not a shippe should escape their furie And the opinion also of the inhabitants of the Isle of Zante was that in respect of the number of Gallies in both these armies hauing receiued such streight commandement from the king our ships and men being but few and little in comparison of them it was a thing in humane reason impossible that wee should passe either without spoiling if we resisted or without composition at the least and acknowledgement of duetie to the Spanish king But it was neither the report of the attendance of these armies nor the opinions of the people nor any thing else that could daunt or dismay the courages of our men who grounding themselues vpon the goodnesse of their cause and the promise of God to bee deliuered from such as without reason sought their destruction caried resolute mindes notwithstanding all impediments to aduenture through the Seas and to finish their Nauigation maugre the beards of the Spanish souldiers But least they should seeme too carelesse and too secure of their estate and by laying the whole and entire burden of their safetie vpon Gods prouidence should foolishly presume altogether of his helpe and neglect the meanes which was put into their handes they failed not to enter into counsell among themselues and to deliberate aduisedly for their best defence And in the end with generall consent the Marchant Royall was appointed Admirall of the fleete and the Tobie Uiceadmiral by whose orders the rest promised to be directed and ech shippe vowed not to breake from another whatsoeuer extremitie should fall out but to stand to it to the death for the honour of their Countrey and the frustrating of the hope of the ambitious and proud enemie Thus in good order they left Zante and the Castle of Graecia and commiâ—ted themselues againe to the Seas and proceeded in their course and voyage in quietnes without sight of any enemie till they came neere to Pantalarea an Island so called betwiâ—t Sicilie and the coast of Africke into sight whereof they came the 13. day of Iuly 1586. And the same day in the morning about 7. of the clocke they descried 13. sailes in number which were of the Gallies lying in waite of purpose for them in and about that place As soone as the English ships had spied them they by and by according to a common order made themselues ready for a fight layed out their Ordinance scoured charged and primed them displayed their ensignes and left nothing vndone to arme themselues throughly In the meane time the Gallies more and more approched the ships and in their banners there appeared the armes
well obserued by art and experience I haue thought good to set forth the same in such sort and phrase of speech as is commonly vsed among them and as I receiued it of the said Pilot as I haue said Take it therefore as followeth In the yeere of our Lord 1554 the eleuenth day of October we departed the riuer of Thames with three goodly ships the one called the Ermitie a ship of the burden of seuenscore tunne the other called the Bartholomew a ship of the burden of ninetie the third was the Iohn Euangelist a ship of seuen score tunne With the sayd ships and two pinnesses wherof the one was drowned on the coast of England we went forward on our voyage and stayed at Doâ—eâ— fourteene dayes We staied also at Rie three or foure dayes Moreouer last of all we touched at Dartmouth The first day of Nouember at nine of the clocke at night departing from the coast of England we set off the Start bearing Southwest all that night in the sea and the next day all day and the next night after vntill the third day of the said moneth about noone making our way good did runne threescore leagues The 17 day in the morning we had sight of the I le of Madera which doth rise to him that commeth in the Northnortheast part vpright land in the west part of it and very high and to the Southsoutheast a low long land and a long point with a saddle thorow the middest of it standing in two and thirtie degrees and in the West part many springs of water running downe from the mountaine and many white fieldes like vnto corne fields some white houses to the Southeast part of it and the toppe of the mountaine sheweth very ragged if you may see it and in the Northeast part there is a bight or bay as though it were a harborow Also in the said part there is a rocke a little distance from the shoare and ouer the sayd bight you shall see a great gappe in the mountaine The 19 day at twelue of the clocke we had sight of the isle of Palmes and Teneriffa and the Canariesâ— The Ile of Palme riseth round lieth Southeast and Northwest and the Northwest part is lowest In the South is a round hill ouer the head land and another round hill aboue that in the land There are betweene the Southeast part of the I le of Madera the Northwest part of the I le of Palme seuen and fifty leagues This Isle of Palme lieth in eight and twenty degrees And our course from Madera to the I le of Palme was South and South and by West so that we had sight of Teneriffa and of the Canaries The Southeast part of the I le of the Palme the Northnortheast of Teneriffa lie Southeast and Northwest and betweene them are 20 leagues Teneriffa and the great Canary called Gran Canaria and the West part of Forteuentura stande in seuen and twenty degrees and a halfe Gomera is a faire Island but very ragged lieth Westsouthwest off Teneriffa And whosoeuer wil come betweene them two Ilands must come South and by East and in the South part of Gomera is a towne and a good rode in the said part of the Iland and it standeth in seuen and twentie degrees and three terces Teneriffa is an high land with a great high pike like a sugar loafe and vpon the said pike is snow throughout all the whole yeere And by reason of that pike it may be knowen aboue all other Ilands and there we were becalmed the twentieth day of Nouember from sixe of the clocke in the morning vntill foure of the clocke at afternoone The two and twentieth day of Nouember vnder the Tropike of Cancer the Sunne goeth downe West and by South Upon the coast of Barbarie fiue and twentie leagues by North Cape blanke at three leagues off the maine there are fifteene fadomes and good shelly ground and sande among and no streames and two small Ilands standing in two and twentie degrees and a terce From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is an hundred leagues and our course was South and by East The said Cape standeth in two and twentie and a halfe and all that coast is flatte sixteene or seuenteene fadome deepe Seuen or eight leagues off from the riuer del Oro to Cape de las Barbas there vse many Spaniardes and Portugals to trade for fishing during the moneth of Nouember and all that coast is very low lands Also we went from Cape de las Barbas Southsouthwest and Southwest and by South till we brought our selues in twentie degrees and a halfe reckoning our selues seuen leagues off and there were the least sholes of Cape Blanke Then we went South vntill we brought our selues in 13 degrees reckoning our selues fiue and twentie leagues off And in 15 degrees we did reare the Crossiers and we might haue reared them sooner if we had looked for them They are not right a crosse in the moneth of Nouember by reason that the nights are short there Neuerthelesse we had the sight of them the 29 day of the said moneth at night The first of December being in 13 degrees we set our course South and by East vntill the fourth day of December at 12 of the clocke the same day Then we were in nine degrees and a terce reckoning ourselues 30 leagues off the sholes of the riuer called Rio Grande being Westsouthwest off them the which sholes be 30 leagues long The fourth of December we beganne to set our course Southeast we being in sixe degrees and a halfe The ninth day of December we set our course Eastsoutheast the fourteenth day of the sayde moneth we set our course East we being in fiue degrees and a halfe reckoning our selues thirty and sixe leagues from the coast of Guinea The nineteenth of the said moneth we set our course East and by North reckoning our selues seuenteene leagues distant from Cape Mensurado the said Cape being Eastnortheast of vs and the riuer of Sesto being East The one and twentith day of the said moneth we fell with Cape Mensurado to the Southeast about two leagues off This Cape may be easily knowen by reason y t the rising of it is like a Porpose-head Also toward the Southeast there are three trees whereof the Eastermost tree is the highest and the middlemost is like a hie stacke the Southermost like vnto a gibet and vpon the maine are foure or fiue high hilles rising one after another like round hommocks or hillocks And the Southeast of the three trees brandiernwise and all the coast along is white sand The said Cape standeth within a litle in sixe degrees The two and twentieth of December we came to the riuer of Sesto remained there vntill the nine and twentieth day of the said moneth Here we thought it best to send before vs the
shippe From these Iles we departed and arriued at Mona about the twentieth of Nouember 1593 and there comming to an anker toward two or three of the clocke in the morning the Captaine and Edmund Barker his Lieuetenant with some few others went on land to the houses of the olde Indian and his three sonnes thinking to haue gotten some foode our victuals being all spent and we not able to proceede any further vntill we had obteyned some new supply We spent two or three daies in seeking prouision to cary aboord to relieue the whole companie And comming downe to go aboord the winde then being northerly and the sea somewhat growne they could not come on shore with the boate which was a thing of small succour and not able to rowe in any rough sea whereupon we stayed vntill the next morning thinking to haue had lesse winde and safer passage But in the night about twelue of the clocke our ship did driue away with fiue men and a boy onely in it our carpenter secretly cut their owne cable leauing nineteene of vs on land without boate or any thing to our great discomfort In the middest of these miseries reposing our trust in the goodnesse of God which many times before had succoured vs in our greatest extremities we contented our selues with our poore estate and sought meanes to preserue our liues And because one place was not able to sustaine vs we tooke our leaues one of another diuiding our selues into seuerall companies The greatest reliefe that we sixe which were with the Captaine could finde for the space of nine and twentie dayes was the stalkes of purselaine boyled in water and nowe and then a pompion which we found in the garden of the olde Indian who vpon this our second arriuall with his three sonnes stole from vs and kept himselfe continually aloft in the mountaines After the ende of nine and twentie dayes we espied a French shippe which afterwarde we vnderstood to be of Diepe called the Luisa whose Captaine was one Mounsieur Felix vnto whom wee made a fire at sight whereof he tooke in his top sayles bare in with the land and shewed vs his flagge whereby we iudged him French so comming along to the Westerne ende of the Island there he ankered we making downe with all speede vnto him At this time the Indian and his three sonnes came done to our Captaine Master Iames Lancaster and wâ—nt along with him to the shippe This night he went aboord the French man who gaue him good entertainement and the next day fetched eleuen more of vs aboord entreating vs all very courteously This day came another French shippe of the same towne of Diepeâ— which remayned there vntill night expecting our other seuen mens comming downe who albeit we caused certaine pieces of ordinance to be shot off to call them yet came not downe Whereupon we departed thenceâ— being deuided sixe into one ship and sixe into another and leauing this Island departed for the Northside of Saint Domingo where we remained vntill Aprill following 1494 and spent some two monethes in traffike with the inhabitants by permission for hides and other marchandises of the Countrey In this meane whâ—le there came a shippe of New-hauen to the place where we were whereby we had intelligence of our seuen men which wee left behinde vs at the Isle of Mona which was that two of them brake their neckes with â—entring to take foules vpon the cliffes other three were slaine by the Spaniards which came from Saint Domingo vpon knowledge giuen by our men which went away in the Edward the other two this man of New-hauen had with him in his shippe which escaped the Spaniards bloodie hands From this place Captaine Lancaster and his Lieutenant Master Edmund Barker shipped themselues in another shippe of Diepe the Captaine whereof was one Iohn La Noe which was readie first to come away and leauing the rest of their companie in other ships where they were well intreated to come after him on sunday the seuenth of Apill 1594 they set homewarde and disbocking through the Caijcos from thence arriued safely in Diepe within two and fortie dayes after on the 19 of May where after we had stayed two dayes to refresh our selues and giuen humble thankes vnto God and vnto our friendly neighbours we tooke passage for Rie and landed there on Friday the 24 of May 1594 hauing spent in this voyage three yeeres sixe weekes and two dayes which the Portugales performe in halfe the time chiefely because wee lost our fit time and season to let foorth in the beginning of our voyage We vnderstood in the East Indies by certaine Portugales which we tooke that they haue lately discouered the coast of China to the latitude of nine and fiftie degrees finding the sea still open to the Northward giuing great hope of the Northeast or Northwest passage Witnesse Master Iames Lancaster Certaine remembrances of an intended voyage to Brasill and the Riuer af Plate by the Edward Cotton a ship of 260 Tunnes of Master Edward Cotton of Southhampton which perished through extreme negligence neare Rio graâ—de in Guinie the 17 of Iuly 1583. ARticles of Couenants agreed vpon betweene Edward Cotton Esquier owner of the good ship called the Edward Cotton of Southhampton and of all the marchandizes in her laden of the one part and William Huddie gentleman Captaine of the said ship Iohn Hooper his Lieutenant Iohn Foster Master Hugh Smith Pilot for the whole voyage and William Cheesman marchant on the other part 1 TO obserue and keepe the dayly order of Common prayer aboord the ship and the companie to be called thereunto at the least once in the day to be pronounced openly 2 Item that they be ready with the first faire winde to set saile and sailes in the voyage and not to put into any port or harbour but being forcibly constrained by weather or other apparant and vrgent cause 3 Item that they take in at or about the Isles of Cape Verde to the quantitie of 25 or 30 tuns of salt to be imployed among other the owners marchandize at Santos and S. Vincent to his onely behoofe and the rest of the salt so much as shall be needed for victuall and for sauing of the hides to be kept aboord the same salt to be prouided either at the fishermens hands neere the said Isles for trucke of commodities or els to be taken in at the aforesaid Isles at the discretion of the abouenamed 4 Item vpon the due performance of this voiage the owner bindeth himselfe by this deede to yeeld vnto any such of the companie as shall refuse their shares before they depart from the coast of England 20 markes a single share for the dutie of the whole voiage making not aboue 75. shares single in the whole 5 Item the company according as they be appointed by the officers of the said ship aboue named shall at all times be most ready
in any order or time except we had for euery drunkard an officer to attend him But who be they that haue runne into these disorders Euen our newest men our yongest men and our idelest men and for the most part our slouenly prest men whom the Iustices who haue alwayes thought vnwoorthily of any warre haue sent out as the scumme and dregs of their countrey And those were they who distempering themselues with these hote wines haue brought in that sicknesse which hath infected honester men then themselues But I hope as in other places the recouerie of their diseases doeth acquaint their bodies with the aire of the countries where they be so the remainder of these which haue either recouered or past without sicknesse will prooue most fit for Martiall seruices If we haue wanted Surgeons may not this rather be laid vpon the captaines who are to prouide for their seuerall Companies then vpon the Generals whose care hath bene more generall And how may it be thought that euery captaine vpon whom most of the charges of raising their Companies was laid as an aduenture could prouide themselues of all things expedient for a war which was alwaies wont to be maintained by the purse of the prince But admit euery captaine had his Surgeon yet were the want of curing neuer the lesse for our English Surgeons for the most part be vnexperienced in hurts that come by shot because England hath not knowen wars but of late from whose ignorāce proceeded this discomfort which I hope wil warne those y t hereafter go to the wars to make preparation of such as may better preserue mens liues by their skill From whence the want of cariages did proceed you may coniecture in y t we marched through a countrey neither plentiful of such prouisions nor willing to part from any thing yet this I can assure you that no mā of worth was left either hurt or sicke in any place vnprouided for And that the General commanded all the mules asses that were laden with any baggage to be vnburdened and taken to that vse and the earle of Essex and he for mony hired men to cary mē vpon pikes And the earle whose true vertue and nobilitie as it doeth in all other his actions appeare so did it very much in this threw down his own stuffe I meane apparel necessaries which he had there from his owne cariages and let them be left by the way to put hurt and sicke men vpon them Of whose honorable deseruings I shall not need here to make any particular discourse for that many of his actions do hereafter giue me occasion to obserue the same And the great complaint that these men make for the want of victuals may well proceed from their not knowing the wants of the war for if to feed vpon good bieues muttons goats be to want they haue endured great scarcitie at land wherunto they neuer wanted two daies together wine to mixe with their water nor bread to eat with their meat in some quantitie except it were such as had vowed rather to starue then to stir out of their places for food of whom we had too many who if their time had serued for it might haue seen in many campes in the most plentifull countries of the world for victuals men daily die with want of bread and drinke in not hauing money to buy nor the countrey yeelding any good or healthful water in any place whereas both Spaine and Portugall do in euery place affoord the best water that may be and much more healthful then any wine for our drinking And although some haue most iniuriously exclaimed against the smal prouisions of victuals for the sea rather grounding the same vpon an euil that might haue fallen then any that did light vpō vs yet know you this that there is no man so forgetfull that will say they wanted before they came to the Groine that whosoeuer made not very large prouisions for himselfe his company at the Groine was very improuident where was plentiful store of wine biefe and fish no man of place prohibited to lay in the same into their ships wherewith some did so furnish themselues as they did not onely in the iourney supplie the wants of such as were lesse prouident then they but in their returne home made a round commoditie of the remainder thereof And that at Cascais there came in such store of prouisions into the Fleet out of England as no man that would haue vsed his diligence could haue wanted his due proportiō thereof as might appeare by the remainder that was returned to Plimmouth and the plentifull sale thereof made out of the marchants ships after their comming into the Thames But least I should seeme vnto you too studious in confuting idle opinions or answering friuolous questions I wil addresse me to the true report of those actiōs that haue passed therein wherin I protest I will neither hide any thing that hath hapned against vs nor attribute more to any man or matter then the iust occasions thereof lead me vnto wherein it shall appeare that there hath bene nothing left vndone by the Generals which was before our going out vndertaken by them but that there hath bene much more done then was at the first required by Don Antonio who should haue reaped the fruit of our aduenture After 6 daies sailing from the coast of England the 5 after we had the wind good being the 20 of April in the euening we landed in a baie more then an English mile from the Groine in our long boats and pinnasses without any impeachment from whence we presently marched toward the towne within one halfe mile we were encountred by the enemie who being charged by ours retired into their gates For that night our armie lay in the villages houses mils next adioining and very neere round about the towne into the which the Galeon named S. Iohn which was the second of the last yeeres Fleet agaynst England one hulke two smaller ships and two Gallies which were found in the road did heate vpon vs and vpon our Companies as they passed too and fro that night and the next morning Generall Norris hauing that morning before day viewed the Towne found the same defended on the land side for it standeth vpon the necke of an Iland with a wall vpon a dry ditch whereupon he resolued to trie in two places what might bee done against it by escalade and in the meane time aduised for the landing of some artillery to beat vpon the ships and gallies that they might not annoy vs which being put in execution vpon the planting of the first piece the gallies abandoned the road and betooke them to Feroll not farre from thence and the Armada being beaten with the artillery and musketers that were placed vpon the next shore left her playing vpon vs. The rest of the day was spent in preparing the companies and other
granted vnto Iohn Cabot and his 3. sonnes Lewis Sebastian and Sancius for the discouery of new and vnknowen lands Anno 1495. pag. 4 The signed bill of K. Henry the 7. on the behalfe of Iohn Cabot pag. 5â— 6 A briefe extract concerning the discouery of Newfoundland pag. 10 The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota constituting him Grand pilote of England Anno 1549. pag. 10 A discourse written by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight to proue a passage by the Northwest to Cataya and the East Indies pag. 11 Experiences and reasons of the Sphere to prooue all parts of the worlde habitable and thereby to â—onfute the position of the fiue Zones pag. 48 A letter of M. Martin Frobisher to certaine Englishmen which were trecherously taken by the Saluages of Meta incognita in his first voyage pag. 70 Articles and orders prescribed by M. Martin Frobisher to the Captaines and company of euery ship which accompanied him in his last Northwestern voyage pag. 75 A generall and briefe description of the country and condition of the people which are founde in Meta incognita pag. 93 The letters patents of her Maiesty graunted to M. Adrian Gilbert and others for the search and discouery of a Northwest passage to China pag. 96 A letter of M. I. Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his second voyage p. 108 A letter of M. Iohn Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his 3. voyage p. 114 A trauerse-booke of M. Iohn Dauis contayning all the principall notes and obseruations taken in his third and last voyage to the Northwest pag. 115 A report of M. Iohn Dauis concerning his three voyages made for the discouery of the Northwest passage taken out of a treatise of his intituled The worlds hydrographical description pag. 119 A testimony of Ortelius for the credit of the history of M. Nicolas M. Antonio Zeni p. 128. A catalogue of sundry voyages made to Newfoundland to the isles of Ramea and the isle of Assumption otherwise called Natiscotec as also to the coasts of Cape Briton and Arambec THe voyage of two ships whereof the one was called The Dominus vobiscum set out the 20 of May 1527 for the discouery of the North parts pag. 129 The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen to Newfoundland and Cape Briton in the yere 1536. pag. 129 The voyage of Sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfoundland An. 1583. pag. 143,165 The first discouery of the isle of Ramea made by for Monsieur de la court pre Rauillon grandpre with the ship called The Bonauenture to kill and make trane-oile of the beasts called The Morses with great teeth Anno 1591. pag. 189 The voyage of the ship called The Marigolde of M. Hill of Redriffe vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and a halfe Anno 1593. pag. 191 The voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to the isle of Ramea in the yere 1593. pag. 193 The voyage of The Grace of Bristoll vp into the gulfe of S. Laurence to the Northwest of Newfoundland as far as the isle of Assumption or Natiscotec Anno 1594. pag. 194 The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the isle of Ramea 1597. pag. 195 The patents discourses letters aduertisements and other obseruations incident to the voyages vnto Newfoundland next before rehearsed An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffique into Newfoundland and Iseland made Anno 2. Edwardi sexti pag. 131 A letter written to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Midle Temple contayning a report of the true state and commodities of Newfoundland by M. Antony Parkhurt 1578. pag. 133 The letters patents granted by her Maiestie to sir Humfrey Gilbert knight for inhabiting some part of America 1578. pag. 135 A learned and stately Poeme written in Latine Hexamiters by Stephanus Parmenius Budeius concerning the voyage of sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfound-landâ— for the planting of an English colonie there containing also a briefe remembrance of certaine of our principal English captâ—ines by sea pag. 138 Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Masters to bee obserued by the fleete of sir Humfrey Gilbert pag. 147 A briefe relation of Newfound-land and the commodities thereof pag. 152 Reckonings of the Master and Masters mate of the Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilbert in their course from cape Rase to cape Briton and to the Isle of Sablon pag. 155 The maner how the sayd Admirall was lost pag. 156 A letter of the learned Hungarian Stephanus Parmenius Budeius to master Richard Hakluyt the collectour of these voyages pag. 161. 16â— A relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth master of the ship called The Delight which went as Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilberts fleete for the discouerie of Norumbega 1583 written in excuse of the casting away the sayd ship and the men imputed to his ouersight pag. 163 A discourse of the necessitie and commoditie of planting English colonies vpon the North paâ—tes of America pag. 165 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Richard Hakluyt then of Christ-church in Oxford incouraging him in the studie of Cosmography and furthering of new discoueries 1582. pag. 181 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Thomas Aldworth marchant and at that time Mayor of the citie of Bristol concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie 1582. pag. 182 A letter written from master Aldworth marchant and mayor of the citie of Bristol to the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham concerning a voyage intended for the discouerie of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of cape Briton 1583. pag. 182 A briefe and summarie discourse vpon a voyage intended to the hithermost parts of America written by master Christopher Carlile 1583. pag. 182 Articles set downe by the committies appointed on the behalfe of the company of the Moscouian marchants to conferre with master Carlile vpon his intended discouery of the hithermost partes of America pag. 188 A letter sent to the right honourable sir William Cecil Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. from master Thomas Iames of Bristol concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea 1591. pag. 19â— A briefe note of the Morse and of the vse thereof pag. 191 Certaine obseruations touching the countries and places where master Charles Leigh touched in his voyage to cape Briton and to the Isle of Ramea anno 1597. pag. 200 A catalogue of certaine voyages made for the discouery of the gulfe of Saint Laurence to the West of Newfound-land and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places THe first voyage of Iaques Cartier of Saint Malo to Newfound-land the gulfe of Saint Laurence and the Grand Bay Anno 1534. pag. 201 The second voyage of Iaques Cartier by the Grand bay vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Anno 1535. pag. 212
à magno ostendit sua vela COLVMBO Haeâ— neque vicina nimiùm frigescit ab arcto Sole nec immodico in steriles torretur arenas Frigus aestatem iusto moderamine seruat Siue leues auras grati spiracula coeli Seu diae telluris opes munera curas Pone agete digno tua sceptra in honore meoquâ— Iunge salutarem propius cum littore dextram Sit mihi fas aliquam per â—esperare quietem Vicinoque bono laetum illucescere Solem. Quòd si consilijs superûm fatisque negatum est Durare immensum magna infortunia tempus Quòd si de immerita iustum est ceruice reuelli Ignarum imperij dominum populique regendi Quòd si nulla vnquam potuit superesse potestas Ni pia flexilibus pareret clementia frenis Obsequium A miti quae sita potentia CYRO Amissa est saeuae soboli Parcendo subegit Tot reges MACEDVM virtus tot postera sensim Abscidit a parto tandem inclementia regno Et quod ROMVLEIS creuit sub patribus olim Imperium dirisemper minuêre NERONES A report of the voyage and successe thereof attempted in the yeere of our Lord 1583 by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight with other gentlemen assisting him in that action intended to discouer and to plant Christian inhabitants in place conuenient vpon those large and ample countreys extended Northward from the cape of Florida lying vnder very temperate Climes esteemed fertile and rich in Minerals yet not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince written by M. Edward Haies gentleman and principall actour in the same voyage who alone continued vnto the end and by Gods speciall assistance returned home with his retinue safe and entire MAny voyages haue bene pretended yet hitherto neuer any thorowly accomplished by our nation of exact discouery into the bowels of those maine ample and vast countreys extended infinitely into the North from 30 degrees or rather from 25 degrees of Septentrionall latitude neither hath a right way bene taken of planting a Christian habitation and regiment vpon the same as well may appeare both by the little we yet do actually possesse therein by our ignorance of the riches and secrets wiâ—hâ—n those lands which vnto this day we knâ—w chiefly by the trauell and report of other nations and most of the French who albeit they can not challenge such right and interest vnto the sayd countreys as we neither these many yeeres haue had oâ—portunity nor meanes so great to discouâ—r and to plant being veâ—ed with the calamities of iâ—testâ—â—e warres as we haue had by the inestimable benefit of our long and happy peace yet haue they both waies performed more and had long since attained a sure possession and setled gouernment of many prouinces in â—hose Northerly parts of America if their many attempts into those forren and remote lands had not bene impeached their garboils at home The first discouery of these coasts neuer heard of â—efore was well begun by Iohn Cabot the father and Sebastian his sonne an Englishman borne who were the first finders out of all that great tract of land stretching from the cape â—f Florida vnto those Islands which wâ— now call the Newfoundland all which they brought and anâ—eâ—rd vnto the crowne of England Since when if with like diligence the seaâ—ch of inland countreys had bene follâ—wed as the discouery vpon the coast and out-parts therof was performed by those two men no doubt her Maiesties territories and reuenue had bene mightily inlarged and aduanced by this day And which is more the seed of Christian râ—ligion had bene fowed amongst those pagans which by this time might haue brought foorth a most plâ—ntifull haruest and copious congregation of Christians which must be the chiefe intent of such as shall make any attempt that way or els whatsoeuer is builded vpon othâ—r foundation shall neuer obtaine happy successe nor continuance And although we can not precisely iudge which onely belongeth to God what haue bene the humouâ—s of men stirred vp to great attempts of discouering and planting in those remote countreys yet the euents do shew that either Gods cause hath not bene chiefly preferred by them or els God hath not permitted so abundant grace as the light of his word and knowledge of him to be yet reuealed vnto those infidels before the appointed time But most aâ—â—uredly â—he only cause of religion hitherto hath kept backe and will also bring forward at the time assâ—â—neâ— by God an effectuall and compleat discouery possession â—â— Christians both of those ample countreys and the riches within them hithâ—rto concealed â—hereof notwithstanding Gâ—d in his wisdome hath permitted to be reuealed frâ—m tiâ—e to time a certaine oâ—scure and mâ—sty knowledâ—e by little and little to allure the mindes of men that way which els will be dull enough in the zeale of his cause and thereby to prepare vs vnto a readinesse for the execution of his wâ—ll against the due tâ—me ordâ—inedâ— of calling those pagans vnto Christâ—anity In the meane while â—t behâ—oueth euery man of great calling in whom is any instinct of inclination vnto this atâ—â—mpâ— to â—â—amine his owne motions which is the same proceed of ambitâ—on or auarice hâ— may assure himselfe it commeth not of God and therefore can not haue câ—nfidence of Gods protection and assistance against the â—iolence els irresistable both oâ— sea and infinite perils vpâ—n the land wâ—om God yet may vse an instrument to further his cause and glory some way but not to build vpon so bad a foundatâ—on Othâ—rwâ—se if hâ—s motiues be dâ—riued from a bertuous heroycall minde preferring chiâ—fly the honour oâ— Godâ— compassâ—on of poore infidels captiued by the deuill tyrannizing in most woonderfull and dreadfull maner ouer their bodies and soules aduancement of his honest and well disposed countreymen willing to accompany him in such honourable actions reliefe of sundry pâ—ople wâ—thin this realme distressed all these be honorable purposes imitating the naâ—ure of the muâ—â—ficenâ— God wheâ—with he is well pleased who will assist such an actour beyond â—xpectation of man And thâ— samâ— who feeleth this inclination in himselfe by all likelihood may hope or rather confidently râ—pose in the preordinance of God that in this last age of the world or â—ikely neuer the time is câ—mpleat of receiuing also these Gentiles into his mâ—rcy and that God will râ—ise him an instrumeâ—t to â—ffâ—ct the same it seeming probable by euent of precedent attempts made by the Spanyards and French sundry times that the countreys lyâ—ng North oâ— Florida God hath reserued the same to be reduced vnto Christian ciuility by the English nation For not long after that Christopher Columbus had discouered the Islands and continent â—f thâ— Wesâ— Indies for Spaine Iohn and Sebastian Cabot made discouery also of the rest from Florida Nortâ—wards to the behoofe of England And whensoâ—uer afterwards the Spanyards very prosperous in all their Southerne discoueries did
to the world Gods iudgements inflicted vpon them as shal be declared in place conuenient Thus after we had met with the Swallow we held on our course Southward vntill we came against the harbor called S. Iohn about 5. leagues from the former Cape of S. Francis where before the entrance into the harbor we found also the Frigate or Squirrill lying at anker Whom the English marchants that were alwaies be Admirals by turnes interchangeably ouer the fleetes of fishermen within the same harbor would not permit to enter into the harbor Glad of so happy meeting both of the Swallow and Frigate in one day being Saturday the 3. of August we made readie our fights prepared to enter the harbor any resistance to the contrarie notwithstanding there being within of â—ll-nations to the number of 36 sailes But first the Generall dispatched a boat to giue thâ—m knowledge of his comming for no ill intent hauing Commission from her Maiestie for his voiage he had in hand And immediatly we followed with a slacke gale and in the very entrance which is but narrow not aboue 2 buts length the Admirall fell vpon a rocke on the larboord side by great ouersight in that the weather was faire the rocke much aboue water fast by the shore where neither went any sea gate But we found such readinesse in the English Marchants to helpe vs in that danger that without delay there were brought a number of boates which towed off the ship and cleared her of danger Hauing taken place conuenient in the road we let fall ankers the Captaines and Masters repairing aboord our Admirall whither also came immediatly the Masters and owners of the fishing fleete of Englishmâ—n to vnderstand the Generals intent and cause of our arriuall there They were all satisfied when the General had shewed his commission and purpose to take possession of those lands to the behalfe of the crowne of England and the aduancement of Christian religion in those Paganish regions requiring but their lawfull ayde for repayring of his fleete and supply of some necessaries so farre as conueniently might be afforded him both out of that and other habors adioyning In lieu whereof he made offer to gratifie them with any fauour and priuiledge which vpon their better aduise they should demand the like being not to bee obteyned hereafter for greater price So crauing expedition of his demand minding to proceede further South without long detention in those partes he dismissed them after promise giuen of their best indeuour to satisfie speedily his so reasonable request The marchants with their Masters departed they caused foorthwith to be discharged all the great Ordinance of their fleete in token of our welcome It was further determined that euery ship of our fleete should deliuer vnto the marchants and Masters of that harbour a note of all their wants which done the ships aswell English as strangers were tared at an easie rate to make supply And besides Commissioners were appointed part of our owne companie and part of theirs to go into other harbours adioyning for our English marchants command all there to leauie our prouision whereunto the Portugals aboue other nations did most willingly and liberally contribute Insomuch as we were presented aboue our allowance with wines marmalads most fine ruske or bisket sweet oyles and sundry delicacies Also we wanted not of fresh salmons trouts lobsters and other fresh fish brought daily vnto vs. Moreouer as the maner is in their fishing euery weeke to choose their Admirall a new or rather they succeede in orderly course and haue weekely their Admirals feast solemnized euen so the General Captaines and masters of our fleete were continually inuited and feasted To grow short in our abundance at home the intertainment had bene delightfull but after our wants and tedious passage through the Ocean it seemed more acceptable and of greater contentation by how much the same was vnexpected in that desolate corner of the world where at other times of the yeare wilde beasts and birds haue only the fruition of all those countries which now seemed a place very populous and much frequented The next morning being Sunday and the 4 of August the Generall and his company were brought on land by English marchants who shewed vnto vs their accustomed walks vnto a place they call the Garden But nothing appeared more then Nature it selfe without art who confusedly hath brought foorth roses abundantly wilde but odoriferous and to sense very comfortable Also the like plentie of raspis berries which doe grow in euery place Munday following the General had his tent set vp who being accompanied with his own followers sommoned the marchants and masters both English and strangers to be present at his taking possession of those Countries Before whom openly was read interpreted vnto the strangers his Commission by vertue whereof he tooke possession in the same harbour of S. Iohn and 200 leagues euery way inuested the Queenes Maiestie with the title and dignitie thereof had deliuered vnto him after the custome of England a rod a turffe of the same soile entring possession also for him his heires and assignes for euer And signified vnto al men that from that time forward they should take the same land as a territorie appertaining to the Queene of England and himselfe authorised vnder her Maieâ—tie to possesse and enioy it And to ordaine lawes for the gouernement thereof agreeable so neere as conueniently might be vnto the lawes of England vnder which all people comming thither hereafter either to inhabite or by way of traffique should be subiected and gouerned And especially at the same time for a beginning he proposed deliuered three lawes to be in force immediatly That is to say the first for Religion which in publique exercise should be according to the Church of England The 2. for maintenance of her Maiesties right and possession of those territories against which if any thing were attempted preiudiciall the partie or parties offending should be adiudged and executed as in case of high treason according to the lawes of England The 3. if any person should vtter words sounding to the dishonour of her Maiestie be should loose his eares and haue his ship and goods confiscate These contents published obedience was promised by generall voyce and consent of the multitude aswell of Englishmen as strangers praying for continuance of this possession and gouernement begun After this the assembly was dismissed And afterward were erected not farre from that place the Armes of England ingrauen in lead and infixed vpon a pillar of wood Yet further and actually to establish this possession taken in the right of her Maiestie and to the behoofe of Sir Hâ—mfrey Gilbert knight his heires and assignes for euer the Generall granted in fee farme diuers parcels of land lying by the waterside both in this harbor of S. Iohn and elsewhere which was to the owners a great commoditie being
of you to vnderstand that for the present and speedy supply of certaine our knowen and apparant lackes and needes most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of vs or any other in this land of Virginia wee all of one minde consent haue most earnestly intreated and vncessantly requested Iohn White Gouernour of the planters in Virginia to passe into England for the better and more assured help and setting forward of the foresayd supplies and knowing assuredly that he both can best and wil labour and take paines in that behalfe for vs all and he not onee but often refusing it for our sekes and for the honour maintenance of the action hath at last though much against his will through our importunacie yeelded to leaue his gouernement and all his goods among vs and himselfe in all our behalfes to passe into England of whose knowledge and fidelitie in handling this matter as all others we doe assure our selues by these presents and will you to giue all credite thereunto the 25 of August 1587. The Gouernour being at the last through their extreame intreating constrayned to returne into England hauing then but halfe a dayes respite to prepare himselfe for the same departed from Roanoak the seuen and twentieth of August in the morning and the same day about midnight came aboord the Flieboat who already had weyed anker and rode without the barre the Admirall riding by them who but the same morning was newly come thither againe The same day both the ships weyed anker and set saile for England at this weying their ankers twelue of the men which were in the Flyboate were throwen from the Capstone which by meanes of a barre that brake came so fast about vpon them that the other two barres thereof strooke and hurt most of them so sore that some of them neuer recouered it neuerthelesse they assayed presently againe to wey their anker but being so weakened with the first sling they were not able to weye it but were throwen downe and hurt the second time Wherefore hauing in all but fifteene men aboord and most of them by this vnfortunate beginning so bruised and hurt they were forced to cut their Cable and leese their anker Neuerthelesse they kept company with the Admirall vntil the seuenteenth of September at which time wee fell with Coruo and sawe Flores September THe eighteenth perceiuing of all our fifteene men in the Flyboate there remained but fiue which by meanes of the former mischance were able to stand to their labour and that the the Admirall meant not to make any haste for England but to linger about the Island of Tercera for purchase the Flyboate departed for England with letters where we hoped by the help of God to arriue shortly but by that time we had continued our course homeward about twenty dayes hauing had sometimes scarse and variable windes our fresh water also by leâ—king almost consumed there arose a storme at Northeast which for sixe dayes ceased not to blowe so exceeding that we were driuen further in those sixe then we could recouer in thirteene daies in which time others of our saylers began to fall very sicke and two of them dyed the weather also continued so close that our Mastâ—r sometimes in foure dayes together could see neither sunne nor starre and all the beuerage we could make with stinking water dregs of beere and lees of wine which remayned was but three gallons and therefore now we expected nothing but famine to perish at Sea October THe 16 of October we made land but we knowe not what land it was bearing in with the same land at that day about sunne set we put into a harbour where we found a Hulke of Dublin and a pinnesse of Hampton riding but we knew not as yet what place this was neither had we any boate to goe ashore vntill the pinnesse sent off their boate to vs with 6 or 8 men of whom we vnderstood wee were in Smerwick in the West parts of Ireland they also releeued vs presently with fresh water wine and other fresh meate The 18 the Gouernour and the Master ryd to Dingen a Cushe 5 miles distant to take order for the new victualing of our Flieboate for England and for reliefe of our sicke and hurt men but within foure daies after the Boatswain the Steward and the Boatswains mate died aboord the Flieboat and the 28 the Masters mate and two of our chiefe sailers were brought sicke to Dingen Nouember THe first the Gouernour shipped himselfe in a ship called the Monkie which at that time was ready to put to sea from Dingen for England leauing the Flyboat and all his companie in Ireland The same day we set sayle and on the third day we fell with the North side of the lands end and were shut vp the Seuerne but the next day we doubled the same for Mounts Bay The 5 the Gouernour landed in England at Martasew neere Saint Michaels mount in Cornewall The 8 we arriued at Hampton where we vnderstood that our consort the Admiral was come to Portsmouth and had bene there three weekes before and also that Ferdinando the Master with all his company were not onely come home without any purchase but also in such weaknesse by sicknesse and death of their chiefest men that they were scarse able to bring their ship into harbour but were forced to let fall anker without which they could not wey againeâ— but might all haue perished there if a small barke by great hap had not come to them to helpe them The names of the chiefe men that died are these Roger Large Iohn Mathew Thomas Smith and some other saylers whose names I knew not at the writing hereof An. Dom. 1587. The names of all the men women and children which safely arriued in Virginia and remained to inhabite there 1587. Anno regni Reginae Elizabethâ— 29. IOhn White Roger Baily Ananias Dare. Christopher Cooper Thomas Steuens Iohn Sampson Dyonis Haruie Roger Prat. George How Simon Fernando Nicholas Iohnson Thomas Warner Anthony Cage Iohn Iones William Willes Iohn Brooke Cutbert White Iohn Bright Clement Tayler William Sole Iohn Cotsmur Humfrey Newton Thomas Colman Thomas Gramme Marke Bennet Iohn Gibbes Iohn Stilman Robert Wilkinson Iohn Tydway Ambrose Viccars Edmond English Thomas Topan Henâ—y Berry Richard Berry Iohn Spendloue Iohn Hemmington Thomas Butler Edward Powell Iohn Burden Iames Hynde Thomas Ellis William Browne Michael Myllet Thomas Smith Richard Kemme Thomas Harris Richard Tauerner Iohn Earnest Henry Iohnson Iohn Starte Richard Darige William Lucas Arnold Archard Iohn Wright William Dutton Mauris Allen. William Waters Richard Arthur Iohn Chapman William Clemenâ— Robert Little Hugh Tayler Richard Wildye Lewes Wotton Michael Bishop Henry Browne Henry Rufoote Richard Tomkins Henry Dorrell Charles Florrie Henry Mylton Henry Paine Thomas Harris William Nichols Thomas Pheuens Iohn Borden Thomas Scot. Peter Little Iohn Wyles Brian Wyles George Martyn Hugh Pattenson Martin Sutton Iohn Farre
Iohn Bridger Griffen Iones Richard Shabedge Iames Lasie Iohn Cheuen Thomas Hewet William Berde Women Elyoner Dare. Margery Haruie Agnes Wood. Wenefrid Powell Ioyce Archard Iane Iones Elizabeth Glane Iane Pierce Audry Tappan Alis Chapman Emme Merrimoth Colman Margaret Lawrence Ioan Warren Iane Mannering Rose Payne Elizabeth Viccars Boyâ—â— and children Iohn Sampson Robert Ellis Ambrose Viccars Thomas Archard Thomas Humfrey Thomas Smart George How Iohn Prat. William Wythers Children borne in Virginia Virginia Dare. Haruie Sauages Manteo That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them Towaye That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them To the Worshipful and my very friend Master Richard Hakluyt much happinesse in the Lord. SIr as well for the satisfying of your earnest request as the performance of my promise made vnto you at my last being with you in England I haue sent you although in a homely stile especially for the contentation of a delicate care the true discourse of my last voyage into the West Indies and partes of America called Virginia taken in hand about the end of Februarie in the yeare of our redemption 1590. And what euents happened vnto vs in this our iourney you shall plainely perceiue by the sequele of my discourse There were at the time aforesaid thereâ—â— ships absolutely determined to goe for the West Indies at the speciall charges of M. Iohn Wattes of London Marchant But when they were fully furnished and in readinesse to make their departure a generall stay was commanded of all ships thorowout England Which so soone as I heard I presently as I thought it most requisite acquainted Sir Walter Ralegh therewith desiring him that as I had sundry times afore bene chargeable and troublesome vnto him for the supplies and reliefes of the planters in Virginia so likewise that by his endeuour it would please him at that instant to procure license for those three ships to proceede on with their determined voyage that thereby the people in Virginia if it were Gods pleasure might speedily be comforted and relieued without further changes vnto him Whereupon he by his good meanes obtained license of the Queenes Maiestie and order to be taken that the owner of the 3 ships should be bound vnto Sir Walter Ralegh or his assignes in 3000 pounds that those 3 ships in consideration of their releasement should take in transport a conuenient number of passengers with their furnitures and necessaries to be landed in Virginia Neuerthelesse that order was not obserued neither was the bond taken according to the intention aforesaid But rather in contempt of the aforesaid order I was by the owner and Commanders of the ships denied to haue any passengers or any thing els transported in any of the â—aid ships sauing only my selfe my chest no not so much as a boy to attend vpoÌ„ me although I made great sute earnest intreatie aswell to the chiefe Commanders as to the owner of the said ships Which crosse and vnkind dealing although it very much discontented me notwithstanding the scarsity of time was such that I could haue no opportunity to go vnto Sir Walter Ralegh with complaint for the ships being then all in readinesse to goe to the Sea would haue bene departed before I could haue made my returne Thus both Gouernors Masters and sailers regarding very smally the good of their countreymen in Virginia determined nothing lesse then to touch at those places but wholly disposed themselues to seâ—ke after purchase spoiles spending so much time therein thaâ— sommer was spent before we arriued at Virginia And when we were come thither the season was so vnfit weather so foule that we were constrained of force to forsake that coast hauing not seene any of our planters with lesse of one of our ship-boates and 7 of our chiefest men and also with losse of 3 of our ankers and cables and most of our caskes with fresh water left on shore not possible to be had aboord Which euils â—nfortunate euents as wel to their owne losse as to the hinderance of the planters in Uirginia had not chanced if the order set downe by Sir Walter Ralegh had bene obserued or if my dayly continuall pâ—â—itions â—or the performance of the same might haue tâ—ken any place Thus may you plainely perceiue the successe of my fist last voiage to Virginia which was no lesse vnfortunately ended then frowardly begun and as lucklesse to many as sinister to my selfe But I would to God it had bene as prosperous to all as noysome to the planters as ioyfull to me as discomfortable to them Yet seeing it is not my first crossed voyage I remaine contented And wanting my wishes I leaue off from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth were answerable to my will Thus committing the reliefe of my discomfortable company the planters in Virginia to the merâ—iful help of the Almighty whom I most humbly beseech to helpe comfort them according to his most holy will their good desire I take my leaue from my house at New towne in Kylmore the 4 of February 1593. Your most welwishing friend IOHN WHITE The fift voyage of M. Iohn VVhite into the VVest Indies and parts of America called Virginia in the yeere 1590. THe 20 of March the three shippes the Hopewell the Iohn Euangelist and the Little Iohn put to Sea from Plymmouth with two small Shallops The 25 at midnight both our Shallops were sunke being towed at the ships stearnes by the Boatswaines negligence On the 30 we saw a head vs that part of the coast of Barbary lying East of Cape Cantyn and the Bay of Asaphi The next day we came to the I le of Mogador where rode at our passing by a Pinnesse of London called the Mooneshine Aprill ON the first of Aprill we ankored in Santa Cruz rode where we found two great shippes of London lading in Sugar of whom we had 2 shipboats to supply the losse of our Shallops On the â— we set sayle from the rode of Santa Cruz for the Canaries On Saturday the 4 we saw Alegranza the East I le of the Canaries On Sunday the 5 of Aprill we gaue chase to a double flyboat the which we also the same day fought with and tooke her with losse of three of their men slaine and one hurt On Munday the 6 we saw Grand Canarie and the next day we landed and tooke in fresh water on the Southside thereof On the 9 we departed from Grand Canary and framed our course for Dominica The last of Aprill we saw Dominica and the same night we came to an anker on the South-side thereof May. THe first of May in the morning many of the Saluages came aboord our ships in their Canowes and did traffique with vs we also the same day landed and entered their Towne from whence we returned the same day aboord without any resistance of the Saluages or any offence done to them
it should seeme for they had conueyed away as much as possibly they could ashore and set their ship on fire which so soone as we had discried we made to her with our boats and quenched the fire and loaded vp with hides the shippe which we tooke at our first comming for she had but a thousand hides in her and certeine tarres of balsamum which being accomplished wee sunke the shippe with the rest of the goods and so stood alongst againe for Truxillo It fell out to be so calme that we were two and twenty dayes sailing backe that we had sailed in sixe dayes which was about forty leagues so that when we came before Truxillo which was about the sixth of Iune we found another of the ships there but close vnder the castle her ruther vnhanged her sailes taken from the yards c. notwithstanding we entered her but they had placed such a company of musketiers vnder a rampire which they had made with hides and such like that it was too hote for vs to abide and so betaking vs to our shippes againe and standing out of the bay into the sea wee discouered great store of shot intrenched in those places where they suspected we would haue landed That night there fell such a storme of raine thunder lightening and tempestuous weather that our ships were dispersed either from other And hauing determined all of vs to meet at a certeine Island where wee purposed to water and refresh our selues by meanes of the storme and other contagious weather which followed we were frustrated of that hope We had lost our prize and certeine frigats with the men Two of our shippes went to seeke our prize and our men and other two of vs came homeward And so we parted not hearing either of other vntill we came into England Our place of meeting should haue beene at the Tortugas neere vnto the point of Florida but the Golden dragon and the Prudence were put to leeward of this place neuerthelesse wee fell with certeine islands within the point of Florida were the captaine of the Dragon M. Christopher Newport sent his pinnesse on shore with certeine shot to seeke for fresh water where wee found none but found the Sauages very courteous vnto vs who came brest high into the sea and brought vs a line to hall in our boat on shore and shewed vs that vp into the land Northward was fresh water and much golde And one Michael Bagge of Ipswich boat swaines mate of the Dragon had giuen him by one of the Sauages for an olde rusly hatchet a piece of golde wound hollow and about the bignesse and value of an English angell which the Sauage ware hanging about his knee with two pieces of fine siluer plate whereof one the sayd Sauage gaue Iohn Locke masters mate of the Dragon being foureteene groats in value for an olde knife the other piece he gaue to one William Wright a sailer for an olde knife which pieces of siluer were in forme like vnto the bosse of a bridle These Sauages were farre more ciuill then those of Dominica for besides their courtesie they couered their priuities with a platted mat of greene straw about three handfuls deepe which came round about their waste with the bush hanging downe behinde The next day in the morning very early there came a frigat of the iland of Cuba of 30 tunnes put it by weather which was bound for Hauana wherein were fifty hogges to which we gaue chase all that day passing the gulfe of Bahama and about fiue of the clocke in the afternoone after a shot or two made at her shee yeelded vnto vs wee hoisted out our boat and went aboord where we found some fiue Spanyards fiue and fifty hogs and about some two hundred weight of excellent tabacco rolled vp in seynes We lightened them of their hogges and tabacco and sent the men away with their frigat In this voyage we tooke and sacked foure townes seuenteene frigats and two ships whereof eight were taken in the bay of the Honduras of all which we brought but two into England the rest we sunke burnt and one of them we sent away with their men And to make vp the full number of twenty the Spanyards themselues set one on fire in the bay of the Honduras lest we should be masters of it We shaped our course from Florida homeward by the isle of Flores one of the Açores where we watered finding sir Iohn Burgh there who tooke vs to be Spanyards and made vp vnto vs with whom wee ioyned in the taking the mighty Portugall caracke called Madre de Dios and our captaine M. Christopher Newport with diuers of vs was placed in her as captaine by the Generall sir Iohn Burgh to conduct her into England where we arriued in Dartmouth the seuenth of September 1592. The voyage made to the bay of Mexico by M. VVilliam King Captaine M. Moore M. How and M. Boreman Owners with the Salomon of 200 tunnes and the Iane Bonauenture of 40 tunnes of Sir Henry Palmer from Ratcliffe the 26 of Ianuary 1592. THe Salomon was manned with an hundred men all mariners and the Iane with sixe and twenty all likewise mariners Wee came first to the Downes in Kent and neuer strooke saile in passing thence vntill we came to Cape S. Vincent on the coast of Portugall From thence we shaped our course to Lanceroâ—a one of the Canarie islands where we landed threescore men and fetched a carauell out of an harborow on the South side and from a small Island we tooke a demy-canon of brasse in despight of the inhabitants which played vpon vs with their small shot at our first landing of whom we slew three and gaue them the repulse Thence we went to the Grand Canaria where wee boorded a barke lying at anker out of which wee were driuen by great store of shot from the Island From thence wee directed our course for the West Indies and fell with the isle of Dominica about the tenth of April There at a watering place we tooke a shippe of an hundred tunnes come from Guiny laden with two hundred and seuenty Negros which we caried with vs to S. Iuan de Puerto Rico and there comming thorow El passaje we gaue chase to a frigat which went in to S. Iuan de Puerto Rico and in the night we sent in our shallope with fourteene men And out of the harborow we tooke away an English shippe of seuenty tunnes laden with threescore tunnes of Canary-wines in despight of the castle and two new bulwarks being within caliuer shot These two prizes we caried away to the Westermost part of the island and put the Negros except fifteene all on land in a Spanish carauell which the Iane Bonauenture tooke and we caried away one of the former prizes and set fire on the other We passed thence by the isle of Mona where we watered and refreshed our selues with potatos and plantans and so came to the isle of Saona
golde and diuers stones called Piedras Hijadas or Spleene-stones Now Berreo for executing of Morequito and other cruelties spoiles and slaughters done in Aromaia hath lost the loue of the Orenoqueponi and of all the borderers and dare not send any of his souldiers any further into the land then to Carapana which he called the port of Guiana but from thence by the helpe of Carapana he had trade further into the countrey and alwayes appointed ten Spaniards to reside in Carapanas towne by whose fauour and by being conduâ—â—ed by his people those ten searched the countrey thereabouts aswell for mines as for other trades and commodities They also haue gotâ—en a nephew of Morequito whom they haue Christened and named Don Iuan of whom they haue great hope endeuouring by all meanes to establish him in the sayd prouince Among many other trades those Spaniards vsed canoas to passe to the riuers of Barema Pawroma Dissequebe which are on the South side of the mouth of Orenoque and there buy women and children from the Canibals which are of that barbarous nature as they will for three or foure hatchets sell the sonnes and daughters of their owne brethren and sisters and for somewhat more euen their owne daughters Hereof the Spaniards make great profit for buying a maid of twelue or thirteene yeres for three or foure hatchets they sell them againe at Margarita in the West Indies for fifty and an hundred pezos which is so many crownes The master of my shippe Iohn Dowglas tooke one of the canoas which came laden from thence with people to be solde and the most of them escaped yet of those he brought there was one as well fauoured and as well shaped as euer I saw any in England and afterward I saw many of them which but for their tawnie colour may be compared to any of Europe They also trade in those riuers for bread of Cassaui of which they buy an hundred pound weight for a knife and sell it at Margarita for ten pezos They also recouer great store of Cotton Brasill wood and those beds which they call Hamacas or Brasill beds wherein in hot countreyes all the Spaniards vsed to lie commonly and in no other neither did we our selues while we were there By meanes of which trades for ransome of diuers of the Guianians and for exchange of hatchets and kniues Berreo recouered some store of golde plates eagles of golde and images of men and diuers birdes and dispatched his campe-master for Spaine with all that hee had gathered therewith to leuie souldiers and by the shew thereof to draw others to the loue of the enterprise And hauing sent diuers images aswell of men as beasts birds fishes so curiously wrought in gold he doubted not but to perswade the king to yeeld to him some further helpe especially for that this land hath neuer beene sacked the mines neuer wrought and in the Indies their works were well spent and the golde drawen out with great labour and charge He also dispatched messengers to his sonne in Nueuo reyno to leuie all the forces he could to come downe the riuer Orenoque to Emeria the prouince of Carapana to meet him he had also sent to Saint Iago de Leon on the coast of the Caracas to buy horses and mules After I had thus learned of his proceedings past and purposed I told him that I had resolued to see Guiana and that it was the end of my iourney and the cause of my comming to Trinidad as it was indeed and for that purpose I sent Iacob Whiddon the yeere before to get intelligence with whom Berreo himselfe had speech at that time and remembred how inquisitiue Iacob Whiddon was of his proceedings and of the countrey of Guiana Berreo was stricken into a great melancholy and sadnesse and vsed all the arguments he could to disswade me and also assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost and that they should suffer many miseries if they proceeded And first he deliuered that I could not enter any of the riuers with any barke or pinnesse or hardly with any ships boat it was so low sandy and full of flats and that his companies were dayly grounded in their canoas which drew but twelue inches water Hee further sayde that none of the countrey would come to speake with vs but would all flie and if we followed them to their dwellings they would burne their owne townes and besides that the way was long the Winter at hand and that the riuers beginning once to swell it was impossible to stem the current and that we could not in those small boats by any means cary victuall for halfe the time and that which indeed most discouraged my company the kings and lords of all the borders of Guiana had decreed that none of them should trade with any Christians for golde because the same would be their owne ouerthrow and that for the loue of gold the Christians meant to conquer and dispossesse them of all together Many and the most of these I found to be true but yet I resoluing to make triall of all whatsoeuer happened directed captaine George Gifford my vice-admirall to take the Lions whelpe and captaine Calfield his barke to turne to the Eastward against the mouth of a riuer called Capuri whose entrance I had before sent captaine Whiddon and Iohn Dowglas the master to discouer who found some nine foot water or better vpon the flood and fiue at low water to whom I had giuen instructions that they should anker at the edge of the shoald and vpon the best of the flood to thrust ouer which shoald Iohn Dowglas bwoyed and beckoned for them before but they laboured in vaine for neither could they turne it vp altogether so farre to the East neither did the flood continue so long but the water fell yer they could haue passed the sands as wee after found by a second experience so as now wee must either giue ouer our enterprise or leauing our ships at aduenture foure hundred mile behinde vs must run vp in our ships boats one barge and two wheries But being doubtfull how to cary victuals for so long a time in such bables or any strength of men especially for that Berreo assured vs that his sonne must be by that time come downe with many souldiers I sent away one King master of the Lions whelpe with his ship-boat to trie another branch of a riuer in the bottome of the bay of Guanipa which was called Amana to prooue if there were water to be found for either of the small ships to enter But when he came to the mouth of Amana he found it as the rest but stayed not to discouer it thorowly because he was assured by an Indian his guide that the Canibals of Guanipa would assaile them with many canoas and that they shot poisoned arrowes so as if he hasted not backe they should all be lost In the meane
time fearing the woorst I caused all the carpenters we had to cut downe a Galego boat which we meant to cast off and to fit her with banks to row on and in all things to prepare her the best they could so as she might be brought to draw but fiue foot for so much we had on the barre of Capuri at low water And doubting of Kings returne I sent Iohn Dowglas againe in my long barge aswell to relieue him as also to make a perfect search in the bottome of that bay for it hath bene held for infallible that whatsoeuer ship or boat shall fall therein can neuer disemboque againe by reason of the violent current which setteth into the sayde bay as also for that the brize and Easterly winde bloweth directly into the same Of which opinion I haue heard Iohn Hampton of Plymmouth one of the greatest experience of England and diuers other besides that haue traded to Trinidad I sent with Iohn Dowglas an olde casique of Trinidad for a pilot who tolde vs that we could not returne againe by the bay or gulfe but that he knew a by-branch which ran within the land to the Eastward and that he thought by it we might fall into Capuri and so returne in foure dayes Iohn Dowglas searched those riuers and found foure goodly entrances whereof the least was as bigge as the Thames at Wolwich but in the bay thitherward it was shoald and but sixe foot water so as we were now without hope of any ship or barke to passe ouer and therefore resolued to go on with the boats and the bottome of the Galego in which we thrust 60 men In the Lions whelps boat whery we caried 20. Captaine Calfield in his whery caried ten more and in my barge other tenne which made vp a hundred we had no other meanes but to cary victuall for a moneth in the same and also to lodge therein as we could and to boile and dresse our meat Captaine Gifford had with him master Edward Porter captaine Eynos and eight more in his whery with all their victuall weapons and prouisions Captaine Calfield had with him my cousin Butshead Gorges and eight more In the galley of gentlemen and officers my selfe had captaine Thin my cousin Iohn Greenuile my nephew Iohn Gilbert captaine Whiddon captâ—ine Keymis Edward Handcocke captaine Clarke lieutenant Hewes Thomas Vpton captaine Facy Ierome Ferrar Anthony Welles William Connocke and aboue fifty more We could not learne of Berreo any other way to enter but in branches so farre to wind-ward as it was impossible for vs to recouer for wee had as much sea to crosse ouer in our wheries as betweene Douer and Calice and in a great billow the winde and current being both very strong so as we were driuen to goe in those small boats directly before the winde into the bottome of the bay of Guanipa and from thence to eater the mouth of some one of those riuers which Iohn Dowglas had last discouered and had with vs for pilot an Indian of Barema a riuer to the South of Orenoque betweene that and Amazones whose canoas we had formerly taken as hee was going from the sayd Barema laden with Cassaui-bread to sell at Margarita This Arwacan promised to bring me into the great riuer of Orenoque but indeed of that which he entred he was vtterly ignorant for he had not seene it in twelue yeeres before at which time he was very young and of no iudgement and if God had not sent vs another helpe we might haue wandred a whole yere in that labyrinth of riuers yer wee had found any way either out or in especially after wee were past ebbing and flowing which was in foure dayes for I know all the earth doeth not yeelde the like confluence of streames and branches the one crossing the other so many times and all so faire and large and so like one to another as no man can tell which to take and if wee went by the Sunne or Compasse hoping thereby to goe directly one way or other yet that way wee were also caried in a circle amongst multitudes of Islands and euery Island so bordered with high trees as no man coulde see any further then the bredth of the riuer or length of the breach But this it câ—anced that entering into a riuer which because it had no name wee called the riuer of the Red crosse our seâ—ues being the first Christians that euer came therein the two and twentieth of May as wee were rowing vp the same wee espied a small canoa with three Indians which by the swiftnesse of my barge rowing with eight oares I ouertooke yer they could crosse the riuer the rest of the people on the banks shadowed vnder the thicke wood gazed oâ— with a doubtfull conceit what might befall those three which we had taken But when they perceiued that we offered them no violence neither entred their canoa with any of ours nor tooke out of the canoa any of theirs they then beganne to shew themselues on the banks side and offered to traffique with vs for such things as they had And as wee drew neere they all stayed and we came with our barge to the mouth of a little creeke which came from their towne into the great riuer As we abode there a while our Indian pilot called Ferdinando would needs goe ashore to their village to fetch some fruits and to drinke of their artificiall wines and also to see the place and know the lord of it against another time and tooke with him a brother of his which hee had with him in the iourney when they came to the village of these people the lord of the Island offered to lay hands on them purposing to haue slaine them both yeelding for reason that this Indian of ours had brought a strange nation into their territory to spoile and destroy them But the pilot being quicke and of a disposed body slipt their fingers and ran into the woods and his brother being the better footman of the two recouered the creekes mouth where we stayed in our baâ—ge crying out that his brother was slaine with that we set hands on one of them that was next vs a very olde man and brought him into the barge assuring him that if we had not our pilot againe we would presently cut off his head This olde man being resolued that he should pay the losse of the other cried out to those in the woods to saue Ferdinando our pilot but they followed him notwithâ—tanding and hunted after him vpon the foot with the Deere-dogges and with so maine a crie that all the woods eckoed with the shouâ— they made but at the last this poore chased Indian recouered the riuer side and got vpon a tree and as we were coasting leaped downe and swamme to the barge halfe dead with feare But our good happe was that we kept the other olde Indian which we hand fasted to redeeme
small Island two leagues from the firme land and there they found a small Bay wherein they ankered at fiue fathome deepe close by the land and there they stayed till the twentie day Upon the which day there passed a Frigate close by the Island which with their pinnesse they followed and taking her brought her to the English ship which frigat was laden with Salsaperilla and Botijas or pots with butter and hony and with other things The English Captaine went on boord and cast the Salsaperilla on the land leauing all the rest of the wares in the frigate and then he put all his peeces into the frigate that so he might lay his ship on shore to new calke and trimme her which continued till the three and twentie or foure and twentie of March Which done and hauing made prouision of wood and fresh water they held on their course along by the coast sayling Westward taking the sayd frigate and her men with them and hauing sailed two dayes they tooke their men out of her and set them in the pinnesse among the which were foure sailers that meant to sayle to Panama and from thence to China whereof one they tooke with the letters and patents that hee had about him among the which were the letters of the king of Spaine sent to the gouernour of the Philippinas as also the sea-cards wherewith they should make their voyage and direct themselues in their course And so sailing vntill the sixt of Aprill about euening they discouered a shippe that held two leagues to seaward from the land and before the next day in the morning they were hard by her and suddenly fell vpon her while her men slept and presently made the men enter into their ship among the which was one Don Francisco Xarate Which done they followed on their course with the sayd ship out of the which they tooke certaine packes and other wares but I know not what it was They likewise tooke a Negro out of it and three dayes after they both let the ship and men goe whether they woulde setting therein the two saylers that should goe for China which they had taken in the frigate keeping onely one sailer to shewe them where they should find fresh water to the which ende they tooke the emptie vessels with them to fill with water and so kept on their course to the hauen of Guatulco where they put in being vpon Munday the thirteenth of Aprill and hauing ankered they stayed there till the sixe and twentie of Aprill and about three or foure houres within the night they set sayle holding their course Westward and an houre or two before they let Nuno da Silua goe putting him into another ship that lay in the hauen of Guatulco From thence forward the Englishmen passed on their voyage to the Islands of Malucos and from thence they passed by the Cape de Buena Esperança and so to England as it is well knowen so that this is onely the description of the voyage that they made while the said pilote Nuno da Silua was with them Hereafter followeth the copie of a letter written by sir Francis Drake being in the South sea of New Spaine in his ship called The Pellican or the golden Hinde with the ship of Sant Iohn de Anton which hee had taken to his companions in the other shâ—ppes that were of his company and by foule weather separated from him as I said before The contents whereof were these Master Winter if it pleaseth God that you should chance to meete with this ship of Sant Iohn de Anton I pray you vse him well according to my word and promise giuen vnto them and if you want any thing that is in this ship of Sant Iohn de Anton I pray you pay them double the value for it which I will satisfie againe and command your men not to doe her any hurt and what composition or agreement we haue made at my returne into England I will by Gods helpe perfourme although I am in doubt that this letter will neuer coâ—e to your hands notwithstanding I am the man I haue promised to be Beseeching God the Sauiour of all the world to haue vs in his keeping to whom onely I giue all honour praise and glory What I haue written is not only to you M. Winter but also to M. Thomas M. Charles M. Caube and M. Anthonie with all our other good friendes whom I commit to the tuition of him that with his blood redeemed vs and am in good hope that we shal be in no more trouble but that he will helpe vs in aduersitie desiring you for the Passion of Christ if you fall into any danger that you will not despaire of Gods mercy for hee will defend you and preserue you from all danger and bring vs to our desired hauen to whom bee all honour glory and praise for euer and euer Amen Your sorowfull Captaine whose heart is heauy for you Francis Drake The voyage of M. Iohn VVinter into the South sea by the Streight of Magellan in consort with M. Francis Drake begun in the yeere 1577. By which Streight also he returned safely into England the â—econd of Iune 1579. contrary to the false reports of the Spaniards which gaue out that the said passage was not repasseable Written by Edward Cliffe Mariner IN the yeere of our Lord 1577. the 19. of September there went out of the riuer of Thamis ouer the lands ende one good and newe ship called the Elizabeth of 80 tunnes in burthen in company whereof went also a small pinnesse being 12 tunnes in burthen called the Benedict The sayd ship with her pinnesse arriued at Plimmouth in which hauen were thâ—ee ships more one called the Pellican in burthen 120. tunnes being Admirall of the fleete a barke called the Marigold in burthen thirty tunnes with a flieboat of 50 tunnes These ships had in them 164 men and were victualled and farnished with all kind of necessary prouision to make a voyage into the South sea Wee set sayle the 15 of Nouember but were put into Falmouth by contrary winds and afterward were constrained to put backe againe to Plimmouth to repaire the great hurt which diuers of our fleete had sustained in that tempest and at length the 13 of December wee set forward from thence vpon our voyage The fiue and twentie of December we had sight of Cape Cantin this Cape lyeth in the latitude of 32. degrees and 30. minutes vpon the coast of Barbarie neere to a towne called Asaphi The land all along this coast is hie and great mountaines Sayling from the sayd Cape Southsouthwest about 18 leagues wee found a little Island called Mogador an English mile distant from the maine we sent our boat to sound the depth and at the returne thereof we vnderstood by our men that the hauen was without danger hauing fiue fathomes of water fast by the rocks entring in vpon the poynt of the
behelde many constellations in the firmament and set downe certaine newe starres raised to the Southwards All day and night wee went South and South by East among The seuenteenth day in the afternoone wee shot off three peeces of ordinance in honour of our Queenes Maiestie This day after dinner came master Maddox and Captaine Drake with others to take their leaue of master Walker as I with all my company had done before supposing him past hope of recouerie At foure of the clocke finding our selues in nineteene degrees to the Southwards of the line and cleare of the shoalds called by vs Powles wee went hence Southsouthwest all night following The 18 day being Sunday after dinner the Generall M. Maddox Captaine Parker and many other came aboord and visited M. Walker which done they dranke and departed aboord againe All this day and night we went our course Southwest by South with a franke gale The 19 day about noone the Sun was in our Zenith being declined to the Southwards 2â— degrees and 33 minutes where wee found the aire fresh and temperate as in England in Iune when a fresh gale of winde doeth blow in the heate of the day but the euening the night and the morning are more fresh and colder here then it is in England either in Iune or Iulie The first of December about sixe of the clocke in the morning wee sawe lande on the coast of Brasil in the height of 28 degrees or there abouts which bare Northwest and was eight leagues from vs very high land Wee stood in with it being much winâ—e and comming neere sound diuers Islands and seeing the Francis would not come roome nor run ahead vs wee stood in with the shore and â—oundeâ— in 30 fathom oaze three leagues off the lande bearing from the Westnorthwest to the Northnorthwest of vs and so sâ—oode still till it shoalded orderly into seuen fathom within a mile of a headland then perceiuing a breach ouer our bowe and no hope of a good harbour in that place wee bare vp roome and our Admirall after vs whom wee haled then hee tolde vs hee would seeke harbour to â—eewards requiring me to go ahead Then seeing the barke was asterne I hoised out my skiffe and set her maste and saile taking her ging and Tobias one of my Masters mates with mee and ranne before the shippe sounding in 15 fathom faire sand leauing a ledge of rockes a sea-boord of vs so the ships and the barke looffed vp vnder a headland and ankered in eight fathom halfe a mile off the lande hauing brought the headland which lyeth in 27 degrees 50 minutes Southsoutheast off them and the North land Northeast off thâ—m I stoode on with the skiffe hoping to â—inde a better harbour to leeward three leagues but it prooued not so wherefore I returned and in my way aboord I met with a rocke in the seaâ— where we landed and killed good store of fowleâ— and after I went aboord the Admirall where I presented him with fowle and returned aboord to supper In this time our boates had beene aland and found water bassasâ—e and two decayed houses as they told me and our men aboord hooked fresh-fish This night wee rode quietly The second being Sunday our masters moared our ships further into the bay We brought the South point Southeast off vs and the North land Northeast and so rid After dinner captaine Parker with my boat and company went a land and there placed pipes and made three wels In the meane time I accompanied with M. Hawkins M. Maddox M. Cotton and diuers of mine owne people landed farther within the bay and found two riuers of fresh waterâ— and a good fishing place Presently I sent aboord for my net with which at one draught we drew 600 great mullets and 5 great basses the like draugâ—â— was neuer seene with so small a net with which we went aboord giuing to the admirall 240 to the Francis 80 and the rest our company spent and gaue almighty God thanks for his great goodnesse All this while was captaine Parker and others gone into the land and fired thâ— woods which burned extremely The third day in the morning our carpenter talked without boord and the master and others tooke vp all the merchandize in the stearne sheets to the keele and there put downe a boats loding of stone and seeing the merchandize well conditioned stowed the same againe In the meanâ— time my selfe and others in our boats scraped off the wormes and washed the rudder and part of one side of our ship After dinner the master pilot and I went ashore and obserued the Sunne at noone which being past with our net we drew plenty of diuers sorts of fishes and went from that bay to the watering place from thence aboord the generall which had taken physicke and gaue them and the Francis fish for their companiesâ— and so went aboord where our company had romaged aforemast so that this afternoone we tooke in two boats more lading of stones afore mast The sixt day iâ— the morning before sixe of the clocke we saw a saile which wâ—nt towards the Southwards the admirall not hauing knowledge thereof I went aboord and certified him who appointed me to goe and bring her in and to take captaine Parker and some of the gallions meâ— into the Francis and the admirals skiffe with vs so we gaue her chase and tooke her sixe leagues to the leewards of the place we rode in Then not being able to fetch the rode againe we ankered in the sea I intending to come away in the pinnesse and leaue the Francis and the prize together being ready to depart the winde blew at South a stout gaâ—e and raine so that about sixe of the clocke we ankered in the rode where our ships rid After we had taken them and that captaine Parker and I were aboord we had much talke with them before they came to the ships and being ankered there the chiefe men were caried abord the general which was a gentleman named Don Francisco de Torre Vedra nephew to the gouernour of the riuer of Plate named Don Iohn de Torre Vedra We found and Englishman named Richard Carter borne in Limehouse who had bene out oâ— England foure and twenty yeres and hath bene nere twelue yeres dwelling in the riuer of Plate at a towne named Ascension three hundred leagues vp in the riuer whither they were now determined to go inhabit hauing two women and two yonâ— children seuen friâ—rs the rest boyes and â—ailers to the number of one and twenty persons The olde frier was had in great reuerence among the reâ—â— insomuch that they called him the Holy father He was abiding in no place but as visitour he went visiting from monastery to monastery The substance of all the speeches was that the Spanish fleet was before the streights of Magellan as they thought for they were departed sixe
to passe the said streights of Magellan were two ships of Genoa which comming as farre as the mouth of the streights were by a mightie storme driuen backe againe and one of them whose mastâ—r was called Pancaldo put into the riuer of Plate and was cast away about Buenos Aeres where to this day part of the said ship is to be seene and some of the men are yet liuing in the riuer among the Spaniards and the other ship returned to Genoa againe Also there was a bishop of Placencia in Spaine who couering riches set foorth a fleet of foure sailes to passe the streights and so to goe for the Malucos and getting license of the Emperour he sent his said 4 ships toward the streights which had very faire windes till they came thither but being entered 20 leagues within the streights a storme of Westerly windes tooke them droue 3 of them on shore the fourth backe into the sea which the storme being past returned into the streights to seeke for his consorts found many men going on the shores side but the ships were beaten all to pieces So they on land called vnto the ship but the captaine therof considering that his ship was but little that he had but small store of victuals would not go to them on shore but proceeded on his voyage passed the streights And because he was alone he would not saile to the Malucos but went for the coast of Peru to the citie of Lima where the ship remaineth vnto this day The men of the other three ships which were left in the streights being to the number of two hundred and fiftie whose Captaine being kinsman to the bishop of Placencia was called Queros were neuer heard of vntill this present day it being fortie yeres since they were left there A yeare after this certaine marchants of the Groine in Galicia set foorth other three ships which ships also came to the streights mouth where one of them was cast away with all the men and the other two returned for Spaine Also I haue had intelligence of certaine Portugall ships which being come to the mouth of the Streights lost two of their Pinnesses which they sent to discouer the land and then returned back And after these two French ships were sent from the riuer of Ienero by Monsieur de Villegagnon but being come to the latitude of 45. degrees they were driuen backe by a storme of contrary winds After all this the gouernour of Chili called Don Garcia de Mendoça sonne to the Marques of Cannette determining to discouer the sayd Streights from the South sea sent from Chili two ships vnder the conduct of a captaine called Latherelio but the danger to seeke these Streights by the South sea is more then by the North sea because all the stormes of the North sea come from the land but in the South sea all the windes and stormes come off the sea and force the ships to run vpon the lee-shore insomuch that the sayd two ships were cast away in fiftie degrees The seeking of these Streights of Magellan is so dangerous and the voyage so troublesome that it seemeth a matter almost impossible to be perfourmed insomuch that for the space of thirty yeeres no man made account thereof vntill of late one Francis Drake an Englishman of whom I hâ—ue before spoken seeing hee could doe no good on the maine lande of the West Indies to benâ—fit himselfe because of the galleys of Cartagena that kept the coast determined to seeke the Sâ—reights of Magellan and to passe into the South sea And so hauing prouided two ships and three pinnesses in England he proceeded on his voyage and comming to the Islandes of Cape Verde tooke a Portugal shippe laden with wine the Pilot whereof beeing a Portugal called Nuno da Sylâ—a hee caried along with him who was a great helpe and furtherance vnto him in his voyage And this which I shall here say I had in writing of the Portugal pilot himselfe From the Islands of Cape Verde the sayd Francis Drake sailed vnto Port Sant Iulian where he wintered and there also hee put to death a gentleman of his company because hee wouldâ— haue returned home This port I take to bee accursed for that Magellan likewise put some to death there for the like offence This Francis Drake putting out of the sayd port entred the Streights and within twelue dayes gotte into the South sea And two dayes after there arose such a storme of Westerly windes which are vsuall in those parts that he lost his pinnesse and his Uiceadmirall master Iohn Winter was driuen backe againe into the Streights who passing many dangers returned home into England But Francis Drake himselfe ranne with this storme into seuen and fifty degrees of Southerly latitude where hee found an Island with a good harborough and fresh water and stayed at the same Island two moneths to repayre his ships and then the weather beeing faire he proceeded on his voyage and came to the coast of Chili to an Island called La Mocha where hee went on shore and talked with the Indians but when hee would haue returned vnto his boate they shotte their arrowes at him and killed two of his men and hee himselfe was wounded in the face Going from thence hee passed by the â—owne of Concepcion not knowing the place and so to Valparizo which is the port of Sant Iago where hee found a ship laden with a kind of victuals and wine and had in her besides threescore thousand pâ—zos of gold euery pezo being worth eight shillings sterling and taking this ship with him hee went from thence to another pâ—rt called Coquimbo where seeing many cattell on the land he sent presently some of his men with calieuers to kill of the sayd cattell but being espied of the Spaniards that dwelt in the towne they sent twelue horsemen to see what they were that killed their cattell for they knew them not and comming neere vnto them the Englishmen fled to their boates but the horsemen ouertooke one of them who had a halbard in his hand whom the Spaniards thought to haue taken but hee with his halbard killing one of their horses was himselfe runne through with a lance and so the Spaniards carried him dead with them into the towne The next day the newes came to Sant Iago that they were Englishmen and how they had taken the shippe out of the harbour of Valparizo whereupon they of Sant Iago sent a Post by land to giue warning vnto them of Peru. Howbeit by reason that the countrey betweene this place and Peru is not inhabited for the space of two hundreth leagues and many huge and colde mountaines couered with snowe he in the way the Poste was so long in perfourmance of this iourney that captaine Drake was vpon the coast of Peru a moneth before the sayd Poste came thither neither could they send any newes by
Sedgewick at Noâ—ogrode Masts of 30. yards An Arshine is 3. quarters of a yard or more A rope house â—râ—ted at Colmogro A tarre house Robert Austen 1558 Lampas a great mate for the Samoeds in the North. What quantitie of â—empe workmen will worke in a peere White hawks white beares prohibited without licence Master Grayes iourney to Lampas 1558 Doctor Standish the Emperours Phisition An attempt to hinder our trade to Moscouia by the Hans townes Easterlings 1559 Master Ienkensons voyage intended for Cathay The discouery of its Caspian sea Passage to and from Moscouia by Sweden This was a yong Tartar girle which he gaue to the Queene afterward Tallowe Waxe Traine oyles Sables Woluerings Luserns Lett es Ermines Squirels Flaxe Cables and ropes A proclamion against soâ—rnâ— Furres 3000. podes of Tallow a yere 500. Losh hides Note Hope of trade to be found by master Antonie Ienkinson Seale skinnes tawed Small cables best besidible Masts of all sorts to be prepared Astracan no great good marte Christopher Hodson and Thomas Glouer appointed Agents 1560. Stockholme Iohn Luck taken prisoner in Lieflando The Swallow The Philip and Marie The Iesus Nicholas Chancelour The salt of Russia is not so good as Bay salte Fore skinnes white blacke and russet vendible in England May 5. 1560. Triall by combat or loâ— Iune Heilick IslaÌ„ds in 66 degrees 40 minutes Rost Islands Malestrand a strange whirle poole Zenam Island Kettelwike Island Inger sound The North Cape Wardhouse Cattell fed with fish The Monastery of Pechinchow Arzina reca the riuer where sir Hugh Willoughbie was frozen The Lappians couered all sauing their eies The current at Cape Grace The entering of the Bay of S. Nicholas is seuen leagues broad at the least August Pinego riuer The towne of Yemps Vstiug The description of their Nassades Good counsell for trauellers December Presents vsed in Russia are all for the most part of victualâ— The citie of Boghar They arriued at Mosco M. Standish doctor of Phisicke Long dinners Ordinance in Russia A yerely triumph The hallowing of the riuer of Mosco The Russes Lent The Emperor leadeth y e Metropolitanâ— horse in procession Kissing vsed in the Greeke church With these letters M. Ienkinson tooke his voyage the same Apâ—il to Boghar The Emperours wardrobe “ Or Basilius Note The hospitalitie of their monasteries Want of preachers cause of great ignoâ—aÌ„ce and idolaâ—â—y Al their seruice to in their mother tonguâ— The women of Russia paint their faces Bâ—â—ad made of straw The vnmercifulnesse of the Russeâ— toward the poore Stooues 〈◊〉 baths vsuall with the Mascouites Reported by Thomas Bulley Cazan The Island of marchants The riuer of Cama Nagay Tartars Hords The Crimme Tartars The riuer of Samar Licoris in great plentie Astracan Store of Sturgions The length of the Island of Astracan They enter into the Caspian sea Baughleata being 74. leagues from Volga Iaic riuer Serachick The Countrie of Colmack The port of Manguslaue They goe on land The countrey of Manguslaue 20. dayes trauaile in the wildernesse with scarcitie of water Another gulfe of the Caspian sea Will de Rubricis describeth this riuer of Ardok cap. 4. Sellizure or Shayzure Letters of safe-conduct Vrgence The countrey of Turkeman The riuer of Ardock falleth into the lake of Kitay The castle of Kait Diutuation by forcerie Handguns very profitable Bussarmans Caphar The riuer of Oxus A wildernes of sande Boghar a citie of Bactria A strange worme in mens legs The coyne of Boghar Marchandise of India Marchandise of Persia. Marchandise of Russia Marchandise of Cathay Taskent Cascar He returneth the eight of March 1552. Vrgence The king of Baâ—ke oâ— Balgâ— The English flag in the Caspian sea A notable description of the Caspian sea His arriual at Mosco the 2. of September * â—râ— Vrgeâ—â—â— Angrim Mandeuille speaketh hereof Oâ—â—itay Small people Pechora but six dayes iourney by land or water from Ob. Trauelling on dogs harts 1559 The trade to Narue forbidden by the â—â— of Poland The ancient couenants of trafficke betweene England Prussia The olde libertie of trafficke The meanes of increase of the power of the Moscouite This letter was also written in Hebrew and Italian The passage of Noua Zembla Waights and drugs deliuered to M. Ienkinson The maine sea within thirtie dayes Eastward of Colmogro 1561 The Queâ—nes letters to the Emperour of Russia Request to passe into Persia thorow Moscouie Osep Napea Ambassadour from the Emperor of Russia to Q. Mary An ambassador of Persia. Astracan M. Ienkinsons voyage to Boghar He passeth the Caspian sea The countreâ— of Tumen The Island of Chatalet The land of Shiâ—uansha Derbent A mighty wall Or Tiphlis Fortie one degrees Shabran Alcan Murcy the gouernour King Obdolowcan The maiesty attire of king Obdolowcan The Queenes letters to the Sophy Casbin Multitude of concubines The description of Hircania Danger by diuersâ—tie in religion Barbarous crueltie The citie of Arrash or Erex The commodities of thiâ— countreâ— The strong castle of Gullistone defaced The towne of Yauate The city of Ardouil The city Tebâ—iâ— or Tauris M. Ienkinsons arriuall at the Sophies court 2. Nouember 1562. The Turkes Ambassadour to the Sophy The Turkes merchauntâ— withstand M. Ienkinson Shaw Thomas the Sophies name The Queeneâ— letters deliuered The Sophies questions The curtesâ—e of Shally Murzey Warres intended against the Portingalsâ— The king of Hircans sâ—cond letters in M. Ienkinsonâ— behalfe Conference with Indian Merchants M. Ienkinsons returne Priuiledges obtained of Obdolowcan which are hereafter annexed An Armenian sent to M. Ienkinson from the king of Georgia Teneruk king of Chircassi The description of Persia. The chiefe Cities of Persia. The difference of religion The 30. of May 1563. New priuileges obtained hereafter following 28. Sâ—ptemb 1564. A rubble is a marke English Casbin Leuuacta A Boserman to a Renegado Thomas Alcocke slaine in the way betweene Leuuacta and Shammaki Keselbash or Ieselbash Gillan in Persia 1565. Ieraslaue a towne vpon the riuer of Volga Richard Iohnson chiefe of the third voyage into Persia. A barke of 30. tunnes made at Ieraslaue 1564. to passe the Caspian seas 1566 They departed from Astracan the 30. of Iuly 1565. September Presents to the king Obdolowcan A hoâ—se giuen our men in Shamaki by the king The death of Abdollocan the 2. of October 1565. Mursay the new king of Media The death of Alexander Kitchin the 23. of October 1565. The Caspiaâ— sea very shoald in diuers places The murthering of Thomas Alcock Cozamomet a noble man that fauoured our nation The value of a tumen What a batman is Varas a great mart for silke Gilan 7. dayes sailing from Astracanâ— Alom Gilan 4. dayes iourney from Casbin From Casbin to Ormus a moneths trauel with camels The secret doings of the Moscouie company Orient reds of Venice die A shaugh is 6. d. English His arriual at Casbin the 25. of May. Conference demands of the Shaugh All sorts of cloth to be sent specially Westerne
â—aken â—â—o trueth in Negrosâ— â—â—â—inica Rio de la Hacha takeâ— â—artageâ—â— Furicanoâ— Stoâ—me Saint Iohn dâ— Vllua a Port. The Spaniards deceiueâ— Our requestâ— The fleete of Spaine The maner oâ— the Port S. Iohn de Vllâ—â— North wind periâ—ous 1800. thousand pond A Uiceroy Faire woâ—deâ— beguiled Our requestâ— The peacâ— concludâ— A Viceroy false of his faith The treason brake foorth The Minion escaped hardly The Iesus escaped hardly Sharpe wars 3. ships of the Spaniards consumed â— hard casâ— Small hope to be had of tyrants A storme Small hopes of life â—ard choleâ— Miseries An hundred men set on land in 23. deg and a halfe The greatest miserie of all The balâ—ant exploit of M. Francis Drake betwixt Panama and Nombre de Dios. M. Francis Drake burnt the house of Crosses The Iland of pearles 25. leagues from Panama A skirmish between the English men and the Spaniardâ— The English betrayed to the Spaniards The death of Iohn Oxnam The English mens coÌ„ming to the Indies caused the king of Spaine to build gallies to keepe the Seas â—sla del sal The Isle of Maio. Two villaâ—â—s burnt The Isle 〈◊〉 Trinidad The Isle 〈◊〉 Margarita The Isle oâ— Curaâ—â—â—â— Ca 〈…〉 Nombre de dios Simerons reâ—â—â—â— to the Spâ—niards Verag The bay oâ— Honduras The Isle oâ—â— Francisco A conspiracy against the Captainâ— M. Andrew Barker and 8 other slaine by the Spaniards The towne of Truxillio sacked by the English The death of Philip Roche master of the Ragged staffe Their arriual in the Isle of Sillie Certaine Ordinance of Iohn Oxnam recouered from the Spaniards San Vicente Islas de Madera Canaria y Cabo Verde Rio de Ienero Lugar por haeâ—a vn fuerte Estrecho de Magallanes Mar del Sur. Lima es ciudad de dos mil vezi noâ— pero facil â— tomar Panama La segunda viaje San Domingo Cartagena Rio de Chagre Panama lugar a bierto y facil a laquear La Huana Tomar las flotas Quarenta naos gruesas The damage which may be done by passing by the riuer of Ieâ—ero into the South sea Madera Canaries The Isle of Cape Verde The riuer of Ienero A â—ort may bee â—iuided on an Island in the mouth of the riuer of Ienero The streight of Magelan The citie of Lima easie to bee takenâ— though it haue 2000 inhabitants The ships in the South sea may be burnt Panama may be taken The second course which indeede Drake tooke Panama bâ—ing an open place is easie to be taken Hauana easie to be taken The Indian fleete may bâ— taken Sir Barnarâ— Drake tooke I7 sailes of the Spanish and Portugall fishers returning from Newfoundland 1585. His intelligence was â—oâ— true as since I found in the osfice of the Admiralty Fortie greaâ— ships to be prouided 1583. Terzena was won by the Marqueâ— of Santa Cruz. Another armâ— of ten sailes The Indian fleete to be strengthened with 4. shipâ— of warrâ— What prouision is to be made if Don Antonio shoulâ— come with aâ— army An armie of 14 gallies â—o be proâ—ided Another army oâ— 12 great ships 4 pataches and 1500 souldiersâ— The citie of S. Iago taken aâ—â— possessâ—d for 14. dayes A wise couâ—se â—o be â—â—â—tated in all great actions The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Poâ—â—ugal againâ—â— M. Wilâ—â—am Hawkins The citie of S. Domingo taken Most vnsatiable Spanish ambition Cartagena Alonso Brâ—â—o the gouernour of Cartagena taken The Island of Cares A most commendable example of diligence in a Generall Nicolas Boâ—gâ—gnoâ— Santa Helena Roanoac Santa Marta situate in 10. degrees and a halfe A new course to Noâ—a 〈◊〉 by 〈…〉 Santa Marta less◠〈…〉 then the ordained course Cartagena situate in 11. degrees sâ—anâ—◠〈…〉 The gallies of 〈…〉 The poynt of Ycacos Nombre de Dios in 9. deg and one tierce Panama hath 350. houses Negros Simerons mortall enemies to the Spanyards The best way to take Panama Perico An Island in the harbour of Panama Places good to land in 1 Place 2 Place This was Oâ—enâ—am 3 Place The place of most aduantage for the English Rebellion seated in the West Indies 5. or 6. millions of gold siluer The harbour of Perico Nota. A new way into the south-sea These fiue leagues are very good ground or champion countrey Spanish treason The newe fortification in Hauana Souldiers sent to Hauana A fort vpon an hill Fiue Frigats made at Hauana Iohn de Orimo General of the fleete The excellency of the great Frygates built in Cuba Copper mines newly found in Cuba Pedro de Valdes prisoner in England Iohn Baptista Antonio the generall Iugenour of the West Indies A strong fort newly builded in S. Iuan de puerto Rico. This Fort was taâ—en by thâ— Eaâ—le of 〈◊〉 lâ—nd 1â—â—6 Copper mines â—oâ—nd neere Hauana 200 souldiers sent to S. Iâ—an de Puerto Rico. 1500 fighting men in S. Iuan de puerto Rico Island The boldnes of the English The souldiers run away from Hauana The boldnes of the English 18 ships builded in Cuba against England Acapuâ—co the â—arbour where the â—hips â—â—e that goe for Châ—na FroÌ„ Acâ—pulcoâ— to China aboue â—000 leaguesâ— Flemish wares good in China A wonderfull gaâ—â—e M. Thomas Candish Gold mâ—â—es siluer mâ—â—â—s and Pearles in China Fiâ—e liâ—â—eâ— cloth greatly â—steemed in China Not aboue one thousand Spaniards in the Philippinas The people of the Riuer of Plate 100 men wanting Good watch continually kept English men in the South sea â—ought 3 yeres This was M. Chidleys fleet whereof the Delight was in the streights of Magelan in Ianuary and Feb. 158â— This was M. Iohn Chidlâ—ys fleet â—aâ—iâ—â— Plague Peâ—u vtteâ—ly vndoâ—â— with the plague A short passage from Buenos Aeres in the â—iuer of Plaâ—e to Peru. The tediousnesse of the way by Cartagena to Peru. Prinâ—e seales to borrow money sent into Peru. Adundance of money to come from Lima and from The Valleâ— The citie of Santa Fee in the new kingdom of Granada Great store of metal â—ound in the newe mines of Marequita The great riuer of Magdalena The richest mines in all Peru. The great profite of the trade to the Philippinas Twenty li. of beefe may bee bought for sixe pence in Peru. The Englishmen eâ—â—remely fâ—â—â—ed in Peru. A fight from 7. in the morning till 11 at night This towne standeth from the waters side a league They thought some fleete had bene come from Spaine for so they expected Iaâ—aâ—câ— A good riuer of fresh water in Grand Caimâ—â— Preseruing of hogs-flesh The excellent hauen of Cauannas A Portugal ship takenâ— They double the cape of Buena Esperanza Quitangone â—â—re Mozaâ—bique The isle of Comoro They Wiâ—neâ— at the isle of Zanzibar The isles of Pulo pinaom The isle of Nicubar They returne homeward They double the cape of Bona Speranza The isle of S. Helena The strange force of sudden feare and sudden ioy The isle of Trinidad in the West Indies The isle oâ— Monâ— Cape Tiburon * Of Gonnauy They wracked vpon Bermuda the 17 of December 1593.
beneath Scawe and at Anold tooke Thomas Adams and Iohn Walters marchants of Yermouth and Robert Caumbrigge and Reginald Leman marchants of Norwich in a certaine shippe of Elbing in Prussia whereof one Clays Goldesmith was master with diuers woollen clothes of the saide Thomas Iohn Robert and Reginald to the value of one thousande marks English and carried the persons and goods aforesaide away with them and the said Thomas Iohn Robert and Reginald they imprisoned at Courtbuttressow and there detained them vntill they paide an hundred markes for their redemption Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1401. some of the inhabitants of Wismer and of Rostok wickedly tooke at Longsound in Norway a certaine shippe of West-Stowe in Zeland the Master whereof was one Gerard Dedissen laden with diuerse goods and marchandises of Iohn Hughson of Yermouth namely with the hides of oxen and of sheepe with butter masts sparres boordes questingstones and wilde werke to the value of an hundred marks and do as yet detaine the said things in their possession some of the Hans being their assistants in the promisses Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1402. certaine of the Hans of Rostok and of Wismer tooke vpon the coast of England neere vnto Plimmouth a certaine barge called the Michael of Yarmouth whereof Hugh ap Fen was the owner and Robert Rigweys the master laden with bay salt to the quantitie of 130. wayes and with a thousand canuasse clothes Britaine and doe as yet detaine the saide goods in their possession the said Hugh being endamaged by the losse of his ship and of his goods aforesaid 800. nobles and the foresaid Master and the mariners loosing in regard of their wages canuas and armour 200. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1405. certaine malefactors of Wismer wickedly and vniustly tooke in a certaine port of Norway called Selaw a ship of Yarmouth the owner whereof was William Oxney and the master Thomas Smith laden with salt cloth and salmon to the value of 40. pound and doe as yet detaine the said ship and goods in their possession some of the Hans their confederates ayding and assisting them at the same time Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. one Godekin Mighel Clays Scheld Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans tooke vpon the sea a certain ship of one Iohn Dulwer of Cley called the Friday whereof Laurence Tuk of Cley was master and conueighed the said ship vnto Maustrond in Norway and the saide Master and mariners they robbed of diuers commodities namely of artillery furniture and salt fishes being in the same ship to the value of 500. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. Godekin Mighel Clays Scheld Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of one William Bets of Cley called the Margaret wherein Robert Robines was master and conueyed the ship it self vnto Mawstrond in Norway and there robbed the master and his partners of diuers commodities namely of artillerie furniture and salt fishes to the value of 400. nobles and one of the said masters mates they maliciously drowned Item in the yere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist the forenamed Godekin and Stertebeker with others their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully took vpon the sea a certain ship of Nicholas Steyhard and Iohn Letis of Cley called the Nicholas wherof Iohn Prest was master and conueyed the said ship vnto Mawstrond and there robbed the said master and his companie of diuers commodities namely of furniture and salt fishes being in the said ship to the value of 320. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast aforesaid the said Godekins and Stertebeker their companions of the Hans vniustly took vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Peirs of Cley called the Isabel whereof William Noie was master and conueyed it vnto Mawstrond and there robbed the said master and his company of diuers commodities as namely of furniture and salt fishes being in the said ship to the value of 406. nobles Item in the yeere next aboue mentioned vpon the Saterday about the foresaid feast the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully took vpoÌ„ the sea a certain ship of one Thomas Lyderpole of Cley called the Helena wherein Robert Alwey was master also wickedly and vniustly drowned in the bottom of the sea diuers commodities as namely salt fishes together with the ship itselfe Item in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the feast of S. Michael the archangel the foresaid Godekin Stertebeker with other their coÌ„federats of the Hans took at Langsound in Norway a certain crayer of one Thomas Motte of Cley called the Peter wherein Thomas Smith was master the foresaid crayer they wickedly and vniustly caried away being worth 280. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker and others of the Hans vniustly tooke a certain ship of Simon Durham called the Dogger-ship and the Peter of Wiueton laden with salt fishes whereof Iohn Austen was master vpon the coast of Denmarke And they caried away the saide Dogger with the furniture thereof and the foresaid salt fishes to the value of 170. pound Moreouer the master and 25â— mariners in the same ship they maliciously slewe and a certaine ladde of the saide Dogger they caried with tâ—em vnto Wismer Item in the foresaid yeere and about the feast aforesaid the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker with other their complices vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Lyderpole and Iohn Coote of Wiueton and the master and mariners which were in the saide shippe they villanously slue among whom they put to death one Simon Andrew the godsonne nephew and seruant of the foresaid Simon Durham Which ship with the goods and furniture that were therein was worth 410. nobles Item in the very same yeere about the feast aforesaid the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker other their complices wickedly spoiled a certaine ship of the foresaid Simon Durham called the Dogger wherein Geruase Cat was master lying at an anker while the companie were occupied about fishing and likewise vniustly tooke away with them the salt fishes and furniture of the said ship Moreouer the master and his company that were in the said Dogger they beate and wounded so that they vtterly lost their fishing for that yeere the master and his said companie being endamaged thereby to the summe of 200. nobles Item in the yere of our Lord 1396. the foresaid Godekins and Stertebeker and other their complices vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certain crayer called the Buss of Zeland which one Iohn Ligate marchant and seruant vnto the forenamed Simon Durham had laden in Prussia on the behalfe of
the said Simon to saile for England and spoiled the said craier and also tooke and caried away with them the goods and marchandises of the said Simon being in the foresaid ship to the value of 66. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1397. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans tooke a crayer of one Peter Cole of Zeland called the Bussship which Alan Barret the seruant and factor of the foresaid Simon Durham had laden with mastes sparres and other marchandize for the behalfe of the said Simon and vniustly tooke from thence the goods of the said Simon to the value of 24. pounds and caried the same away Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and others of the Hans vniustly tooke vpon the sea and caried away with them a packe of woollen cloth of the foresaid Simon worth 42. pounds out of a certain crayer of one Thomas Fowler of Lenne being laden and bound for Dantzik in Prussia Item pitifully complaining the marchants of Lenne doe auouch verifie affirme that about the feast of S. George the martyr in the yeere of our Lord 1394. sundry malefactors and robbers of Wismer Rostok and others of the Hans with a great multitude of ships arriued at the towne of Norbern in Norway and tooke the said town by strong assault and also wickedly and vniustly took al the marchants of Lenne there residing with their goods cattels and burnt their houses and mansions in the same place and put their persons vnto great ransoms euen as by the letters of safeconduct deliuered vnto the said marchants it may more euidently appeare to the great damage and impouerishment of the marchants of Lenne namely Imprimis they burnt there 21. houses belonging vnto the said marchants to the value of 440. nobles Item they tooke from Edmund Belyetere Thomas Hunt Iohn Brandon and from other marchants of Lenne to the value of 1815. pounds Concerning this surprise Albertus Krantzius in the sixt book of his history of Norway and the 8. Chapter writeth in maner following IN the meane while Norway enioyed peace vnder the gouernment of a woman vntil Albertus king of Suecia who had now seuen yeeres continued in captiuity vnder Queen Margaret was to be set at liberty Which when the common souldiers of Rostok Wismer called the Vitalians perceiued who whilest their king was holden captiue in the right of the forenamed cities for the behalfe of their lord the king being prince of Mekleburg by birth vndertooke and waged warre al the time of his captiuitie banding their forces together they resolued at their own costs charges but in the right of the said cities to saile into the 3. kingdoms and to take such spoiles as they could lay hold on These common souldiers therfore sâ—eing an end of their tyrannical and violent dealing to approch sassed into Norway vnto the towne of Norbern being a mart town for al the marchants of Germanie who transporting fishes from thence doe bring thither marchandises of all kinds especially corne vnto the scarcitie wherof vnlesse it be brought out of other countreys that kingdome as we haue said is very much subiect Departing out of their ships and going on shore they set vpon the towne and by fire and sword they easily compelled the inhabitants dwelling in weake wodden houses to giue place Thus these Vitalians entring and surprising the towne conueyed such spoiles vnto their ships as them pleased and hauing laden their ships with those booties they returned home frolike vnto the ports of their own cities Without all respect they robbed and rifled the goods aswel of the Germanes as of the Noâ—uagians and like lewde companions wasting and making hauock of all things prooued themselues neuer the wealthier For it is not the guise of such good fellowes to store vp or to preserue ought The citizens at the first seemed to be inriched howbeit afterward no man misdoubting any such calamitie goods ill gotten were worse spent Thus farre Kranâ—zius Item pitifully complaining the foresaide marchants auouch verifie and affirme that vpon the 14. day after the feast of S. George in the yeere of our Lord next aboue written as 4. ships of Lenne laden with cloth wine and other marchandises were sailing vpon the maine sea with all the goods and wares conteined in them for Prussia sundry malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans being in diuers ships came vpon them and by â—orce of armes and strong hand tooke the said ships with the goods and marchandises contained in them and some of the people which were in the saide foure ships they slew some they spoyled and others they put vnto extreame ransomes And carying away with them those foure ships with the commodities and marchandise therin they parted stakes thâ—rwith as them listed to the great impâ—uerishment losse of the said marchants of Lenne namely in cloth of William Silesden Tho. Waterden Ioh. Brandon Ioh. WesenhaÌ„ other marchants of Lenne to the value of 3623 li.5.s.11 d. Item pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants doe affirme that one Henry Lambolt and other his adherents in the yeere of our Lord 1396. looke vpon the maine sea betweene Norway and Sâ—aw one crayer laden with osmunds and with diuers other marchandises perteining vnto Iohn Brandon of Lenne to the summe and value of 443 li.4.s.2.d Moreouer they tooke from Iohn Lakingay 4. lasts and an halfe of osmunds to the value of 220 lib.10.s Item the foresaid marchants complaine that certain malefactors of Wismer with other their compliâ—es of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1396. tooke from Thomas Ploker of Lenne out of a certaine ship sailing vpon the maine sea towaâ—ds Sconâ—land whereof Iames Snycop was master cloth and other marchandise to the summe and value of 13 lib.13.s.4.d Item the aboue-named marchants complaine saying that certaine malefactors of Wismer with others of the Hans society in the yere of our Lord 1397. wickedly and vniustly took out of a certaine ship of Dantzik whereof Laurence van Russe was master from Ralph Bedingam of Lenne one fardel of cloth worth 52 li.7.s.6.d Also for the ransome of his seruant 8 li.6.s.8.d Itemâ— they tooke from Thomas Earle diuers goods to the value of 24. pounds Item the foresaid marchants complainâ—â— that certaine malefactors of Wismer Rostok with others of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly vniustly tooke one crayer pertayning vnto Iohn Lakingliâ—h of Lenne laden with diuers goods and marchandise pertaining vnto sundry marchants of Lenne namely from the forenamed Iohn one fardel of cloth and one chest full of harneis and other things to the value of 90 lib Item they took out of the foresaid ship from Roger Hood one fardel of cloth and one chest with diuers goods to the value of 58 lib Item from Iohn Pikeron one fardell of cloth and one chest with