the Accompts of the Lord Cromwell Treasurer of England b that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminster the entertainment of the Garrison and Governour was defrayed the Rents of the Dutchy not supporting the charge ordinary c When Richard Duke of York was in the 15. year of Henry the 6. Regent the certain Expence overballanced the Receipt 34008. l. And an. 27. d the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament that Normandy was not able to maintain it self But thus it continued not much longer for this Crown was both eased of the Dutchy and Charge shortly Of the Principality of Aquitain the Duchie of Gascoign Guien and the Members I find the state thus in record In the 26. of Henry 3. e there was issued from the Treasurer Chamberlains at Westminster 10000. l. for paiments in Gascoign besides an infinite proportion of Victualls and Munition thither sent To retain this Dutchie in Duty and possession f this king was inforced to pawn his Jewells being aere alieno graviter obligatus The sauris Donativis Tallagiis extersionibus in Anglia consumptis very much indebted and having spent all his Treasures Grants Tallages and other Sweepings in England Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum forced an acknowledgement from him of 40000. Marks And a Story of that time saith of ann. 38. g Ille per multos labores expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae with a great deal of toyle and expense he unprofitably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign of which the Labour was more then ever the Benefit could be And thus it appeareth to have continued for an. 17. a of Edward the second the money disbursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595. l. 9. shillings 7d besides 29660. Quarters of Grain and of Beeves and Bacons an infinite proportion In the first of Edward the 3. b the issues of Gascoign were 10000. l. above the Revenues The Signiories in Aquitain c cost in 8. years ending 36. of this King 192599. l. 4. shill. 5d de receptis forinsecis onely It was delivered in Parliament an. 1. Rich. 2. d that Gascoign and some few other places that were then held in France cost yearly this Crown 42000. l. And in the 17th of this King e a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especiall then to provide money to clear the annuall expences of those parts The charge of Bordeaux f but one Town surmounting in half a year all Rents and perquisites there 2232. l. As Fronsack in Aquitain 5787. l. for double that time when the intire Dutchie exceeded not 820. l. in yearly Revenues The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry 4. g was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England By accompt Aquitain besides Guien 6606. l. was the h first of Henry the fifth in surplussage of charge 11200. l. the Town of i Bordeaux the 5. first years of the same King 6815. l. In the 11. of k Henry the 6. Sir Iohn Radcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis c. 2729. l. and for expense in custody of Fronsack Castle onely he payed 666. l. 13. shill. the profits of the Dutchie no wayes able to cleare the Accompts The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britanny may in a few Examples appeare a Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri quod jam per triennium comprobavit that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britanny which he had found to be true upon 3 years tryall and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari to tire himself farther with such toilsome expenses The Town of Brest b cost Richard the second 12000. Marks a year and it stood him in an. 9. in 13118. l. 18. shillings For Callis I will deliver with as much shortness as may be from the first acquisition untill the losse in every age the Expense for the most part either out of the Treasury or Customes of England disbursed c From the 18. of Edward the 3. untill the 21. in which space it was taken the Charge amounted to 337400. l. 9. shil. 4d Anno 28. of the same King for little more then a yeare 17847. l. 5. shillings In an. 29. 30581. l. 18d for 2. years compleat d In 30. received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasurer of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England 17847. l. e And in the yeare following 26355. l. 15. shillings f In the second of Richard 2. de receptis forinsecis which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster 20000. l. for 3 yeares compleat g Anno 5. 19783. l. For three yeares ending a anno 10. 77375. l. For the like term untill ann. 13. 48609. l. 8. shillings And b for the 4. succeeding yeares 90297. l. 19. shil. And for the last 3 yeares of his Reign 85643. l. From the end of c Richard 2. untill the 4. of Henry 4. for 3. yeares d 62655. l. 17. shillings And for one succeeding 19783. l. The Charge in Victuall and Provision for 2. yeares 5. moneths in this Kings Reign e 46519. l. 15. shillings In the first 4. and peaceable yeares of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England f 86938. l. 10. shil. for this place And from anno 8. untill the 9. 65363. l. It cost Henry the g 6. above all Revenue 9054. l. 5. shillings in an. 11. The Subsidies in England were an. 27. h levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis And the i 31. of this King there was a Fifteen and 2. shil. of every Sack of Wooll imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end k And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis and the like authority directed 4. of Edward the fourth l that the Souldiers there should receive Victualls and salary from out of the Subsidies of England The disbursement thereof one yeare being 12771. l. m And in the 16. of the same King for like term there was de Portu London Hull Sancti Botolphi Poole Sandwico by the Ports of London Hull Boston Pool Sandwich 12488. l. paid to the Treasury of Callis n And in an. 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290. l. 18. shillings o And in 22. 11102. l. And the year following 10788. l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24. a Henry 8. 8834. l. And about 30th when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy 8117. l. And from the 30th of this
King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428. l. 18. shil. From the first purchase of it by Edward the 3. untill the losse thereof by Queen Mary it was ever a perpetuall issue of the Treasure of this Land which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us then any Fort of Security For from the waste of money which is Nervus Reipublicae the Sinew of a Common-wealth as Ulpian saith we may conclude with Tacitus Dissolutionem Imperii docet si fructus quibus Respub. sustinetur diminuantur it foreshews the ruine of an Empire if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth And therefore it was not the worst opinion at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King incited b Henry the 8. to put off that Kingdome although in the close major pars vicit meliorem the greater party out-voted the better that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable then profitable and the keeping more then the enjoying The issue was in Tournay Bullen and this Town manifest Besides the jealousy that Nation ever held over our designes and their own liberty For as Graecia libera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his custody so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easy descent into and convenient place to trouble the Country a Fetter to intangle them they neither had assurance of their own quiet nor we of their Amity And it was not the least Argument from Conveniencie in the detention of Callis after the 8 yeares expired of Re-delivery used by the Chancellour of France a That we should gain much more in assured peace which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town then by any benefit it did or could yield us It was never but a Pike and Quarrell between the two Realms For upon every light displeasure either Princes would take by and by to Callis and make war there God hath made a separation naturall betwixt both Nations a sure wall and defence Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos That is the English were divided from all the world But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges it is not amisse to touch by way of comfort that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered and also that other of burthen still though much lightened untill conformity of Affections and designs of Councells shall further effect a Remedie The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20. b Edward 3. was 3129. l. for three yeares In the end of Richard 2. entrance of Henry the 4. c 10153. l. And d 11. of Henry 6. the Custodie of the Marches 4766. l. In the 2. Mariae the annuall Charge of Barwick was 9413. l. e And in an. 2. Elizabeth 13430. l. And an. 26. 12391. l. The Kingdome of Ireland beyond the Revenues was 29. E. 3. f 2285. l. An. 30. g 2880. l. and h an. 50. 1808. l. All the time of Richard 2. i it never defrayed the charges And came short in 11. Henry 6. 4000. Marks a of annuall issues The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus proficuis in all the rents and profits yearly by Accompt of Cromwell Lord Treasurer not above 3040. l. But passing over these elder times in the Reign of the late Queen when the yearly Revenue was not 15000. l. the expence for 2. yeares b ending 1571. amounted to 116874. l. In anno 1584. for lesse then 2 yeares came it to 86983. l. c The charge there in two years of S. Iohn Parrots government ending 1586. was 116368. l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000. l. the issue was 91072. l. And when in 35. Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdome exceeded not 27118. l. the Disbursments in 7 moneths were 171883. l. The Charge 1601. d for 9 moneths 167987. l. And for the two yeares following accounted by the allayed money 670403. l. And in the first of the King 84179. l. Whose government although it hath blessed both us and that Kingdome with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forreign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forreign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiorie the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassallage then which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is e Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch in his Kingdome and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperiall Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a Subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majestie and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King Iohn did Normandy and Edward the 2. resigned to his Son the Dutchie of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regaltie but be a dishonour As appeareth in Henry the 2. who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the 17. of Richard 2. the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unlesse the King might not do Homage they held it so base supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territorie those subordinate Dutchies in
France added to this Crown As for the Kingdome of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France not the Kingdome of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place left it might leave this State to the misery of a Provinciall Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our Money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say a Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britans are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facilitie and assurance of Successe in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms then ever any of our Ancestours had To which in answer nothing can be more full then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suite these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equall worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intire Kingdome we had ever Ports to land at Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Dutchie of Britain that so he might have there an easy footing Thus by leave of his Confederats in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficultie is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevaile then Vertue But a ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitas Socia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestours Advantage personall was either A Party found made For the Persons considerable they are the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederats Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministred or by Pension Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Duke of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign a Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earle of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain b The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyaltie Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if c Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldome had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry d 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousy of those Princes Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune Confederates THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutuall Aide were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first and 3d. Edwards the 5th and 8th Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestours in the end It is not amisse in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tied that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no Henry the first but to assure his own possessions beyond Sea a adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aide the Earle of Britain and Theobald Earle of Bloys Henry the second did the like with b Robert Earle of Flanders And again c cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earle of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earle who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earle of Flanders contracteth under Bond d mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutuall aide that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the e Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King Iohn a and the Earle of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutuall assistance against the French King b The like with the City of Doway and Earle of Holland Henry 3. an. 11. drew c Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earle of Flanders with a Pension annuall of 500. Marks d And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homines in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an. 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an. 13. e
the bond of our assurance betook him to the Amity of France and dealt with this Crown but as a Merchant by way of intercourse first at the Treaty of e Bruges 1442. then at f Callis 1446. the reputation and interest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son then ever it increased in the rising of the Father And Edward the fourth who succeeded sensible of this losse woed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to winne again the house of Burgundy g which in an. 7. he did to joyn for the recovery of his right in France h And drew in the yeare following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy In the i 11. yeare he renewed with Charles of Burgundie the bond of mutuall Aide and contracted the next k yeare the like with the King of Portugal And in an. 14. pro recuperatione Regni Franciae contra Ludovicum Usurpantem for the recovery of the Kingdome of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper a as the Record is entered a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain b And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money though he could not any portion of land Henry the 7. c an. 5. 6. entertaineth an Alliance with Spain against the French King The like in the 8. with the King of Portugall and in the 10. d with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutuall Aide Henry the 8. in an. 4. e reneweth the Amity of Portugal and the next yeare combineth with the Emperour Maximilian against Lewis the French King who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with 4000. horse and 6000. foot whereupon he winneth Tournay f Consilio Auxilio favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris with the advice assistance and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian In anno 7. g to weaken the French King he entreth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace and with h Charles of Spain for Amity and mutuall Aide into which Maximilian the Emperour and Ioane of Spain i were received the yeare following k In an. 12. with the Emperour Charles and l Margaret Regentesse of Burgundy he maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King as the common enemy quia Rex Angliae non possit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects as was mentioned in the contract the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany And the Pope in furtherance of this intendment interdicteth the French territories calleth in aide Brachii Secularis of the Secular power a those two Princes appointeth the Emperour Protectorem advocatum Ecclesiae the Churches Advocate and Protectour stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio an holy expedition b And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next yeare confirmed and explained Renewing in the years c 21. 35 and 38. the association and bond of mutuall aide with the same Princes and against the French King if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk And although d Edward the 6. in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetuall e yet forbore he to aide the Emperour in the wars of France disabled as he pretended by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him f And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperiall protection During the Reign of Queen Mary there was no other but that g of Marriage Aide and Entercourse with the Emperor Spain and Burgundy h and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde i about New-haven and k with Charles the 9. 1564. at l Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him and after Britain and lastly by the Duke of Bullen a in 96. And with the States of the Netherlands in the yeares 85. b and 98. divers Treaties of Amity Confederation and Assistance By all these passages being all that well either our Story or Records can discover it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterprize without a party and confederate Amongst which by situation those of best advantage to us have been the Dukes of Britain Lords of the Netherlands the City of Genoa the kings of Portugall and Spain the Empire since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany the Kings of Denmark Poland and Sweden so farre removed I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy but of Amity and Entercourse onely IT remaineth to observe a little what were the reasons that first induced and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these severall Nations respectively to this Crown The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffique here All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousy of Surprize But as soon as Vicinum Incendium the fire began in Millain they put themselves into the protection of Spain foreseeing how dangerous it would be set a weak State to stand Neutrall according to Aristhenus counsell to the Aetolians c Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus What else will become of us being in firm friendship with neither side then to be made a prey to the Conquerour Since which time Spain by estating Doria Grimaldi and the Spinellos chief Families of that City with great Patrimonies in Naples retaining their Gallies in his perpetuall service and salary the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficiall Trade and no lesse in Policy to ingage that City then to supply his own Wants continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summes of money as the Interest of late exceeded a 25. Millions hee hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party then if it were commanded by a Cittadell so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown Navarre and Britain while State of themselves were so long firm to our Confederacy as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity occasioned by that power which incorporating lately the one by Descent the other by Contract is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii more potent now then ever it hath been under the House of Capet Burgundie was so long our friend as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities or had protection of our Swords against France
accounted heretick either by the Church of Rome or any other way to do contra formam Tractatus contrary to the form of Agreement how much more must their jealousie be to us And therefore in a Consultation in Henry the 8s time a whether with best security we should confederate with France or Spain it was resolved that either of them may slip off their advantage by colour of our Separation from the Church of Rome if there be no better hold in their Honesties then in their Bonds For it will be held not onely worthy dispensation but merit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church by the Doctrine of that See which teacheth all Contracts with any Catholick Prince to be instanti dissolved because we are by them ranked in the list of Hereticks which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by b Bull to Wenceslaus King of Bohemia and Charles then Emperor before the Councill of Constance declaring all Confederations Leagues and Conventions to be Lege Divina temerariae illicitae ipso jure nullae etiamsi forent fide data firmatae aut Confirmatione Apostolica roboratae to be by the Law of God invalid void and in law null although confirmed by the plighting of faith nay though strengthened by confirmation Apostolicall if the parties were separatae ab Unitate sanctae Ecclesiae separate from the Unity of Holy Church when the league was made or si postea sint effecti if they become so after What assurance can there then be either with France who is received by his Rebenediction into the Bosome of the Church and his sonne made Adoptivus Filius Ecclesiae an adopted Son of the Church or against him with Spain who being Protector and Champion of that See Apostolick submitteth himself as he hath ever done to the Popes pleasure and designe and must not onely forsake but aide against us in any warre we should there undertake Danger by difference in Religion in respect of the Subjects Besides it is considerable howsoever all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mutuall aide whether they will so in a forrain Invasion especially when the party assailed shall be of their own Religion For when the Interdiction of the Pope could draw against Iohn King of England a Lewis the 12. a side of their own Subjects as it did after in the same Kingdome against Hen. 3. though all 3. conformable in points of Religion to that See how much more will it work with the people devoted to their opinions in a State divided from their obedience For amongst us the Catholick Church hath many Iesuites to raise Faction and divert people from duty the Recusants many and Malecontents not few all which with warre will discover themselves but now by this happy calm unassured of assistance lock up their riches in security their hearts in silence And therefore by any enterprize it is not with the rule of Seneca safe concutere felicem statum For provoking of some adversary in respect of Papall protection they pick advantage to ground a quarrel of Religion then the sancta Expeditio the holy expedition against Lewis will be made Bellū Sacrum a holy Warre against us But admitting no lesse then in former times an easiness to attempt it is not a meditation unnecessary to think in generall of the dangers and impossibilities to retain For first we must more then transgresse Limites quos posuerunt Patres the Bounds which our Fathers owned Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos And Britans from the world wholy divided and relinquish that defence of Nature wherewith she hath incirculed divided and secured us from the whole world a Te natura potens Pelago divisit ab omni Parte orbis tuta ut semper ab hoste fores From all the Earth Nature hath parted thee With Seas and set thee safe from Enemy and commit our Frontiers had we never so much upon the next Continent to the protection of an Army which besides the continuall Charge if we give Ambitious and able Commanders as unable for our Interest we will not how ready shall it be in such a Leader and backt if he please to give Law to his own countrey For Trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by Power And whensoever means and Ambition leads any to trouble the State he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest Titles b Alii sicuti Iura populi defenderent Pars quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret bonum publicum simulantes some declaring to maintain the rights of the People others to uphold the authority of the Senate all pretending to act for the publick good Hence was it that Augustus c refused to add any more of the Barbarous Nations to the body of his Empire which with great facility he might have done d and to restrain that infinite and unsafe desire of enlarging left in Charge to his Successors that especiall point of advice a coercendi intra Terminos Imperii to keep the Empire within due fitting bounds The like moderation from the same ground was in the late Queen who refused the soveraignty of the Netherlands b so often and earnestly offered to her fore-seeing well that as her State should grow more respective by addition of People and augmentation of Territory so Factions and Discontents a common accident in worldly affaires would arise from superfluity Besides the State that may best admit increase is that unto which addition may be on every part indifferently Such was the advantage of Rome by being situate in the middest of Europe whereas we are thrust out of the world to which we have no other contiguity then an unsure element of fluxible foundation the Sea subject to tempest contrariety of wind and more commodious for a potent enemy to intercept then our selves to secure For how large soever any Kingdome is all great directions move from one place commonly from one man as the Heart in the Body It is therefore necessary that the seat be so placed that as well Intelligence as Dispatch may safely passe with indifferency and assured Speed And those Forms are most quick and easy in motion whose extremes are all equally distant from the Centre for the more different from the Circle the more slow and hard Rome may sufficiently example this For so long as the Orbe of that Empire so moved about her all things kept on their course with order and ease but after the Seate was by c Constantine removed to an extremity of the Circle it stood a while still and in the end dissolved For either through the masse of Business the limitedness of any mans sufficiency or impossibility to consider all due Circumstances but in re praesenti there must fall out infinite defects in the directions Or if
home loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies since no motives are so powerfull to the Common greedy People as the hopes of gain which will easily enforce them b Ire super gladios superque Cadavera patrum Et caesos calcare Duces Tread upon Swords and on their Fathers Graves And spurn their slaughter'd Captains In the Expeditions of Henry 3. their purchases were so great that the a Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back then for the expence of their own monyes For Cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas When Toil brings Loss Begg'ry must needs increase The same King although called in by the Nobility of France b in Faction against their Master returned no better rewarded then Consumpta pecunia infinita Nobilibus Militibus innumeralibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati vel fame attenuatis vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem with the having spent an infinite deal of money his Nobles and Souldiers without number being either slain or sickly or maimed or half-starved or else reduced to extreme poverty Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence of Henry the 3. and his people in his Sicilian Service with no better wages then this Scoffe That England was c Puteus inexhaustus quem nullus poterat exsiccare a Well not to be emptied which no man could draw dry What the succeeding times afforded may be well gathered out of the many Petitions in Parliament 22. Edward 3. 4 and 7. of Richard 2. 8. of Henry 5. and 10. of Henry 6. ever complaining of the extreme Beggery the people brought home and desiring some speedy Relief The Treasure d Henry the 8. spent in aide of Maximilian about recovery of Verona nullum aliud factum nisi damnum dedecus peperit brought him nothing else but Loss and Dishonour For the Emperour having his turn served delivered contrary to Contract that City to the French threatning to confederate with them ni Rex ei continuo per solveret unless the King would forth with pay him down a great summe of money believing as the words are Minis terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words For the great Army of this King sent over into France and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Burbon with in their wars of Millan his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad he was himself at the last of all their ends effected having spent the Treasure of his Father and the Bounty of his Subjects forsaken and left as the Pasquill painted him inter Moysem Christum Mahumetem betwixt Moses Christ and Mahomet with this word Quo me vertam nescio Which way to turn me I know not For 2. Millions of a Crowns bestowed in purchase of Tournay not without suite of his own he delivered it with little or no recompence rated his potentiall Interest of France at no greater Summe then an Annuity b of 100000. Crowns What from the 30. of this King untill the last of his son Edward the sixth for c 3173478. l. 15s 4d spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars this State received of inrichment it seemeth so mean as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts Untill the late Queen was drawn into wars she had in Treasure 700000. l. but after she was once intangled it cost her before the 30. of her Reign 1517351. l. at which time she was but entering into the vastness of her future Charge For the annuall expence of 126000. l. in the Low-Countries from 1587. untill 1593. the yearly disbursment for a Flushing and the Brill 28482. l. the debts of the States 800000. l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734. l. was after that time Thus by reason of warre besides Taxes upon her People to the Summe of two Millions and 800000. l. by Subsidies Tenths Fifteens she hath spent of her Lands Jewells and Revenues an infinite proportion As for the imaginary Profit grown by the many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain it may be well cast up by two examples of our best Fortunes The Journey of Cales b defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000. l. And our times of most advantage by Prizes between c anno 30. and 34. of the Queen wherein we received but 64044. l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy arising in the same yeares to 275761. l. As to the greatest Losse expence of Christian Blood it may well suffice to be moan with * Horace Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam nisi in dispar feris Is there as yet so little Latine Bloud Spilt on the Fields and Flouds Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind THe last motive from Utility is increase of Revenues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction as to instance the particular Summes exhausted in every Age to retain them Beginning first with the Dutchie of Normandy For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence as the a Author saith laden Thesauris innumeris with uncountable Treasure exacted sive per fas sive per nefas in Normanniam transfretavit gathethered together by hook or by crook wafted over into Normandy His Son b ad retinendam Normanniam Angliam excoriavit to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin The same end by c Henry the first Anglia fuit bonis spoliata England was despoiled of its Goods His d Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae a Scutage for his army in Normandy 3. times at a high rate and was inforced then against incursions of the French to build and man e 13 Castles de novo integro intirely new Richard the first f exacted heavily upon his people ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerfull Courtiers of France so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy King Iohn g as wearied with the Charge neglected it And his Son h feeling a burden more then benefit resigned his interest there for a little Money When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth i the judgement in Councel was That the keeping of it would be no lesse of expence then to war forth for all France In the quiet possession of his Son Henry a Iohn Duke of Bedford then Regent this Dutchie cost the Crown of England 10942. l. yearly In an. 10. it appeareth by
by a pretence of intermarriage drew Florence Earle of Holland from the French to his party f and the yeare following by mediation of the Lord of Black-mont the Earle of Flanders who in g an. 20. assisted him in the wars of Gascoign h In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans and the Earle of Gueldres tying the Nobility of Burgundie with a yearly donative of 30000. l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Franciae against the French King i He had Guido Earle of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000. l. Turonensium in pay against the French King an. 24 25 and 31. of his Reign k retaining the Earle of Gueldres by pay of 1000000. l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000. l. l the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000. l. and Waller and Lord of Montay by 300. l. Turonensium in his service the same yeare a And in an. 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae Reginald Earle of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France Edward 2. had b auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoensibus assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses c And in an. 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders Iohn Protectour of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. cquitibus peditibus Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot and 10000 other armed men Edward the 3. d had by the Marriage of Philip the Earle of Henault Holland her Father assured to him and retained Iohn of Henault and his Followers e qui venerunt in auxilium adrogatum Regis who came to assist the King at his call with a Salary of 14000. l. yearly Before he adventured to avow and maintain his Challenge to the Kingdome of France f he made up to his partie Lodowick the Emperour who the better to countenance his enterprise elected him Vicarium Imperii Vicar of the Empire g Reginald Earle of Geldres Lewis Marquesse of Brandenburg Conrade Lord of Hard who served him with 50. men at Armes the Cardinall of Genoa and his Nephew who aided him with Galleys the Magistrates of Colen Bruxells Lorrain and Mechlin and h Iaques de Artevile head of the Gantois Faction who having quitted all duty to the banished Earle submitted themselves and most of Flanders to the service and protection of Edward 3. who to free them of two Millions of Crowns wherein as a Caution of obedience to the Crown of France a they stood bound as well by Oath as Obligation took upon him the Title of King of France and imployed Iohn Duke of Brabant and Lorrain William Marquesse of Iuliers and the Earle of Henault and Holland his assured Friends Procuratores suos ad vendicandum Regnum Franciae his Procurators to claim the Crown of France b These his Allyes not long after meeting him at Tournay with 100000. men as Robert de Artoys did with 50000. at S. Omers against the French King And thus he attired and furnished his first enterprise weaving into his Faction and support more and more as often as either pretence or just occasions would give him leave By c colour of Marriage he drew in the King of Sicilie in the 18th year the Duke of Millain and the King of Castile for mutuall aide and d Simon Butangre Duke of Genoa and his Subjects for hire and reward In the 19. yeare e the questionable Title of the Dutchie of Britain assured him of Iohn de Montford against whom the f French King maintained Charles de Bloys for that Dutchie In an. 24. g he renewed the Contract with the Genoeses and in 30. made a convention of Peace mutui auxilii cum Rege Navarrae and of mutuall aide with the King of Navarre In h the 37. with Peter King of Castile and in that and 41. i an alliance of Aide and Amity he entred with the Duke of Britain and an. 45. k again with the Genoeses and Lewis Earle of Flanders and Duke of Brabant l and an. 46. with Ferdinand King of Portugall Richard the second reneweth m in an. 1. the confederation that his Grandfather had with the Duke of Britain and with whom anno 3. he contracted anew as he had done anno 2. with Lewis a Earle of Flanders In the 6. b yeare he combineth with the Flemings c contra immicos communes against the enemies of them both with d the Kings of Naples Sicilie Navarre and Arragon de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aide e with Wenceslaus the Emperour contra Carolum Regem Franciae Robertum Regem Scotiae against Charles King of France and Robert King of Scotland In an. 8. f with the Kings of Ierusalem Sicilie Portugall In the 10. with Portugall who at his own charges aided this King with 10. Galleys And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis for mutuall aide And an. 12. g 18. and 19. with Albert Duke of Bavaria h And an. 20. with the Earle of Ostrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae against the King of France And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhene an. 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King Henry 4. entred alliance i of mutuall aid in 2. yeares with William Duke of Gueldres and Mons. k In the 12th with Sigismond King of Hungaria l And in the 13. by siding with the Factions of the Dukes of Berry and Orleans layed the basis upon which his Son that succeeded reared the Trophies of his Renown For Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered strengthened himself anno 4. m by a League perpetuall with Sigismond the Emperour renewing that of Richard the 2. n with Iohn King of Portugall as his Father had done He entred a contract with the Duke of Britain and with the Queen of Ierusalem and Lewis her Son for the Dutchie of Aniou and Mayn and with the King of Portugall and Duke of Bavaria for supplie of men Munition by them performed a And the yeare before the battel of Agincourt sendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Burgundie b his Retinue for Wages in servitio suo in Regno Franciae vel Ducatu Aquitaniae in his service in the Kingdome of France or the Dutchy of Aquitain esteeming the alliance of that house the readiest means to attaine his end Henry 6. c so long as he held the Amity of Britain for which he contracted and the confederacy of Burgundy his friend of eldest assurance and best advantage which he did to the 16th yeare of his government there was no great decline of his Fortune in France But when Burgundy d brake