tenendi Parliamentum so beleived to be true that King John caused it when he sent our English Laws into Ireland to be exemplified and sent thither under the Great Seal of England it is said that every Earldom consisteth of 21 Knights Fees and every Barony of 13 Knights Fees and a third part of a Knights Fee and were of such a value and esteem as they were wont heretofore to bring Actions and Assizes for them and their Homage and Services And so litle lesse in France as the wealth of that great and populous Kingdom is not as may be rationally supposed enough to purchase of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom the transmutation of their Fiefs nobles into the Roturier or Feifs ignobles nor are the Princes or Nobility of Germany likely to be perswaded out of their antient Rights and Tenures into that of the Boors or common sort of People The Nobility and Gentry of England when their Military Tenures and Dependencies shall be taken from them will not upon necessities of War and Danger according to the Tenures of their Lands their Homages and Oaths of Allegiance and their natural and legal Allegiance be able to succour or heâ—p their Prince and Father of their Country their Defender and Common Parent as they have heretofore done when as they stoutly and valiantly helped to guard their Standard and Lions but for want of those which held Lands of them and the Tenures by Knight service will be forced to abide with Gilead beyond Jordan and not be able to imitate their noble Ancestors nor each or any of them bring to his Service three Bannerets sixty one Knights and one hundred fifty four Archers on Horseback as Thomas de Bello campo Earl of Warwick did to E. 3. in anno 21. of his Raign at the Seige of Caleis or as the Earl of Kildare did to King E. 3. in the 25 th year of his Raign when he besieged Calice when he brought one Banneret six Knights thirty Esquires nineteen Hoblers twenty four Archers on Horseback and thirty two Archers on foot It will take away the subjection of the Bishop of the Isle of Man who holdeth of the Earl of Derby as King of the Isle of Man and not of the King of England and therefore cometh not to Parliament Take away from the King Nobility and Gentry who have Lands holden by Knight service all Escheats of such as die without Heirs or forfeit or be convicted of Felony and the Kings Annum diem vastum year day and wast where the Lands are holden of Mesne Lords the Escheats of those that held of Kings imediately being so considerable as the Castle of Barnard in Cumberland and the Counties of Northumberland and Huntington which the Kings of Scotland sometimes held of England came again to the Crown by them and the power which King Edward 1. had to make Baliol King of Scots and to determine the competition for that Kingdom was by reason it was held of him the Earldoms of Flanders and Artois were seised by Francis the 1. as forfeited being Fiefs of the Crown of France Flanders and many other Provinces forced to submit themselves upon some controversies to the Umpirage of France of whom they held Enervate at least if not spoil our original first Magna Charta which was grante by H. 3. tenendum de se heredibus suis and all our Liberties and the many after confirmations of that Magna Charta will be to seek for a support if it shall be turned into Socage the Libâ—rties also of the City of London all other antient Cities and Boroughs and such as antiently and before 9 H. 3. did use to send Burgesses unto Parliament Alter if not destroy the Charter of K. R. 1. granted to the City of London for their Hustings Court to be free of Toll Lastage through all England and all Sea-Ports with many other Priviledges which were granted to be held of the King and his Heirs and the same with many other immunities granted confirmed by King John with a Tenure reserved to him and his Heirs for where no Tenure is reserved nor expressed though it should be said absque aliquo inde reddendo it shall be intended for the King and the Law will create a new Tenure by Knight service in Capite A Socage Tenure for Cities and Boroughs which have no Ploughs or intermedle not with Husbandry will be improper when as there is not any fictio juris or supposition â—in Law which doth not sequi rationem so follow reason or allude unto it as to preserve the reason or cause which it either doth or would signify but doth not suppose things improper or which are either Heterogeneous or quite contrary Put into fresh disputes the question of precedency betwixt Spain England which being much insisted upon by the Spaniard at the treaty of peace betwixt the two Kingdoms in anno 42. of Q. Eliz. at Calice occasioned by the contests of the Embassadour of Spain and Sir Henry Nevil Embassadour for England it was argued or adjudged that England besides the arguments urged on its behalf viz. Antiquity of Christian Religion more authority Ecclesiastical more absolute authority Political eminency of royal dignity and Nobility of blood ought to have precedency in regard that it was Superiour to the Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland and the Isle of Man which held of iâ— that Spain had no Kingdom held in Fee of it but was it self Feudatory to France and inthral'd by oath of Subjection to Charles the fifth King of France in anno 1369. holds a great part of the Netherlands of France Arragon both the Indies Sicily Granado and Navarre Sardinia Corsica and the Canary Islands of the Pope Portugal payeth an annual Tribute to him and Naples yearly presents him with a white Spanish Genner and a certain Tribute Lessen and take away the honour of the King in having the principality of Wales Kingdom of Ireland Isle of Man Isles of Wight Gernesey and Jersey holding of England as their Superiour in Capite Enervate or ruine the Counties Palatine of Chester Lancaster Durham and Isle of Ely if the Tenures should be Levelled into Socage Very much damnifie all the Nobility and Gentry of England who hold as they have antiently divers Mannors and Lands or Offices by grand Serjeanty as for the Earls of Chester which belongeth to the Princes of Wales and the eldest Son of the King to carry before the King at his Coronation the Sword called Curtana to be Earl Marshal of England and to lead the Kings Host to be Lord great Chamberlain of England which is claimed by the Earl of Oxford to carry the Sword called Lancaster before the King at his Coronation due to the Earl of Derby as Kings of the Isle of Man to be grand Faulconner or Master of the Hawks claimed by the Earl of Carnarvon and the Kings Champion at his Coronation claimed
to hold of the King by an honourable service of grand Serjeanty Then to hold in Socage and be â—yed to do yearly and oftner some part of Husbandry or drudgery upon his Lords Land for nothing or pay an annual Rent besiâ—â—â— many other serviâ—e payments duties as for Rent Oats rent Timber rent Wood Malâ— rent Hoâ—y rent for fishing liberty to Plow at certain seasons and the like And if they had been esteemed or taken to be a bondage the Commons of Eng. certainly in the Parliament of 1 R. 2. Would not by their Speaker have commended the Feats of Chivalry shewed to the King that thereby the people of England were of all Nations renoumed and how by the decay thereof the Honour of the Realm was and would dayly decrease Or in 9 H. 4. Petitioned the King that upon seisure of the Lands of such as be or should be attainted or grants of such Lands by the King the services therefore due to other Lords might thereupon be reserved The good and original benefit whereof derived to the Tenant from the King or mesne Lord that first gave the Lands and the consideration that by the taking of that a way every one was in all justice equity to be restored to his primitive propriety and that which was his own and so to reduce the Lands to the Heirs of those that at first gave them restraining them might be in all probability the reason that not only Capite and Knight service Tenures but Copyhold other Tenures and estates also having as much or more pretence or fancy of servitude in them were never so much as petitioned against in Parliament to be utterly taken away Some instance whereof may be had in that of Villinage which being the heaviest and most servile of all kind of Tenures though some thousand Families in this Kingdom there being antiently some Tenants in villenage belonging almost to every Mannor by desueâ—ude expiration of that course of Tenures now esteeming themselves nothing less were never in any Parliament desired to be abolished Bracton Fâ—eta other antient Authors in our English Laws alleging it to be de jure Gentium and that nihil detrahit libertaâ—i is not to be reckon'd a servitude much less surely then are Tenures in Capite and Knight service which the learned Grotius in the utmost that he could in his Book de antiquitate reipublicae Batavicae alleage for the freedom and independency of the Hollanders though he could not deny but that the German Emperours did claim them to hold in vassalage or as a Feiff oâ— the Empire will not allow to be any derogation from their liberty but concludes quod etsi optinerent non eo desinerent Hollandi esse liberi cum ut Proculus egregie demonstrat nec Clientes liberi esse desinant quia Patronis dignitate pares non sunt unde liberi feudi orta est appellatio That if it should be granted it would make the Hollanders not to be free when as Proculus very well demonstrateth Clients or vassails did not cease to be free because they are not equall to their Patrons in dignity whence the name or Term of franck Fee was derived and Sr. Henry Spelman saith quemadmodum igitur omnibus non licuit feudum dare ita nec omnibus accipere as it was not lawful for every one to give lands to hold of him so it was not allowed to every one to take prohibentur enim ignobiles servilisque conditionis homines et quidem juxta morem Heroicis seculis receptum munera subire militaria for ignoble and men of servile condition according to the usage of Heroick times were â—orbid to attempt military Offices and Imployments as may be evidenced also in those antient Customes and usages of those grand eminent Commonwealths of Rome and Athens in the latter of which notwithstanding the opinion of those who deny the use of Tenures by military service to have been in Greece before the time of Constantine Porphyrogenneta it appears that Solon had long before made a second classis or degree of such as could yearly dispend three hundred Bushels of Corn other liquid fruits were able to find a Horse of service called them Knights Soli igitur saith judicious Spelman nobiles feudorum susceptibiles erant quod praeâ—â—usticis et ignobilibus longe agiliores habiti sunt ad tractanda arma regendamque militiam And therefore the Nobility and Gentry were only capable of such Fees or Tenures in regard that they were more agile and fitter for the use of Arms and military Government and Order and was therefore called by the French heritages nobles et liberis et ingâ—nuis solummodo competunt a noble inheritance and only belonged to men that were free born and of ranâ—k and quality And wereâ—no longer ago than in Anno Dom. 1637. in the argument of the case of 〈◊〉 Ship-mony in the Exchecquer Chamber so little thought to be a Slavery to the people or any unjust or illegal prerogative of the Kings as Mr Oliver St. John none of the reverend and learned Judges of England then contradicting it alleaged them to be for the defence of the Realm and that they were not ex provisâ—one hominis not of mans provision but ex provisione legis ordained by Law and that the King was to have the benefit that accrewed by them with Wardships primer seisins Licences of Alienation and Reliefs as well to defend his Kingdom as to educate his Wards Nor can they be accounted to be a Bondage or Slavery unless we should fancy which would like a dream also vanish when men shall awake into their better senses and reason that those ornaments in peace and strength in time of war which have been for so many ages and Centuries since King Inas time which was in an 721 now above 940 years agoe and may have beene long before that ever accompted to be harmlesse and unblameable and in King Edgars Time by a Charter made by him unto Oswald Bishop of Worcester said to be constitutione antiquorum temporum of antient time before the date of that Charter were an oppression that all rankes and sorts of the People should endure a slavery and not know nor feel it nor any of the contemporary writers antient or modern take notice of it that the Peers of this Kingdom should be in Slavery and not know or believe it The The gentry of the Kingdom should be as worshipful Slaves and not understand or perceive it And the Commons of the Kingdom what kind of Slaves it should please any without any cause to stile them That Honours Gifts and Rewards Protection Liberties Privileges and Favours to live well and happily of free gift and without any money paid for the purchase should be called a Bondage when as a Tenure in Socage ut in condemnatos ultrices manus â—â—ttant ut alios suspendio aliâ—s membrâ—rum
example of Magistracy put any grievance upon the people when as in the re-building of Ierusalem and to repell the Enemies and hinderers thereof there being as much necessity to defend a City or Commonwealth after it is built or established as it can be in the building framing or repairing of it he ordered the one half of the servants to work and the other to hold the Spears the shields Bows and Habergeons and every one of the builders had his Sword girded by his side and the Nobles were appointed when the Trumpeter should sound that stood by Nehemiah because they were separated one from another to resort thither unto him upon occasion of â—ight or danger and did after their work finished cause the Rulers of the people to dwell at Jerusalem and out of the rest of the people by lot to bring one of every Tribe to inhabit and dwell in there such as were valiant or mighty men of valour and had for overseers the principal and most eminent men and Zabdiel the Son of one of the mighty men David did not turn aside from God nor bind heavy burdens upon the people because he had mighty men about him and that Joshebbassebet the Tachmonite sate like a Constable or Marshal of England chief amongst the Captains nor did Solomon bruise the broken Reeds because he had many Princes and great Officers under him as Benajah the Son of Jehoiada who served his Father David and was Captain over his Guard was over the Host Azariah the Son of Nathan over the Officers like as in England a Lord great Chamberlain or Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold Zabud the Son of Nathan Principal Officer and Aâ—ishar as a Treasurer or Comptrouler over the Houshold none of which could take it for any injury to enjoy those great Offices and places during the Kings pleasure but would have esteemed it to have been a greater favour if they had a grant for life and most of all and not to be complained of to have it to them and to their Heirs or after Generations for that all good things and blessings by a natural propension and custom amongst the Sons of men are very desireable to be continued and transmitted to posterity and the sacred Volumes have told us that it is a reward of wisdom and vertue to stand before Princes Nor was it any dishonour to the men of Judah and people of Israel that the Queen of Sheba wondring even to astonishment at the Attendance of Solomons Servants and Ministers and his Cup bearers or Butlers as the Margin reads it pronounced them happy that stood continually before him Or to the Subjects of Ahasuerus who reigned from India to Ethiopia over an hundred and seventeen Provinces that besides his seven Chamberlains or Officers of honour he had the seven Princes of Persia and Media which saw the Kings face and sate the first in the Kingdom Nor any to our heretofore happy Nation enjoying in a long Series and tract of time an envied peace and plenty under famous and glorious Kings and Princes that they did give Places Castles Mannors and Lands of great yearly values to certain great and well-deserving men and their Heirs to serve in great Imployments Solemnities and Managements of State-affairs to the honour of their Soveraigns and the good safety of the People in the Offices of great Chamberlain high Steward Constable or Marshal of England chief Butler of England and the like For when the guift of the Land it self was a great kindness it must needs be a greater to have an honourable Office Imployment annexed to it that an act of bounty done by a Prince in giving the Land should oblige the claim or receiving a far greater in the executing of that Office or Attendance which belonged to it And could have nothing of affinity to a burden when as besides the original guift of the Lands which were very considerable and to be valued many of those personal services by grand Serjeanty were not unprofitable or without the addition or accession of other Bounties and Priviledges as the guift to the Lord great Chamberlain of forty yards of Crimson Velvet for his Robes upon the Coronation day the Bed and furniture that the King lay in the night before the silver Bason and Ewer when he washed his hands with the Towels and Linnens c. The Earl Marshal to have the granting of the Marshals and Ushers in the Courts of Exchecquer and Common Pleas with many other guifts and Priviledges and Dymock who holds some of his Lands by the service of being the Kings Champion and to come upon the Coronation day into Westminster-Hall on Horse-back compleatly armed and defie or bid battel to any that shall deny him to be rightful King of England is to have the Kings best Horse and were not in the least any charge to the people or laid upon them as Cromwel did the stipends of his mock Lords or Officers of his imaginary Magnificence to be paid out of the publick Purse or Taxes as were the self created Lords of his Counsel who had 1000 l. per an for advising him how to fool the people build up himself by the wickedness of some and ruines of all the rest or as the Lord so called Pickering or Chamberlain of his Houshold and the quondam would be Lord Philip Jones who was called the Comptrouler of his Household had to buy them white staves to cause the people to make way and gape upon them No Prejudice to the Common-wealth that the Beauchamps Earls of Warwick did hold Land by right of inheritance to be Panterer at the Kings Coronation and to bear the 3 Sword before him the Duke of Lancaster before that Dutchy came again into the possession of the Kings of England to bear before him the sword called Curtana or the Earls of Derby as Kings of the Isle of Man to bear before the King at his Coronation the Sword called Lancaster which Henry the 4 th did wear when he returned from exile into England or for the Earl of Arundel to be chief Butler of England the day of the Coronation No disfranchisement to the City of London that some Citizens of London chosen forth by the City served in the Hall at the Kings Coronation assistants to the Lord chief Butler whilst the King sits at Dinner the day of his Coronation and when he enters into his Chamber after Dinner and calls for Wine the Lord Mayor of London is to bring him a Cup of Gold with Wine and have the Cup afterwards given to him together with the Cup that containes water to allay the Wine and that after the King hath drunck the said Lord Mayor and the Aldermen of London are to have their Table to Dine at on the left hand of the King in the Hall Or to the Barons of the Cinque Ports who claim are allowed to bear at the Kings Coronation a Canopy â—f cloth
of Gold over him with four Staves and four Bells at the four corners every Staff having four of those Barons to bear it Also to Dine and sit at the Table next to the King on his right hand in the Hall the day of his Coronation And for their Fees to have the said Canopy of Gold with the Bells and Staves Or that at the Coronation of Eliâ—nor Wife to King Henry the third Marchiones de Marchia Walliae videlicet Joannes filius Alani Radulphus de mâ—râ—uo mari Joannes de Monmouth et Walterus de Clifford nomine Marchiae jus Marchiae esse dicebant hastas argenteas inveniendi et las deferendi ad sustentandum pannum Sericum quadratum purpureum in Coronatione Regum et Reginarum Angliae The Lords Marchers of Wales videl Iohn Fitz Alan Rafe de Mortimer Iohn de Monmouth and Walter de Clifford in behalf of the Marches did claim and alleage it to be their right to provide silver Spears or Launces and with them to bear or carry a four square Canopy of Purple Silk over the Kings and Queens of England at their Coronation For those Tenures in grand serjeanty were ever as in all reason they deserved to be accompted to be so honourable as some have made it their Sir-name as the noble Earls of Ormond in Ireland descended from an antient and worthy English Family have done who carry in their Coat of Armes or part of their now marks of honour or bearing the Symbols or remembrance of the Office of cheif Butler in Ireland which with the prisage which is a part of it hath by King E. the 3 d. been granted to the Ancestors of the now Marquesse Earl of Ormond by Inheritance and a Knightly and good Family of the Chamberlaines in England do account it no dishonour to have been descended from thâ— Earls of Tankervile who were Chamberlains to our King H. 1. in Normandy And some branches of the noble Family of the Grey's of Wilton being antient Barons of England holding the Mannor of Waddon in Buckinghamshire of the King per servitium custodiendi unum Gerfalconem Domini Regis by the service of keeping a Gerfalcon of the Kings do use or bear as a badge or marque of honour in their Armes a Gerfaulcon the Mannor of Wymondley in the County of Hertford being holden of the King by Grand serjeanty of giving to the King the first Cup of Wine or Beer upon the day of his Coronation The Family of Argentons being by the marriage of a Daughter and Heir of the Lord Fitz Tece become at the Conquest the possessors of it have thought it honourable saith Camden to bear in their Shields in memory thereof three Cups argent in a feild Gules No oppression to the people of England to be kept safe in their peace and plenty from the Incursions of Foreign Enemies when William the Conquerour fortified Dover a strong and principal Bulwark betwixt England and France with whom we had then continual Wars or Jealousies and gave to Iohn Fines then a Noble Man of great prowesse and fidelity the Custody of that and the rest of the Cinque-Ports with 56 Knights Fees willing him as that Learned Antiquary Mr. Lambard tells us to communicate some parts of that gift to such other valiant and trusty persons as he should best like of for the more sure conservation of that most noble and precious Fort and Castle Who thereupon imparting liberally out of those Lands to eight worthy Knights viz. William of Albrance Fulbert of Dover William Arsick Geffery Peverel William Mainemouth Robert Porthe Robert Crevequer and Adam Fitz-Williams bound them and their Heirs by Tenure of their Lands received of the King to maintain 112 Souldiers amongst them which were so devided by Months of the years as five and twenty of them were continually to watch and ward within the Castle for their several parts of time and all the rest ready upon necessity each of which eight Knights had their several Charges in several Towers and Bulwarks and were contented as well they might at their own dispence to maintain and repair the same Of whom diverse of the Towers and Bulwarks do yet or did but in Queen Elizabeths reign bear their names No inconvenience or mischief to the publique that the Castle and Barony of Abergavenny in Monmouthshire was holden by John Hastings per Homâ—gâ—â—m Wardam Maritagium cum accideâ—it sâ— guerra fuerit inter Regem Angliae Principem Walliae deberet custodire patriam de Over went sumptibus proprijs meliori modo quo poterit pro commodo suo utilitate Regis defensione Regni Angliae by Homage Ward and Marriage when it should happen and if War should be between the King of England and the Prince of Wales was to guard at his own charges the Country called Over went the best way that he could for his profit and benefit of the King and defence of the Kingdom of England No cause of complaint to the Town or antiently called City of Leicester for that veteri Instituto by antient Custom they were to furnish the King with twelve Burgesses or Townsmen when he went to War and iâ— per Mare in Hostes ibat mittebant quatuor Equos usque Londinum ad arma comportanda vel alia quae opus essent he went by Sea were to send four Horses as far as London to carry his Arms or other necessaries Nor to the Town of Warwick to be enjoyned by Tenure to send twelve of their Burgesses or Towns-men with their King to War and qui monitus non ibat centum solidos Regi emendabat he which was summoned and did not go was to forfeit pay one hundred shillings to the King And cum contra Hostes per Mare ibat Rex quatuor Botesuenas vel quatuor libras denariorum mittebant when the King should bo by Sea against his Enemies should furnish four Boat-Swains or Marriners or send four pounds in money No harm done to give Lands at Seaton which Sr. Richard Rockslye Knight did hold by Serjeanty to be vantrarius Regis the Kings fore-footman when he went into Gascoigne donec per usus fuit parisolutarum precij 4d untill he had worn out a pair of Shoes of four pence then the price of a pair of Shooes for a worthy man not 4 s. 6. or 5 s. as they are now Or Lands to another to furnish duos Aâ—migeros two Esquires to march in his Vant-Guard upon occasion of War with the Welch Or that the Princes of Wales ab antiquis temporibus very antiently did hold that Principality and part of Brittain of the Kings of England in Capite by Military or Knight Service and that upon that ground only as he was a leige man and subject of England Leoline Prince of Wales was for raising of War against his Superior Lord imprisoned and hanged or beheaded by King E. 1. and the Principality of Wales
the broaching of this project ever adventure to ask or give such demands any room or entertainment in their imaginations and is more then the Athenians and Romans ever aimed at who in all their popular and restlesse turmoils seditions and agitations by the people or their Tribunes concerning the Agrarian Laws and making and changing of many other Laws and several forms of Government did never seek to take away or root out those long lasting monuments of benefits and the acknowledgements and returns of gratitude which ought to be made of them More then the people of France in those hard Conditions which they would have put upon the Daulphine of France afterwards Charles the fifth of France in the troubles and imprisonment of his Father King John in England in the Raign of our King Edward the third and the strange and insolent behaviour of the Citizens of Paris towards him when the Provost or Mayor put his own hood half blew half red upon his head compelling him to wear his Livery did all that day wear the Daulphines being of a brown black embrodered with gold in token of his Dictatorship did ever demand nor did in those great afflictions wants which were upon Charles the seventh when he was reproached by his Subjects and the English had so much of France in their possession in the Raign of our King H. 5. and King H. 6. who by their numerous Armies and the gallantry of their nobility and Tenants in Capite and by Knight Service were Masters of the Field as well as of that Crown as he was in disgrace called the King of Berry being a small Province wherein he made what shift he could to defend himself when his Table failed him so that he eat no more in publick but sparingly in his Chamber attended by his domestical Servants had pawned the County of Gyan for mony ever require to be discharged of their Homages and Tenures and the duties and incidents which belonged to them Neither did the Justices or domineering Officers of State in Arragon in their height and extravagancy of power which for some time until by its own weight their Tyranny or the subtile politique patience of their Kings it came to be dissolved into the Royal proper Rights of that Crown Government they excercised over their Kings ever make that to be any part of it nor did the wants of John King of Arragon when he had pawned the County of Roussilion to Lewis the eleventh King of France nor of Ferdinand the Second Emperor when within these forty years in those devouring and destroying Wars of Germany when the pale horse of death and the red of destruction rid up to the bridles in blood he pawned Lusatia and Silesia to the Duke of Saxony and the upper Palatinate to the Duke of Bavaria beget any such motion of the people or Condiscention of their Princes And that unhappy project and design had in all probability no more disquieted our old Albion or Brittain sitting upon a Rock mediis tranquilla in undis in the midst of all our late Storms and Tempests which had broken the bag of Eolus getting loose vied with the raging waves of a distempered Sea who should be most destructive and play the Bedlam Had not a necessity of the Parliament in An. 1645. and their want of mony to maintain their Wars put them again in mind of that way of raising mony all other that could be almost thought upon as far as the mony which should be spared by one meal in every family in a week having been before put in Execution so dangerous and of fatal consequence are sometimes but the attempts or beginning of designs and then as the vote tells us the house of Commons having received the report from the grand Committee which was ordered to consider of raising of monyes for supply of the whole Kingdom after some debate thereupon ordered that the Court of Wards and Liveries with the Primer Seisins Oustres les maines and all other profits arising by the said Court should be fully taken away and be made null and voyd And that the Sum of one hundred thousand pounds per Annum should be raised in this Kingdom instead of the Revenue thereof to be disposed for the good of this Kingdom and that the proceedings of the said Court should continue Statu quo prius untill an Ordinance for taking away the said Court and paying the yearly Sum of 100000 l. be brought in and past both Houses Which might well have been forborn when no general or extraordinary and not otherwise to be prevented evils but only want of mony for ought yet appears did or could perswade them unto it for a Subversion of so grand a Fundamental of the Government Regality and Laws will never be able to avoid the dangerous consequences which will inevitably follow thereupon and though it should be done by Act of Parliament will but produce and usher in many numberlesse mischiefs and inconveniences to the King Kingdom Nobility Gentry and the most substantial and considerable part of the people And will never be recompenced by the benefits hoped for or which may happen by the intended dissolution of that Court and alteration of those Tenures which in the prospect or event will appear if so many to be no more than these Chap. V. The Benefits or Advantages which are expected by the people in the putting down of the Court of Wardes and Liveryes and changeing the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service into free and common Socage BY taking away the Service of Warre without the Kingdom when the King or his Lieutenant goeth to warre for forty dayes bearing the Charge of a man and Horse and the payment of Escuage to be assessed by Parliment if he neither go nor send one in his place Respites of Homage petit Serjeanties Fines for Alienation Wardships and payments of Fines for the marriage of the Heirs in minority a rent for the Lands in the interim Reliefs primer seisins Oustre les maines Mesne Rates Liveries and assignment of Widdow Dower The troublesome and powerfull process of the Exchequer costly and long pleadings of their Evidences to avoid seisures for not sueing out Licences of Alienation thereby enforcing them to procure pardons and to plead them Costly Attendance upon Escheators and Feodaries finding of Offices or Inquisitions post mortem producing and finding if the party hath a mind to it of their Evidences Compositions chargeable passing and obtaining grants of the custody of the body and Lands of Wards Trouble and charge of Writs of diem clausit extremum quae plura melâ—us inquirendum Processe of privy Seals Messengers Informations Bills Demurrers as the Case may happen Answers Traverses Replications Rejoynders Commissions Examinations Depositions of Witnesses Orders Hearings Decrees Injunctions all which are but to help to recover or defend the Wards rights and if not in that Court would be
them that is Freeholders and such as hold by Knight Service So in the great Court of all the Kingdome none were antiently personally called to give Judgement and advâ—se therein but such as were near to the King and bound and obliged to him by a greater Bond and Tye of Faith and Homage that is to say his immediate vassals Barones nempe cujuscunque generis qui de ipsi tenuere in Capite ut videndum est in breve de summonitione wherein they are summoned in fide homagio quibus tenentur in the Faith and Homage by which they held partim in charta libertatum Regis Johannis and Barons of any kind whatsoever which held of him in Capite as may appear by the Writs of Summons to Parliament the Charter of King John Hence the Barons of England are in our laws said to be Nati Consiliarij born Counsellors of State and Baro signifying Capitalem Vassallum majorem qui tenetur Principi Homagij vinculo seu potius Baronagij hoc est de agendo vel essendo Baronem suum quod hominem seu clientem praestantiorem significat A Baron who is a chief or Capital Vassal is bound to his Prince by the Bond of Homage or rather Baronage which is to be his Baron or man or more considerable Clyent and makes a threefold dvision of Barons who by Bracton are called Potentes sub Rege great or mighty men under the King Barones hoc est robur belli and Barons which is as much to say as the strength of War into feudal or by prescription 1. Qui a priscis feodalibus Baronibus oriundi suam prescriptione tuentur dignitatem which being discended from Antient feudal Barons do continue their dignity by prescription 2. Rescriptitios qui brevi Regio evocantur ad Parliamentum which are called to Parliament by the Kings Writs 3. Diplomaticos which are by Letters Patents and Creation and that Barones isti Feodales nomen dignitatem suam ratione fundi obtinuerunt those Feudal Barons doe hold their dignity by reason of their Lands and Tenures and that Episcopi suas sortiuntur Baronias sola fundorum investitura Bishops are Barons only by investiture of their Baronies Lands and Temporalties And the most excellently Learned Mr. Selden who was well known to be no stranger to the old and most choice Records and Antiquities of the Kingdome doth not doubt but that the Bishops and Abbots did sit in Parliament and were summoned thither only as Barons by their Tenures per Baroniam and in his Epistle to Mr. Augustine Vincent concerning his Corrections of Yorkes Catalogue of Nobility doth most learnedly prove it by many Instances besides that in â—he Case of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury in 11 H. 2. and the claime made and allowed in Parliament in 11 R. 2. by all the Bishop Abbots and Priors of the Province of Canterbury which used to sit in Parliament that de Jure et consuetuâ—ine Regni Angliae all Bishops Abbots Priors and other Prelates whatsoever per Baroniam Domini Regis tenentes holding of the King by Barony were Peers of the Parliament which agreeth with the opinion of Stamford that the Bâ—shops ne ont lieu en Parlement eins in respâ—ct de lour possessions annexes a lour dignities have no plaâ—e in Parliament but in respect of their Possessions annexed to their Dignities and that Mr. Camden saith that divers Abbots and other spiritual men formerly summonned by writ to Parliament were afterwards omitted because they held not by Barony and that it was mentioned and allowed to be good Law in a Parliament of King E. 3. que toutes les religieuses que teignent per Barony soient tenus de vener au Parlement that all the religious which hold by Barony are to be summoned to Parliament And as to the temporal Barons doth besides what he alleageth of the Thanes or Barons of England in the Saxon times that they held by personal service of the King and that their honorary possessions were called Taine-Lands and in the Norman times after denoted by Baronies and the eminent and noted Case of the Earls of Arundel claiming and allowed to be Earls of Arundel by reason of their holding or Tenure of Arundel Castle and Sir John Talbots being Lord Lisle ratione Dominij et Manerij de Kingston Lisle doth by 22 E. 3 fo 18.48 E. 3. fo 30. other good Authorityes conclude that the Tenure of a Barony is the main principal Cause of the Dignity that 130 temporal Barons by Tenure were called by several writs to assist the King cum equis Armis with horse and Armes and the spiritual being about 50 were called ad habendum servicium suum and that the greatest number of Barons during all that time were by Tenure that the most part of the Barons by Tenure and Writ untill the middle of the Raign of King R. 2. and those that were called by Writ were such as had Baronyes in Possession that the honorary possessions of Earls were called Honors and reckoned as part of their Earldoms which were holden in Capite the chief Castle or seat of the Earls or Barons were called Caput Comitatus seu Baroniae the head or chief of the Earldom or Barony and that in this sence Comitatus integer is used for a whole Earldom in the grand Charter and Bracton and Servicium quarte partis Comitatus for the fourth part of an Earldom that Hugh de Vere Earl of Oxford Magnavile Earl of Essex and divers other antient Earles were Cingulo Comitatus Gladio Comitatus cincti girt with the Girdle or sword of their Earldoms which he conceiveth to be an Investiture All which may by the Records of this Kingdom be plentyfully illustrated by very many instances and by the Rolls of the Constables and Marshals of England in which upon the March of the Army of King E. 1. towards Scotland in the 28 year of that King Humfridus de Bohun Comes Hereford Essex Constabularius Angliae recognovit per os Nichoâ—ai de Segrave Baneretti sui locum suum tenentis se acquietari per servitium suum per Corpus suum in Exercitu presenti Scotiae pro Constabularia in Comitatu Hereford Humfry de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex Constable of England declared by Sir Nicholas Segrave his Baneret and Lieutenant that he was to be acquitted for the Constabulary in the County of Hereford where it seems some Manors or Lands in that County were annexed to the said Office or held by grand Serjeanty by the Service of himself in the Army for Scotland I tem idem Comes recognovit per eundem Nicholaum Servitium trium feodorum Militum faciendum in dicto Exercitu pro Comitatu Essex per Dominos Iohannem de Ferrariis Henricum de Bohun et Gilbeâ—tum de Lindsey milites Also the said Earl acknowledgeth by the said Sir Segraveâ—â—e â—â—e Service of
innocent as useful Tenures in Capite and Knight service of bettering the condition of the Commonwealth and people increasing their Liberties and content and to maintain and keep them in a most happy peace and plenty which will never be done if the Sword and Scepter of the King shall only be like the Ensignes and Ornaments of Regality and made only to represent a Majestie there will another difficulty stand in the way and meet the design of doing it by Act of Parliament and offer this question to consideration Whether an Act of Parliament and the consent of the House of Peers the desire of all the Commons and People of England which must be understood to be signified by their Representatives and the Roy le veult the King giving life and breath and being to it can in the great power and respect which ever hath been by the Law and justly ought to be always attributed unto it Take away Tenures in Capite and by Knight service grand and Petit Sejeanties Homage and all other incidents belonging unto them or the right which the Nobility and Gentry and mesne Lords have to enjoy their Tenures by Knight service the incidents thereunto belonging Which howsoever that in many other things it hath been said that Consensus tollit errorem Conventiâ— vincit Legem Consents and Agreements are more binding then Law will by the Laws of God and Nature and Nations and the Laws of this Kingdom and the opinion of some eminent and learned Sages and Lawyers thereof be resolved in the Negative viz. CHAP. VII That Tenures in Capite and by Knight service holden of the King and the Homage and Incidents thereunto appertaining and the Right of the Mesne Lords cannot be dissolved or taken away by any Act of Parliament FOR that Gods Law and the Law of Nature and Nations have taken care not only to preserve the Rights of Soveraignity and the means and order of Government but the Rights property of every particular Subject do prohibit all injustice it is a Maxime or Aphorism undeniable that Laws made against the Word of God the Laws of Nature or which are impossible or contra bonos more 's right Reason or natural Equity will be void in themselves be the Seal or Stamp of Authority never so eminent And therefore if as the Law hath often determined that the Kings Charters are void and not pleadable by Law when they are repugnant to the Laws Acts of Parliament Maxims and reasonable Customs of the Realm that it is not in the Kings power by his Charter or last Will and Testament to grant away the Crown of England to another Prince or Potentate as it was resolved in the Case of the supposed grant of King Edward the Confessor to William Duke of Normandy and that grant of King John to the Pope to hold England and Ireland of him and that notwithstanding the grant made by William the Conquerour to Hugh Lupus of the Earldom of Chester tenendum per gladium and ita libere as the King himself did hold England the Earldom of Chester was holden of the King that the grant of King H. 2. to the Monks of St. Bartholomews in London that the Prior the Monks should be as free in their Church as the King was in his Crown was adjudged to be void for that the Prior and the Monks were but Subjects and that by the Law the King may no more denude himself of his Royal Superiority over his Subjects then his Subjects can renounce or avoid their subjection to their King and the reason why such or the like grants of the King by his Charter are void is not in regard it was granted without the consent of the people in Parliament but that it was in disherison of his Crown and disabling himself to govern or if he should by his grant exempt a man from paying his Debts or maintenance of hise Wife and Children the joyning of the Lords and Commons with him in an Act of Parliament would not make such a Law to be binding or obligatory And therefore the King cannot saith Dier release or grant a Tenure in Capite to any Subject Dier 44. when King Edward the 3 d. granted to the Black Prince his Son the grant of the Dutchy of Cornwal all Wards Marriages and Reliefs non obstante the Kings Prerogative it was adjudged that the Prince could not seise a Ward which held of the Kings Ward because it belonged to the King by his Prerogative And in 2 R. 2. Robert de Hauley Esquire being arrested and pursued upon an Action of Debt in Westminster Abby where he took Sanctuary was in the tumult slain at the high Altar when the Priest was singing high Masse And the offence and breach of priviledge as it was then pretended to be complained of in Parliament by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and the rest of the Prelates and Clergy and prayed that due satisfaction and amends might be made of so horrible a fact It was opposed by the Lords and Commons and they vouched Records and called to witness the Justices and others that were learned in rhe Lawes of the Land that in the Church of England it hath not been accustomed nor ought to have Immunity for Debt or Trespass or other Cause whatsoever except for Crime only And certain Doctors of Divinity Canon and Civil Lawes being thereupon sworn and examined before the King himself to speak the plain truth said upon mature and sound deliberation that in case of Debt Accompt or Trespass where a man is not to lose life or member no man ought to have Immunity in holy Church and said further in the highest expressions those times could afford that God saving his Perfection the Pope saving his Holiness nor any King or Prince can grant such a priviledge and that if the King should grant such a priviledge the Church is and ought to be favoured and nourished ought not to axcept of it whereof offence or occasion of offence may arise for it is a sin and occasion of offence saith the Record to delay a man willingly from his Debt or the just recovery of the same And if an Act of the Commons alone or of the Lords alone or of both together cannot amount to an Act of Parliament the King himself cannot grant away his Regality or Power or means of governing by his Charter or any Act which he can singly doe his concurrence with both the Lords and Commons can no more make an Act to confirme that which should not be done or granted then his own grant or Charter could have done or than if he and the House of Commons only had made an Act As it appeareth by the Ordinance which the Lords Ordainers so from thence called did obtain from Edward 2. whereby he delegated much of his Regal Authority unto them which was afterwards complained of in Parliament made void and the Authors or Lords Ordainers
Seisins and Liveries and all other incidents belonging to the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service be reserved and continued to the King and Mesne Lords and the Mariages of the Wards be put to a just apportionment and rate not to boxing or bidding with every pretender or such as shall be procured on purpose and was thought by the Sons of Rapine to be a parcel of godliness according to two years present value of the Estate and a moderate Rate or Rent for the Lands And if that they do not like to sue or be sued in that Court may do it either in the Exchequer or Chancery and try which of those Courts they shall like the better There being no Reason to be shown why Wardships Rents and Marriage Money should not be paid as quietly or without the Noise or Clamour of Oppressioon by some orderly Course to be taken in the collecting of it as the first Fruits of Arch-bishoppricks Bishoppricks and all the Clergyes Benefices which was at first derived from the Popes Usurpations and afterwards setled in the Crown or as the Tenths of all the Monasteryes and Religious Lands which by Act of Parliament were setled in the Crown for the Support and Maintenance thereof And now all the Lines are come in and meet in one Center we may aske the Days that are past and demand of the Sons of Novelty how it should happen or where the Invisible Cause or Reason lurketh that a People at least too many of them not long agoe covenanting whether his late Majesty would or no to preserve his Honor Rights and Iurisdâ—ctions and calling God to witness that they had no Intention to diminish them should presse or perswade the King to part with the vitals of his Regalitie or let out the blood thereof to take in water instead of it which that learned John Earl of Bristol who in his many Travails and Embassies to forrein Princes had observed the several Strengths Policyes and defects of Governments of all the Kings and Princes of Christendom could think no otherwise of that high and just Prerogative of Kings then that to discharge the Tenures in Capite would be consequently to discharge them of their Service to the Crown When as their can be neither Cause nor Reason to make any such Demands and that all the Lords of Mannors in England who may already find the Inconveniences of making too many small sized Freeholders and I wish the Kingdom may not feel it in the Elections of Parliament men and Knights of the Shire as well as it doth already by the Faction and Ignorance of such as choose Burgesses in Towns and Corporations who many times choose without eyes ears or understanding would not be well content to have the many perplexed and tedious Suits at Law betwixt them and their troublesome Tenants about Customs and Fines incertain which in every year do vex and trouble the Courts in Westminster Hall or that which the late feavorish Fancies of some would call Norman Slaveryes should be either a Cause that they must be forced or over intreated to part with their Copy-hold Estates Herryots Fines for Alienations and all other Incidents thereunto belonging or that it would be a good Bargain to have no Compensation or Recompence at all for them or no more than after the Rate of what might Communibus Annis one year with another be made of them Whenas to have the intended Recompence for the Court of Wards paid as is now proposed by a part of the Excise or Curses of the People or to have the poor bear the burden of the rich or those to bear the Burden of it which are not at all concerned in any such purchase or Alteration and will be an Act which can have no more Justice or Equity in it then that the payment of First-Fruits which is merely Ecclesiastical should be distributed and charged for ever upon the Layety and the other part of the People as well as the Clergy That the Tenths which the Layety and some of the Clergy do now contentedly pay should be communicated and laid upon all the Kingdom in general in a perpetuity That the draining or maintaining the Banks and Sluces and Misfortunes many times of the Fenns in Lincolnshire and other particular Places should be charged upon the Estaâ—es of all the men in England that could not be concerned either in profit losse or Dâ—nger Or that in the enclosing of Commons or in Deafforrestations the Commoners should have their Compensation paid by all men in City Town and Country for that which was not 〈…〉 nor was ever like to be any Gain or Aâ—vaâ—tage to them Or that the losses of Merchants by Shipwâ—acks Pirates or letters of Reprisal should be repaired and born by all the rest of the people that went no partnership or gain with them Or which way the people of England should think it to be for their good or safety that as it was in the dayes of Saul there should not be a Sword or Spear in Israel that the Lords of England whose great Auncestors helped to maintain all our Liberties being in Parliament in the 20 th year of King H. 3. pressed by the Bishops to Enact that Children born before Matrimony when their Parents after married should be legitimate answered Nolumus mutare Leges Angliae we will not change the Lawes of England should not take the overturning so many of the Fundamental Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome to be the ruine or destruction of it to be of a greater concernment And that the King will not think it to be a most Christian as well as an Heroick answer of John King of France when he was a Prisoner in England to our King E. 3. and was denied his Liberty unless he would amongst other things doe Homage for the Realm of France and acknowledge to hold it of England That he must not speak to him of that which he neither ought nor would doe to Alienate a Right Inalienable that he was resolved at what price soever to leave it to his Children as he had received it from his Auncestors that affliction might well ingage his person but not the inviolable right of the Crown where he had the honour to be born over which neither Prison nor Death had any power and especially in him who should hold his life well employed sacrificing it for the Immortal preservation of France And that the people of England should not rather imitate the wisdome as well as goodness of the Elders of Israel when as Benhadad not content with Ahabs Homage had demanded unreasonable things of him Say unto the King hearken not unto him nor consent But remember that it was their fore-Fathers which in a Parliament of King E. 3. holden in the 42 th year of his raign declared that they could not assent to any thing in Parliament that tended to the disherison of the King and his Crown to which they were sworn
ages in the Managing Collecting and Improveing of the Kings Revenue in England whether certain or casual The strict Inquiries Orders and the care of every thing which might make a profit or prevent a damage which made some of the Kings of England to be so litle wanting money as King Canutus as the Abby Book of Ramsey hath recorded it was able out of his Hanaper or travailing Trunk when he lodged at Vassington in Northamptonshire to lend the Bishop Etheruus who sâ—bita pulsus occasione had a great occasion to use it good store of money And that in William the Conquerours time and in the height of his plenty and prosperity no repairs of Castles and Houses were made but upon accompt by Oath Inquiries were made by some of the succeeding Kings and their Officers after windfalen trees a few trees were not given nor Cheverons nor Rafters allowed towards the repairing of a Grange or Farm without the warrant of the great Seal of England Judges commanded to look to the Fines imposed in the Eyreâ— or Circuits and in all the Eyres Circuits a Clark who kept particular Rolles or Duplicates of the Judges Rolles or Records of their Proceedings was for the King especially appointed and attended and as smal a sum as 2 d. accompted for a Deodand Nor was any thing as far as Humane vigilance Industry or Providence might foresee prevent or remedy suffered to be done or continue that might endammage or lessen the Royal Revenue which King Henry the 3 d. could so watch over as the Court of Exchequer hath sometimes seen him there sitting and taking his own accompts Which kinds of wariness and care have been so much disused or neglected by many of his Successors as though by time and the course thereof the alteration of the value of mony Coyne from twenty pence the ounce to five shillings a peny the ounce of Silver the prizes rates of Provision and Commodities to be bought with it almost yearly raised and inhaunced and the more chargeable way of living which followed thereupon might have put them in mind to have given lesse or demanded more for what was justly their own when as in the 14 th year of the Reign of King Edward the 3 d. 40 shillings per diem was thought by the King and his Councel to be a royal and sufficient expence for Edward Baliol King of Scots his train whilst he tarried at London and 6 s. per diem when he travailed And in the reign of King H. 6. Medow-ground in Leicestershire was valued but at eight pence an Acre and that as appears by a Remonstrance made in Parliament in or about the 11 th year of the reign of that King who was King in possession of France as well as of England now not above 227 years agoe he did right worshipfully as the Record saith maintain the charge of his houshold with sixteen thousand pounds Sterling per annum and could not then defray it with less than Twenty four thousand pounds per annum which now cannot well be done under ten times as much when an Annuity or Pension of ten pounds or twenty marks per annum which was then sufficient for the Kings better sort of Servants is now scarce enough for a Foot-man and the most ordinary sort of inferior Servants Did notwithstanding not lessen their bounty or raise the Rents or Rates of their Revenues but permitted their Escheators in matters of Tenures and Wardships to adhere unto their former courses and find the value of the Lands in their Offices or Inquisitions at the old or small yearly values the rule which the Escheators took for the finding of the values of the Lands upon Inquisitions being at the highest but the tenth part of the true yearly value which was the guide also for the rate of the primer seisins where they were to be taken as much lower as the unwarrantable kindness of too many of those which were trusted and should have looked better unto it could perswade them The Feodaries also upon their Surveys seldom raising the yearly value to more than about a third part of such a gentle value as he should be entreated to adde to that which the Jurors and Escheators had friendly found it So as somtimes a Mannor of above one hundred pounds per annum was found but at thirteen shillings four pence per annum and other times if mingled with other lands of a great yearly value at no more than forty shillings per annum And no longer agoe than in the reign of King Chaâ—les the first above one thousand poundâ— per annum hath been found to be but of the yearly vaâ—ue of twenty Marks And an Estate consisting of very few Mannors and as few Coppyholders but most in Fâ—rms and demâ—snes upon an improved and almost racked Rent worth six thousand pounds per annum found at no greater yearly value than one hundred eighty three pounds eleven shillings which is lesse than the thirtieth parâ— â—hough the Escheators with Knights and Gentlemen and sometimes men of greater mark and quality were Commissioners the Jurors made up somtimes of Gentlemen and most commonly of substantial Freeholders and all of them such as might better have understood an Oath who takeing an ill custom to be warrant enough for a bad Conscience did when they were by the Writ to enquire upon their Oaths de vero Annuo valore of the true yearly value of the Lands thâ—nk that they did honestly and well enough to find it at a very small or low yearly value because they were sure it was weâ—l worth so much Neither were the paymâ—nts o◠〈◊〉 of Homage so troublesom as to make a complaint of when as by an Order made in 13 Eliz. by virtue of her privy Seal by the Lord Burghley Lord Treasurer and the Chancellour and Barons of the Exchecquer which the Lords and Commons of England in primo Jacobi did pray and procure to be enacted by Parliament It was after such an easy and old fashioned rate or value of the Lands as it was but in every fifth Term to be paid in the Exchecquer by a rate and apportionment and might have been saved by an actual doing of Homage as was antiently used to be done upon their Livery and first coming to their Lands and their respit of Homage and howsoever may as well be taken to be a favour as they do of their mesne Lords or one to another in paying three shillings four pence per annum as a quit Rent for respit of suit of Court And that it was therein and thereupon also enacted that no processe ad faciendum Homagium or fidelitatem scire facias Capias or distresse should issue out of the Exchequer but upon a good ground And that the Clerks of the Treasurers Remembrancer in the Exchequer shall pay all issues that any shall loose after he hath paid ordinary Fine for respite of Homage
punished for it hath been clearly asserted by eminent and learned Judges and Sages of the Law as the Lord cheif Justice Hobart Sr. Francis Bacon and Sr. Jonh Davis Attorney General to King James in Ireland that the Superlative power of Parliaments above all but the King is in some things for restrained as it cannot enact things against Right Reason or common Right or against the Lawes of God or Nature that a man shall be Judge in his own Case as that the King shall have no Subsidies whereby to defend himself and his people that Children shall not obey their Parents and the like And that Tenures in Capite and by Knight service are of so transcendent a nature and so radically in the Crown and Fundamental Lawes as no Act of Parliament can take it away or alter it and are so inseperable as Sr. John Davis saith that in a Parliament holden in England in the latter end of the raign of King James it was resolved by the House of Commons that the Wit of man could not frame an Act of Parliament whereby all Tenures of the Crown might be extinguished And Judge Hutton who in the Case of the Ship-money would allow the King no more Prerogative then what could not be denyed him did publicquely deliver it for Law which in that great and learned Assembly of Judges and Lawyers was not contradicted that Tenures in Capite are so inseperable in the Crown as the Parliament will not nor cannot sever them and the King cannot release them And such is the care for the defence of the Kingdome which belongeth inseperably to the King as Head or supream Protector so as if any Act of Parliament should enact that he should not defend the Kingdome or that he should have no aides from his Subjects to defend the Realm such Acts would not bind but would be void because they would be against all natural Reason And Judge Crooke also doth in his Argument against the Ship-money wherein he concurred with Justice Hutton alleage that if a statute were made that a King should not defend the Kingdome it were void being against Law and Reason And when a Parliament is called by the Kings Writ to preserve his Kingdom and Magna Charta so little intends that any future Parliament should alter or take away any Liberties granted or confirmed thereby or any fundamental Laws which are incorporate with the essence of Government as it hath been by several confirmations of it enacted that all Laws hereafter to be made to the contrary shall be Null and void and with good reason as to the King and Mesne Lords in the changing of their Tenures into Socage when as ex contractu obligatio and ex obligatione Actio should as well hold in those benificial pactions which were in the Creation of those Tenures betwixt the King Lords and Tenants as in Bonds Bills and Assumpsits or any other contracts whatsoever And is so great a part of right Reason in the opinion of Forreigners and according to the Law of Nature and Nations as in the German Empire though it hath heretofore lost much of its power and authority by the greatnesse of some of the Princes and the many Liberties and Priviledges granted to Cities Towns its remaining Prerogatives notwithstanding are said to be Jura Majestatis instar puncti divisionem non recipientia adeoque Imperatoris personae cohaerent ut nec volens ijs se abdicare aut alium in consortium vocare possit so inseperable as they are capable of no division and do so adhere unto the Emperors person as he cannot if he would renounce or transferre them over to any other And Bodiâ— that understood France very well saith that Si Princeps publica praedia cum imperio aut jurisdictione eo modo fruenda concesserit quo ipse fruetur etiam si Tabulis jura Majestatis excepta non fuerunt ipso jure tamen excepta judicantur if the King shall grant any of his Lands to hold as freely and with as much power and jurisdiction as he himself enjoyed it the jura Majestatis or Regalities are always adjudged and taken to be excepted though there be no reservation or exception in the Letters Patents And the Parliament of Paris were so careful of the Kings Rights in Governing as when Francis the first had granted to the Queen his Mother a Commission to pardon and restore condemned persons it declared that such a grant quum sine Majestatis diminutione communicari non possit seeing it could not be granted without diminution of his Royal Authority was void thereupon the Queen Mother intermedled no more therein The Conclusion WHen all therefore which can be but pretended against Tenures in Capite and by Knight service shall be put together and said and done they will come to no more then this The general Assessements for men and Horses and necessaries for War whether men will or no are a service incumbent upon every mans estate though they bought and purchased their Lands the Knight service which is now complained of is but where their Lands were given them for that purpose and ex pacto voluntate by Agreement For it hath allwayes been accompted to be no less than reason that qui sentit commodum sentire debet et onus the Rose and the Prickle must goe together and he that hath the profit may be well contented to doe something for it especially when it is no more then what he did agree to doe and beleived it to be a favour And if they now take those Lands to be a burden may if they please give themselves an ease by retorning of them to those that gave it And should not be murmured at or complained of when as those that live near the Sea doe live under a Charge or Imposition which is annual and sometimes very great upon all And in Holland are commanded and ordered yearly by the Dijck Graven or Magistrates appointed for that purpose to repair and amend their Sea walles Or as it is also in England by Direction of Law and Commissions of Sewers and doe but in that though their Lands were dearly paid for and not freely given as those doe which hold their Lands by Knight service and defend themselves by defending others And it will ever be a Rule and Maxime in Loyalty as well as in Law and right Reason that by the Lawes of God Nature and Nations as well as of England there is and ought to be a natural Allegiance to the King that Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy doe enjoyn every Subject to defend his Prince and his just Rights and Jurisdictions And that the safety of every man in particular and his own discretion should advise him to it unless they will think it to be wisdome in the Citizens of Constantinople who in the Seige thereof would rather keep their money and riches for the Turks to plunder then help
wast in the Wards Lands or seised Lands which ought not to be seised Et omnes illi qui sentiunt se super hiis gravatos inde conqueri voluerint audiantur fiat eis Justitia All that were grieved were to be heard and have Justice done them and the Tenant had his remedy by a writ of ne injuste vexes where his Lord did Indebita exigere servitia And least any thing should but come within the suspition of a Grievance or that the power of the Court of Wards and Liveries and the latitude which the Act of Parliament of 32 H. 8. had given it which was to be as fixed as the trust which was committed to it should in the intervalls of Parliaments or seldomest Cases be any thing like to a burden or Inconvenience the disposing and granting of wardships was by King James his Commission and instructions under the great Seal of England in an 1622. to the end that the people might stand assured that he desired nothing more than that their Children and their Lands which should fall unto him by reason of wardships might after their decease be committed in their neerest and trustiest friends or to such as they by will or otherwise commit the charge unto upon such valuable considerations as are just and reasonable that the Parents and Ancestors may depart in greater peace in hope of his gracious favour their friends may see their children brought up in piety and learning and may take such care as is fit for the preservation of their inheritance if they will seek the same in time Ordered that no direction for the finding of any Office be given for the wardship of the body and lands of any Ward until the end of one moneth next after the death of the Wards Ancestor but to the neerest and trustiest friends of the ward or other person nominated by the Ancestor in the wards behalf who may in the mean time become Suiters for the same among whom choice may be made of the best and fittest No composition agreement or promise of any wardship or lease of Lands be made until the office be found and then such of the friends to have preferment as tendred their Petitions within the moneth they yeilding a reasonable composition The Master Attorney Surveyor and other the Officers of the Court of Wards were to inform them selves as particularly as they might of the truth of the Wards estate as well of his Inheritance as of his Goods and Chattels the estate of the deceased Ancestors and of all other due circumstances considerable to the end the Compositions might be such as might stand with the Kings resonable profit and the Ability of the Heirs estate No Escheatâ—r shall inforce any man to shew his evidence That all Leases of Wards lands except in cases of concealment be made with litle or no Fine and for the best improved yearly rent that shall be offered consideration being had of the cautions aforesaid that no recusant be admitted to compound or be assignee of any wardship That where it shall appear that neither the King nor his progenitors within the space of threescore years last past enjoyed any benefit by Wardship Livery Primer seizin Releif Respect of Homage Fiâ—es or mesne rates of any lands the Master and Councel of the said Court were authorized to remit and release all benefit and profit that might accrew to the King thereby And in all cases where covenants were pâ—â—formed to deliver bonds which were taken concerning the same And that upon consideration of circumstances which may happen in assessing of Fines for the marriages of the Wards and renting of their lands either by reason of the broken estate of the deceased want of provision for his wife his great charge of Children unprovided for infirmity or tendernesse of the heir incertainty of the title or greatnesse of incumbrance upon the lands they shall have liberty as those or any other the like comsiderations shall offer themselves to use that good discretion and Conscience which shall be sit in mitigating or abating Fines or Rents to the releif of such necessities In pursuance whereof and the course and usage of that Court as well before as after the said Instructions Wardships nor any Custody or Lease of the Wards or their Lands were not granted in any surprising or misinforming way but by the care and deliberation of the Master and Councel of the Court of Wards and Liveries upon a full hearing and examination of all parties and pretenders they to whom they were granted Covenanting by Indenture under their Hands and Seals with Bonds of great penalties to perform the same to educate the ward according to his degree and quality preserve his lands and houses from waste fell no Coppice Woods grant no Copy-hold estates for lives nor appoint any Steward to keep the Courts without licence and to permit the feodary of the County where the land lieth yearly to survey and superintend the care thereof and had reasonable times of payment allowed them And could not likely produce any grievances in the rates or assessing of Fines for marriages or for rents reserved during the minority of the wards or for primer seisin or any other Compositions when as the Kings of England since the Raign of the unhappy R. 2. and the intermission of the Eyres and those strict enquiries which were formerly made of the frauds or concealment of the Escheators or their Deputies in the businesse of Tenures and Wardships and their neglect or not improving of them most of those former Officers and those that trucked with them not doing that right which they ought to their Consciences and their Kings and Benefactors Have for some ages past been so willing to ease their people or comply with their desires as they have noâ— regarded aâ— all their own profit or taken such a care as they might to retain â—hose just powers which were incident or necessary to their Royal Government but by leaving their bounty and kindnesse open to all the requests or designs of the people have like tender hearted parents given away much of their own support and sustenance to gratify the blandishments or necessities of their Children and not only enervated but dismembred and quitted many of their Regal powers and just Prerogatives in their grants of Lands and Liberties and thereby too much exhausted and abandoned the care of their own Revenue and Treasure as may easily appear to any that shall take but a view of those many Regalities Franchises and Liberties which being to be as a Sacrum patrimonium unalienable have heretofore either been too liberally granted by the Kings Progenitors of which H. 3. was very sensible in his answer to the Prior or Master of the Hospital of St. Johns at Jerusalem or not well looked after in those Incroachments and Usurpations which have been made upon them Or consider the very great cares and providence as well as prudence of former