more without asking or taking their Advice about it though a matter both of great Importance in it self and of vast Consequence to the Trade of this Kingdom Nor can it be imagined that the said Act for erecting of a Scotch Company was surreptitiously obtained or precipitately passed without his Knowledg and Information of the Tenor of it Seeing the Instructions were formed and digested here and signed by him which upon being sent down thither gave occasion and encouragement there to make and enact such a Statute at this Juncture And it is highly worthy of remark That this Scotch Law containing so many unusual Privileges and beneficial Concessions as were never granted heretofore by any King of Great Britain should be made at a Season when the Trade of England is so loaded and depressed by late grievous Impositions and Taxes laid upon It by several Laws since the Revolution in order to the carrying on of the present War and for the defraying the Charges of it Nor is it conceivable how after so many Discouragements given to the English East India Company not only in refusing them an Establishment by Law but in Delaying for several Years to grant them a Confirmation of their Charter and thereby putting them both to vast Expenses through their being so long in soliciting of it and the leaving them all that while naked and exposed to be undermined and supplanted by Interlopers that this unwonted and exuberant Grace should be exercised to the Kingdom of Scotland were it not done upon the Influence of Dutch Councils and in pursuance of Measures from Holland for the ruining the Trade of England And whosoever considers the little respect and the less affection which King William hath for the Scots Nation and with what disdain and contempt he speaks oâ— that whole Kingdom and treats those of the first Quality of it will easily believe That he did not authorise the Establishment of the forementioned Company out of kindness unto or concern for the Prosperity of that Nation but that it was done upon the Motives and in pursuance of foreign Councils Not that I do envy the Scots any Favour that is shewed them upon whatsoever Inducements it be done or that I blame the Parliament of Scotland for what they have done in this particular towards the raising of the Genius and encouraging the Industry of their People to the pursuit of Trade but what I would say is That as King William's Kindness to the Scots in this matter is to the apparent and visible Damage of the English so it is morally certain that both the first overture of such an Establishment sprung from Belgick Councils and that the Prince of Orange's Instructions which led that Parliament to such a Bill and the Royal Assent given thereunto by his Commissioner upon which it is become a Law and Statute is all in order to encrease the Trade and raise the Grandeur of the Dutch and to depress and lessen the Trade of England and thereby to weaken and impoverish the Kingdom For as the Author of a Paper called Some Considerations upon the late Act of the Parliament of Scotland for constituting an Indian Company has with Candor and Ingenuity told us Pag. 4. That the Original of that Design of settling a Company of Commerce for Strangers as well as for Scotch-men was not from Scotland nor from hence but altogether from foreign Parts which as he there tells us he had from good hands So we have reason upon his Testimony to receive what he says being so avowed a Patron of the Wisdom Justice and Equity of the said Act. However it will not be amiss to unfold a little more distinctly what he hath only obscurely and briefly insinuated In the doing whereof I must crave pardon for revealing a Secret committed to me in a private Conversation and the rather because I have always valued my self upon an inviolable Fidelity toward all that have trusted me and upon a tenacious Retentiveness and steddy Secrecy in reference to such Things as have been privately and under the Notion of friendship conveyed to me But where my Discretion has only been confided in but neither my Honour nor my Conscience have been engaged I do judg that I not only may but that in Duty I ought to disclose what hath been and is contrived and machinated in order to divide and separate these two Kingdoms and thereby to weaken if not ruin both of them namely That the Dutchâ— being afraid that either through the Prince of Orange's Death or through King James's Restauration these Nations may be awakened to consider how they have been first deluded and misled and then wronged and injured by the Hollanders and thereupon may be provoked to demand Reparation and grow enraged to persue Revenge they have therefore studied and concerted how to separate the Kingdoms of England and Scotland the one from the other And have proceeded so far therein as in either of the foregoing Cases to have allowance for it from Willam's Dutch Minions and Confidents which is equivalent to the having it from himself And accordingly they have treated with some of the Scotch Nation about it whom they have not only gratified with Mony to make them pliable but have given them assurance That there shall be Three or Four hundred thousand Pound ready to bribe and gain the chief and most leading Men of that Kingdom to comply with this Design at what time it may be needful for the Dutch to have it put in execution In pursuance whereof they have started the Project of a Scotch East India Company which that Nation had all the reason in the World to take hold of and they will be thought not only kind but just to themselves in gaining this Grant and Concession from the Crown for their coming into the Interest of this Man at a Season when their adhering to their Rightful King as was their Duty to have done would have made this Man's Title very uncertain and precarious and would have rendered his Abode in and Reign over these Kingdoms of a very short Duration and Continuance Nor will it escape the recommending the Wisdom of the Scots Nation to Posterity That whilst the English who have lavished away and wasted near 40 Millions sterl upon their Dutch King have not obtained one Beneficial National Act or Law in recompence of all that they have so foolishly and prodigally bestowed for the support of his Government the Scots by taking the Benefit of his foreign Inclinations and Affections have gained something that may be useful to them and their Off-spring It were high Presumption in me to undertake to declare how far the Scots Act is directly calculated and adapted to the Prejudice of England seeing that were to invade the Province and to break into the Rights of both Houses of the Parliament of England who being extreamly sensible of and having maturely weighed it have not only the Integrity and Fortitude to represent it
by a solemn Address to King William but who in their profound Wisdom are considering both how to obviate the Evils which that Law threatneth to the Traffick of the Kingdom and how to settle the Trade of the Nation upon such a Foot and Bottom as may give Encouragements to it and make it revive and flourish I do know that all which the two Houses are to expect from their Belgick King in answer to their Address is That he was surprised into the passing of the Scotch Act which I hope all Men will believe he as truly was as he pretends to have been into the Massacre of Glenco for the perpetration whereof he gave several positive and reiterated Orders For Fides Belgica and Fides Punica are equivalent and the Word of a Carthagenian Senator or General and that of a Dutch Prince are of the same alloy and stamp But as the Scots are a wiser Nation having obtained the passing of such a Law than upon any Consideration whatsoever to be prevailed upon to repeal or to part with it either to gratify King William or to humour and accommodate this Kingdom so no Man in the present Circumstances in which England is will judge it the Interest of this Nation to quarrel with Scotland or too much to rally and vex the Scots upon this Account Not but that there are many ways and means within the Circle and under the Power of the Parliament of England by which they may not only vent their Anger against those English that have subscribed to the Scots East India Stock but make Scotland it self first uneasy and then enraged But as this were to spend their Resentment and Anger where they ought not seeing all their Indignation ought in Justice and Equity to fall no where but upon Kensington and Holland so it were to make themselves Tools in promoting the Design of separating these two Kingdoms which the Dutch contrived this Act for the Establishment of the forementioned Company as a Foundation of and a Path unto For should they at Westminster as they easily may make all those English that have put in their Shares into the Scots Stock pay quadruple Taxes to the War which they are upon Ways and Means to support this would but make many wealthy and industrious Merchants to forsake England and retreat to Scotland where they will be heartily welcomed and effectually protected against all the Operation of such a stingy Law Or should the Parliament of England enjoyn these English that have subscribed to the Scots Stock to abandon and renounce their Membership in that Company this would not only entitle the Scots to so much Mony as was the Quota of theiâ— first Payment which having already received they are not so silly as to refund but it would also occasion those that have ventured so much in that Bottom rather to carry their whole Capital after it than to be both shut out from the Benefit of such a Proportion of their own Estates and likewise to forfeit so much of their very Principal Nor would the Parliament of England act with less imprudence and in greater inconsistency with their own Interest should they suffer themselves to be provoked to turn the Payment of all the Scots Regiments in Flanders off from the English Establishment and cast it upon the Scots as the equivalent of the Customs which they are excused from by the forementioned Statute but which they would be obliged to pay to the Government were they to trade to Africa and the East Indies upon the like bottom and terms which the English do But as this were to enfeeble the Confederate Army by robbing it of Seventeen thousand as good Men as any it is constituted of or else to necessitate England to hire and pay so many Foreigners in their room which they cannot in that Method of acting avoid doing towards the compleating of the Eighty seven thousand four hundred and forty Men which the House of Commons by their Vote of December the 14th have declared necessary for the Year 1696. So such a Procedure of this Kingdom towards Scotland would enforce the Scots both to call home their Troops and to employ them where England will not find any Advantage in giving them Provocation as well as Occasion to do it So that in a Word all the Anger that boileth in English Breasts upon the Account of this Scots Act ought to vent it self upon the Dutch who gave the Advice and upon our Belgick King who gave it the legislative Stamp and ratified it into an Act by what he calls his Royal Authority And to shew that all his little Excuses and particularly what he gave in answer to the Address of the Two Houses when presented to him Octob. 17. viz. That he had been ill served in Scotland is all Cheat pure Grimace in that he has not in Evidence of his being imposed upon and misled turned out or laid aside one of those Ministers of State whom he would have this credulous Nation believe to have deluded him to it Which were it true as it no wise is it ought not to vindicate him from being accountable for the wrong he hath therein done to the Kingdom of England seeing he who drove away King James by a President of his own making meerly for the Offences of that King's Ministers and which Ministers he has not only taken into his Friendship and Confidence but made some of them the chief Superintendants of all his Affairs must not think to Sham the World off with Pretences that the Ministers are only guilty whilst he is to be looked upon as one as innocent as the Child unborn Yea I will presume to add That whereas K. James was not by any Laws of the Kingdom responsable for the Transgressions of his Councillors and Offâ—cers but his Person and Royal Dignity were in all Cases to remain Sacred and Safe K. W. is justly and legally Arraignable for all the Crimes of his Ministers as well as for his own and that both by his authorising that unjust and barbarous Fact of abdicating his Uncle and Father in Law and also by virtue of the Stipulation Contract and Term upon which he accepted the Crown But if nothing else will serve and content the Parliament of England save the making Reprisals and taking Revenge upon the Scots for their establishing an East India Company with so many ample Privileges and Immunities the way of doing it is open and easy without their committing any thing that the Scots can call unjust or which they themselves may either repent or be ashamed of namely To grant unto their own trading Company especially to those of Africa and the East Indies such an Establishment by Law with ease from Custom and Impositions at least with such an Abatement and Moderation of them as caeteris paribus may be an Equivalent to all the Privileges and Immunities in the Scots Act and thereby discourage and cripple if not stifle and smother their
to have Satisfactorily answered The first is That they would tell us what the meaning of a King de facto is and how such a One differs from a King de jure For I find that many both of the Lawyers Gentry as well as of the Clergy who do wholy disbelieve and in their Minds disclaim the Prince of Orange's Right to the Sovereignty do yet allow themselves to swear Allegiance to him and do pay him the Duty of Subjects meerly because he is got into Possession of the Throne and Royal Title and de facto hath assumed the exercise of the Kingly Power Nor am I ignorant that the pedant Writers of Politicks do speak of a King de facto as well as of a King de jure but so far as I am capable of understanding Reason or good Sense no Man can be called a King de facto who is not either antecedently or concomitantly a King also de jure Seeiâ—g he that is stiled a King but who is not rightfully so is by all the Laws of God and Man a Robber and an Usurper but a King he is not nor can he be A Thief may as well be called a legal Proprietor of what he hath stolen from his Neighbour and he that Pads upon the Road may have as just a Claim to the Purse he hath forcibly taken from a Traveller though the Law makes both the one and the other obnoxious to be hanged and that very justly too as he can have either Right or Pretence to the Regal Title and Power who attains not to them by the Methods Rules and Measures and in the Virtue Force and Efficacy of the Constitution And as the Names of Intruder Usurper and Robber and not those of Prince Sovereign and King are which such a one ought only to be called by so instead of Allegiance due unto him or of our being under the Obligation eitheâ— of divine or human Laws to render unto that Person the Duties of Subjects we are bound boâ—h in Law and Conscience to raise Hue and Cry after him and to persue him and make him accountable for the Crimes which have entitled him to the Names of Robber of his Neighbours Crown and Intruder into and Usurper of another Man's Throne Things are stubborn and inflexible and will not change their Natures because of the complemental soft Words that are fastned upon them Theft Robbery and Usurpation will not cease to be the same evil and abominable Crimes which God hath denounced Curses against and which Men in all Ages have annexed Punishments unto notwithstanding the smooth Whitehall and Kensington Language with which we varnish them over And whereas the Word and Name King hath been hitherto taken for a fair honest and honourable Word and Name and held no ways reproachful for a vertuous Man to have it ascribed unto him and to be denominated by it I will venture to say that it is one of the worst and most scandalous Words in the World and the most disgraceful and injurious Title that a Person is capable of having given him if it be allowed to express an Usurper by and used of one that has no Right to a Crown but meerly the Possession of it But whereas there are some who through want of Sense and others who through Ignorance of the Law may take the Prince of Orange to be a King de jure and may thereby hope both to save their Consciences and their Credits and think to justify themselves from Treason and Disloyalty in their swearing Allegiance to him and yielding him the Fealty due from Subjects I desire therefore in the second Place to ask our Senators of Wisdom and our Gentlemen of the Gowns how this Right to be King accrues to the Prince of Orange and from what Sources of Law and Justice the Royal Stile and Authority come to be derived unto and vested in him and by what Tenure he bears the Royal Name and exerciseth the Sovereign Power For as there are but Three ways in any Nation of arriving lawfully at the Supream Authority and of coming legitimately and honestly to be a King namely either by the Right of hereditary Succession or by the Right of just and lawful Conquest or by the Right of Election where through the known Laws and the fundamental Provisions of the Constitution there is upon every Vacancy of the Throne a Privilege vested in the People or in their Representatives or in some select Number of the most honourable and qualified Persons to chuse one to fill it And as none can have the Impudence to say either that the Prince of Orange is King of England by the Right of hereditary Succession seeing there are divers Persons who have an hereditary Right of inheriting the Crown antecedently to him Or that he attained to be King by a lawful Conquest in a just War seeing that is not only disclaimed by himself and reprâ—bated by the Parliament but because the offering to establish his Title upon that Foundation and to justify it by that Plea were to put us into the State of Slaves instead of Subjects and to make us enjoy all we are and have by his Pleasure and Will and not to have any Property in them by our antient Laws So in the third Place none who have the least Acquaintance with the Nature of our Constitution the Frame of our Government or the many Laws of the Land relative to the Right and Manner of Succession in the Sovereignty will dare to pretend that upon a Demise of the Crown the People or any certain Number of Persons whatsoever stand legally vested with a Power of chusing who shall succeed And the reason is obvious because our Monarch is and has been always an hereditary Monarch and not an elective Wherefore though there have been sometimes Interruptions in the Rightful Succession and Translations of the Crown from one Family to another yet save in the Cases of direct Usurpation such as Oliver Cromwel's it was never attempted on the Foot and Principle of the Peoples having a Power resident in them by Law to elect their King but it was always on the Motive and Foundation of doubtful and controverted Titles Which Claim though in some it was very weak yet it was always insisted upon and what their Title wanted in legal Goodness they endeavoured to make out by military Power I might add That there was no Demise here neither by Death nor by Resignation and much less were there any vested with a Regal Power of abdicating deposing and driving away King James So that upon the whole the Prince of Orange can upon â—o Foundation whatsoever nor in any Sense received among Men of coming Lawfully to a Crown be King of England de jure and by consequence he must be contented to be held for no other than an Usurper and as such ought all Men to account him who according to the Laws of Revelation and of the Kingdom would either approve themselves to God
Undertaking And it is a surprise to all thinking disinterested Men that Trade being the Source and Fountain of the Wealth Strength and Populace of a Nation and that this Kingdom being more adapted for it by its Situation Harbours and the Genius of its People than any other Country whatsoever that yet it should be so far from being encouraged in the way manner and degrees it ought that the Trade of England is more Clogged Loaded and has greater Burthens laid upon it than that of any other Nation But if this Method of counteracting the Scots should not be thought convenient when the Kingdom is to be charged with so many and large Grants of Mony to the Government for the upholding and carrying on the present War there is still another way of obviating all the Evils we are apprehensive of from the Scots Act and from the old East India Company yea and not only of defeating the Design of the Dutch who were the first and under-hand Advisers to it but of improving it into an Occation of strengthening our selves to chastise the Hollanders and to exact Reparations from them for all the Injuries of one kind and â—â—other which they have done us And that is the bringing these two Kingdoms into an Union of Councils Laws and Privileges of all Sorts as they are already united under one Monarch encompassed by the same Seas Inhabitants upon one Island and not differing in Language farther than in tone and dialect Which as it would be to the mutual Safety and Prosperity of both Nations so it is not to be questioned but that the Scots in consideration and acknowledgment of the Benefit that would accrue to them by an Incorporation with England would chearfully surrender their late Act and be as forward as we can wish to repeal it Nor would it be sound so difficult as some do imagine it to effect compass and perfect such an Union upon Terms that both Kingdoms may think equal could we on each side renounce national Piques and give up little private Interests in order to the obtaining a general common Good I am told that some are so ignorant and others so impudent as say That King William in virtue of that Sovereign Power which that Kingdom hath granted him may by his own personal and immediate Authority without the concurrence of a Parliament or the Prescription of a Law impose upon Trade what Duty Customs or Taxes he pleaseth and this they alledg to stand vested in him as a part of his Prerogative by the Gift and Concession of an Act of Parliament made in one of those Sessions when Launderdale was King Charles the Second's High Commissioner To which I reply three Things 1. That such a Supposition were to put all Traders of the Kingdom of Scotland into the state and condition of Slaves by making their whole Property acquirable by the way of Traffick to be under the protection of no Law but to be sâ—isable and disposable at the arbitrary Will and despotical Pleasure of the King which I think that Nation which justly boasts it self a free Kingdom as much as any other whatsoever will not easily acquiesce in and submit unto from any King But especially not from one of their own making who being as the Clay in their hands of which they have made a Vessel of Honour they may either break it or mould it again when the Humour takes them into a Vessel of Dishonour 2. Whatsoever Prerogative this Man under the Notion of being their King may have as to the laying Impositions upon Goods and Merchandise where no Law doth preclude and bar him from doing it and where the Concession Liberty and Right for them to trade to such and such Places and in such and such Commodities proceed and are derived meeâ—ly from his personal Grant and Charter which gives them all their Title so to do yet it is most absurd to imagine that he can have any such Prerogative or Power where a publick Law hath given them both a Right and Authority to trade and an Immunity from all Impositions whatsoever in reference to such Places and the Productions and Superfluities thereof and it is also Tyranny in him to challenge it For by this means no Laws can be a Fence about Mens Estates and Properties nor give them the Security which they both promise and were made and enacted for the ensuring to them And for King William to claim and exercise such a Jurisdiction and Authority were to usurp a dispensing Power that is both infinitely worse in it self and more fatal in its consequences than that for which we so much blamed and have hostily treated King James Seeing all the dispensing Power King James challenged was only in reference to penal Laws and those also relative meerly to Religious Matters as to both which the King has a greater extent and latitude of Jurisdiction inherent in him by reason of his Sovereign Power than he hath in reference to other Laws But should King William take upon him to dispense with the Act we are speaking of it were to usurp a dispensing Power both in reference to beneficial Laws and those made for the protection of our Civil Rights Properties and Estates which all Men who have common Sense know to be more out of the verge and reach of Kings to supercede and controle than those are which refer to Ecclesiastical Officers and which are likewise of a penal Nature 3. Should it be admitted that by that Act of Lauderdale's Parliament an absolute unlimitted and despotical Authority became vested in King Charles and stood conveyed to King James in relation to this laying Taxes and Impositions on Trade yet no Power of this kind accrues by this Act to King William in that it was complained of as one of the Grievances which were presented to him antecedently to his having Crown conferred upon him and whereof Redress only was demanded But it was stipulated and made a part of the Original Contract betwixt the Kingdom of Scotland and Him That no such Power as Lauderdale's Act imported should ever be claimed or exercised over them And for King William now to pretend to it were not only to violate his Coronation Oath and proclaim himself perjured to all the World but it were to discharge that Nation from all Obligation of Fealty to him and to give them a legal Right as well as Cause to proceed to the deposing and abdicating him Before I shut up this Discourse which the variety and importance of the matter has already made longer than I at first designed it though I hope it will not be found tedious I shall for the sake of many Thousands as well as my own humbly applying my self to the Senate of the Kingdom to the Members of the Privy Council and to the Gentlemen of both the Gowns for their resolving me Two or Three Questions which it is of great Concernment with respect to our Constitution our Laws our Religâ—on and our Consciences
or have peace in their own Minds But then thirdly admitting the Prince of Orange to be King of England whether de Jure or de Facto I further enquire not I desire to ask the Two Houses of Parliament as well as our Lawyers and Divines of what Signification and Importance in their Judgments and Opinions the Word King is that the People may the better know the Nature Extent and Bounds of their Allegiance that being on their part Reciprocal and Corrolate to Kingship on the Sovereigns And this Question is the more necessary to be resolved in that the Notion and Idea of King is much different in the present Estimate of the Generality of Men as well within the Houses of Parliament as without them from what it is represented and found to be in our Laws and from what it has been always heretofore taken and acknowledged to be That therefore which with reference to my self as well as to many Thousands besides I would earnestly beg to know is Whether by King they mean a Sovereign Prince whose Person by virtue of the Authority lodged in him and by reason that the Peace and Welfare of the whole Society depends upon his Safety is Sacred and Inviolable who cannot legally be resisted opposed or withstood and much less be judged deposed and abdicated by any Power on Earth on any Pretence whatsoever and one without whose Call and Authority all Meetings Assemblies and Consultations about Matters of Government and State are Treason and Rebellion Or whether by King they do intend only a Person that is meerly in the Quality of a Trustee entrusted by and accountable to the People as his Principals and who being only vested with a delegated Power may therefore be resisted arraigned judged abdicated and drove away if he offend those over whom he is advanced to rule and act dissonantly from and contrary to the Laws of all which his Subjects are to be Judges For if King be taken in the first Sense to signify one that is unaccusable irresistable and unabdicable than we of this Nation neither have nor lawfully can have any other King than King James while he liveth and hath not renounced and disclaimed his Right And by consequence the Prince of Orange is no other than an Usurper And we out of our own Mouths and by our own Sentence no better than Rebels in abdicating the former and in submitting unto and owning the later And indeed the Principles upon which the Salisbury Dictator of Measures of Obedience Dr. Burnet who out of disloyal Malice to us endeavoured to subvert our antient Government and to battle all our Laws by his modern and treasonable Politicks striveth to justify the Abdication in a Book he hath lately published called Reflections on a Pamphlet entitled Some Discourses upon Dr. Burnet and Dr. Tillotson occasioned by the Funeral Sermon of the former upon the later plainly shew both how self condemned the Author is and what Rebellion he and the Nation are according to the Laws of God and Men become guilty by that Transaction For whereas he owns That illegal Acts and Acts of Tyranny and the remote Consequences of them do not justify the resisting of Princes and that they can be then only lawfully withstood when their going about to subvert totally the Constitution shall be plainly apparent P. 32 33 34 35 36 37. there is no more needful to be said for the loading of him and for the branding the Nation with the just Imputation of the highest and most detestable Treason committed in the Abdication of the King and in the Choise and Exaltation of the Prince of Orange to his Throne Seeing whatsoever illegal Acts which were not many nor of any menacing Importance to the Kingdom the King might be misled and hurried into by treacherous Councillors yet it is so far from being plainly apparent that he designed to subvert the Constitution that the contrary is demonstratively evident and that no Prince ever bore greater regard to the Laws Liberties and Prosperity of England than he did And as his Majesties sending an Ambassador to Rome his appointing Popish Bishops and his claiming a dispensing Power in reference to penal Laws about Religion are all the Instances which that traiterous Doctor gives of the King 's being embarqued in such an Attempt so they are such weak and impertinent Proofs of such a Design that it is to banter Mankind to raise a Suspition of it upon them and much more to stile them plain and apparent Evidences of it Nor needs there any more to shew that the Constitution was in no danger of being totally subverted by those Means and Overt Acts of Government than that neither the noble Person that went to Rome nor those that were constituted Popish Bishops nor any of them that gave Advice for the dispensing Power have been so much as arraigned and much less capitally punished as they would and deserved to have been if those Things had been of a direct and immediate Tendency to destroy totally the Constitution Nor would any Man have betrayed at once the Weakness and the Impudence as to have assigned those Acts of Administration and no other as convictive Proofs of an apparent Design in King James to subvert totally the Constitution but this noisy treacherous and disloyal Doctor who like to him that fired Diana's Temple to protect himself from Oblivion has been studying to raise himself a Monument upon the Banishment of his Sovereign the Ruin of our Antient Government and the Involving of these Kingdoms in a bloody and destructive War But then on the other had if King be taken in the second Sense for one that may be resisted arraigned deposed and drove away from his Throne and Kingdom then as the Prince of Orange hath but a flippery Seat of it and a thorny Crown so no Man can be lawfully required to take an Oath of Allegiance to him and much less justly punished by double Taxes or otherwise for refusing it Seeing if that be the Signification and Importance of King it may be every Man's Duty to assist in deposing and dethroning him And upon what I have said of his Miscarriages in Government and the Designs he is carrying on to the Ruin as well as Impoverishment of the Kingdom there is nothing remains to be added or adviced But to your Tents O Israel for this Man ought no longer to be suffer'd to pretend to reign over us For as he hath in many Instances apparently attempted the total Subversion of the Constitution which even by our Salisbury Doctor 's Principles of Politicks justifieth the deposing him and particularly both in the commanding a whole Tribe of Men that were under the Protection of the Laws to be massacred without any previous Tryal or Conviction and in his taking the Earl of Bredalbin by meer arbitrary Power not only out of the hands of Justice when he stood impeached by Parliament which whether he was justly or unjustly makes no Change in the Nature of what the Prince of Orange hath therein done but in putting him into the Administration of the Government as a Privy Councellor So he hath likewise in effect destroyed the very Kingdom and hath brought us into those Circumstances of Confusion Misery and Want out of which it is impossible to recover and deliver us while he is permitted to sit at the Helm And which if we be so sortish and so much Enemies to our selves and to our Posterity as to connive at any longer it will be out of the reach and power both of our Rightful King and of a well constituted Parliament ever to redeem us or either to retrieve the Nation from final Ruin or to save us from being Conquered by any potent Neighbour that may have a mind to invade us Nor will I enlarge this Discourse any further save to tell those who out of rebellious Enmity to a Rightful King and Idolatry of an Usurper may complain of the Acrfmony of some Expressions which will be found to occur in the foregoing Leaves That all the Language I have used is either consecrated by the Tongues or Pens of your Williamite Divines in their Pulpit Invectives against King James and the King of France or else it is all authorised by the Licenced Pamphlets published in way of Elogâ—e upon the present Government and Satyr upon the last And whosoever will waste so much time as to peruse a Paper stiled A Dialogue between the King of France and the late King James occasioned by the Death of the Queen will justify me in the Reprisals and Retaliations I have made Only whereas little is to be met with in these Sermons and Pamphlets but ridiculous Fiction and impudent Slander as well as dull Malice there will nothing be found in these Sheets but weighed and measured Truth though sometimes a little piquantly expressed Decemb. 20. 1695. ERRATA Page 2 line 30. before other read of ibid. l. 38. for staâ—e r. state p. 4. l. ult for stuff r. strife p. 5. l. 25. dele same p. 6. l. 36. for Redress r. Readers p. 9. l. 1. r. where we had for a great while been in the quiet and peaceable Possession p. 11. l. 37. r. plead p. 12. l. 15. dele a before Servant p. 13. l. 8. r. Placat's ibid. l. 20. r. Rude ibid. l. ult for their r. these p. 14. l. 8. r. become ibid. l. 20. for th r. to p. 15. l. 7. before it r. as ibid. l. 13. for were r. we p. 16. l. 3 4. r. putting ibid. l. 6. r. Guet p. 20. l. 21. r. executed ibid. l. 27. for yet r. yea p. 22. l. 35. after with r. the p. 23. l. 8. r. Donative p. 25. l. 38. r. Bordacho's p. 32. l. 33. before Mischiefs r. the p. 33. l. 6. before have r. they ibid. l. 12. two Millions p. 34. l. 7. after transported put p. 35. l. 33. for mark r. mask p. 36. l. 12. r. thither ibid. l. 19. for so r. for ibid. l. 20. for more r. were ibid. l. 33. r. they thus p. 37. l. ult dele they p. 38. l. 8. after unto put ibid. l. 21. r. become p. 43. l. 14. r. whereof p. 47. l. 28. r. Villanies p. 48. l. 28. r. become ibid. l. 29. r. Center p. 50. l. 25. r. Officers ibid. l. 30. r. the p. 51. l. 3. r. Plebi ibid. l. 11. dele to ibid. l. 22. before the r. that p. 55. l. 32. r. no.