mend this slip and addes a resolution that till the Commissioners did the thing he advises he would take a Commission from himselfe to doe it To al which I say no more then indignus tu qui diceres tamen For the charge I may adde neque hoc opprobrio digni sunt Men in trust and Authority should take care that the People may rather have the advantage then the knowledge of their proceedings Things that are to be done by them are necessarily to be made knowne to them and to satisfie them in their obedience the ground of the command or something shewing the Equity and necessity of it is usually premitted as is done in the preamble of Acts Ordinances and Declarations But to make knowne the debates and those humane passions incident thereunto it were sometimes to discover nakednesse where it ought not to minister strifes to make the people Judges of them whom they have made so I have heard that the custome of Scotland is otherwise where there is a diligent eye had to the Presse which is not as here which is one of our faults prostitute to the lust of every Pamphlet and a reverend reservednesse kept upon their Counsels and actions onely so farre as the people are concerned in obeying things are carefully made knowne to them and difficulties removed And certainly those that are reserved at home will not judge it meet to be very open elsewhere for though the Proverb is not strictly to be applyed yet it carries a generall equity and decency In alienâ—m domum cum veneris mutus surdus esto The Gentleman makes some Objections which he answers he that hides can finde but unawares ties some knots which he cannot easily undoe For instance his second Objection in the Answer to which he affirmes that the Commissioners of Scotland doe not sufficiently discharge their duty in making knowne to the Parliament and Assembly to the full the truth of all things by their papers which he proves by an assertion which for want of other strength he doubles that what is de facto concerning all must be made knowne to all The sounder axiome were what concernes all to know must be made knowne to all for otherwise who will deny but the people are concerned in Counsels Deliberations and conclusions of things to be done they being the subject and end of them and yet this Author grants that these things are to be made knowne to the Trustees of State But I have no mind to wrangle Let us see the strength of the Argument which is this The Trustees of the State and Church are not Lords of them but servants therefore the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland are to impart to the people of England their papers and proceedings This conclusion seemes to me larger then the Premisses and like to have the lot of a building wider then the foundation the true inference from the Antecedent is rather this Therefore the Commissioners of Scotland as good servants should give an accompt to them that intrust them so farre as is expected or required But shew me where the people of England conferred that trust upon the Commissioners from Scotland or where they required any accompt Doubtlesse those Honourable Persons doe give accompt and satisfaction to them from whom they received their Commission and trust and need not doe it to any other And though that expression of servants as opposed to a Lordly usurpation is good as to the thing yet the word seemes to give too specious a ground for such a corrupt inference as this If the Rulers be servants the people are Masters whereas the truth is the Magistrate serves the good of the people rather then the people as the Apostle expresseth it Rom. 13. They are the Ministers of God to the people for good Ministers or servants of God that this their appellation to the peoples good that is their use Thus the Angels serve the Saints who are yet lower then the Angels and Pastours the people whom yet they rule over in the Lord Me thinks those that hate Independency in the Church should not affect popularity in the State but any thing for a turne But let me leave this Rule with my friends and Country-men that though it be fit that all exorbitant usurpation and arbitrary dominion of Rulers have a seasonable stop lest publike Liberty suffer yet must it be done without debasing those in authority whose honour and esteeme with the people is necessary to the order and conservation of the whole alwayes provided that this tender regard need not be had to any of what place soever that are in open hostility against the people who make no other use of their power and Reputation then to deceive and destroy the people of which our instance is too neare As for the freedome of Iohn Knox and George Bucanan mentioned pag. 12. I could well consent it were revived so it be rightly bestowed as by them it was sc. against the Popery of the then Queen and the self-interests of great men in publick works and against tyranny in Princes King Charles deserves a severer Schoolemaster then ever King Iames had Secondly after this expostulation with the Commissioners ending pag. 14. the Narration begins in which the Author layes open in the first place the carriage of things betwixt the Scots and the King at their first entrance which I meddle not with onely give this note on the behalfe of England that whatsoever was then done as is alleadged contrary to justice and Faith must not be set in the least degree upon the accompt of this Kingdome whose proper Representative is the Parliament who disclaimed the whole businesse it was the work of the King not the Kingdome of the Faction not the Nation But I rest in the thoughts of the Act of pacification Thirdly the next thing to be insisted on is of more consequence and will require a full clearing which is found at the 18. pag. sc. The Scots under God are the cause of assembling the Parliament of the continuance of it and of the preservation of it from totall destruction and ruine And to this purpose there are divers passages which I think fittest to summe up together and give them some dilucidation rather then opposition Another expression of this kind is pag. 94. The Scots were in a kinde the onely hinderers of the Kings compassing his designe pag. 99. 100. For whom they have hazarded and many lost their lives when they might all this while have sate at home quietly pag. 112. They make our quarrell theirs have undergone the burthen for our sakes to free us from it They are become miserable to pull us out of misery a thing not to be parallel'd Pag. 114. They have crucified themselves for their Brethren Pag. 142. Who have ventured yea lost themselves in a manner with all that is deare unto men for their sakes to doe them a double good to help them out of trouble and
settle a Reformation among them God forbid that I should be one of those ingrate children mentioned and cryed out on by this Author It is farre from my thought or purpose to deny or to diminish the kindnesse of our brethren whose help was desired and was seasonable but let us understand our selves and how the matter stands betwixt these two Kingdomes We are indebted to Scotland I wish an even reckning and long friendship but I am not yet of opinion we owe our selves to them and if the Author of the Manifest be consulted you shall find an intimation of some other Obligations then meere kindnesse unto us As for instance pag. 24. It is said that the Scots when they began to interesse themselves in this businesse they could not in Conscience and honesty sit quiet any longer and neither say nor doe but I take no advantage of this we are beholding to men for doing what in conscience and honesty they are bound though they should hurt themselves more in violating Conscience and honour then in suffering us to be violated To this you shall find a more externall ground added pag. 28. viz. Now the State of Scotland seeing the common Enemy come to that height that nothing will satisfie him but totall subversion of Church and State inthese Dominions onely they perhaps might be kept for the last though in intention they had been the first judge it not enough for their interest in the common cause to keepe an Army in Ireland but to bee upon their Guard at home and to help their Brethren in England with the Sword since all other meanes so often tryed were disappointed by the malice of the Enemies And this resolution is said to have been taken before Commissioners were sent from England to desire their assistance Pag. 30. So that you may observe the Enemy was a common Enemy the Cause a common Cause the danger to these Dominions the Scots like to suffer as deep though not so soone if they had sate still But give me leave paulo altius repetere and to consider the ancient mutuall tyes and later friendships betwixt these Kingdomes which may be a good meanes to continue and confirme their present correspondence So long as these Kingdomes were under divers especially popish Princes their condition was like that of Israel 2. Chron. 15. 3. when it was without a true God without a teaching Priest and without Law At which time there was no peace to him that went out nor to him that came in but great vexations were upon all the Inhabitants of the Countries and Nation was destroyed of Nation and City of City The mutuall spoyles and losses of these neighbour Kingdomes being well considered by that wise Prince Henry the seventh he layes a probable foundation of conjunction in giving his eldest Daughter to the King of Scots whose posterity upon the failing of the issue of his Sonne Henry the eight might inherit both Kingdomes which hath since come to passe In the time of Edward the sixt it was thought fit by that Prince whose wisdome and vertue was beyond his yeares and his Councell to make the conjunction more sure and therefore agreed with the Kingdom of Scotland for a Match betwixt this young King and the Daughter of Iames the fifth afterward Queen of France and Scotland But the Polititians of those times in Scotland chose rather to marry their young Princesse to France then England it may be forecasting upon the faile of issue in Henry the eights children that it would be more for their advantage to have a Scottish-man or a French-man King of England then an English-man of Scotland though if I may speake it without offence I think they might have had more comfort in that young Prince Edward 6. had God continued his life and reigne then England hath had of the two Kings they have had from Scotland of whom Truths Manifest sayes That there hath been more Christian bloud shed in these latter yeares under the end of King Iames his and King Charles his Reignes by their Commissions Approbations Connivences and not forbidding what at home and what abroad all which upon the matter they might have stopped if it had been their pleasure then were in the time of the ten Romane Persecutions But although the English had received some dis-ingagement by the non-performance of that Match which was aggravated on both parts by a Fight at Musselborough field yet when the Scots were sore troubled and their Religion Liberty indangered by the said Queene returned from France into Scotland who called the French in to her assistance against her native Subjects the renowned Queene Elizabeth and her prudent Councell though this Kingdome had continuall warre with Spaine yet feared not to provoke the French by affording seasonable helpe to her distressed Neighbours sending to their reliefe 6000 men which were maintained at the charge of the Kingdome of England Which was then thankfully and justly called to minde by the Kingdome of Scotland when this last treaty was to be made So that if we breake off here the kindnesse rests not on our part But I shall as gladly proceed to repeate the good turnes done to this Kingdome as by it and rejoyce in the mutuall obligation And that I may not breake in too suddenly upon the late affaires of these Kingdomes give me leave as a manuduction thereto to give a briefe touch of the Method of Reformation in this Island and but a word for the body of the Story may be had elswhere It pleased God at the bringing of this Island out of Popery to honour Scotland with a more full departure from Romish Idolatry and Superstition for though England wholly renounced their Doctrine yet some dregges of discipline and superstitious Ceremonies remained The Scots had indeed some advantages that wee had not Their Queene was obnoxious their young King in his nonage they had some Nobles and Ministers zealous and well affected so that through Gods blessing they obtained a Reformation in that point though not with so little difficulty as should give them ground to expect it should be done here on a suddaine But as for England in Queene Elizabeths time shee had so much trouble for Holland with Spaine and in Ireland that her Councell thought not fit to adventure upon the trouble of an alteration in this point which they foresaw and wee finde to be great And besides many of our Reformers being Bishops could not so well understand the convenience of their own abolishment In King Iames his time though wee might have expected to have been better in regard he came from a reformed Kingdome yet it was far worse with us for he came with an innate bitternesse against Puritanes which was fomented by our English Bishops so that he became a great Persecutor of unconformity And according to the Proverb Seldome comes a better since the Reigne of this King especially since the preferment of the late Archbishop of Canterbury
it hath been much worse with us for in stead of reforming we were deforming and in stead of renouncing returning to Rome apace But all this while England wanted not its honour in the eyes of God and good men For God favoured it with men eminent in learning able and earnest assertors of the Doctrine of the Gospel against the Champions of Rome Bellarmine and his Fellowes such were Whitaker Reynolds Iewel Fulke Perkings c. with more practicall Preachers and Writers and a greater measure of the Power of Godlines then other reformed Churches Thus we see Non omnis fert omnia tellus Scotland had its advantages and so had England that neither they without us nor wee without them might be made perfect but that we might contribute to the reformation of each other and both to our neighbours You will pardon this digression I returne After King Iames had outgrown his tutors hankered after Spaine and was come into England He went about to pull downe what was built in Scotland for matter of discipline and interrupted the Liberty of the Assemblies as at Perth more especially though his nature was to accomplish his designes rather by artifice then by violence King Charles succeeds him in his Crowne and intention but drives more furiously then his Father and ventures the overturning all and so am I come to the late troubles of Scotland about the yeare 1638. At which time both Kingdomes had Bishops but Scotland first cast them off to which they had these advantages First their naturall Antipathy against Episcopacy which is generally remarkable in that Nation Secondly the absence of the King who was not there to countenance them with his presence and support them with his interest and authority as here It is no small advantage to have an absent King A King prevents the Factions of an Aristocracy His absence takes away the Enormities of a Court and the advantages to Tyranny And as they had more advantage so had they more reason to begin They had a Service-book put upon them against Law more corrupt then ours which was established by a Law then in force Their worke was but to assert their Rights against innovation ours to inlarge our Reformation and adde something de novo which is a much harder and a more questionable worke But however it was very happie for them and us that they had such an opportunitie hearts to use it as they did in standing in the breach like to be made upon the Religion and Liberties of both Kingdomes To come yet nearer This dispute betwixt the King and his Party on the one side the Lords and Ministers of Scotland on the other growes to blowes and Armies are prepared on each hand How stood the affection of the Commonaltie of England in this Cause How backward were they to raise men to pay money the Souldiers that were raised in many places fell to pulling downe Altars breaking Images as a worke which pleased them better then to goe against Scotland in that Cause And whilst some were preparing to fight against them many were actually stirring and wrastling with God for them in prayers Such was the affection they bore to that Cause and Kingdome And when the Parliament was called to which God made the Scottish broyles an advantage though the affaires of England could not long have stood in that temper they were in how tender were they of contributing any thing to the warre against them and chose rather to adventure their own dissolution then a breach with them And when they were the second time conveened even to this present Parliament how readily did they gratifie their brethren with a competent sum called brotherly assistance to be paid by this Kingdome for the injuries done by a Faction in it And this carriage of the Parliament is acknowledged to be worthy and obliging by the Convention of the Estates of Scotland in their Declaration premitted at their Entrance So that hitherto wee were not behind-hand with them It remaines then that this great obligation must arise from the present conjunction But if we consider the grounds the termes and issue it may appeare not to be extraordinary As for the grounds if this Author in his 28. Pag. already mentioned be not authenticke let me alledge those that are sc. the Convention in the short Declaration premitted at their comming into this Kingdome in Ianuary 1643. Where beside and before the Law of Love requiring us to beare each others burthen you may finde a Law of Nature mentioned injoyning them to preserve themselves by preventing their neighbours ruine It is indeed a kindnesse for a man to helpe to quench a fire in his neighbours house though his own be next but if his house had not been so neare it may be the man had been further off So that it was not a sole respect to us that brought them for that is no Fiction though it be Poetry Tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardet So much for the Ground The termes were as betwixt Strangers and Mercenaries though we love and embrace the title of brethren as appeares by the Treaty wherein it is required and agreed that England be at the whole charge of paying this Army the termes upon which they serve France and Holland and expected that this Kingdome be responsable for incident charges and losses What could be further asked And looke to the issue if God grant it when this Kingdome will be found to have afforded all the charge and most of the force for the preservation of England and Ireland directly and Scotland as really though by consequence for prius and posterius makes no great difference which was the case as this Author acknowledgeth Pag. 28. And thus have I given accompt of the true state as neare as I could learne it of the Obligations betwixt these two Kingdomes which afford this Result That wee should love one another As for the particular words which occasioned this discourse which are three times repeated in the Manifest sc. that the Scots were the cause of calling continuing preserving from ruine this present Parliament let me say thus much to them As for the calling it they were the occasion but not the cause As for the continuance of it this is the account Wee feeling the smart of broken Parliaments as also our debts and necessities calling for money it could not be borrowed but upon publique Faith this was not to be given but in Parliament whereupon a noble Gentleman Mr Pierrepont by name who was not then much acquainted with the Scots moved upon those grounds for an act of continuance of this Parliament and it passed As for the preservation of it from ruine this Clause following immediately upon the Authors discourse of the Scots refusing the Kings offers which he made them of the foure Northerne Counties c. if they would lend their hand to the Parliaments ruine induceth me to beleeve he meanes that not destruction for
betwixt the Scots Committee joyned with the English Commissioners in the North for ordering the Scots Army where the English have been so farre from having a negative in any thing that in many things they have had no vote at all How often have those Forces been disposed of diminished increased removed from place to place from England to Scotland and back againe without the knowledge and consent of our Commissioners How are some Garrisons put into English Townes and Castles without their consent required others without their consent obtained for there is no Scottish Garrison in any English Towne or Castle which hath the consent of the Parliament except Barwicke where a Governour was placed with the approbation of the English Commissioners to whom equally with the Scots the disposall of the Army is by Treaty committed and this hath been done or at least not altered by the Scots Committee of themselves without sending to the Parliament or convention of Estates in Scotland as we are constrained to the Parliament of England in case of the dissent of the Scots so that there we have no negative or to no purpose which is here so strictly expected I am sorry you have put me to this discourse Pag. 54. 55. as also 59. 60. you will pardon my going backwards and forwards I must follow my Leader The Manifest gives an accompt of the divers correspondencies of the Scots Commissioners sometimes with one sort of men sometimes with another I suppose the Gentleman may be bolder with them then I they are men in publick employment and should not be bandied by a private pen I shall say nothing to their disadvantage they notwithstanding any alteration of their company have kept constant to their Principles and Counsels which have been to set up the Presbyteriall Government in England which is their declared businesse and that in full power and vertue without connivence at Sects Schismes this could not be done till the common Enemy was weakned and therefore both the Scots and Independents might well joyne for they both had hopes but when the Scots saw the Sectaries not altered in opinions but expecting the Liberty of their owne practise the grow strange to each other as being bound severall wayes and to supply their place another party strikes in partly out of concurrence with the Scots in Church-Government and partly out of envie and opposition to the Independents who as they thought had supplanted them but since those men who were most averse to the coming in of the Scots greatest strangers afterwards most forward to have them gone are so handsomely come about to an intimate conjunction with the Scots quid non speremus the world may turne once againe and the old friendship may be renewed let us not be too much prejudiced And the Author reduces this mistake to the Church-Government as I doe onely he speaks of a stipulation given from the English Commissioners to the Scots when in Scotland to goe heartily along with them in setling Church-Government I know no private stipulation as for the Covenant which is the mutuall publique stipulation I hope we shall all stand to to endeavour Reformation according to the word of God but if my observation faile me not the distances though I desire not to meddle with them have been also kept with men like affected with them for the maine of Church-Government and was occasioned also by the businesse of the new Modell of which more by and by Pag. 57. 58. There is mention made of the unreasonablenesse of the Siege at Oxford while the Enemy was ranging abroad and calling back the Party that followed the King both being against the advice of the Scots and how fit it was rather for Sir Tho Fairfax his Army to follow the King at that time then the Scots and herein referre to the condition of each Army And since we are called upon to try these things and not suffer them to be carryed away in hugger mugger as the word is let it be tryed First for the siege at Oxford of which I thinke this a true accompt it is well knowne how earnest endeavours there were almost on all parts to hinder the new moulding of the Armies how when seven thousand Horse and Foote were got together about Redding and Windsor they were dispatched into the West and when they had marched as faire as Blairford which is about seventy miles from Windsor they were by Order from the Committee of both Kingdomes divided and Sir Thomas Fairfax with 3500. commanded back towards Oxford where the King had joyned his Horse and almost compleated his Army for the Spring so that Sir Thomas Fairfax with his party could not march through Wiltshire but was constrained to goe through Hamshire for safety before his returne the King marched from Oxford Lieutenant Generall Cromwell and Major Generall Browne followed him as neare as they well might with another part of the Army so that that Army was already in three parts farre distant from each other the desires of the Parliament were sent downe to the North for the speedy advance of the Scots Army which was fitter for the field then Sir Thomas Fairfaxes for they had twelve or fourteen thousand men in a body in Yorkeshire and besides the Yorkeshire Horse a Party of the new Modell which makes another division of the Army was sent under Collonel Vermuden to joyne with them so that they wanted neither men money for 30000. l. was sent them in order to their advance Armes nor Ammunition which also they had received in good proportion as for Draughts and Provisions we have said enough before but Sir Thomas Fairfaxes Army when joyned with Cromwell Rosseter and when Vermuden not finding the Scots Army which was gone into Westmorland was returned and when he had the accession of some Association and Northampton Horse was but eleven hundred or thereabouts and therefore was it thought but reasonable that his Army should have a little time to gather together and that the pretence of sitting still might not be made against it it was appointed rather to lie upon the Enemies Quarters about Oxford then our owne that the reduction and recruiting of it might be perfected As for the calling back the Party following the King they were too weak to follow him because too weake to fight him for they were but equall when joyned with the other part of the Army at Naseby fight And besides if they had advanced it had been under the Command of Lieutenant Generall Cromwell with whom the Scots had no mind to joyne and so the Service might have been prejudiced And so have you the story of the Siege of Oxford in which you think there is so much disadvantage to the Publick on our part Pag. 62. We have a story of the Treaty at Uxbridge wherein this Author as if he meant division is not content to extoll the faithfulnesse Resolution Prudence knowledge of the Scottish Commissioners which never was questioned but he
discourse Pag. 67 68 69. occasioned by a Speech uttered publiquely by one to this purpose That the maine quarrell the Parliament stood for at first and thereafter did take up armes for was not Religion nor the reformation of the Church but the freedome and libertie of the Subject Which saying he pleads to be injurious but handles it injuriously for he makes the sense of that speech to be this The Parliament did not from the beginning intend a true reformation of Religion wch it affords not the Parliament may intend reformation and yet not fight for it And without prejudice to the Parliament let me declare my opinion The Parliament I doubt not did looke at Religion as the foundation and perfection of the Kingdomes happinesse and had it chiefly in their eye Some indeed have thought them more intent to Liberty upoÌ„ a mistake they could not be earnest for Religion unlesse they were for Liberty which is the fence and preservative of the practise of it But yet if I were asked the ground of the Parliaments taking up armes de facto I should not answer the reformation of Religion for I make some question whether Religion especially the reformation of it be so proper a quarrell for the sword but that seeing the King instead of suffering Justice to be executed upon offenders prepared violence against the Parliament and in it against our liberty with all the fruits of it of which the enjoyment of Religion was the choicest they raised an Army to defend us and themselves that they might sit with freedome and liberty to performe their trust for the preservation and reformation of the Kingdome which they have attended as much as the difficulties and distractions of the times would permit And to that end called an Assembly of Divines that they might from them receive some light to direct them in the execution of their power in matters of Religion He spends some further time in discussing that Position Whether Liberty were the maine quarrell I answer They looked at Libertie primò but not primarioÌ„ Religion as the furthest end but Liberty as the next meanes The infringement of libertie gives advantage to corruption in Religion as our Adversaries well know when they with equall pace brought on slavery and superstition Here the Author takes a needlesse ground to tell the people that which is not true That they are in a worse case in respect of Liberty then formerly by paralleling Committees with the Star-Chamber and Taxes with Ship-money This sounds more like sedition then truth For howsoever Committees may be guilty of partialities and miscarriages yet their maine intent is our preservation not our burthen as the other Courts were And we have now a better appeale from a Committee to the Parliament then we had from the Star-chamber to the King Injury may be done now as well as then but not so professedly or with so little remedy And as for taxes heavier then Shipmoney I wonder either at your face or at your judgement In the beginning of the 70 pag. you make a plaister of the necessitie of taxes but it is not so wide as the wound The wiser of the people see and discover your fallacious dealing and see a great deale of difference betwixt the Kings destroying their right in Ship money and the Parliaments preserving their right notwithstanding taxes which I hope will not last long I passe to the second exception against the new Modell pag. 72. 74. which is led up by a story of the Kings courting the Scottish Officers and his successe which I meddle not with The exception is that at the making of the New Modell were cashiered of the Scots in one day above two hundred brave fellowes I answer the Parliament were entring upon a way of good husbandry in reducing their Armies and it may be they thought these brave fellowes would be too chargeable But in earnest you say two hundred of the Scots were cashiered you should have used a milder terme and said reduced Cashiering implyes a fault Reduction none As two hundred Scots so soure hundred English were at that time put out of employment and brave fellowes too for ought I know It 's strange to mee that the Parliament of England should not without exception forme an Army as seemes best to them for their own defence and the Kingdomes Especially when the Scots had so great an Army in England and another in Ireland where employment was to be had But the Parliament to shew they had no nationall respect named foure Colonels of the new Modell and some Captaines besides a Lievtenant Colonel who is adjutant Generall of their foot a place of great trust who all except the last refused to serve The grounds of their laying downe are said to be three First because the rest of their Countrymen were not employed There was no use of them if we had men of our own Nation they were in reason to be preferred â—eteris paribus and it is not without its exception that they will not serve unlesse so many together Secondly They were nominated to inferiour employments that is a question they were but Major Generalls to Major Generalls and Commanders of parties but I stand not upon that Let the Earle of Manchester Sir William Waller be Generalls yet those Gentlemen knew that in the places they came from beyond Sea if they returned they must accept of such employments as these or lower and I hope we shall not have a perpetuall warre in England Sudden risings from a Lieutenant Colonell to a Lieutenant Generall must have fudden falls Thirdly Men unacquainted with warre and averse to the Covenant should have been employed with them from whom they could not expect true sellowship or obedience to Orders The men have confuted your Exception for Military vertue by their diligence and valour And though there be in the Army men that have taken the Covenant and make conscience of it yet if there be any that have not there is no discord but all unanimously prosecute the ends in the Covenant so farre as they are matter of Warre As for your question Whether the Parliament in leaving out some or the Officers not left out in laying downe their Commissions were more in the Wrong It 's answered neither of them in the Wrong Me thinkes he that considers how faithfull and how succesfull the Army under Sir Thomas Fairfax hath been and reckons up Naseby Leicester Langport Bridgewater Sherborne Bristoll Basing Winchester Barkley and other Honour which God hath put upon that Army should be well content with the New Modell But an Objection followes But God hath blessed the honesty and piety of some men extraordinarily in the new Army so that great things are done by it This is a sad objection but you answer'd it by acknowledging the good done but no thanks to the profession of Holinesse of this or that man they will joyne with you and say in the Apostles language Acts 3.
received Ammunition in good proportion at Newcastle with a particular respect to their march had no considerable occasion to spend it betwixt that and Hereford The second charge is more particular against some Members of the Committee of both Kingdomes who withdrew that so for want of a full Committee Order could not be given for the dispose of some Horse to strengthen the siege which default occasioned the raising of it Sure that man who hindred the continuance of the siege if without greater disadvantage it might be done was as little a friend to the publick Service as to the Scottish Army and it had been well he were named And did not I barre recrimination I could tell you when there hath been no Committee for regulating the Scots Army for the space of three moneths and more for want of Commissioners from Scotland But as for the possibility of sending Horse from the siege at Bristoll he that knowes the very hard duty that Sir Thomas Fairfaxes Horse had there and the great danger in regard of the Enemy in the West and withall considers the great importance of that service both in regard of gaining the City and preserving the Army I beleeve will consent with the Truth rather then the Manifest But I will make a faire motion that all the disputes concerning the carriage of the businesse of Hereford might be ended in that happy Act of oblivion which was done by the vigilance and dexterity of Collonel Morgan and Birch and the gallant adventure of the Lieutenant who surprised the Guard the City is taken and we have all reason to be satisfyed Pag. 111. Upon occasion of the sad newes from Scotland which the Author acknowledges was heartily resented as by divers well affected so especially by the Houses of Parliament who appointed a publick Fast on that behalfe some reproches are cast upon the Independents who are also said to have leaped for joy of the infortune of the Scots It 's answered that revilings need no answer As for what is laid to the charge of Independents because sometimes the Army under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax goes under that notion I must not conceale how earnestly the chiefe Officers of that Army were affected with the ill tydings from Scotland and how heartily they expressed it in a most affectionate Letter sent from the Generall Lieutenant Generall Crumwell and other Commanders which I am confident they will make good in actions if the necessity of that Kingdome should ever so require for they are not so voyd neither of charity nor gratitude as this Author pretends I know no Kingdome that England is behind hand with in reall kindnesse I hope they will not begin with Scotland As for the objection made pag. 112. concerning Lieutenant Generall Lefleyes going into Scotland upon notice of the ill condition of affaires there given by the Chancellor he can best answer it that made it I thinke he wanted respect to the good of both Nations who expressed any unwillingnesse to the reliefe of that Kingdome in such necessity but I cannot but take notice of what is said pag. 114. of the cold comfort yielded by this Kingdome to their Neighbours when things were made knowne To which it is returned that the Parliament of England waited onely for the desires of Scotland to be made knowne to them in that behalfe but the Scots were farre more shye in asking help then the English in affording it We had Commissioners then at Barwick witnesses of their condition to whom indeed some Noble-men and Gentlemen of Scotland made a Proposition for sending for Collonel Poyntz and Rosseter to come to their reliefe and that the Forces about Hereford might march for supplying and securing the Northerne Counties and opposing the attempts of the Enemy there which our Commissioners not having power in speedily represented to those that had by a paper from the Scots Lords as a memoriall of their desires therein for the Scots were no Committees and the next day after upon receipt of Letters from David Lesley there at Bawtry a Nobleman and a Gentleman of that Kingdome and of the Committee were sent to our Commissioners and in the name of the rest receded from their desires in the fore-mentioned paper which put our Commissioners upon a contradiction of their former Intelligence represented to the Parliament and though it was propounded by some of our Commissioners in that time of so great necessity that a considerable number of Scottish Forces might be drawn out of the Towns and Castles in the North of England besides the Towne of Barwick which might be able to make up a competent strength to oppose the Enemy yet that advise was not approved of by the Scots So that it easily appeares where the ground either of delayes or denyals of help were As for the Parliament they readily yielded to the march of the Scots Army Northward for the reliefe of their owne Kingdome notwithstanding their engagements in the South which was as much as was or could be desired So that I suppose the severe intermination that the setting the promise of a small help at the rate was then offered will be blamed by Posterity when it shall be recorded what Scotland hath done and undergone for their Brethren and what thanks the Scots have for their paines might have been left out notwithstanding the particulars which said to be spared till another occasion Pag. 116. I find an unfitting parallel betwixt Cardinall Richelieu and the English Parliament for though the Parliament be not named yet those who are carefull of the English Armies are which must needes be they who are made to agree in this point of Politick unjustice to set men on worke and purposely deny them necessaries that through their miscarriage others might be advanced Certainly though that Cardinall must needs be acknowledged a man of eminent parts and policy of which he hath left a monument that yet stands yet after that this Author had branded him with pride Ambition Tyranny and Atheisme which are no Cardinal vertues me thinkes he might have used more Brotherly kindnesse to the Parliament of England then to make such an unworthy reflection But as for the wants of the Scottish Army if enough have not been already said let me adde this the way not to want in England is to worke and I am confident that had they done the proportion of worke that other Armies have done they would have had the same proportion of wages and if others had done no more they had got as little This page is closed with an injust though not unusuall bitternesse against the once Governour of Bristoll whose returne to sit in Parliament is said to be matter of astonishment to the world The world is wide sir and so are you But why so angry me thinks the taking the City so considerable might have softned your spirit We use to grace solemne occasions with some Acts of favour why not the taking of