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A91231 The generall junto or The councell of union, chosen equally out of England, Scotland, and Ireland, for the better compacting of three nations into one monarchy, &c. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. 1642 (1642) Wing P402; Thomason 669.f.18[1]; ESTC R211946 15,931 40

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there Vnion is in it 's most excellent strength and perfection then it is more properly stiled Vnity it self This is that Vnion which I shall pray to see established betwixt England Scotland and Ireland then which there can be none more intimate in kinde more equall in Order more perfect in Degree 2. In the next Place therefore having this for our Aime we must consider what advantages these three Nations have already conducing to such Vnion and what the Hinderances are which seem most to indispose us and make us averse from the same Those things which are of favourable Aspect and more propitious to the uniting of England and Scotland are First That both Nations are ruled by one Head and owe Allegiance to the same Master and even this hath a strong Unitive power in it and such as works internally as well as externally for we see the English and Netherlanders are many wayes engaged in the same Interests and have had many interchangeable Obligations and endearments as things are now ballanced in Europe and yet by reason of their dependance upon severall Potentates there cannot be setled betwixt them that certain Correspondence and Confidence as might be if one Scepter commanded both And we see the Vnion of England and Scotland under one Prince hath planted new Affections in both Nations as hath been attestated by many Noble Offices of Friendship needlesse now to be repeated Secondly There is the same Profession of Religion in both Kingdoms and this of all Bonds ought to be the most indissoluble for it is something more then meerly Physicall or Ethicall Thirdly The same name of Britain is common to both the same Language spoken by both and this together with their great similitude in Complexions and dispositions testifieth the same Antient extraction and kindred Fourthly The same Sea surrounds both immuring them from all the world besides and by Consequence the same ends ought to steer both since no other Nations can be more helpfull by Vnion or pernicious by Dis-union and since both joyned together make up but one and that no very considerable large Monarchy Fifthly The same Laws of God and Nature are reverenced and known by Both and if their Laws of Monarchy Municipall Customes and Statutes be not the very same they are very little disagreeing that variety which is in them is very consistent with Harmony Sixthly The same Impressions have been made upon both by late Offices of Love and such Brotherly Assistance hath been yeelded that not onely all old Enmities are drowned therein but also both Nations for the future are more enflamed to merit of each other All these things tending to the great Advancement of Vnion those things which seem repugnant to the same by able Politicians might be much corrected or wholly removed As for the Independence of each Kingdom that is no barre at all to Vnion for whilst the line of King James remains unspent the Crowns are utterly inseparable and as really marryed together as to all purposes of mutuall defence and complyance as Castile and Arragon or any Kingdom whatsoever And if any doubt were of Separation by the extinguishment of that Royall Race which God avert I do not see but that by consent of both Kingdoms that doubt may be prevented without injury to either And as for the Distance and Extension of both Kingdomes that can be no barre to Vnion for France in its Circuit and dimensions is equall to England Scotland and Ireland and yet is but one entire Monarchy and hath been assembled in one Generall Parliament and therein consists the soul of Vnion And the meer holding of severall Parliaments in severall Counties possibly at the same time the same Head regulating all by faithfull Dispatches and Missives is no hinderance but that the same understanding may be in all and work the same effects as One and the same could If there be any thing worthy to be insisted upon seeming opposite to Vnion t is the different Revenues of both Kingdoms and some disadvantages caused thereby to each for it will be said That England as the richer draws away some Priviledge therby from Scotland and Scotland being the lesse plentifull in Treasure draws away much of the English Patrimony But I shall answer this hereafter and so for the present I set my Sayls for Ireland Those things which are apt to promote Vnion betwixt England and Ireland are First That both Kingdoms have not onely one Head but are one Body also inseparably knit to that Head no independance or possible severance remaining but such as shall be violent and injurious England hath formerly been subject to severall Princes but all those independant Principalities are now incorporated and connaturalized by Act of Paliament and reduced to a perfect Unity of Dominion and yet all England is not more it self and one with England then Ireland is in all that is Essentiall to Dominion By the Laws of England and Ireland both the Kingdoms are so connexed and coinvested that Wales and Cornwall are not more individed from England then Ireland now is Wales is still a Principality and Cornwall a Dutchy but neither are independent So that nothing in truth remains but the meer names or titles and the independance of Ireland being in the same manner taken away the Kingdom of Ireland is indeed but an Integrall member of the Kingdom of England Neither is Ireland dependent because it is independent we tearm it rather annexed and by that we mean wholly consubstantiated The addition of Ireland to England is like the Naturall growth of a man at full yeers which makes him not another Creature then what he was in the narrow confinement of the Cradle but still leaves him One and the same England and Scotland are united by two Royall Lines centring in our King but one and the same Line conveighs England and Ireland and that Line is indivisible so that though the King be Owner of England and Scotland yet he is not Owner of England quatenùs Owner of Scotland or Owner of Scotland quatenùs Owner of England but he is Owner of Ireland quatenùs of England But because some of the Rebells now pretend to an independence and some upbraid the Rebells with a meer servile dependence I will a little step out of the way to encounter with both these Incendiaries and perturbers of our Peace Against the Irish Rebells I shall maintain That the Kings Title to Ireland is of a mixt Nature partly by the Victories of his Ancestors and partly by Consent of the Natives and in both points strongly fortified by a long unquestioned uninterrupted possession And what more can be added No Prince of Christendome can hold one foot of Land by any title more cleer and undefeseable then where all these clayms are wreathed together And in this respect Ireland is further united to England then Scotland is for England and Scotland are two Bodies joyned under one Head but England and Ireland are but one Body
force which borders upon Cruelty is not to be used I would not that it should be done to Babel by way of Retaliation as Babel hath done to us But certainly Magistrates are responsible for all those souls whom they may reclaim by Politique severity and do not and we see what effects Politique severity hath produced in Denmarke Sweden Scotland c. without effusion of blood and he that will deny the same that it might have been as effectuall in England and Ireland must alleadge some strange or unexpected Reason 'T is not so difficult to draw from falsity as from truth to make a Turk a Christian as a Christian a Turk And as for the Populacy of any Nation we know they are to be driven by Shoals almost into any Religion where the Magistrate and Spirituall Minister co-operate together The frequent and suddain Conversions and Perversions of sundry Nations in all Ages testifie this to be a matter of no great difficulty And as for some few of the more knowing and Conscientious sort the meer want of a Toleration their own Paucity if some other Encouragement be not supplyed by Connivence c. in some reasonable time would wear them out And if the breeding of their children within these last 60 yeers had not been omitted nay if countenance under hand had not been afforded to Papists these Wars had never happened But now things so standing 't is just in God that Papists be so cruell to Us in Temporalls as we have been to Them in Spiritualls 'T were Advantagious for Vnion that we were All of One but more especially of the true pious charitable Protestant Religion And though this Advantage hath been hitherto neglected yet still we have Power enough by the Grace of God to provide better for the future The third help to Vnion is That Nature hath placed both our Islands like twins in a remote Angle of the World and as if she intended more to estrange Ireland then England she hath further seated her from the Commerce of forraigne Nations and it may be supposed that they are both divorced from Others that they may be wedded to Themselves And surely as Ireland's love and vicinity is very usefull unto England so Englands cherishing fidelity must needs be totally necessary unto Ireland Did the Irish depend upon the Protection of Spain or some other distant Countrey to guard them from the Forces and Armado's of England that Protection could not but cost them very dear for besides the Calamities of endlesse War in a Nation so intermingled the very Burdens of Protectors would perhaps prove as grievous as the encounters of their Assaylants Flanders now by its subjection to Spain is made the Theatre of affliction almost beyond hope of Redresse and though she draw from Spain many Millions for her defence yet without doubt she is more wretched by serving Philip then Philip is weakned by supporting her It is fourthly probable that both Nations were antiently descended from the same originall Plantations and Colonies and if the name of Hiberno-Britaines may not be applyed to the Irish as Cambro-Britaines is to the Welsh yet now Scottish English Welsh and the mixt Irish being so indifferently blended in Ireland and congregated as it were at a generall determinate Randevouz and the same Language being so generally current and the temperature of the Clime and the Congruity of the Antient Natives in disposition so inclining to Vnion it must be wilfull neglect in Us if we do not close yet more amiably together Fifthly In Laws Customes and Constitutions for Peace and War there are lively Resemblances Facies non una duabus Nec diversa tamen qualem decet esse sororum Nay if there be not altogether the same Lineaments in both yet there is more then a Sisterly correspondence Sixthly Though some execrable Offices have of late been done in Ireland against our Nation yet we must account that Quarrell to be Religious not Nationall for we see they have not spared the Scots they have not spared the English Irish they have been cruell to all Protestants of what Countrey soever The same Whorish Inchantresse also which is now bloody in Ireland hath ever been so in all Countryes the Scripture characters her by making her self drunk with the blood of the Saints and dipping her Garments in the same Dye The same false Religion hath formerly made England flame with mercilesse Executions and Spain grone under Diabolicall Tortures and France swim in inhumane Massacres Quae Regio in Terris Nostri non plena cruoris Let Cruelty be the certain Test of false religion and let England and Ireland and all Nations abide the tryall of the same For Protestants are so farre from destroying their known Enemies that they are cruell to themselves in sparing where they hope lesse of being spared Protestants are not bound alwayes from doing as they have been done to by their enemies or from disabling and repressing future Malice in their enemies yet Ireland is a witnesse this day that they are more prone to favour unappeasable foes then to prevent the most horrid treasons But I leave this as remediable hereafter As for the separation and divulsion of that Sea which runs betwixt England and Ireland I conceive it to be no considerable hinderance of Vnion for we see Venice and Cyprus and divers other Countries by the Art and happinesse of just Government love and embrace at a further distance though other People are also interjacent as are not here And if any other heart-burning or distaste have happened of late betwixt the Nations by Injustice or Mis-government as perhaps hath befallen as eminently amongst our selves the Redresse and Cure thereof will not be hopelesse 3. I come now to my Overture it self whereby further Vnion may be promoted and confirmed amongst us That Ordinance of State which shall most equally diffuse and breath abroad into all Nations governed under the same Scepter the self-same Measure of right and benefit shall be most effectuall and vertuous to unite those Nations Now it seems to me that such an Ordinance is now wanting in England Scotland and Ireland and yet that neverthelesse it is not difficult to be framed and reduced into Act. In England there are divers Courts of Iustice and Councells of State whereby Government riseth from the Basis to the Pyramis by a farre Symmetricall Conus and there is not any matter of concernment to the Crown of England for which there is not a proper Place appointed and proper Persons assigned to attend and transact the same for and under or together with the King The same Policy also is in Scotland and Ireland for matters peculiar to Scotland and Ireland but in England Scotland and Ireland for matters concerning all three Kingdomes or that remain in debate betwixt any two of them besides the Kings sole Brest thereby too much over-burthened there is not any other Judicature assistant and common to all the Nations to which the same may
be committed And yet in my opinion this Chasma in Government is more irregular and of more dangerous Consequence being it concerns Great Generall matters and high Points then a lower defect would be in businesse of a more narrow and private Nature for if the King be served and attended by such Councellors so chosen and qualified as He is Lord of our Kingdome is it not more expedient that he have the same Service and Assistance as He is Lord of three Kingdoms Some few yeers since some of the Kings Subjects under an English Commission and others under a Scottish met it Greenland to fish and upon a Question of their severall Grants blood was drawn and force carryed it for the English out of this fire a Nationall flame might have been kindled and till this day the blood remains unexpiated and the Controversie undertermined Not long since also the King was deeply incensed against the whole Scottish Nation and the Scots complayned of Violations to them offered In this unhappy Dispute the King so engaged was the sole Judge and yet the English being neither Parties nor Judges nor having any Cognizance or witnesses or otherwise were to incurre generall danger of Ruine to decide this with their swords Although in all private Suits and Questions of Right betwixt the King and any Vassall of any one of His Kingdoms the King ever referreth Himself according to his Oath to qualified and indifferent sworn Judges yet here the lives of Millions being endangered and the Honours of Nations engaged the King only by the Sword must give judgement That which then happened to Scotland upon as small a ground may perhaps hereafter become the case of England and for ought I know is now happened to Ireland But to what reason or equity can this seem commensurate that whole Nations should be worse provided for in points of judgement then the poorest Members of each Nation And as it is in Common-Pleas and Pleas of the Crown so it is also in matters of Honour and Acts of State 't is injurious and repugnant to Vnion that any one Nation should be debarred from an Equality of Priviledge or Advantage or interest in the King and His most generall Actions and Councells My Result then is That to make Vnion perfect betwixt the three Nations some Common Court of Justice and Councell of State must be erected to which each Nation or any Member of each Nation in a Nationall difference may have recourse with equall Confidence for the redressing of all Injuries for the deciding of all Controversies for the preventing of all Dangers for the removing of all Jealousies and for communicating of all State or Court-Benefits and for the transacting of all matters of Generall concernment Charles the eighth then made Brettaign One with France when he levelled and equalized both in Parliament possessing both Nations One of Another par my par tout for by this means the same Crown overshadowed and spread its wings over Both investing both with the same Propriety in it self In the same manner also Wales and England did Inter marry and of two became One for there is no Burden of the Crown whereunto the English-man is not now as lyable as the Welsh-man mediately or immediately nor no Priviledge of the Crown whereunto the Welsh man is not equally intitled with the English-man The same must also be brought to passe betwixt England Scotland and Ireland or else the same perfection of Amity and Unity can never be established and that can never be but by the same or very like means Where there is the same Law to limit the Judge and the same Judge to pronounce and execute according to the true intent of that Law and where both contesting Parties are equally interessed both in the Judge and Law the judgement is ever finall and satisfactory to Both and thus it is with England and Wales but thus it is not as yet with England and Scotland and therefore between England and Wales there is no fear of Division but betwixt England and Scotland there is and the King alone ought not in all Cases to be both the Iudge and the Law or can fully satisfie all for the King may have more neer Naturall relation to one Kingdom then another and by other respects more by as 't to favour the one Kingdom then another without assistance he is not competent for all things And therefore the Qualification of that Assistance that it be equall and impartiall and trusted by all is of great and weighty moment And this is true in matters of State where no Law is written but in matters of Right where Laws are as requisite almost as Iudges it is necessary that both Partyes be as fully assured in the Laws which are to regulate the Iudges as the Iudges which are to enlive the Laws And this cannot be unlesse all our three Nations have equall Consent and concurrence in Parliament to sit as Iudges and to passe Laws or to convene representatively and vertually in some lesse Court and Councell branching as it were out of the Parliament severall and approaching also in power as neer thereunto as may be Nationall Parliaments shall still move in their proper Orbs taking Cognizance of all particular Nationall Affairs and this new erected Seat or Table though it may have much of Parliamentary vigour in it especially in the vacancy of Parliaments as to Cases of Generall Consequence yet it shall have no Iurisdiction at all in meer Nationall Expedients By this means as I conceive the Three Kingdomes shall be contempered into One indivisible Monarchy and be made One solid Naturall Body and such Vnion entertayned as shall be to the Advantage of all three Nations and to the disadvantage of no One such as shall distribute all Priviledges equally to be enjoyed and all services equally to be born and leave behinde no shew of inequality to be a ground of envie or disunion 'T is true the King cannot be corporally present in all the Nations at once but whatsoever the benefit of a Royall Court may be the disposing of that is left Arbitrary to the King and this may seem perhaps great Inequality to those Nations which have lesse attraction in them The meer Residence of a Prince if it be a Commodity it goes many times accompanied with divers great Discommodities and as the Sun though it be the most auspicious of all Celestiall Bodies yet it doth not alwayes inrich those Tracts of Earth most which it most violently heats with its torrid perpendicular beams so neither doth the Majesticall Court of a King alwayes make those Territories most happy which enjoy it at least Distance But be this Benefit what it will in this England intrusts as much to the Kings meer Discretion as either Scotland or Ireland knowing that without unnaturall force he cannot be restrained in it nor without cutting Monarchy into Mammocks that all Countries or Corporations can be thus satisfied and presuming that
and have but one Head they are not separable justly as Scotland is Conquest and Consent both have conjoyned them and except the same nothing can dilacerate them And thus upon the Norman Conquest England lost it's Independence and became One with Normandy for if nothing but the hand of War twisted their Titles nothing else can untwist them Against the enemies of Ireland which object the right of Conquest as some did lately at my Lord of Straffords Tryall to justifie his cruell oppressions I shall maintain That the right of Conquest doth not afford any true Warrant for Oppression In Conquest three things ought to be searched into Whether it be just totall and pure or no If it be just as we will suppose the Normans to be it onely ejects the Desseisor and it ought to look no further then the Prostration of the Competitor If Harold will not do right to William but by Compulsion this shall not inslave the whole English Nation nay Harold being in possession those of the English which take up Arms and wait the Decision of the sword in a case to them doubtfull cannot justly be charged of Treason T was not sufficient that William did forbear to dispossesse those of our Ancestors which had born no Arms against him he ought to have holden his hands also from those which had been Active in their former Masters Service the Cause of both being disputable Of unjust Conquests nothing needs to be said In the next Place also if Conquest extend it self over a whole Nation if the Conqueror have no Considerable Party therein to favour his Claym if he enter without any Professions of Clemency as scarce any Prince ever entred yet even thus he is not disobliged and acquitted of the Laws of God and Nature nor is entitled to a Right of spoyling wasting and inthralling of Gods People Gods Law is indefinite and reacheth to all Kings as well clayming by the Sword as by any other Paction That they shall not heap up Treasure or multiply Horses or lift up Themselves against their Brethren Our Magna Charta doth not limit our English Kings so farre it restrains not from filling the Exchequer or encreasing their Guards and if they will arrogantly contemn us as slaves and not embrace us as Brethren it affords us no cleer Remedy But we see Gods Charter intimates that Princes were ordained for the Protection of the People and not the People created for the Drudgery of Princes And therefore it doth not onely prohibite all Actuall oppression as the Law of England doth but it further restrains from all Power of Oppression nay it curbs all haughty thoughts the very seeds of Oppression Parasites may ascribe nothing but Divinity to Princes and insult over Subjects as meer Beasts of labour and so as a main Axiome of State above all things inculcate the raising of Money and Ammunition and dejecting of the People But God prescribes the Contrary His Law aims at the humbling of Monarchs and endearing of their Charge to them and disswading from all strength and Confidence but in the unfailing Magazin of the Peoples hearts Of that Conquest then which is not Vniversall and without all Assistance from the Countrey Conquered ' little needs be said for it is most evident that neither England nor Ireland was ever so over-run The last thing to be enquired after in Conquest is it's Absolutenesse from all Quarter and freedome from Conditions offered or accepted and if it be the most pure Conquest that can be imagined yet it doth not absolve the Winners from the ties of common Piety and Civility I need not instance in Religious Moses who out of zeal to save the Community from destruction offered to forgoe his Interest in Heaven or in holy David who to exempt Gods Flock from the raging Plague prayed that it might be diverted upon him their Shepherd Paganisme may instruct us sufficiently in this Alexanders Conquests in the East were as pure and unmixt as any yet it is a great Addition to his fame That he treated the Persians with the same indulgence as the Macedonians shewing himself an equally tender Shepherd to both and complying therein rather with Plato's Politiques then Aristotles Adrian also an Emperour as unlimited as any confessing himself born for his Countrey not for Himself made these words good Ita se Rempublicam gesturum ut sciret populi rem esse non Propriam Pastor populi non sui-ipsius sed subditorum quaerit commodum Officio suo semper fungitur utilitati consulens societati I wish a Christian had spoke this or that no Christian did disapprove it it were vain to pursue this further Howsoever I deny not the due Operation of a just totall and unmixt Conquest though I scarce ever read of any such for Conquerors coming in by Violence cannot be assured in a strange Nation without some Violence at first but that which is Policy before Establishment is not Justice after it And secondly Though Victors ought not to induce any Conditions contrary to Gods Law or grievous to the Conquered yet perhaps they are not bound to restore all former extraordinary Immunities in so ample a manner as they were before enjoyed And thirdly Conquests have great force in taking away Competitions and extinguishing concurrent pretence of Titles and as to the Crown it self they cut off all independency as is now apparant in Ireland and in other parts of England now incorporated and consolidated into one numericall Masse thereby But they are most wretched Politicians that ground upon Conquest be it rightfull totall and without Conditions granted by the Conqueror or contracted by the Conquered or not a Right of destroying and inthralling and an exemption from all Law for the present And yet they which by Conquest abolish all Rights of the People and that beyond all Power of Restitution for the future are further opposers of truth and Enemies to Mankinde Had the Conquests of England and Ireland at first been just over the whole Nations and that without all Pactions of Grace as they were not and without all Consent of the People yet that therefore all subsequent Oathes and Grants of our Kings and Agreements of the Nations should be utterly voyd and all the Laws of God and Nature of no Vertue but that our Kings are left still to their own Discretions and Arbitrary Absoute Prerogatives is an inference to be wondered at amongst Rationall Creatures The second thing that qualifies Ireland for Vnion is That the Protestant Religion is so farre dilated and known there The well-wishers of Popery pretend for the upholding of their own blinde superstition That Conscience is not to be forced and that without Bloody force Papists are not to be reduced This weak Pretence hath done unspeakable Mischief both in England and Ireland as appears this day by our unnaturall Wars and we have been not onely very ignorant but very wicked I fear and very guilty in admitting it That