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Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	ireland_n	king_n	wales_n	2,626	5	9.7683	5	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A69897	An essay upon the probable methods of making a people gainers in the ballance of trade ... by the author of The essay on ways and means.	Davenant, Charles, 1656-1714.	1699 (1699)	Wing D309; ESTC R5221	132,769	338

and Scions from the great Trunk of the Republick had all of 'em the Face of Formal Governments they had Magistracies and Councils Power of Life and Death and to raise Mony for their Common Safety and to make Laws for their better Rule but this is no Argument that they had all the Parts of Sovereign Empire 'T is true the Inhabitants of Ireland from ancient Concessions have a Priviviledge perhaps above the Roman Colonies namely to Tax themselves by their own Suffrages within their own Limits but this is no more than what is claim'd by several Provinces of France which nevertheless account themselves subordinate to the Sovereign Power of the whole State There is a part of Empire not communicable and which must reside Sovereignly somewhere for there would be such a perpetual clashing of Power and Jurisdictions as were inconsistant with the very Being of Communities unless this last Resort were somewhere lodg'd Now this Incommunicable Power we take to be the Supream Judgment of what is best and most expedient for the whole and in all Reason of Government this ought to be there trusted and lodged from whence Protection is expected That Ireland should judge of what is best for it self is just and fair but in Determinations that are to reach the whole as namely what is most expedient for England and Ireland both there without all doubt the Supream Judgment ought to rest in the King Lords and Commons of England by whose Arms and Treasure Ireland ever was and must always be defended Nor is this any claiming the same Empire over Scotland as Mr. Molyneux would suggest for there is no Parity of Reason in the Cases Scotland to England as Aragon to Spain is a distinct State governing it self by different Laws tho' under the same Prince and is truly but a Kingdom Confederated with the Realm of England tho' subject to our King The Land thereof was not acquir'd to the present Inhabitants by the Arms of England protect them we do as the Strongest Allies always are to defend the Weaker but this puts 'em not in the Degree of Subordination we are treating of They are not our Discendants and they are but Politically our Brethren whereas the English-Irish who are now chief Lords of that Soil are naturally our Offspring Their Inferior Rule and Jurisdictions are not disputed but that Super-eminent Dominion and supream and uncontrollable Regiment over themselves which they pretend to is neither safe for England to grant nor for them to ask Such a Power would be dangerous because by some Accident it may come to be so exercis'd as to be their and our Ruin We have had bad Kings and those Kings have had evil Counsellors Suppose us then in some future Age under such Circumstances as to have a Prince and his Council so angry with the People as to desire their Destruction which was our Case once with King John who would have sold us to the Moors to wreak his own Discontents And suppose this Prince willing to set up Ireland in opposition to this Kingdom may not a Prince so dispos'd give the Royal Assent to Laws in Ireland that would utterly destroy England And what Remedy would Poining's Act be in such a Juncture In a Case like this what way have the People of England to preserve themselves but to represent their Grievance to the Prince Who when he sees the Error of his Council may be induc'd to join in some Supream Exercise of the Legislature here coercive and such as may keep Ireland in the degree of Subordination that seems requisite to the well-being of both Nations Suppose a Prince bent to hurt England should give his Assent to a Law there That the Irish may transport all their Wool to Foreign Countries would not this as they say cut the Turf from under our Feet and at one blow in a manner ruin all our Woollen Manufactures There are many other Instances in which if they were indulg'd the greatest part of our Traffick would be carry'd to their Ports In Matters of Trade even the best of Kings may be surpris'd of which we have a late Example and the ill Consequences the Scotch Act will probably have ought to make us very watchful over what our Neighbours do especially where they depend upon us That the greatest part of the present Inhabitants of Ireland chiefly those who claim the Land-Property are a Colony from England has been here peradventure sufficiently made out and we take it to be their best Hold to be always so accompted because it gives them a lasting Title to be protected and defended by us And if they are a Colony it would be a strange Defect in our Constitution if we wanted any of the Powers requisite to pursue the Ends of Government of which the Principal is to take care that no one part of the People be permitted to hurt the other but if the Legislature of England cannot in Important Matters restrain that of Ireland Ireland is at least in a Capacity to ruin England which would make our Form of Government at one and the same time Ridiculous and Dangerous But to be thus out of our Jurisdiction would in the Conclusion be as fatal to them as to us for tho' they should grow Rich at our Expence and tho' a large part of our Trade were diverted thither they would not yet be able to subsist alone and by themselves And if we by Loss of our Trade become weaken'd how can we give them that Assistance which from time to time they have always wanted So that this division of Strength would be destructive to both Countries It must therefore be their Interest as well as Ours That the Supream Power and the chief Wealth should be ever preserv'd to Center here in the Seat of Empire Upon the whole Matter it seems the Right of England and as well for the Benefit of Ireland its best and noblest Colony that the Legislative Authority here should upon all Emergencies make such Regulations and Restrictions relating to Trade especially as shall be thought for the Weal-Publick of both Countries And having premis'd these Things we shall proceed to handle more closely the Subject of our Question namely Whither it is necessary to Prohibit by Law the Exportation of Woollen Manufacture from Ireland to Foreign Parts To put an early Stop to their turning their Stock and Industry this way appears requisite for many Reasons First Ireland contains near a half as much Territory as England and the Soil being of the same Nature may be brought to produce near a half as much Wool as England yields and this Material being the Basis upon which our Trade is built they who can come near us in it will come just so near us in our Trade abroad Secondly Countries thinly Peopled can sooner improve in the Breed of Cattle than any other way because 't is a Work which a few Hands may manage Thirdly Where there is Plenty of a

p. 80 Want of Corn may very much Exhaust our Treasure p. 81 What Stock of Corn remains generally in England at the succeeding Harvest p 82 In what proportion a defect in the Harvest may raise the Price of Corn p. 83 The Care of the Hollanders to have Granaries and Store-houses for Corn and the Wealth they acquire thereby p. 84. Considerations about Granaries in England p. 85 86 Countries thrive by Trade as they well or ill manage their Product and Manufactures p. 87 England with Industry may be the foremost People in the whole Commercial World p. 88. It seems more the Interest of England to Imploy its Land in Breeding and Feeding Cattle than to produce Corn p. 89. Of the Breeding and Transporting of Horses p. 90 The Value of the Horses Yearly bred in England p. 91 Of the Mines and Minerals of England p. 92 Of the Mines in Cardiganshire p. 93 Nations who will thrive must look into small things as well as great p. 94 Of the Fishery p. 95 Of Wooll and the Wollen Manufacture p. 96 Of the Old and New Draperies p. 97 Different Countries are adapted to different Manufactures p. 99 Ireland is able to Nourish more than 3 times its present Inhabitants ib. Of the Woollen Manufacture there p. 100 Ireland fit to be Encouraged ib. England gains by the Improvement of Ireland p. 101 Of the Wealth of Rome and the chief Seat of Empires p. 101 102 Ireland has not above 500,000 l. in current Cash p. 102 Of the English Bill for Prohibiting the Exportation of the Woollen Manufactures of Ireland to Foreign Parts p. 104 Whether Laws made here are binding in Ireland p. 105 Mr. Molineux's Argument consider'd viz. Whether Ireland be a Colony from England ib. The Argument stated p. 106 An Historical Deduction of the whole matter p. 107 c. The Case of Ireland compared with the Roman Colonies p. 114 The difference of the Case between Scotland and Ireland p. 116 Whether it be necessary to prohibite by Law the Exportation of Woollen Manufactures from Ireland to Foreign Parts p. 120 Whether the Woollen Goods can be made cheaper in Ireland than in England p. 121 The Author's Conclusion upon this Argument p. 126 Of setting up the Linnen Manufactures in Ireland p. 127 Of taking off the Prohibition which now lies upon Irish Cattle p. 129 Of the course Draperies of England and of encouraging their Exportation to new Places p. 131 SECT IV. Of our Payments to ohe Publick as they affect the Ballance of Trade THe danger of Profusion and of the Crown being brought low p. 135 The Wealth of a Country is finite as well as of a private Man p. 136 Of the Administration of the publick Revenues under Henry III. and Henry IV. of France ib. Machiavel's Sentiments touching Liberality in a Prince p. 137 Whence the ill management in Kingdoms proceeds ib. Of Frugality in absolute Monarchies p. 138 Whether large Payments to the State are hurtful p. 140 Of the Annual Income of England France and Holland ib. The great Increase of our Wealth between Anno 1660 and 1688. was from the small Taxes and Duties then paid comparitively with other Nations p. 142 The Payments in 1688. were little above a 20th part of the then Annual Income of the Nation p. 143 The Duties and Payments now on Foot are one Eighth of the present Annual Income ib. It will be several years before our Annual Payments can be considerably diminish'd p. 144. The Excise and Malt Duty are a burthen upon our Woollen Manufactures p. 145. High Customs are pernicious to our Commerce abroad ib. The high Duties on Salt are of all others the most hurtful to Trade p. 146. Mr. King's Proportion of our own and our Foreign Navigation with a Scheme thereof and several Conclusions thereupon p. 147 to 150. How the Ballance of Trade from time to time might be adjusted from the Custom-house Books p. 151. Mr. King's Position as to the Nations Gain by Foreign Trade ib. The principal Expence in a trading Vessel is Meat and Drink p. 152. Of the Salt used for Barrelling up Beef and Pork and the high Price of it now to what it was before Anno 1688. with the Consequences thereof p. 153 Trade is a necessary Evil p. 154 Freight is the most certain Profit in Trade p. 155. The Tax on Coals affects our Iron Manufactures ib. An Abstract of Mr. King's Scheme of the yearly Increase of the actual Stock of England from 1600 to 1698. with some Conclusions thereupon p. 156. The great Taxes and Variety of new Duties lately levied are a heavy Burden upon our Foreign Trade p. 157. An Account of what Money has been actually granted since the War p. 158. An Account of what Money was intended by the Parliament for the War p. 162. The Expence of the Civil-List during the War p. 163. The Expence of the War and Civil-List ballanced against the Money granted during the War p. 164. Of Interest for publick Monies ib. The Publick cannot be much in Debt if all Accompts were narrowly inspected p. 165. If the Publick be much in Debt how the same must arise ib. We still remain engag'd for upwards of 20 Millions and in what particulars p. 166. England cannot flourish in Trade and Manufactures till we come to pay but 2,300,000 per An. as before the war p. 167. If this be not compassed what will be the Consequences thereof ib. How it comes that France and Holland have thriven by Trade notwithstanding their heavy Taxes though England cannot p. 168. New Impositions and remote Fonds are dangerous to Liberty p. 169. Of our present Payments to the Government and the dangers that may arise thereby p. 170. Of better providing against the diverting and misapplying the publick Treasure p. 172. Danger of stopping the Exchequer ib. Corrupt Ministers will sooner divert appropriated Monies than make new Levies p. 173. Our Mischiefs are only to be cured by lessening as fast as possible our present publick Payments p. 174. By negligence we may come to pay constantly between 5 and 6 Millions per An. p. 175 Of improving the Revenues already granted particularly the Excise p. 176. Of good management in laying out the publick Treasure p. 178. Some Methods propos'd how to get sooner out of Debt p. 179. Of over-haling the Publick Accompts ib. Of the Crown Lands and Forfeited Estates in Ireland ib. Of unwarrantable Gains by Contracts with the Crown ib. Of the surprising Premiums for Circulating Excheq Bills p. 180. Of rejecting the Offer made by the Old East India Company to raise 2 Millions and allowing a large Premium to the New p. 181 Frugal management invites the People to stretch their Purses p. 183 Difference between Human Bodies and the Body Politick p. 184 High Interest and large Premiums divert Money from flowing in the Channel of Trade p. 186 Laws cannot lower Interest where great Sums are continually borrow'd by the Government p. 187 A Prince's

greater Charity and more Meritorious than to build Hospitals which very often are but so many Monuments of ill-gotten Riches attended with late Repentance To make as many as possible of these 1,330,000 Persons whereof not above 330,000 are Children too young to work who now live chiefly upon others get themselves a large share of their Maintenance would be the opening a new Vein of Treasure of some Millions Sterling per Annum it would be a present Ease to every particular Man of Substance and a lasting Benefit to the whole Body of the Kingdom For it would not only nourish but increase the Numbers of the People of which many Thousands perish every Year by those Diseases contracted under a slothful Poverty Our Laws relating to the Poor are very numerous and this Matter has employ'd the Care of every Age for a long time tho' but with little success partly through the ill Execution and partly through some defect in the very Laws The Corruptions of Mankind are grown so great that now a-days Laws are not much observ'd which do not in a manner execute themselves of this Nature are those Laws which relate to bringing in the Prince's Revenue which never fail to be put in Execution because the People must pay and the Prince will be paid but where only one part of the Constitution the People are immediately concern'd as in Laws relating to the Poor the High-ways Assizes and other Civil Oeconomy and good Order in the State those are but slenderly regarded The Publick Good being therefore very often not a Motive strong enough to engage the Magistrate to perform his Duty Law-givers have many times fortify'd their Laws with Penalties wherein private Persons may have a Profit thereby to stir up the People to put the Laws in Execution In Countries deprav'd nothing proceeds well wherein particular Men do not one way or other find their Accompt and rather than a Publick Good should not go on at all without doubt 't is better to give Private Men some Interest to set it forward For which Reason it may be worth the Consideration of such as study the Prosperity and Welfare of England whither this great Engine of maintaining the Poor and finding them Work and Employment may not be put in Motion by giving some Body of Undertakers a reasonable Gain to put the Machine upon its Wheels In Order to which we shall here incert a Proposal deliver'd to the House of Commons last Session of Parliament for the better maintaining the Impotent and employing and setting to Work the other Poor of this Kingdom In Matters of this Nature 't is always good to have some Model or Plan laid down which thinking Men may contemplate alter and correct as they see occasion And the Writer of these Papers does rather chuse to offer this Scheme because he is satisfy'd it was compos'd by a Gentleman of great Abilities and who has made both the Poor Rates and their Number more his study than any other Person in the Nation The Proposal is as follows A Scheme for setting the Poor to Work FIrst That such Persons as shall subscribe and pay the Sum of 300,000 l. as a Stock for and towards the better maintaining the Impotent Poor and for buying Commodities and Materials to employ and set at Work the other Poor be Incorporated and made one Body Politick c. By the Name of the Governor and Company for maintaining and employing the Poor of this Kingdom By all former Propositions it was intended that the Parishes should advance several Years Rates to raise a Stock but by this Proposal the Experiment is to be made by Private Persons at their Risk and 300,000 l. may be judg'd a very good Stock which added to the Poor Rates for a certain number of Years will be a very good Fond for buying Commodities and Materials for a Million of Mony at any time This Subscription ought to be free for every Body and if the Sum were subscrib'd in the several Counties of England and Wales in Proportion to their Poor Rates or the Monthly Assessment it would be most convenient and Provision may be made That no Person shall transfer his Interest but to one of the same County which will keep the Interest there during the Term and as to its being one Corporation 't is presum'd this will be most beneficial to the Publick For first All Disputes on Removes which ane very chargeable and burthensome will be at an end this Proposal intending that where-ever the Poor are they shall be maintain'd or employ'd Secondly It will prevent one County which shall be diligent imposing on their Neighbours who may be negligent or getting away their Manufactures from them Thirdly In Case of Fire Plague or loss of Manufacture the Stock of one County may not be sufficient to support the Places where such Calamities may happen and 't is necessary the whole Body should support every particular Member so that hereby there will be a general Care to administer to every Place according to their Necessities Secondly That the said Corporation be establish'd for the Term of one and twenty Years The Corporation ought to be establish'd for one and twenty Years or otherwise it cannot have the benefit the Law gives in Case of Infants which is their Service for their Education besides it will be some Years before a matter of this Nature can be brought into Practice Thirdly That the said Sum of 300,000 l. be paid in and laid out for the Purposes aforesaid to remain as a Stock for and during the said Term of one and twenty Years The Subscription ought to be taken at the Passing of the Act but the Corporation to be left at liberty to begin either the Michaelmas or the Lady-Day after as they shall think fit And per Cent. to be paid at the subscribing to Persons appointed for that purpose and the remainder before they begin to Act but so as 300,000 l. shall be always in Stock during the Term notwithstanding any Dividends or other Disposition And an Accompt thereof to be exhibited twice in every Year upon Oath before the Lord Chancellor for the time being Fourthly That the said Corporation do by themselves or Agents in every Parish of England from and after the Day of during the said Term of one and twenty Years provide for the real Impotent Poor good and sufficient Maintainance and Reception as good or better than hath at any time within the space of Years before the said Day of been provided or allow'd to such Impotent Poor and so shall continue to provide for such Impotent Poor and what other growing Impotent Poor shall happen in the said Parish during the said Term. By Impotent Poor is to be understood all Infants and old and decrepid Persons not able to Work also Persons who by Sickness or any Accident are for the time unable to labour for themselves or Families and all Persons not being fit for Labour who were

such parts as are found useful and to add such other Restrictions Penalties and Provisions as may effectualy attain the End of this great Work The Laws hereunto relating are numerous but the Judgment and Opinions given upon them are so various and contradictory and differ so in sundry places as to be inconsistent with any one general Scheme of Management Tenthly That proper Persons be appointed in every County to determine all Matters and Differences which may arise between the Corporation and the respective Parishes To prevent any ill Usage Neglect or Cruelty it will be necessary to make Provision that the Poor may tender their Complaints to Officers of the Parish and that those Officers having examin'd the same and not finding Redress may apply to Persons to be appointed in each County and each City for that purpose who may be call'd Supervisors of the Poor and may have Allowance made them for their Trouble and their Business may be to examine the Truth of such Complaints and in case either the Parish or Corporation judge themselves agriev'd by the Determination of the said Supervisors Provision may be made that an Appeal lie to the Quarter Sessions Eleventhly That the Corporation be oblig'd to provide for all publick Beggars and to put the Laws in Execution against publick Beggars and idle vagrant Persons Such of the publick Beggars as can work must be employ'd the rest to be maintain'd as impotent Poor but the Laws to be severely put in Execution against those who shall ask any publick Alms. THis Proposal which in most parts of it seems to be very maturely weigh'd may be a Foundation for those to build upon who have a publick Spirit large enough to embrace such a noble Undertaking But the common Obstruction to any thing of this Nature is a malignant Temper in some who will not let a publick Work go on if private Persons are to be Gainers by it When they are to get themselves they abandon all Sense of Virtue but are cloath'd in her whitest Robe when they smell Profit coming to another masking themselves with a false Zeal to the Common-wealth where their own Turn is not to be serv'd It were better indeed that Men would serve their Country for the Praise and Honour that follow good Actions but this is not to be expected in a Nation at least leaning towards Corruption and in such an Age 't is as much as we can hope for if the Prospect of some honest Gain invites People to do the Publick faithful Service For which Reason in any Undertaking where it can be made apparent that a great Benefit will accrue to the Common-wealth in general we ought not to have an evil Eye upon what fair Advantages particular Men may thereby expect to Reap still taking care to keep their Appetite of getting within moderate Bounds laying all just and reasonable Restraints upon it and making due Provision that they may not wrong or oppress their Fellow Subjects 'T is not to be deny'd but that if fewer Hands were suffer'd to remain idle and if the Poor had full Employment it would greatly tend to the Common Welfare and contribute much towards adding every Year to the general Stock of England Among the Methods that we have here propos'd of Employing the Poor and making the whole Body of the People useful to the Publick We think it our Duty to mind those who consider the Common Welfare of looking with a compassionate Eye into the Prisons of this Kingdom where many Thousands consume their Time in Vice and Idleness wasting the Remainder of their Fortunes or lavishing the Substance of their Creditors eating Bread and doing no Work which is contrary to good Order and pernicious to the Common-wealth We cannot therefore but recommend the Thoughts of some good Bill that may effectually put an end to this Mischief so scandalous in a Trading Country which should let no Hands remain useless 'T is not all difficult to contrive such a Bill as may Relieve and Release the Debtor and yet preserve to his Creditors all their fair just and honest Rights and Interest And having in this Matter endeavour'd to show that to preserve and increase the People and to make their Numbers useful are Methods conducing to make us Gainers in the Ballance of Trade we shall proceed to handle the second Head SECT III. Of the Land of England and its Product IN treating of this Matter we shall again produce one of Mr. King's Schemes which are all of them so accurately done that we may venture to say they are not to be contraverted in any Point so material as to destroy the Foundation of those Reasonings which the Writer of these Papers or any other Person shall form upon them He computes that England and Wales contain 39 Millions of Acres according to the following Scheme Vide Scheme E. Scheme E.   Acres Value per Acre Rent     l. s. d. l. Arable Land 9,000,000 0 5 6 2,480,000 Pasture and Meadow 12,000,000 0 8 8 5,200,000 Woods and Coppices 3,000,000 0 5 0 750,000 Forests Parks and Commons 3,000,000 0 3 8 570,000 Heaths Moors Mountains and barren Land 10,000,000 0 1 0 500,000 Houses and Homesteads Gardens and Orchards Churches and Church-yards 1,000,000 The Land 450,000 The Buildings 2,000,000 Rivers Lakes Meers and Ponds 500,000 0 2 0 50,000 Roads Ways and wast Land 500,000 0 0 0   In all 39,000,000 about 6 2 12,000,000   True Yearly Value Value as rated to the 4s Tax Produce of the 4s Tax   l. l. l. So the yearly Rents or Value of the Land is 10,000,000 6,500,000 1,300,000 The Houses and Buildings 2,000,000 1,500,000 300,000 All other Hereditaments 1,000,000 500,000 100,000 Personal Estates such as have been reach'd in the 4 s. Aids 1,000,000 550,000 100,000 In all 14,000,000 9,050,000 1,800,000 So that whereas the Tax of 4 s. per Pound one Aid with another has produc'd but 1,800,000 It should produce if duly Assess'd 2,800,000 Place this Scheme p. 70. SCHEME F. The Produce of the Arable Land he thus Estimates in a Year of moderate Plenty   Bushels per Bushel Value     s. d.   Wheat 14,000,000 at 3 6 2,450,000 Rye 10,000,000 at 2 6 1,250,000 Barly 27,000,000 at 2 0 2,700,000 Oats 16,000,000 at 1 6 1,200,000 Pease 7,000,000 at 2 6 857,000 Beans 4,000,000 at 2 6 500,000 Vetches 1,000,000 at 2 0 100,000 In all 79,000,000 at 2 3 4 7 5 9 9,075,000 This is only the Neat Produce exclusive of the Seed Corn which in some sorts of Grain being near 1 5 of the Produce and in others 1 8 may in general be reckon'd about 11 Millions of Bushels more which makes the whole Produce to be 90 Millions of Bushels which at 2 s. 3 4 7 5 9 d. per Bushel in Common is about 10,338,600 l. Note That this Value is what the same is worth upon the Spot where the Corn grew but this Value is increas'd by the Carriage to the

lessen'd what is commonly call'd the New Draparies have increas'd consisting in Bays Serges and Stuffs So that upon the whole infinitely more of the Material of Wooll has of late Years been wrought up for Foreign use than in former Times and herein our Merchants have been only forc'd to follow the Modes and Humor of those People with whom they deal and the Course they have persued has hitherto not been detrimental to the Publick Nor is there any Cause to apprehend but that we may increase from time to time in the general Manufacture of Wooll tho' the Exportation of particular Commodities may now and then vary For upon the whole our Material is better and fitter for all uses than that of most Countries 'T were better indeed that the Call from abroad were only for the fine Draparies because then we should be in a manner without a Rival no Country but England and Ireland having a Soard or Turf that will rear Sheep producing the Wooll of which most of our Draparies are made 'T is true the Wooll of Spain is fine above all others but 't is the wear only of the Richer Sort and of Spanish Cloaths not above 9000 Pieces are sent abroad Communibus Annis And even in the working up of this Wooll perhaps it may be made out that our very Climate gives us an Advantage over other Countries The Learned Prelate who has oblig'd England with that Noble Work his History of the Reformation Discoursing once upon these Matters with the Writer of this Essay did urge a thing of which the Philosophy seem'd very sound and right and upon which we have since reflected often He said That Nature had adapted different Countries for different Manufactures that cold and moister Climates are fitter for the working up of Wool because there the Sun does not exhaust its natural Moisture nor make it brittle which would render it ill to work and bad to wear That hot Climates are best for the working up of Silk because the Matter is there more dispos'd to imbibe the Dye and to take a more durable impression of it the Sun helping at the same time both to preserve and to give it Lustre That we have many natural Advantages over all Foreign Nations who shall pretend to set up Looms is beyond all dispute but 't is a very great Question whither there are not weighty Reasons to apprehend Neighbours of another sort we mean the People of Ireland The Country is very large it abounds in convenient Ports 't is excellently Situate for Trade capable of great Improvements of all kinds and able to nourish more than treble its present Number of Inhabitants It s Soil Soard and Turf are in a manner the same with ours and proper to rear Sheep All which Considerations beget a reasonable fear that in time they may come to rival us in our Darling and most Important Manufacture That they should increase in People that their Land should be drein'd and meliorated that they should have Trade and grow Wealthy by it may not peradventure be dangerous to England For 't is granted their Riches will center at last here in their Mother-Kingdom And Colonies that enjoy not only Protection but who are at their Ease and Flourish will in all likelyhood be less inclinable to inovate or to receive a Foreign Yoke than if they are harrass'd and compell'd to Poverty through the hard Usage of the People from whom they are deriv'd For tho' there are now and then Instances of Countries that rebel wantonly yet most commonly great Defections proceed from great Oppression It seems therefore a Point of the highest Wisdom to give the Planters of Ireland all Encouragements that can possibly consist with the Welfare of England For 't is an Out-work to the Seat of Empire here if it should be gain'd by any Neighbouring Power the Sum of Affairs would be put in danger 'T is to be preserv'd but by a Numerous Army or by its own proper Strength How far the first way may affect our Liberties is not difficult to determin it follows then that the safest Course must be to let them thrive by Husbandry and some Trade whereby the Natives and Inhabitants will not only have the Means but an Interest to defend themselves If through a mistaken fear and jealousy of their future Strength and Greatness we should either permit or contrive to let them be dispeopled poor weak and dispirited or if we should render them so uneasie as to incline the People to a desire of Change it may invite Strangers to look that way and if brought to be naked and defenceless they must be a Prey to the first Invader This will be avoided if they are suffer'd to prosper and not only so but Strength thus added to one Member will make the Body-Politick much the stronger For as all the Blood with a swift Motion passes frequently through the Heart so whatever Wealth out Countries acquire circulates about coming into the chief Seat of Empire from whence 't is dispers'd into all its Parts and ever since Ireland did improve it can be made appear England has had no small Proportion of its Gains What made Rome so immensly rich Her Citizens but little minded Arts or Handicraft War was their chief Employment 'T was counted Ignoble in a Senator to exercise Merchandize nor indeed was the Genius of the People adicted to it but being the Head of that large Dominion the Fountain of Law and the Spring from whence all Power Honors and Magistracies were deriv'd thither all Men resorted some for Pleasure others upon Business So that what was got by the Sicilians Rhodians Cretans and by the Trading Cities not only of Greece but Asia came at last to center there But this holds more strongly where the Seat of Dominion is in a great Emporium for such a City will not only be the Head of Power but of Trade governing all its Branches and giving the Rules and Price so that all Parts thereon depending can deal but subordinately to it till at last 't is found that Provinces work but to enrich the Superior Kingdom That what has been here said is true in our present Case appears manifestly from this That all People agree there is not in Ireland above 500,000 l. in current Cash notwithstanding their large Exportations for many Years which could not be if they had not some constant Drein whereby they are exhausted 'T is true improving Countries lay out a great Stock in Foreign Materials for Building c. so that they seldom abound much at first in the Species of Mony but allowing for this yet in the natural Course of Things they ought to have more Species if what they got elsewhere had not been spent here and return'd hither by Bills of Exchange from Holland France Spain the West-Indies and other Places But tho' we are ready to agree That hitherto their Gains both at home and abroad have chiefly center'd here yet in process

English Planters If as Mr. Molyneux asserts Ireland tho' annext to the Crown of Fngland has always been look'd upon to be a Kingdom compleat within it self and to have all Jurisdiction to an Absolute Kingdom belonging and Subordinate to no Legislative Authority on Earth these Immunities must be deriv'd from the Concessions granted at Cashal by Henry the 2d But with whom was this Compact made With the Native Irish and their Claim to it would be very just if they had perform'd the Conditions of the Stipulation but their Title seems weaken'd by 52 Rebellions which they have made against the Government of England We would not be thought here to insinuate that a People may lose their Natural Rights by an Insurrection against their Prince but certain Priviledges not Fundamental they may forfeit by non-usure or mis-usure Besides the Case between a Prince and his Native Subjects and between a Government and the People of a Conquer'd Country is quite different In the first Instance the Relation is the same as betwixt a Father and a Son the Child may Err and the Parent will forgive but in the other Case the Tie is not the same they are not so near a-Kin 'T is true the Prince is Father of the People in one place as well as in the other but in his Politick-Capacity he is at the Head of another Common-wealth with whose Blood and Treasure the stranger Country was perhaps conquer'd And if a Foreign People thus subdu'd Rebel they may without doubt forfeit certain Priviledges which were not any Natural Rights of their own but Forms of living prescrib'd and Concessions granted by the Conquerors And the Romans in the best and purest Times of the Common-wealth did frequently deprive Subject Cities and Countries rebelling of their Land and of their Immunities To be a State not Subordinate to any Legislative Authority on Earth is a Priviledge that may be forfeited by a Subject-Country and yet leave to the People their Natural Rights unhurt That the Irish were once a Subject-Country appears from the intire Resignation of themselves to Henry the 2d as Head of the Common-wealth of England To reduce a wild Nation it was expedient to put their Liberties upon a good Foot He restor'd them therefore to be a free People and so they and their Descendants might have been They might have continu'd an Independant Kingdom and the Old Irish might have preserv'd both their Land and the Immunities thereon depending if they had not themselves alter'd their own Constitution But by Rebelling frequently and by being as often Vanquish'd they chang'd their own Form of Government They were heretofore Proprietors of the Land and therefore had Right to be the two Estates in Parliament of Lords and Commons but this was by degrees lost and became vested in the new Inhabitants Insomuch that to use Mr. Molyneux's own Words Now 't is manifest That the great Body of the present People of Ireland are the Progeny of the English and Britains that from time to time have come over into this Kingdom and there remains but a meer handful of the ancient Irish at this Day I may say not One in a Thousand Are the Concessions granted by King Henry now vested in this Thousandth Part And are they the Body-Politick of Ireland of which not One in a Thousand sits in Parliament and of which very few have Voices in choosing those who are to sit there If any these certainly are to be the distinct State and To have all Jurisdiction to an Absolute Kingdom belonging for with their Ancestors those Stipulations were made under which Mr. Molyneux pretends to claim But the Old Inhabitants having lost the greatest part of their Property have lost so much of their share in the Constitution which is now devolv'd upon those Colonies which England has from time to time sent to conquer and possess the Land who are now properly the Body-Politick of that Kingdom These we allow have forfeited nothing by any Rebellion the Natives have made they are Purchasers and at a dear Rate with the frequent hazard of their Lives and Fortunes We must therefore see how far the ancient Rights of the Irish are devolv'd upon them and whither under that Claim the New Inhabitants may justly term themselves an Independant Nation Whoever Conquers Conquers in the Right of that Country at whose Expence the War was made and tho' the Property of the Land be often granted to the Adventurers the Dominion thereof is always reserv'd to the Nation that sends her People out 'T is true where a part of the People divides its self from the rest to seek new Seats at their own Cost as they did among the Scythians Goths and Vandals there the Case was otherwise for they rambled so far as no more to communicate with their Mother-Country But it does not appear That Fitz-Stephen or Richard Strongbow went out upon such Terms as those Northern Nations did On the contrary their Endeavours had little Success till seconded by the Power of England at whose Expence all the succeeding Conquests of Ireland have been either made or secur'd so that if the ancient Irish had any Rights of Dominion and if those Rights are forfeited the Forfeiture devolves upon England and not upon the Adventurers nor their Successors Nor is it indeed consistant with the Principles of Government that a part of the People should separate from the rest and be especially so near at hand an Independant Dominion for that were to have Protection where they owe no Duty which is an Absurdity in Politicks When a part of the People divides from the rest to seek more Territory if they are at their own Cost and strong enough to eradicate or keep under the Natives they become a New Empire and may be justly term'd a distinct Nation But if not at their own Expence and if they are weak and always stand in need of being protected by their Mother-Country they are in all appearance to be accounted but as a Colony Nor are Names to alter the Nature of Things 'T is granted Ireland has been very anciently call'd a Kingdom though our Princes did not take the Stile of Kings thereof till the Reign of Henry the 8th 'T is likewise apparent That they have many distinct Jurisdictions That they are a State within themselves That they have an undoubted Right to hold Parliaments but all this does not hinder them from being still a Colony nor can it make them an Independant People Almost every Colony that the Romans planted was a Model of their own Republick and fram'd according to it by those whom the Senate had deputed for its Settlement They had an Annual Duumviratus in Imitation of the Consular Authority They had likewise Censors Aediles and Quoestors and which comes strongest to our present Case every Colony had its particular Senate But will any one pretend to argue from thence That all these were Distinct and Independant Common-wealths These Branches

Material which Manufactur'd yields a good Price Hands will soon be invited over to work it up Fourthly But this holds more strongly where not only the Material but all sort of Provisions are cheap and in Countries which have not been yet improv'd where every new Commer hopes to make a sudden Fortune From which Positions it follows If Ireland be permitted to proceed in the Exportation of Woollen Goods First That in no long Course of time they may come to carry out to the value of a Million per Annum Secondly That the cheapness of Provisions will enable them to afford their Commodities cheaper than England can do in Foreign Markets All that have either writ or spoke upon this Subject agree That the whole Controversie turns upon this single Point whither they can make the same Woollen Goods cheaper there than here To set this in a true Light we must consider the first Material and those who work it up As to the first Material beyond all doubt Wooll is a third cheaper there than in England As to the Workmanship the Clothiers affirm Spinning to be one half of it and that of all Hands is agreed to be cheaper there than here And for the Combing and Weaving the Price of course must abate as Work-men increase for Handy-craft in Countries where Living is cheap can be dear no longer than till Artists are bred up And a great many Artists will be instructed before the Multitude of Inhabitants can render Provisions dear in such a Place as Ireland But to judge rightly of these Matters we must contemplate the Body of the People in each Country Sir William Petty affirms That the Inferior Rank of People in Ireland thro' whose Hands Spinning must pass do not expend one with another above 52 Shillings per Head The Expence of the same Rank cannot be less here than 5 l. per Head 'T is an undeniable Truth That the Common Provisions for Life are one half cheaper there than here 'T is likewise as plain That Meat and Drink are one half of Mankind's Expence reckon'd in a Mass together And these Advantages of Living must enable them to afford the same Commodity cheaper than we can do where not only our Numbers make Provisions dear but where new Excises give all things of our Home-Consumption yet a higher Price Mr. Clement's for we take him to be the Author of that Fine Discourse upon this Subject inscrib'd to the Marquiss of Normanby makes this Judicious Observation That if any one offers his Goods cheaper than the usual Price that will then become the Market Price and every one else must sell at the same or keep his Goods The Cheapness of Living and all other Circumstances consider'd it seems very probable That if they should come to have the necessary Complement of Workmen and to flourish in this Manufacture they will be able to sell it one third cheaper than we can do If they can make for a Million and afford it by one third cheaper than we it follows That at least one half of our Exportations in that Commodity must immediately determin And the Consequence of this would be That Rents must every where fall The Purchase of Land must sink The Poor must want Employment and grow upon us half our Foreign Trade must forthwith cease and in the other half we must be Losers in the Ballance which is chiefly kept of our Side by the Woollen Manufactures Not only a third but an Abatement of ten per Cent. forc'd upon us by the Rivalship in Trade of another Country would throw us into more Disorders than the most knowing Man in England can readily describe And to ask where will be the Stocks of Mony to set up so large a Manufacture is but an evasive way of Arguing for where the Prospect of Gain is certain Mony never fails to come And if it should ever be determin'd That England cannot restrain that Country in this Exportation Foreigners will carry Stocks to an Improving Place where they may reasonably expect many more Advantages than what shall arise from this Manufacture As for Example To lay out Mony upon good Securities at ten per Cent. Interest to buy Land capable of great Melioration at ten Years Purchase And to have almost all the Necessaries of Life half as cheap again as in other parts are not all these Circumstances sufficient to invite thither not only Foreign Stocks but very much of our own Mony and a great Number of our Work-men where their Industry will turn to a better Accompt than it does here No Wise State if it has the Means of preventing the Mischief will leave its Ruin in the Power of another Country And if Wars have been thought not only Prudent but just which have been made to interrupt the too sudden Growth of any Neighbour-Nation much more justifiable may a Mother-Kingdom exercise the Civil Authority in Relation to her own Children who from her had their Being and still have their Protection especially when her own Safety is so much concern'd Nor can this be thought Rigour 'T is but a reasonable Jealousie of State and only severe Wisdom which Governments should show in all their Councils 'T is a preventing Remedy which operates gently in the beginning of the Disease before there are many and those inveterate Humors to contend with And if a timely Stop be put to these Exportations from Ireland it will hurt but a very few which is never to be regarded where the good of the whole Publick is in Question and even that Few without any great difficulty may have their Industry turn'd to safer Objects For these and several other Reasons which will occur to such as think seriously of this Subject it seems for the Publick Good That the Legislature of England should by some Restrictions keep Ireland from interfering with us in this Principal Foundation of our whole Traffick And to do it by a Positive Law here and not to leave it to the Administration there as some propose appears to be the rather requisite because when this Step is made and when they are render'd incapable of Exporting Woollen Goods there will lie a Necessity upon the Governing Part and Landed Men of doing their utmost to promote other Improvements of which their Soil is capable Nor is it fair to urge That we may proceed from one Prohibition to another till we leave them nothing and till they are quite undone They can fundamentally hurt us no other way their Rivalship is dangerous in none but the Woollen Manufacture where all Lucrum Cessans is Damnum Emergens to England since all our Affairs abroad turn and depend upon it nor can we suffer any Competitors in it if we mean to flourish and be Gainers in the General Ballance of Trade To think this Kingdom will either pevishly or covetously hurt that Colony is an absurd Imagination 'T is obvious enough that too much depends upon the Possession of such an Island

to render its Inhabitants desperate and desirous of a Change if they have a large Trade and flowing Riches the Benefit thereof will redound to us at last And the wiser a Government is the more it will desire to see 'em prosper except in this single Instance where their Wealth would be built upon our Destruction But such a Prohibition as we have been treating of will have very little Effect unless they can be likewise hindred from carrying out their Wooll to prevent which their Situation consider'd will be a very hard Matter but there are no difficulties of the like Nature which are not to be overcome if the Administration be strict and steady They who would prohibit the Exportation of Woollen Goods from Ireland to Foreign Parts have hitherto propos'd setting up there the Linnen Manufacture but this Design is likewise not without its Dangers The setting up the Linnen Manufacture will be less hurtful than to set up the Woollen but we are to consider That Ireland will be always able to supply it self with Draperies at Home and that there will be no Market for their Linnen but England and its Dependences Now 't is evident That our Woollen Goods are sold in several Countries namely Holland Hamburgh Germany the Han's Towns and all the East Country many of which Places will not be able to take off our Woollen Goods unless we deal for their Linnens And in Fact and by Experience it has been seen in the Case of the East-India Trade since there has been Imported from thence vast Quantities of Linnens such as Callicoes Muslins Romals for Handkershifts which answer'd the end of Lawns Cambricks and other Linnen Cloath we have not Exported that vast quantity of Draperies to those Northern Parts of which Sir Walter Raleigh makes mention As our Call for their Linnens has diminish'd their Call for our Draperies has proportionably decreas'd and not only so but these People have been compell'd by Necessity to fall upon making Course Woollen Cloath by which they supply themselves and other Places which heretofore we were wont to furnish So that it deserves a very serious Consideration what future Effect it may have upon our Woollen Goods to promote a Considerable Linnen Manufacture in Ireland Upon the whole Matter it ought to be carefully examin'd Whither or no a better Expedient may not be thought on to stop their Progress in the new Draperies than to introduce the Linnen Manufacture there and whither it would not be best for both Kingdoms to take off the Prohibition that now lies upon Irish Cattle This Point has been formerly much debated and it remains yet very doubtful when this Prohibition was set on foot which was most consulted Publick Good or Private Interest The Numbers of the Breeding were without doubt stronger at that time than those of the Feeding Lands but 't is to be fear'd in the making that Act that the general Interest of England was not sufficiently consider'd If the People of Ireland are permitted to bring their Cattle hither it will lower the Price of Flesh in England a Matter very important to a Country that Subsists so much by Manufactures 'T is true the Breeding Counties will be thereby somewhat hurt but it will encourage Improvements and Melioration of Barren Land in order to Feed which will be advantagious to the whole Publick of the Nation It will divert those of Ireland from thinking to extend their Trade too much abroad a Point not to be slighted And it will in a manner confine the principal Part of their Dealings to this Kingdom which for many Reasons of State will be best and safest for England 'T is therefore submitted to better Judgments whither or no to open the way hither for their Cattle will not be most advisable and the truest Method to hinder their Progress in Manufactures without doing any thing that may look like Injury or Oppression 'T is no true Objection to say That the People of Ireland will not fall readily into this sort of Trade which has been now so long intermitted for as we are inform'd the Payments are very ill made for that Flesh Tallow and Hides that are Exported to Foreign Parts That the Merchant makes the Butcher stay sometimes two or three Years upon pretence of Bills of Exchange and Returns expected from the West-Indies Spain and other Parts and if the Butcher be ill dealt with it must follow that the Landlord cannot be paid his Rent Whereas when the Trade was open for England the Gentlemen of Ireland receiv'd ready Mony or if they gave Credit it was answer'd by the next Return and England was to them as Smithfield is to Lancashire Lincolnshire or any other English Feeding County besides it would keep down the Exchange which would be another Encouragement to the Irish Nobility and Gentry who spend so large a Part of their Estates in London So that in all likelihood the People of that Kingdom if the said Prohibition were taken off would cheerfully submit to a Law here binding them not to Export to Foreign Parts their Woollen Goods nor would they perhaps think of setting up the Linnen Manufacture which is likewise not without Consequences very pernicious and for these Reasons the Expedient here propos'd is now offer'd to Publick Consideration Before we quit our present Subject of Land and its Product we shall offer another Hint The Course Draperies is that part of our Woollen Manufacture in which we are in greatest Danger to be rival'd by other Countries it stands therefore in need of most Encouragement There are many Parts of the World whose Poverty disables them from buying our Woollen Goods because of their high Price As Russia Poland Tartary c. and therefore they are supply'd by the Germans or some other Neighbours with a sort of Cloath very contemptible in Comparison of what we could make to answer the same Ends and Uses Suppose then instead of paying five per Cent. Custom outward bound That such Course Cloaths not exceeding such a certain Value should for a term of Years receive upon the Exportation ten per Cent. Bounty Mony by way of Encouragement from the State for so much as the Exporters can make appear was carry'd out to Countries with whom we had no Dealings of that kind before and that such their Exportations are in order to enlarge our Trade A Recompence of this Nature would in all probability increase the Woollen Manufacture of England in not many Years at least one third We have the more largely handled the Irish Prohibitions because in all appearance the Ballance of Trade will very much depend upon the Measures England shall take in relation to that Colony since we should proceed very heavily in all our Foreign Traffick if Ireland is left in a Capacity to disturb us abroad in the vent of our Woollen Manufactures And having treated of the Numbers of the People and of Land and its Product we shall proceed to say something of our

And that from Oleron at from 2 l. 10 s. to 2 l. 15. per Tun. But now the very Duty for forty Bushels of Oleron Salt amounts to 13 l. 6. s. 8. d. besides the 25 per Cent. ad valorem of which formerly the prime Cost came to but 2 l. 15 s. at highest The Duty likewise upon forty Bushels of Lisbon Salt comes to 13 l. 6 s. 8 d. of which the prime Cost was formerly at highest but 3 l. 10 s. And as to our Newcastle and Limington Salt which is now generally made use of in Salting Beef and Pork for Trading Vessels the very Duty for forty Bushels amounts to 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. of which before the War the prime Cost came but to 3 l. at the dearest Market Insomuch that we are credibly inform'd a Merchant can store himself in Ireland for a long Voyage with Salt Beef and Pork ready pack'd up almost as cheap as he can buy the Salt in England So that for long Voyages the Merchant will either Victual in Ireland or Salt his Beef and Pork on some Foreign Coast as he Sails along where Provisions shall be cheap which must bring a great Damage to the Landed Interest here or if he does not do so Victualling will be so expensive to him as to make Freight much dearer than it ought to be in a Country that expects to thrive by Trade The Consequence of all which will be That the Body of our Merchants must lie under a general Discouragement They will neglect looking after National Gain which English Merchants have perhaps heretofore as much consider'd in their Dealings as any Trading Men in the whole Commercial World They will have an Eye to nothing but their own temporary Profit and fuffer Strangers to go away with those Gains which England was wont to make by Freight from whence it will follow That we must decay in our Stock of Shipping and decrease every Year in the breed of Seamen and when this happens we must no more pretend to such a Naval Strength as has hitherto made us terrible to all our Neighbours Trade without doubt is in its nature a pernicious thing it brings in that Wealth which introduces Luxury it gives a rise to Fraud and Avarice and extinguishes Virtue and Simplicity of Manners it depraves a People and makes way for that Corruption which never fails to end in Slavery Foreign or Domestick Licurgus in the most perfect Model of Government that was ever fram'd did banish it from his Common-wealth But the Posture and Condition of other Countries consider'd 't is become with us a necessary Evil. We shall be continually expos'd to Insults and Invasions without such a Naval Force as is not to be had naturally but where there is an extended Traffick However if Trade cannot be made subservient to the Nation 's Safety it ought to be no more encourag'd here than it was in Sparta And it can never tend to make us safe unless it be so managed as to make us increase in Shipping and in the Breed of Seamen Freight is not only the most Politick but the most National and most certain Profit a Country can possibly make by Trade Therefore all Duties must be pernicious that burthen it and make it dear And we have dwelt the longer upon this Article of the Salt Duty because it seems to have more dangerous Consequences in relation to our Commerce abroad than all the other Impositions put together The late Tax upon Coals is a heavy Burthen on all Handicrafts working on Iron a Manufacture in which we are now come to a great Perfection And the Skill and Neatness of our Work-men is such in Locks Keys Hindges and other Curiosities of this kind that our Exportations of these Commodities may in time grow very considerable if this new Duty does not interrupt their Industry We have shown in several Instances how the Excises lately set a foot may affect us in the general Ballance of Trade And we have done it with a design of making it appear how much it is for the Common Good to endeavour to get out of those Debts for which these Revenues are the Security and Fund Mr. King in a Scheme of his of the Yearly Increase and Decrease of the Actual Stock of England from the Year 1600. to 1698. and what it may probably amount to by the Year 1710. if the present Peace continue and none of those Accidents of Plague War Fires and Civil Discords intervene which more or less do certainly diminish or hinder the Increase of the Nations Wealth whenever they happen computes That Anno 1600. the said Actual Stock was but about 25 Millions making a Yearly Increase of about 4 or 500,000 l. That Anno 1630. it was about 37 Millions making a Yearly Increase of about one Million That in 1664. the Year before the last great Plague it was about 64 Millions making a Yearly Increase of about 1,200,000 l. And that Anno 1668. it was about 86 Millions making a Yearly Increase of 2,400,000 l. And Concludes First That the last Plague the Fire of London and the Dutch War did actually diminish the said Stock at least 9 or 10 Millions and hindred the Increase of 18 or 20 Millions more Secondly That the last War with France with the other Circumstances of the Revolution and the Recoyning the Mony has actually diminish'd the said Stock about 12 Millions and hindred the Increase of about 28 Millions besides Thirdly That the Nation will not arrive to the same Degree of Actual Stock which it had Anno 1688. till about the Year 1705. nor make an Increase of 2,400,000 l. per Annum as it did in 1688. till about the Year 1706. nor then neither unless the Taxes be considerably diminish'd that thereby our Navigation and Commerce may be fully restored to what it was before the late War We do not pretend to give any Accompt of the present Posture of our Foreign Trade nor how it stood during all the last War for it would be launching into a very wide Sea but without doubt the Immense Sums that have been rais'd every Year and the variety of new Duties that have been lately levied are a heavy Burthen upon it And in order to give some little Light into this Matter and to show how the Ballance has been and may be thereby affected we shall briefly State what Mony has been Anually granted since the War   l. s. d. For Anno 1689. Granted for the War and to pay 60,000 l. to King Charles's Servants and to pay 600,000 l. to the Dutch in all that Year 1,844,786 16 04 For Anno 1690. Granted for the War 2,535,452 01 02 For Anno 1691. Granted for the War and for building Ships 4,794,861 07 00 3 4 For Anno 1692. Granted besides what was paid out of the Revenue of the Crown towards the War 3,337,268 08 09 ● 4 Carry over 12,512,368 13 04   l. s. d. Brought over 12,512,368 13 04

Publick Spoils will stir up the Legislative Authority to Interpose in looking after our future Safety And at such a season perhaps it will be thought the Sublimest Wisdom of all not to be angry with Persons but to mend Things and that it will not Import much tho the Criminal scape unpunish'd so the Fault can be Corrected The remorse and shame of having may be in a few Years ruin'd a Rich and Flourishing People for so the Case may happen will be Punishment enough to those who have left in 'em any seeds of Honour Such therefore as mean their Country well in an unhappy Juncture of this Nature when they go to give Affairs a better Complexion should in all likelihood begin their Work by Determining and Pronouncing What Councils have been directly against the Law what Advices have Tended to Impoverish the Crown and Kingdom and what Practices have wasted the Nations Tr●asure And when in this Solemn Manner they have Condemn'd the Offences if they think fit the Offenders may be reach'd with Ease If we should ever have a Set of States-Men whose Offences will compel the Nation to Accuse them they will endeavour to cover their own Faults by recriminating upon the Proceedings of former times If they are Charg'd with wasting the Publick Treasure with giving away the Crown-Lands with aiming at Arbitrary Power and to Govern by the Sword they will be so Audacious to think they stand justify'd by answering The same things were heretofore done But they ought to make this Reflection that King Charles was in danger to loose his Crown and that King James actually lost it because his Ministers persu'd Measures distructive to the Kingdom And now in a few Words to Re-capitulate the whole Matter of this long Section If such as represent the People are Uncorrupt Unbyass'd and Disinterested If they diligently attend the Nation 's Service if they carefully watch Encroachments upon the Constitution If they make Provision against future Evils If they look Narrowly into the Debts and Expences of the Nation If they hold a strong Hand over the Men of Business And if in this Manner Private Persons perform their Duty to the Publick we shall not fail in all succeeding Times to see a steddy Course of Honesty and Wisdom in such as are trusted with the Administration of Affairs For it may be laid down for a certain Maxim That States-Men will hardly be Negligent Corrupt or Arbitrary when they are over-look'd with careful Eyes by so Considerable a Part of the Constitution And where Things are well Administer'd That Country will always increase in Wealth and Power Have we not before our Eyes the Example of Spain labouring under Publick and Private Wants occasion'd by nothing but a long Series of Misgovernment What has preserv'd the Venetians for thirteen Centuries against such Potent Leagues as have been frequently form'd against 'em but that the goodness of their Constitution has enabl'd them to do great things with a very little Would People under a Tiranny or indeed under a better Form of Government ill manag'd have defended themselves with such Courage as Venice and Holland have done Did ever Countries fight so Bravely for their Oppressors as Nations that have contended in the Defence of their own Liberties Where Matters are in a tottering Condition do not the People grow sullen and loath to venture their Stocks out of their sight Is it not seen that at such a time Men hoard their Mony up which should Circulate in Trade When the Subjects are under Apprehensions that ill Conduct at home will at last produce Wars Dangers and Invasions from abroad have they not in all Ages at such a Season intermitted their Foreign Traffick Manufactures and other Business What begets general Industry but hopes to have Property preserv'd Is it not evident that tho here and there a Private Man accumulates great Riches under an Absolute Monarchy yet that the whole Body of the People is always poor and miserable in Countries so Govern'd What encourages Men with infinite Care Labour and Hazzard to gather private Wealth which enriches the Publick at last but the hopes that stability of Affairs prudent Conduct and just Administration may produce Peace Security and lasting Empire Where Men have a Prospect of all this Strangers resort thither with their Wealth and Stocks whereas Merchants and other Cautious Persons abandon Countries whose Follies and Corruptions subject 'em to continual Changes and frequent Revolutions so that peradventure upon solid Reasons and very just Grounds we may lay down That nothing more Contributes to make a Nation Gainers in the general Ballance of Trade than good Laws well observ'd and a constant Course of Honest and steddy Government As Trade and Riches have their Principal Foundation in the Liberty and Laws of a Country so when those great Springs go right they set in Motion the Engine of a Common-Wealth tho some other Wheels may happen to be out of Order To have the Course of Law and Courts of Judicature proceed uncorruptly is such a Remainder of Strength and Health as may in time help to recover the other sickly Parts of a Constitution So that a Nation is not deprav'd beyond all hope of Cure which has in the Chief Seats of Judgment Men of deep Learning Probity Moderation and Integrity We shall Conclude this last Section with some Advices which Richlieu directs to Lewis the 13 th Unless Princes use their utmost Endeavours to regulate the divers Orders of their State If they are Negligent in the Choice of a good Council If they dispise their wholesom Advice unless they take a particular Care to become such that their Example may prove a speaking Voice If they are Negligent in Establishing the Reign of God that of Reason and that of Justice together If they fail to protect Innocence to recompence Signal Services to the Publick and to punish Disobedience and the Crimes which trouble the Order the Discipline and Safety of States unless they apply themselves to foresee and prevent the Evils that may happen and to divert by careful Negotiations the Storms which Clouds drive before them from a greater Distance than is thought If Favour hinders them from making a good choice of those they Honour with great Employments and with the Principal Offices of the Kingdom If on all Occasions they do not prefer Publick Interest to Private Advantages tho otherwise never so good Livers they will be found more guilty than those who actually transgress the Commands and Laws of God it being certain that to omit what we are oblig'd to do and to commit what we ought not to do is the same thing FINIS * Discourses on the Publick Revenues and Trade part 2 d p. 331. * Discourses on the Publick Revenues and on Trade Part 2 d p. 15. Machiavel ' s Discourses on Livy Polybius Lib. 1. See Scheme A. See Scheme D. See Scheme D. See Scheme D. * Vid. Sir Walter Raleigh ' s Remains p. 173. * England's Interest and Improvement p. 15. * Mine Adventure and Expedient p. 7. Vide Essay on the Value of the Mines c. Vide Discourses on the Publick Revenues and Trade Part II. p. 135. Part II. p. 414. * Edmund Spencer's View of the State of Ireland p. 222. Sigonii Commentaria Case of Ireland p. 84. Mat. Paris * Political Anatomy of Ireland p. 76. * Interest of England with Relation to the Trade of Ireland Testament Politique part 2. §. 7. Ibid. Testament Politique Par. 1. c. 4. §. 1. Prince c. 16. Part I. p. 196 197 198. P. 195. Part I. pag. 119. Testament Politique Part 2. C. 9. Sect. 7. Hobbb's Leviath●n p. 10. * Act Declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject pa. 197. p. 192. Lib. 1. Ann. * Machiavel's Discourses on Livy lib. 2. c. 2. Lib. 1. c. 10. Lib. 2. c. 2. Tacit. lib. 2. Ann. Discourses on Livy C. 52. Tacit l. 3. Ann. Tacit L. 4. Hist Tacit lib. 6. Ann. Declaration and Remonstrance of Lords and Commons May 19. 1642. Tacit L. 2. Hist Prince Ch. 12. Ch. 13. Prince c. 3. Testament Politique du Cardinal Richlieu P. 2. Cap. 4. Discourses on Livy lib. 1. C. 26. Prince c. 22. Ibid. c. 22. Testament Politique du Cardinal Richlieu p. 2. c. 3. Testament Politique p. 2. c. 4. Discourses on Livy lib. 2. C. 1. Testament Politique Part. 2. Chap. 10.