Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	homage_n	king_n	scotland_n	5,122	5	9.5324	5	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A37464	The works of the Right Honourable Henry, late L. Delamer and Earl of Warrington containing His Lordships advice to his children, several speeches in Parliament, &c. : with many other occasional discourses on the affairs of the two last reigns / being original manuscripts written with His Lordships own hand.; Works. 1694	Warrington, Henry Booth, Earl of, 1652-1694.	1694 (1694)	Wing D873; ESTC R12531	239,091	488

considering that Popery was so long professed in this Nation To that a short Answer will serve That the Pope's Authority was never establish'd here by Law altho' he was allowed many things by reason of the Superstition and Blindness that then overspread this Island yet the King and Parliament could never agree to give him any power by Law nay when he grew immodest in his Encroachments upon the Church they made Laws to restrain him but the Truth is it was the Resolution of the Parliament and especially of the Lords that protected the Nation against the Pope but if Popery should now come in we should have it to all intents and purposes for it would possess both Church and State it must have all Q. Marys days are a sufficient Warning what we must expect from a Popish Successor and how far their Promises are to be relyed on for by the assistance of the Men of Norfolk and Suffolk it was that she did her business and what Promises did she make to them not to make any alteration in Religion and said many other fine things yet as soon as she was setled on the Throne the first thing she did was to alter Religion with the greatest violence and effusion of Blood that was possible and these Men of Suffolk and Norfolk felt the first stroke of her Hand and perhaps the greatest heat of her Fury But I have too far digressed from my first Argument which is That if Protection from the King is not given to his Subjects or Obedience in the Subjects is not paid to the King then if one side fail the other is discharged and the Condition being broken the Obligation is void And this was the reason why Vortigern the Saxon King was deposed by his Lords for he was grown too friendly to Heugist the Dane and the Lords perceiving that he intended to betray the Land to him they to prevent the Common Destruction and because by this practice he had absolved them of their Allegiance therefore they deposed him and set up his Son Vortimer because he was a true lover of his Country There are several other Instances of the like nature which would be needless to be cited because I should rather amuse than satisfie you of the Truth should I recount them all In the next place I do conceive that the King until he be Crowned is not so much King to all intents and purposes as he is after he is Crowned for if the crowning of the King be but a meer Ceremony or Compliment of State and not essential in giving him a Right to the Allegiance of the Subject then certainly no King of England would be troubled with the Ceremony of being formally crowned because then there will lye no Obligation upon him to take the Coronation Oath and so he may be more at liberty to act according to his Will because his Conscience will not be clogged with the weight of so solemn an Oath and then with less Infamy and Reflection he may suspend or pervert the Laws and therefore with submission to better Judgments I am not convinced that the King whilst he is uncrowned has that Right in our Allegiance as he has after that the Crown is set upon his Head in the same way that it ought to be done for before the Crown is set upon his Head by the Archbishop or other person appointed to do it the Nobility and People are asked if they will do their Homage and Service to him which by the way implies that the People are at liberty in the thing and that if he be Crowned it is by their Leave and Election then if the People consent the King takes the Coronation Oath which is to preserve the Church our Laws Liberties and Properties and to administer Justice indifferently and thus when he has Sworn to us the Crown is immediately put upon his Head and then the Nobility and People do their Homage to him and according to this has been the Practice ever since there were Kings in England And I believe there is scarcely an Instance where the People ever swore to the King before be had taken his Oath to them If there be any such President it is to be look'd upon as irregular and not to be a Direction to us for it is not impossible but such a thing may happen but however is it reasonable that one or two Instances shall be sufficient to invalid a Practice of several hundred years to the contrary And is it not a piece of nonsence that we should adventure our Religion and Properties and all we have in the Hand of him that for ought we know has an Obligation on him to ruine or give us up to a Foreigner and not in the first place to take Security from him that he will defend and do us right before we repose so great a Trust in him for otherwise such Confusion and such Contradictions would follow that the Wit of Man cannot invent how to salve them But I acknowledge there are some Instances where the People have sworn to the Succession in the life-time of the Father and thence some do inferr that the King is entitled to our Allegiance before the Crown is set on his Head but this under correction will not hold for it does not appear but that the intended Successor swore to them also at the same time and it is very probable he did yet if he did not it cannot thence be concluded that the King has Right to our Allegiance before he is Crowned for whenever it happen'd that the Successor was sworn to in the life-time of his Father if afterwards he came to the Crown he took the Coronation Oath before the People swore Allegiance to him And therefore it is very plain that an Oath taken to the Successor in the life-time of his Father is nothing more but a declaring the good liking they have of the Successor and that if in case he will promise to defend them and their Properties when his Father or Predecessor dies they will elect him for their King as possibly it might now fall out if in case the Duke of Monmouth were legitimate Don't you think that the People would be very inclinable to swear to his Succession next after the King And I believe you will never find it done but when the King had the Hearts of the People or out of the hopes they had in the Successor for English Men if the King pleases them he may have all they have even to their Skins as a wise man said If an English King will be kind to the People he can never want their Heads Hands and Purses and therefore it is that in the most peaceable and tranquil times that ever the Land saw when King and People had a mutual Confidence of each other we find things done by the King that are more irregular in those times of agreement than was done in times of greater confusion and the reason is because

soever a Parliament is corrupted whether it be by Places Pensions or any other thing that makes the Members thereof to become men of dependance The next Article against K. J. is that he Seized upon the Charters of Corporations thereby bringing their Priviledges to be disposed on at his will and pleasure This was very Notable Injustice yet the making havock of Charters was begun and carried on very far by C. II. to which the Loyalty that then prevail'd contributed very much for who ever was not for surrendering of Charters and giving up their Liberties was mark'd out as Anti-Monarchical and a Commonwealths-Man and this fantastical Loyalty had intoxicated so very many that very few Corporations stood out those that disputed the point were taught the Law of Quo Warrento So that when K. C. died he left his brother little more to do than to give the finishing stroke to that he had brought to so great Perfection by which we see how dangerous it is to make any other thing than the Law the Measure of our Loyalty for altho at first no ill consequence may be apprehended of what is done yet it is not long e're Men find their mistake by the mischief which falls upon their own Pates and with this aggravation that they don't see their error till it is out of their power to remedy it The Declaration next observes how that Ireland was put into the hands of Papists which made many to leave the Country well remembring what fell out in the year 41. This was very true and it is as true that it put every Man in England who valued his Religion and Property under very great fears and apprehensions that the storm would blow over into England Because he that would set up Aarbitrary-Power in England must first try his hand upon Ireland it having been observ'd that whatever Arbitrary thing has been done in England that it has first been practised in Ireland So that when ever things go irregularly in Ireland England cannot think it self safe till affairs are put into a better posture there The Declaration further takes notice that K. J. had declared in Scotland that all his Subjects are bound to obey him without reserve This is the highest of absolute Power and it was plain he intended to do no less in England For there is nothing more certain in humane Affairs Than that when a K. mis-imploys his power in one Kingdom it is not for want of inclination but of means and opportunity that he does not do so in all other places under his Dominion● As for Example if a King keep one of his Kingdoms without Parliaments he would do so in another if by some necessity he were not compell'd to do otherwise for C. II. kept Ireland without Parliaments and it was out of regard to his particular Affairs that he called a Parliament in England for you may remember how quickly he sent the Parliament packing that called him in because it was more intent upon setling the Nation than to give him unnecessary supplies and those which he afterwards called were kept no longer than he could squeeze Money out of them The Declaration goes on to remind us how K. J. indeavour●d to discourage and take away from the Subject the right of Petitioning The priviledge of Petitioning is an ancient and necessary right and so great a right as it has always been supposed that upon such applications the K. was bound either to redress that whereof they complain'd or to let them see that their complaint was without cause But to take away this right from the people is to deprive them of the means of making known their grievances in the most humble and dutiful way that can be and puts them under a necessity of doing it with their Swords in their hands for there is but one of these two ways of letting the K. know their grievances there is nothing more fit than that Subjects tho' never so much opprest do first make known their sufferings in the humblest and most respectful manner that may be and not have recourse to more compulsive methods till no good is to be done the other way That Prince who is unwilling to hear the complaints of his People plainly intimates that he intends to govern them by the rod of his power and not by the equal and gentle methods of the Law and there seems to be no less a fearful expectation when the addresses of both or either House of Parliament don't meet with success but prove abortive for considering that the Nation does then Petition the K. in its highest Capacity it may reasonably be expected that those applications should be answered with effect unless the K. be wiser than all the World and such a Man was never yet found or else what the Parliament complains of is false or frivilous which is not easily to be suppos'd Then the Declaration reminds as of K. James's design to pack a Parliament that by the Peoples consent those things might be made a Law which he had done contrary to the right of the People and the Law of the Land which was to stab the Nation to the Heart For a Parliament is the Soveraign and only remedy for publick Distempers and if rightly apply'd works an infallible Cure but if it be corrupted makes the Malady how slight or inconsiderable soever to become Incurable He that desires to corrupt a Parliament leaves very little room to believe that the good of his people is the end of his Government for when a Prince looks upon it to be his Intrest to influence and byass the Parliament he cannot be thought to have some Interest with his People There are two ways to corrupt a Parliament The first is to influence the Elections so as to have Men chosen that will serve a particular purpose and design and 2dly if that fail to corrupt the Members by Places Pensions or good round sums of Money which is called Secret Service whereby the Nation becomes felo de se The last article against K. J. is that of imposing upon us a Prince of Wales This indeed if it were so is as great a Forgery and Cheat as ever was heard of but because those whom it more nearly concerns have not yet thought fit to inquire further into it I suppose it will not be expected that I should give any opinion of it at this time This is the substance of the charge brought by the P. Orange against K. J. I think I have not omitted any thing that is material but these are not all the irregularites that K. J. was guilty of yet are they sufficient to shew that his administration was inconsistent with the Rights and Liberties of English-Men and who is he that can imagin that there was any other means but force whereby we could recover our Rights they that think it could have been effected by gentler applications may as well pretend to bind the Leviathan with Cords Those that have