partakers of it foolish in a King and Capital in a Subject Eumenes was King but of a poore Castle and yet he would not accknowledge mightie Antigonus for his Superior Pompey was a Subject and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him Caesar a Citizen of Rome and yet he could not brooke an equall And the late Prince of Orange a Prince of no great Power or Wealth and yet he held himself for as absolute a Prince as the mightie Monarch of Spain This again is proved by a notable example of the Emperor Charles the 4. who coming into France in the time of Charles the 5. King of France to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our King was mett upon the way by the French King which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet but the Emperor as soon as they were mett would have yeilded the highest place unto the King and accepted it not without great ceremony and it was written that it was given him but of Curtesie a Curtesie usuall among Princes aswell as amongst private men for as private men in their own houses and at their own Tables will of Curteâ—ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves so Princes when strange Kings come into their country will preferr them before themselves It is ceâ—tain that the Emperor precedeth of right all the Princes of Christendom And yet when Francis the first King of France was brought from Pavia where he was taken Prisoner into Spain at their fiâ—st meeting the Emprror and he embraced one another on horseback with their Capps in their hands and in covering their heads there passâ—d great ceremony betwixt them each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered and after that they had talked a while they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time And after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand This again is proved by the Emperor Sigismond who when hee would have made the Earle of Savoy as you have heard upon an other occasion Duke at Lyons hee was commanded by the Kings Attorney not to attempt any such thing in France aswell because it was thought that being in an other Kings Country he lost his Authority and Power to create a Duke as for that it seemed unto the French King that he was not to suffer him to use any Royall Authority within his dominions The Queen of Scotts therefore when shee was in England was inferior unto the Queens Majesty and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal Reasons The one because there is an inequalitie betwixt Kings one of them being better then an other The other because she was her Majesties Vassall and the third because she was deposed and so no longer a Queen First for the inequality it is certain that the Kings of Spain and of France be both resolute Princes and yet France challengeth precedency before Spain for five principal causes The first because the consent and opinion of the learned is for France and not for Spain The second because the French Kings have a long time had the honor to be Emperors and not the Kings of Spain The third because the French Kings have been called most Christian Kings these many hundred yeares and Ferdinando the fift was the first and that but lately that was called the Catholick King of Spain The fourth because at the Feast of St. George in England France even in Queen Maries time was preferred before Spain The fift because the house of France is more ancient then that of Spain which raigned long before the Castle of Hapsburg was builded The sixt and last because the book of ceremonies which is kept at Rome preferreth France before Spain Next to France is England as appeareth by the same book which putteth England in the second place and Spain in the third Again those Kings are best which are Crowned and by the same book it is evident that France England and Spain only have Crowned Kings Next it seemeth that the meaner sort of Kings also strive for Precedency and one of them will be accompted better then another For it is written that Matthew King of Hungary thinking himself better then Ladislaus King of Bohemia when they met once together Matthew went bare-headed and tyed about the head with a green Garland because hee would not put off his Capp unto the Bohemian but have him put off his unto him which the King of Bohemia perceiving deceived his expectation by tying his own Capp so fast unto his head that when they met hee could not put it off and so the Hungarian being bare-headed saluted the Bohemian that was covered But to leave these Inequalities and to come unto the second point which being proved it must needs follow that the Scottish Queen was farr inferior unto our Queen uâ—â—o whom shee owed honor homage and obedience Many of our Kings have challenged the Soveraignity over Scotland but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then Edward the first who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good caused all the Monasteriâ—s of England and Wales to bee searched to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his Title The King found in the Chronicles of Mariamis Scotus of William of Malmesburg of Roger of Hoveden of Henry of Huntingdâ—n and of Radolph of â—ucet that King Edward his Predecessor in the yeare of our Lord nine hundred and ten subdued the Kings of Scotland and Câ—mberland and that the Subjects of both these kingdoms in the nine hundred and eleventh year chose the said Edward for their Soveraign Lord. He found further that Adeslaus King of England subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six Scotland and Northumberland and that the People of both Countries submitting themselves unto him swore unto him both fidelity and homage Hee found again that King Edgar overcame Rinad the son of Alphinus King of Scots and that by that victory he became King of Four kingdoms namely of England Scotland Denmarke and Norway He found also that St. Edward gave the kingdom of Scotland to bee held under him unto Malcolm son unto the King of Cumberland and that William the Conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said Malcolm and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him The like did William Rufus unto the same Malcolm and unto his two Sons who raigned one after another Besides it appeareth unto the said Edward that Alexander King of Scotland succâ—eded his brother Edgar in his kingdome with the consent of Henry the first King of England that David King of Scots did homage unto King Stephen and William unto King Henry the second unto Henry the third unto King Richard and unto King Iohn It appeared again by the Chronicles of St. Albans that Alexander King of Scots in the thirty year of King Henries
Raigne married Margaret his Daughter at Yorke and then and there did him homage for his Kingdom Lastly it appeared by the Popes Bulls written into Scotland that the Kings of Scotland were excommunicated by divers Popes because they would not obey the Kings of England their Lords and Soveraignes Buâ— against all this and whatsoever else may be said by us to fortifie and defend our Title the Scots make three principall Objections The first that their King never did homage unto us but for the Countries of Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Huntingdon the which they confess they held of our Kings and by their grant and guift The second that Edward the third being chosen Arbitrator of the great and notable contention that was betwixt Iohn Baliâ—l and Robert Bruce for the Kingdom took the two Competitors aside and sounded which of them would take the kingdom to hold it of him which when Robert whose Title was as they thought best refused to do and Iohn was content to performe hee wrongfully pronounced Judgement for Iohn Baliol and so extorted this Homage by Fraud and Corruption The third that the Estates of the Realme never acknowledged this Homage but were so farr from yeilding thereunto that the Nobility of Scotland deprived Iohn Baliol of the Crown and gave the same unto Robert the first because he submitted himself and his Kingdom unto King Ed. The three Objâ—ctions may not be unanswered and therefore unto â—very one of them in Order True it is that a King may hold his Kingdom of no Superior and yet owe Homage for some Member thereof unto another or some Principality that hee holdeth of an other and he shall still nevertheless remaine a most absolute King For who will deny King Edward the third of England to be either absolute or Soveraigne King of England although he swore Homage and Fidelity unto King Iohn of France for Gascoigne and other Dominions which he held of him in France Or who will take the Emperor Chales the fift not to bee an absolute and Soveraign King in Spain or other his Dominions and Kingdomes because hee sometimes owed Fidelity and Homage unto the French King for the Dukedome of Burgondy Bâ—t the case is altered in the King of Scots because hee did Homage both for these Countries and for his Kingdom And this is no good Argument The King of Scots did Homage unto England for certain English Provinces held of England therefore they did not Homage for Scotland But the second Objection is of better weight and yet may bee thus answered I might here oppose the Credit of an English man against a Scots credit and desire to have Holinshed and Thâ— Walsingham speaking for us to be as well believed as Hector Boetius and George Buchanan would bee credited when they speake for Scotland But you shall heare this Objection confuted by an Italian namely by Pelidore Virgil a man of more indifferency of less partiality and perhaps of better Judgement against whom if it be be said that he was either hired to write our History favorably or that he could write nothing of us but what he had from us I â—nswer that there was never any man justly condemned upon a bare and light suspition and I eftsoones say as I once said before that where a matter cannot be proved but by domestical witnesses there such a proof is both allowable and lawfull Then to refell this Objection I say out of Polid. Virgil that Kâ—ng Edward pronounced not Judgment for Iohn Balioll because he promised to hold Scotland in homage of him but because he came of the eldest Daughter of King David and Robert Bruce of the Second I strengthen my saying by these Arguments First it is said that King Edward very wisely when as this great conâ—ention was referred unto his Audience and determination he called together as Hector Boetiâ—s himself writeth the learnedst men of England and of Scotland he sent the State of the Question into France whence he received Answer that Iohn Baliolls Title was the better And because he might be suâ—pected if he should examine the matter alone and give sentence himself he chose 12. English men as Boetius saith or 20. as Holinshed reporteâ—h and as many Scots as English men whom he made Judges of the controversie and they when they had throughly discussed both conpetitors Rights gave Judgment for Iohn Balioll which Award was confirmed by the King Then whenas the King had seen so many Evidences and proofs confirming his Right and Title unto the Soveraignity of Scotland as are before mentioned is it likely that he who had Right to that which he demanded would condition with the Competitors in such manner as is objected Lastly although he had made Iohn Baliâ—ll to enter into such a condition and to binde himselfe thereunto this cannot help the Scots for that it is lawfull for any Man to Claime his Right at any time and to tell him that is likely to detaine and withstand his Right that he shall not have his lawfull Favor unlesse he will be content And this is most lawful in a cause of Contention betwixt the Soveraigne and his Vassal because the Soveraigne must require Homage at his hands and the Vassal is not in some Mens opinion bound to do him homage unlesse it be required The third Objection is Answered with as little difficultie as the rest For the chief Peers of Scotland acknowledged Obedience and homage unto King Edward They consented unto the delivery which Iohn Balioll made unto our king of his kingdom they required our king to be bound as he was in an hundred thousand Marks to deliver the kingdom to thier king again within two moneths and they appointed certain principal Noblemen to receive and keep the Revenues and Profits of the Crown to his use whom King Edward should declare to have best Right thereunto Againe Iohn Balioll was not deprived of his Crown by the States and Nobility of Scotland as Bucanan reporteth but was enforced as Hector Boetius restifieth to resigne all his right in the Crown unto King Edward and to relinquish and give over his kingdom and at the same time all the Nobility of Scotland did swear homage and Obedâ—ence unto our King and Boetius hath nothing to say 〈◊〉 their defence but that our King enforced them thereunto As though it were not lawfull for the Superior to constraine his Vassals and Subjects in case fair means cannot prevaile with them by violence to acknowledge their duty and service unto him But it pleased the Almighty to punish the Scotish disloyalty Inconstancy and Rebellion they revolted often They broke their promise many times They thought it lawfull to delude us with fair words and to deceive us with vaine promises But the eternall who hateth deceivers and deceitfull dealings so prospered all our Attemps against them that our King for a while left them destitute of a King caused them to swear and submit themselves unto some of
his Apol. The Spanish King 's right to the Indies The Spanish Kings title to the Dukedom of Millan Guicciard lib. 14. Vie de Fâ—ancois pâ— Guicciardin The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy Dâ— Com. De Com. How the Spanish King retaineth all those States which he now possesseth Titus Liv Corn. Tac. Polibius Appianus Alexand. Tit. Liviuâ— Plut. in the life of Eumenes Plut. in the life of Theseus Idem in the life of Romulus Holinshed Polid. Virg. Tiâ—us Liv Guicciard lib. 15. Polid. Virg. Hect. Boâ—t Holinshed Appianus Alexand. Tit. Livius Historia Pontifical de D. Illescas Neustra Tho de Walsingh Justinus Vida de Paulo 3. de D. Illescas The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Turk The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the French King Bodin Tit. Livius lib. 33. Tit. Livius lib. 9. Monsieur de la Nove en le discourse politiques Plutarch Du Haillan Andreas Friccius de Repub. Polib l 1. The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Princes of Germany The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Pope of Rome The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Venetians the rest of the princes of Italy The Queen of England is the mightiest enemy that the Spanish King hath Da Hailan Plutarch Man cannot prevent what God intendeth Herodotus lib. 1. Just. lib. 43. Tit. Livius Herodotus lib. 3. Just. lib. 44. The justification of the Queens attempts against Spain and Portugal Guicciard lib. 10. Machiavel in his discourse upon Tit. Livius That it is lawful for a prince to receive succour another Prince flying unto them for refuge and relief Du Haillan lib. 24. Vida de H. 3 Holinished Du Hailan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Bible in 2 Kings Chap. 12. Illescas vidâ— de Alexandro 6. Biondo lib. 16. Du Haillan lib. 9. Piero Mexias vide Macrino Du Haillan lib. 1. Jul. Caesar lib 3. Terapha de Regibus Hispan Justin. lib. â—7 Holiâ—shed Polid. Virg. T. Walsing in his Neustria Du Haillan That leagues are no longer inviolable then until there is some advantage given to break them Guicciard lib. 5. â— 2. Polid. Virg. lib. 19. Hect. Boet. lib. 7. Idem lib. 9. Idem Princes for lawful occasions may have bin offended with their confederates and leave them Illeseas vida de Sexto 4. Idem vida de Julio 2. Idem vida de Leon. 10 Idem ibid. Paulus Jovius l. 26. Idem vida de Clement 7. Idem de Paulo 3. Holinshed Pol Virg. Du Haillan Dinothus de bello Belgico Czsars Commen◠〈◊〉 That the intercepting of the Spaniards money sent many years ago into Flanders gave him no just cause of quarrel against England Dinothus de bello Belgico Dinothus de bello Belgico The Spâ—â—niaâ—d is not so strong as men â—â—pose him to be The Spaniard is not so wealthy as he is taken to be Paul Jovius Comines Guicciard Paul Jovius Illescas Dinothus Paul Jovius Tho. Wals. Idem Math. Paris Dinothus M. Ant. Arrayo David Chytâ—aeus Munsteri Cosmog Vasoeus Vide de Elutherio Functius lib 1. Nic. Gyesâ— Polid. Virg. lib. 4. Rob. Barns in vita Pontiâ—icum pag. 68. Guicciard lib. 10. 5. 18. Nic. Giles Munsterius Vide de Marq. de Pescara Holin shed Dionthus de Bello Belgiâ—o Silâ—a 〈◊〉 aei The fiâ—st 〈◊〉 of the Spanish King in governing the Low◠〈◊〉 by Spaniards The Spaniardsâ— Error in not graâ—ting Liberty of Conscience unto his Subjects in Flanders Memories de France Caâ—ion Sleidanus Herodotus Holinshed Pol. Virgil Boetius Annales Flandriae The King of Spains third Error in entring into League with the Guisâ—rdâ— Mar Antonio Arrogo That the Pope is not able to yeeld the Spaniard any great help De Comines Guicciardine That the Princes of Italy cannot greatly respect the Spâ—niards That the Spaniards can neither have prâ—fit nor hâ—nour by the Leaguers Du Hatllan Finis coronat opus Four causes proving the Spaniards indiscretion in entring into League with the â—â—isards Fama crescit eundo Plutarch in his life Guicciardine Aâ— unknown Author in Italian Du Hailan Pedro Corneiodâ— la ligay Consideration Francâ—seâ— A French discoursâ— written by an unknown Author Du Haillan Carion De Comines Du Haillan Carion Objection Answer Hâ—linshed Pol. Virgâ—l Guiâ—ciardine That the Spaniards can have no good assurance of the Leaguers firm friendship A Book written in Latine as it is supposed by the Arch-bishop of Lyons The same Authors accusations refuted Oâ—jection Answer Declaration del Estate de France en temps les Roys Henry 2 Francis 2 Charles 9. Objection Answer That the French King had just cause to kill the Duke of Guise Caesar Comment Tresor deTresoâ—s Declaration del Estate c. Quosemel est imbuiâ— recens c. Negotiation de la pax del an 1575. That the Popes excommunications are not to be feared nor a lawful cause to invade England The Popes means to grow up to authority The great wrongs losses and Indâ—gnities which England sustained by Acknowleding the Popes Authority Temporal Princes intermedling with speritual matters warranted by the Scriptures The Spaniards indiscretion in crediting our English Fugitives The late Scotish Queens death gave the Spaniard no just occasion to invade England Six Arguments in the bâ—half of the Scottish Q. used by her friends to provâ— that she could not lawfully be condemned by our Queen The Answer to the first Argument The Queen of Scots is inâ—erior to the Queens Majesty That the Kings of Scotland owe homage unto the Crown of England for Scotland The answer to the third Objection Quo semel est imbuâ—a recens c. Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae Pidaces Herodotus Pastoralis De officio Delegati Gloss Pastoralis Felinus in Eccl. n. 6. L. 1. idem Pompon C. 2 Felinus in Eccl. n. 6â— Qui resistit 11 quest 3. Bald. Barroll Lucias F. Bald. de fid mis. Abb. Fe. ex parte de test Abb. Fe. Fel. Glossa Jason n. 32 Autent de Monarchis in principalibus Fel. in Ep. 1. de prob n. 6 7 Bodin de Repub. Specul l. 2. de actione seu pet 93. n. 3. Fel. in cap. Pastoralis Speculum l. 5. de Legibus S. 6. n. 29 Jason in leg mil. n. 7. Bald in anth sacr puber in 3. coll Advertisement de Seignior Vasc. Fign
England but because England holpe France in their wars against them What pretence had they to conquer Scotland but that Scotland succoured England Why hindred they the Switzers going into France with intention to conquer France but that they thought it a better morsel for themselves What colour used they to overcome the residue of the world but sometimes a pretence to defend their Confederates sometimes a shew to maintain the liberties of their Neighbours sometimes a feigned and hypocritical zeal of Religion when as indeed they oppressed them whom they pretended to defend brought into bondage for whose liberty they would seem to fight and were in all respects as irreligious as they whose Religion they seemed to condemn So to be short they cunningly enlarged their Confines by seeming to be careless of Conquests made themselves Monarchs by pretending to suppress Tyrants and did wrong unto all men by bearing an outward shew to suffer no manner of injury to be done unto any man This cunning in aspiring unto Forrain Dominions begun in the Infancy of the Romans prosperity continued in the riper years thereof and practised even until their declining Age was not only proper unto them but passed as their Empire did from them unto other Rulers by what name or title soever they were called taking advantage of the time omited no means to attain unto their desires and purposes Though therefore the name of Rebels in all Ages hath been odious their Cause was never unjust and the voluntary Aid given unto them never was honourable unto him that aided them yet the Chronicles not only of our Nation but also of other Regions Realms and Dominions are full of Examples of many Princes not inferior to the Princes of our Age be it in Might in Power in Authority or in Goodness who rather regarding the propagation and increase of their Dominions then the conservation and maintenance of their Honours did as our Princes do now not only receive their Neighbors Rebels into their protection but also use them as means and instruments to molest and persecute their Neighbours by whose decay and downfall they might rise and aspire unto higher Authority Neither hath the League of Amity the bond of Kindred and Parentage the duty of children to their Parents the affection of one Brother to another moved Princes to withdraw their helping hand succor and assistance from those who being tyed by all or some of those Bands rebelled against their Sovereigns Iames King of Scotland being not only in League with Henry the seventh being King of England but also by Oath and Homage bound unto him as his Vassal did not only favour and receive into his protection a young Man named Perkin who was suborned by Margaret Dutchess of Burgondy to call and carry himself for one of the Sons of her Brother King Edward but also married the said Perkin unto Katherine Daughter unto Alexander Earl of Huntley and his own neer Kins-woman and with him and for him invaded England Here you see the Vassal favour and succor the Rebels of his Sovereign and the neer Kins-woman conspire against her Leige Lord and King Richard Earl of Poictou because his Father Henry the second denyed him that Honour although by the death of the young King Henry he was become his eldest Son to marry him with the French Kings Sister Alice and to declare him immediately for his immediate Successor became the French Kings Man to serve him against his Father Robert Son unto William the Conqueror having tasted the sweetness in Commanding others so far that he loathed to be commanded by others Rebelled against his Father and was aided and succoured in his Rebellion by the French King Henry Son unto Henry surnamed the Grosse because his Father was Excommunicated by the Pope and as an Excommunicated person was not in his opinion to hold and sway the Empire was not only animated by the Pope to Rebel against his Father but also assisted by him until he took his Father Prisoner Here you see the Sons Rebelling against their own Fathers protected and succoured by them which either were or should have been Friends and Confederates unto their Fathers Henry base Brother unto Peter King of Castile knowing that his Brother for his evil and licentious life was generally hated of all his Subjects Rebelled against him and with the help of the Kings of France and Portugal deprived him of his Life and Crown Here you see the Brother bearing Arms against his Brother ayded by two Kings who should rather have favoured a Lawful King then an Usurper The Marquess of Villona and the Archbishop of Toledo both neer Kinsmen unto Ferdinando and Isabel King and Queen of Aragon and of Castile Rebelled against them both and received aid and succour in their Rebellion from Alonso King of Portugal Here you see the Kinsmen Rebelling against their own blood ayded by their Sovereigns Kinsman and Conâ—ederate And seeing all this how can you marvel that in this Age against the corruption whereof you and others inveigh most bitterly Princes ayd the Rebels of other Kings betwixt whom there is no manner of Alliance Or if there be any the same is long since dissolved and resolved into hatred and enmity For albeit the King of Spain Married the Sister of the Queen of England and of the late French King by which Marriages he was Allied unto both in League of Friendship and Affinity Yet you know and shall hereafter see that many occasions besides the deaths of his Wives have changed his love into hatred and his good will into malice So that it is no marvel since every injury asketh a revenge every enemy seeketh all means possible to hurt and annoy his Adversary and every Prince can be content to take such advantage for the enlargement of his Confines and for the maintenance of his Estate as the time and opportunity doth or shall yeild him If the Spaniard who hath purposed in his heart to devour and swallow up the Kingdom of France useth the Rebellion of the Guyzards for his best means and instruments or if the Queen of England who findeth no better ways to keep the Spaniard from invading and subduing her Realms and Dominions then to busie and to find him continually occupied in defending or in recovering his own doth succour his pretended Subjects of the United Provinces for indeed they are not his Subjects and vouchsafeth daily to send them such supplies of Men and Money as seem most necessary for their defence The Third Point whereat they wonder dependeth somewhat upon this Point which is Why the Flemmings being always reputed a fearful and timerous Nation And the Frenchmen having at all times most worthily carried the names of the most Faithful and Loyal Subjects of Europe the one in hatred of the Spaniard Rebelleth against the Spaniard and the other at the Instigation of the Spanish King beareth Arms in his behalf against their natural Leige Lord and Soveraign But if it
of them knew that whatsoever he did was to win time to work his will and purposes yet because they got much by their dissimulation they dissembled their knowledge and never acquainted our King with his secret intentions The same Lewis besides this manner of entertaining of our Ambassadors used when there was any great matter in debate and contention betwixt us and him to receive all Ambassages that were sent unto him and never to answer any of them but alwaies promised to send other Ambassadors after them who should bring his answers and give our king such assurance of all things whereof he had occasion to doubt that he should have no longer cause to be discontented and when it came to the sending of such Ambassadors because he would be still assured to gain time he sent such personages as never had been in England before to the end that if his former Ambassadors had promised any thing that was not performed or begun any Treaty that was not finished the latter should not be able to make any answer thereunto but enforced to desire some time and respite to acquaint their Master therewith and to crave and have his resolution therein Further you may remember that it hath been already said that the Almighty to the end that Kingdoms should remain still under their natural Princes or being transferred from one Nation to another should at length return unto kings of their own Nation who indeed are more fit to govern them of his infinite goodness toward man doth usually send a peaceable Successor after a Warlike Prince in whose time the conquered recover either all or part of their losses which by his heavenly will and pleasure hath hapned in England as well as in other places For we have had such Princes as did as well lose what their Predecessors had conquered or recover what some of them lost We won in the time of Richard the first the Kingdom of Cyprus and sold it presently We enjoyed by reason of the marriage with the daughter and heir of VVilliam Duke of Aquitane and wife unto Henry the 2. that Dukedome better then 300 years and at the last lost the same by negligence We possessed the Dukedome of Normandy 350 years and lost it in the time of Charls the 7. We subdued Scotland in Edw. 1. time and lost it not long after We conquered Ireland better then four hundred years since and yet retain it VVe ruled in Flanders for a while and were driven out of Flanders after a small while Briefly it is written by some that Brennus who first took and conquered Rome was an Englishman and that he continued his conquest but a very short time And as we have had good fortune against others so others have not wanted good success against us for the Romans conquered us the Saxons subdued us the Danes ruled us and lastly the Normans had the upper hand of us of whom our Kings are lineally descended and in whose race they have continued better then 500 years Again it is usual betwixt Princes when they are wearied with long tedious chargeable and dangerous wars to desire peace and to yeild to the same upon reasonable conditions and in consideration of their troubles endured in wars of their charges sustained thereby and of their subjects impoverished by the means thereof to take long times of Truce and surcease from wars within which time it is not lawful to do any act of hostility And this occasion hath also restrained some of our Princes for attempting any thing against France although they had great desire to recover their right in France Moreover it hath now and then hapned that when we have been determined to prosecute our right we either have been diverted by the entreaty of other Princes who have been mediators for peace betwixt France and us Or hindred by the departure of such Conâ—ederates from our part as promised to aid and assist us in our enterprises Or drawn from them to defend our selves at home by reason of the sudden invasions which have been made by the Scots upon England at the intreaty and perswasion of the French which hath been the usual policy of the Kings of France to turn the wars from themselves upon us alwaies retaining the Scots for their friends and confederates for no other purpose but either to help them when we came into France or to make war with us when we intended to have carried our Forces thither Again either by the weakness or by the corruption of our Council we have as hath been said been so over-reached by the Frenchmen in all such agreements as we have made with them that when we have won the whole we have been contented with part and when as we might have had mountains we have vouchsafed to accept mole-hills yea we have bound our selves to relinquish our Right to renounce our Titles and give over all our Interests So at what time Prince Edward married Isabella daughter of Philip sirnamed the Fair we resigned the Dutchy of Guyenna So Edward sir-named Long-hands acquitted the French King of all the right he had to the Crown of France to the Dutchy of Normandy and to the Earldoms of Anjou Mayne Tourrain and Poictou So Edward 3. having taken King Iohn of France prisoner at Poictiou and retained him four years prisoner in England took certain Towns and Countries in France for his ransome and surrendred the residue of France into his hands to be held by him and his heirs for ever and with express condition never to lay any claim thereunto thereafter These agreements have been another cause why we have repressed our desires and not prosecuted our rights Lastly when we conquered France and had continual wars therewith the Realm was not then as it hath been of late years united void of dissention free from civil wars in the hands and under the government of one King and not divided dis-membred and possessed with divers petty Princes who either for alliance with us or for some quarrel betwixt them and the French Kings were alwaies ready to aid and assist us So we had help somtimes of the Duke of Burgundy of the Earl of Anjou of the Duke of Britain of the Earls of Foix of Flanders of Holland and of Arminack and somtimes of the kings of Navar and of the Emperors of Germany which helps of late years failing us and the reasons already mentioned have occasioned our weak slender and slack pursuit of the Title and Interest which we pretend unto the Crown of France Now to the second Point of this fourth Point wherein I should spend so much time and overweary you with too long impertinent discourse iâ— I should relate unto you the time and manner how and when we lost Normandy Aquitania and every other member of France and therefore it shall suffice to shew you how and when we had conquered almost all France in a few years we lost again all in a very
the King of Spain not just occasion to invade her Highness Realms The causes then of this invasion are unjust now followeth the course a course not beseeming a Prince of his might of his years of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom For first his years are fitter for peace then for war for rest and quietness then for troubles and unquietness and many wise and mighty Princes either before or as soon as they came to his years have given over the World resigned their kingdom and spent the residue of their time in Monastical idleness I read that Sigisbert Etheldred Elured Constantine and Inas King of England that Charls the Fifth and Uladislaus kings of Bohemia Constantine king of Scotland and Amadeus Duke of Savoy before they came to the Spanish kings age renounced the world to live unto God in houses of Religion I record oftentimes the notable exploits the marvellous victories and the rare and admirable vertues of Pompey of Alexander of Antiochus of Theodosius and of Charls king of France who were all as you have heard sirnamed the Great and I find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of Wars of new Conquests that either all or the most part of them commended their souls unto God and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years I remember all this and in remembring it I think that it pleased the Almighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the World thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon Conquests upon Arms upon Wars as occasion shall be presented unto them but that in their elder age they ought to have their thoughts their cogitations and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms the wealth of their Subjects and the health of their own souls For when private men much more Princes attain unto threescore and odd years it is high time for them to amend their lives and to reconcile themselves unto God because their strength faileth them their vital spirits decay and the hour of death approacheth Here you see one great over-sight in his course now followeth another Wise and discreet Princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long Wars appoint and compose the Quarrels and contentions which they have with their Neighbors or with any other Princes that are able to cross their Enterprises It is written of Iulius Caesar of whose commendations all Histories are plentiful that when he was fully resolved to war with the Veyans he sent a Gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natural disposition of those people to contain the Inhabitants of the River of Rhine in their duty and obedienâ—e and to take order that the Gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies The Romans being entreated by the Spaniardw with whom they were in league to succor them against the Carthaginians denied them such aid as they demanded because that the Frenchmen at the sametime warred in Italy Richard the first king of England being determined to make a voyage into the Holy Land for relief thereof and fearing that either the King of Scots or his Brother Iohn might at the instigation of the French king trouble and disquiet his Realm in his absence would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of Scots and his Brother by many gifts and rewards and also bound the French king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom before that fifty days should be expired after his return out of Syria And that victorious king of Franceâ—who â—who passed triumphantly from the beginning of Italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak would not adventure to enter into Italy before he had made a very fast ane strong League of Amity and Friendship with Fardinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain and before he had purchased through Bribes and Corruption the assured friendship of the king of England and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt France and the Emperor Maximilian It seemeth the Spanish king either regarded not or remembred not these examples because that intending and fully resolving to invade England he made the French king his enemy rather than his friend from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his intended purpose and enterprise then from any other Prince in Christendom But the Catholick kings Councellors perswade him that he and his Confederates are well enough able of themselves not onely to withstand but also to subdue and subjugate all those Princes which are not in league with him and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the Low Countries was to distress and destroy England first which being once happily effected he should finde it very easie and nothing at all difficult to master his Subjects and inforce them by open violence to receive both him and his Religion he must therefore bend his whole â—orces against Englaâ—d against England that hath highly offended him and that may easily be subdued because he shall finde many there who being weary and discontented with the present Government will be ready to entertain his Armies and immediately will joyn their strength with his Forces But not to stand long upon the confutation hereof let these grave Councellors or these discontented Fugitives unto whose perswasions both the Spanish King and his wisest Councellors give too much credit tell me whether ever any Prince had or may desire to have a better opportunity or an easier means to invade and conquâ—r England then Lewis Son unto the King of France had who was not onely called into the Realm by the Barons with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against King Iohn but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy Father of Rome could bestow upon him and wanted not the many Forces and continual Supplies which the mighty Kingdom of France was able to afford him And yet how speeded this valiant Lewis What success had his ambitious Enterprise Forsooth he prevailed for a time won to day and lost to morrow and in the end was glad to return from whence he câ—me with far greater shame then honour But what need I speak of matters beyond mans memory worn out of remembrance and reported by antient Historiographers when as the success of the late Spanish Fleet may serve to admoâ—ish a wise Prince how to trust the vain reports of lying Fugitives and how to make great preparations against a mighty Kingdom in hope of assistance within the Realm Was there any man that gave them succour either of Men or Victuals Was there ever an Haven that was either able or willing
no great Armies subdued the same and why may not the like fortune happen to the Spainard Truely if it might be inferred as a necessary consequent that the Country that hath been conquered many times and by many Nations should always be very easily conquered This inference might be far better made and used against Spain then against England For Spain was first governed by Tuball the Son of Iapheth the Son of Noe and by his posterity who were deprived of the Possession and Government thereof by the Sidonians and they by the Thracians and they by the Rhodians and they by the Phrygians and they by the Phenicians and they by the Cypriots and they by the Aegyptians and they by the Miletians and they by the Phocentians and they by the Chaldeans and they by the Carthaginians and they by the Romans and they by the Gothes and they by the Vice-Gothes and they lastly by the Spainards whom the Saâ—azens had driven out of their Country had not the Frenchmen holpen them to repel and expel the Sarâ—zens England was undoubtedly subdued by the Romans but not before they had conquered all the rest of the World because they reserved as it may be well supposed the conquest thereof as Conquerors most commonly do in great Enterprises for the last and greatest Exploit which they had to do or for the best reward that they could attain or expect of their long and tedious Wars And it is written that they boasted more of the Conquest thereof then of all the Victories which they had obtained in their dayes because they supposed that England which was divided from the rest of the World by the Sea was no part of the World and therefore they made two Triumphs thereof the one of the main Land and the other of the huge and merciless Sea The Danes and Saxons likewise subdued England but they enjoyed their Conquest but a very few years And how subdued they England Not by main force as Spain was always conquered but by cunning and deceit for Vortiger King of England being continually molested by Pirates and by the Scots was constrained to require Aid of the Saxons who sent him a great Army under the Conduct of two Brethren Engistus and Orsus of which Engistus having cunningly obtained of the King a convenient place for his people to dwell in fortified the same secretly got more thereunto covertly politickly perswaded the King to send for more forces out of Saxony and lastly Married his Daughter unto the King by whose means he brought his Countrymen in great credit with his Majesty made him banish the chief Nobility from the Court caused the King by this means to incur the hatred of his Subjects and when he perceived that our Country-men began to suspect and fear his over-growing Greatness he suddenly entred into league with the Picts the Antient Enemies of England and with their helps made an easie conquest thereof William the Conqueror became Master of England in this manner Edward King of England dying in the year 1065. made by his last Will and Testament William Duke of Normandy his sole and lawful Heir with the consent and counsel of the cheif Peers and Barons of his Realm But afterwards being wone thereunto by the flattery and sweet words of his Wife he changed his maid and adopted Harrold his Brother for his Heir whereupon there grew a great variance and contention betwixt the said VVilliam and Harrold who having some occasion to go into Flanders was by contrary winds driven into Normandy where he was presently intercepted and carried unto the Duke as a Prisoner before whom when he came fearing that he should not be set at liberty in a long time nor without a great Ransom unlesse he used some cunning device for his present delivery He said unto the Duke Other Princes Noble Duke when they have occasion to require Helps or any thing else of their Neighbours or Confederates use to demand the same by their Ambassadors But I contrary to this Custom knowing that there is no better way to end this contention and competency which is betwixt you and me then for me to marry your Daughter am come in person to pray your good Will that I may have her for my Wife The Duke yeeldeth to his desire Harrold with his new Spouse returneth speedily into England commandeth all Normans upon pain of death to depart out off his Realm within three dayes prostituteth his wife unto his meanest servants cutteth of her nose and her ears and sendeth her back unto her Father in a Fisher-mens Boat This Injury and Indignity may seem grievous unto you that hear it No marvel then if it so grieved her poor Father that to be revenged thereof he presently implored the help of his Friends who what for pitty of the distrested Princess what in hope of high rewards what in regard of the love and duty that some bare unto the Duke were so many that the greatest part of the Nobility of France with all the power that they could possibly make accompanied him in his journey But from him unto those kings of England who being driven from their Kingdoms recovered the same with small difficulty And not to be over tedious it shall suffice to mention unto you but two Princes of that kinde namely Edward the fourth and Henry the seventh And first to Edward who being deprived by his own Subjects of his Royal Diadem fled unto the Duke of Bugundy of whom obtaining an Army but of two thousand men onely he returned into England and finding that very few favoured him so long as he demanded the Crown he caused it to be proclaimed and published that he required nothing but the Dukedom of York whereunto every man knowing that he had Right many began to favour him and no man at his first landing in Yorkshire would resist him and yet he was not received into the City of York before that he had sworn faith and obedience unto the King This Oath being solemnly taken he goeth forward towards London Some few of his Friends came unto him upon the way The Earl of Warwick his Brother who was incamped neer about York to intercept him on the way either for fear or through ignorance suffereth him to proceed on his journey and so without so much as one stroke he came to London where he was received by the Citizens with great joy and gladness because divers of the richest sort doubting that they should never have again such sums of money as they had lent him whiles he was their king unless he recovered the Kingdom had purchased him the favour and friendship of the greatest part of the City of which being once Master he increased daily in power and strength and his Brother the Duke of Clarence and others leaving the Earl of Warwick and his Faction made him so strong that he daily subdued the rest of his Enemies Thus prevailed he Now from him unto Henry the seventh who
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
General with 150 men at Armes A few more Examples like unto this will give some better light unto the obscurity and doubtfulness of this question and therefore I will afford you some such examples Edward the third King of England espying a time of great advantage to invade Scotland because he might be the less blamed if he should take the same occasion publikely protested that he was not in League with the Scot because the League betwixt them was fully agreed and concluded upon in his minority and while he being under Age had not the capacity to perceive the disadvantage and great harm that grew unto him by the same League The Scots and Picts being in League with the ancient Britanes and spying a convenient time to molest them whilest Maximinianus the Emperour was absent invaded the Realm and pretended that they were not bound to the League concluded betwixt them and Maximinianus if he were once out of the Kingdom The same people notwithstanding their League invaded the Brittanes another time saying that the League was at an end by the death of Placitus the Roman Lieutenant who had concluded the same League The Brittans in the time of King Arthur entred into League with Lothus King of the Picts and bound themselves to receive Aludred a Pict for heir and successour unto King Arthur but when Arthur was dead contrary to the Convenants of this League they made Constantius and not Aludred their King and being accused of the said Picts for breach of the said League they answered that the League betwixt Lothus and Arthur was fastened unto this condition that as soon as the one or the other dyed the Subjects of neither of them should be tyed any longer thereunto adding further that it stood not with policy to admit a Stranger to bear rule and government over them The examples are infinite that might be alledged to this purpose but these few may suffice to shew the proneness and ready good will of Princes to falsifie their Faith and to colour the breach thereof with some reasonable shew and pretence when they found it not commodious or convenient for them to hold every Covenant and Article of their Agreements Now having seen by this that hath been said already that Leagues are lightly broken it resteth for the better strengthening of my purpose that I declare unto you by such examples as shall presently come unto my memory what occasions one Allie hath taken to be offended with another and how upon such occasions offered of great friends they have become mortal enemies For hereby you shall see that since Princes are most commonly led and ruled by examples insomuch that they hold all things to be well done which not being apparently unjust or dishonest are done by example that our Queen notwithstanding the ancient continuance of the League that hath been between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy of which the King of Spain pretendeth himself to be lawful Heir may most lawfully fall from the same and by many and infinite Presidents justifie the receipt of the King of Portugal and the aid given unto him I find many causes in such Histories as I have read which have moved princes who were conjoyned together in a very straight League of Amity and Friendship to fall at variance and either to war one upon another or to associate themselves each one with the Foes and Adversaries of the other Iulius Caesar although the Romans were in League with the people which were anciently called Lingones yet he held them yea and used them as Enemies because they aided the Helvetians which are now called Swizzers with corn and other provision Other Princes have taken occasion of offence against their Allies and Confederates because they have fallen to Agreement with their common Enemies and Adversaries without their consent of privity So was Pope Sextus the fourth highly displeased with Ferdinando King of Naples because he not making him privy thereunto had agreed all matters of variance and controversie betwixt himself and Laurence de medicis and the City of Florence So did Lewis the twelfth of France justly complain of Pope Iulius the second because at what time France stood in most need of him he compounded the differences betwixt the Church and their common Enemies and for this injury offered unto him published bills and books of greivous complaints against him saying that he was worthy to be deprived of his Popedom Illescas in the life of Pope Leo the tenth reporteth That the Venetians being in League with the King of Spain against the French King departed from their Alliance with the Spaniard and allied themselves with the French King for no other occasion but because Prospero Colona one of the Captains of the Spanish Army did not presently give unto them Bressia which he had taken from the French King and should as it seemed have been restored unto the Venetians as soon as it was taken Sometimes it falleth out that many occasions meet at one time to move a Prince to relinquish and leave the side and party of his confederate Many causes enforced Pope Leo the tenth to leave the French King and to join with Charls the fifth First his unsatiable desire to recover Parma and Placentia The pity he took of Italy to see what misery it endured under the French Thirdly The good will he had to gratifie the Emperor for the great love which he shewed at the Diet holden at Wormes unto the See of Rome Fourthly his indignation and displeasure conceived against Monsieur Lotreth Governour of Milan because he did not only molest and trouble the poor Millanois with a thousand vexations and grievances but also gave all the Benefices Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Livings within the Dukedom of Milan without the Popes leave and licence And further because he had had given commandment that no man should appear upon any Citation sent from Rome nor should go thither to follow any Suit or Process begun or moved there And lastly the remembrance of those injuries which were done by the King of France unto his Predecessors and especially unto Peter and Laurence de Medicis his Father and his Brother Here you see the Pope whom the rest of Italy most commonly followeth partly moved with a just hatred against the Frenchmen and partly fearing their overgrowing power in Italy to prevent the hateful increase of their greatness leaveth them and joyneth himself unto their enemies Now you shal see another Pope named Clement the seventh and with him also the Venetians finding that Charls the fifth with whom Leo the tenth allied himself against the French King yeildeth not accordingly as he was bound the investiture of the Dukedom of Milan unto Francis Sforza who promised to give him for the same six hundred thousand Ducates and to marry with whomsoever it should please him and also to hold the Dukedom at his devotion And further conjecturing
The same King seemed in appearance to be offended with his Lord Chancellor for concluding the Truce with the French King and therefore took the Seal from him and caused a new to be made proclaiming through all his Dominions that not any thing sealed with the old Seal should stand in force both for that his Councellors had wrought more indiscreetly then was convenâ—ent and because the same Seal was lost when his Vice-Chancellor was drowned wherefore all men were commanded to come to the new Seal that would have their Charters and Writings confirmed The same King having levied two shillings once before of every Hide of land levied 5 s. of every Hide of Land for a Subsidie rating every Hide to certain hundred acres Lastly the same King caused Turneys to be exercised in divers places for the better trayning of men at Arms in Fâ—ats of Arms whereby he raised no small sums of money for granting license to his Subjects so to Tuâ—ney every Earl paid for his license twenty Marks every Baron ten Marks and every landed Knight four Marks and those that had no land two Marks Now from this King unto others King Iohn in the year 1204 levied a Subsidie of two Marks and an half of every Knights Fee belonging as well unto Spiritual as unto Temporal men the which exaction must needs be very great considering that there were better then forty thousand Knights Fees in England and that every shilling then was worth three shillings in these dayes according to the rate which Sir Thomas Smith maketh in his Book de Republica Anglorum Henry the third revoked all lands granted in his Minority unto his Servants and called to an accompt all his Officers displaced some fined others sold his Plate and borrowed so much money as he could get of the Londoners of Priors Abbots and of the Jews of one of which named Aaron it is written that he had at one time above 30000 Marks Henry the third again obtained certain Authentick Seals of the Prelates of England and sealed therewith certain writings and instruments wherein it was expressed that he had received certain sums of money for dispatch of business pertaining to them and to their Churches of these and the Merchants of Florence and of Sienna whereby they stood bound for repaiment by the same Instruments made by him their Agent in their names The Pope yeelded his consent unto this shift because it should go unto the discharging of the kings debts into which he was run by bearing of the charges of the Wars whereof I have made mention in another place against the king of Sicilie The same Henry caused a Proclamation to be made that all such as might dispend 15 l. in land should receive the honour of Knighthood and those that would not should pay their Fines and five Marks were set on every Sheriffs head for a Fine because they had not distrained every person that might dispend 15 l. land to receive the order of Knighthood as was to the same Sheriffs commanded The same Henry in the Forty fourth year of his Reign had granted him a Scutagium or Escuage that is fourteen shillings of every Knights Fee The same Henry in the second commotion of the Earl of Glocester engaged the Shrines of Saints and other Jewels and Relicks of the Church of Westminster for great sums of money wherewith he got Aid out of France and Scotland Briefly the same Henry caused all the weights and measures throughout all England to be perused and examined and laid great Fines on their heads that were found with false Weights and with false Measures Edward the second for his defence against the Scots had the sixth penny of temporal mens goods in England Ireland and Wales And Edward the Third for the recovery of France besides other Subsidies took the ninth Lamb Fleece and Sheaf of Corn through England Riâ—hard the Second had a Mark of the Merchants for every Sack of their Woolls for one year and six pence of the buyers for every pound of Wares brought in from beyond the Seas and here sold. He had likewise towards his charges for the Wars of France a Noble of every Priest Secular or Regular and as much of every Nun and of every married or not married man or woman being sixteen years old four pence and forty shillings of every Sack of Wooll of which ten shillings to be imployed at the â—ings pleasure and thirty shillings to be reserved for his necessity In the 24. year of Henry the Eighth his Reign when his Majesty married with her Highness Mother the Lady Ann Bullein Writs were directed to all Sheriffs to certifie the names of all mâ—n of 40 l. lands to receive the honour and order of Knighthood or else to make a Fine It is written by Philip de Comines that our Kings when they wanted money were wont to feign that they would go into Scotland or into France with an Army and that to make great sums of money they would levy men and pay them for a matter of two or three months within which space they would again dismiss their Armies although they had taken money of their Subjects enough to maintain them for a whole year or more and many times they had money of the King of Scotland or of France towards the charges of their Wars It is written by du Haillan in the Tenth Book of his French History that Iohn King of England being in great want of money enjoyed for six years together all the Bâ—nefices of his Realm and all his Bishopricks Abbeys and Monasteries wherewith he defraied the expences of his House and of his Armies which he might do very well because the Revenues of such Benefices as Italian Priests enjoyed sometimes in England came by just computation to above seventy thousand Marks by the year And it was declared in a Parliament held in the 11. year of King Henry the Fourth his Reign that the King might have of the temporal possessions Lands and Revenues which were lewdly consumed by the Bishops Abbots and Priors of England so much as would suffice plentifully to finde and maintain 150 Earls 1500 Knights 6209 Esquires and an hundred Hospitals more then were at that time The same King Iohn accused sometimes one sometimes another Nobleman of England that they lost his Towns and Cities beyohd the Seas by their negligence and fined them at great sums of money Thus I have with as much brevity as might be waded through the several reigns of most of the longest-lived Kings of our Realm and have set you down about thirty sundry and divers kinds of ways which they have used to make money in time of their want and necessities of all which her Majesties greatest enemies cannot truly shew or prove that her Highness in thirty six years that her Grace hath now reigned ever used as much as one and if it may please those that being Fugitives abroad and most envy and malign her peaceable and
king hearing that the Duke of Lancaster was returned out of Portugal and that in England fâ—r greater Forces were prepared to resist his invasion then Iohn of Vienna had mentioned withdrew his Forces from Sluce unto the places from whence they came and as the Spaniards would cover their dishonour received in their attempt against England by the Duke of Parma his not joyning with them in convenient time as it was decreed in Spain before they departed out of Spain so they laid the fault of not proceeding in the journey upon the Duke of Berry who knowing the Forces of England as undoubtedly the Duke of Parma did far better then those that took upon them to make report thereof came not unto the French king at Sluce until the dead of Winter when it it was too late to depart thence to invade England And as the Frenchmen falsly charged the Duke of Berry that he had received Bribes of the king of England to divert his king from his intended enterprise against England So the Spaniards more indirectly then justly blame the Duke of Parma that in consideration of some reward either received or promised from us he held not his promise to joyn his power with the Spanish strength against us And lastly as of the French vain enterprises and all the preparations thereof there came nothing else into England but certain great Tents and lodgings of Wood capable as their Authors report of all their kings huge Army So of the Spanâ—sh invincible Navy and of their mighty Army nothing was seen in England but the spoil of their strong Armado and the flags of their tallest ships which were brought to Paulsâ—Cross â—Cross and there shewed unto the People as notable monuments of their wonderous overthrow Now followeth the death of the Queen of Scots a Queen in whom God had joyned some vertues with many vices a happy Queen if she had not been too much affected unto the Pope of Rome too much lead and counselled by the Spanish King a Pope and a King that have overthrown more noble Families in England France Flanders and Scotland then they have true and good Noblemen within their Realms and Dominions Of this Queen because she was nobly descended and the mother of a most noble King I forbear to set down what Buchanan hath written And yet because her Majesty is charged to have done her to death wrongfully I cannot but relate what another reporteth of her Another that was neither an Englishman nor a Scot but a German Another that writeth of her as Cornelius Tacitus doth of his Emperors Sine ira studio without hatred or affection for she was unto him as those Emperors were to Tacitus neither known for any good turn that ever he received of her nor hated for any wrong that ever she did unto him This Queen saith my Author being weary of her second husband whose life was often sought and at length unhappily shortned not long after his death married James Hepborn Earl of Bothwel whom during her Husbands life she had used most fumiliurly Certain Noblemon of Scotland being greatly moved with the indignity of so wicked a deed and desirous to revenge so horrible a Parricide raised an Army against the Queen and forced her to resign her Kingdom unto her young Son But they confined her unto a certain Island whence escaping the next year by corrupting her Keepers and the Hamiltons Forces which fought in her defence but overthrown by the Lord Protector of Scotland she meaning to go unto her Mothers friends into France took her journey by England where she was detained and when as certain Treasons intended by the instigation of the Pope against the Queen of England her State for the delivery of the Scottish Queen and establishing her in both Kingdoms were revealed and discovered she was more straightly kept and lookt unto until at length because she had used many means to deprive the Queen of her life she was condâ—mned to death in the year 1586. by the Lords and Commons of the Parliament House and executed the same year accordingly Against this Sentence and his execution there are made these exceptions First it is said That the late Queen of Scotland being an absolute Prince as well as the Queen of England could not be condemned to death by her because Par in parem non habet potestatem Next it is alleadged that if a Prince should so much forget himself as not onely to pronounce but also to execute a sentence of death upon his Equal over whom he hath no manner of Jurisdiction or Authority other Princes will be greatly offended with this Sentence and never endure that it should be put in execution To these Reasons there is added a Third That since there is no Law as yet written to punish a Prince with death they think it unlawful to make new Laws new Statutes for the punishment of a Prince and in case it were lawful it is not known who should make these Laws who should adminster them who should execute them and therefore sithence there is no law against Princes there can be no great punishment inflicted upon Princes and because there was never any custom known or practised to proceed so severely against Princes Lives it must needs be against all good Custâ—m to call their Behaviour in question or their Lives into danger The favourers of this cause proceed further and look upon the malice and wickedness of Subjects who as soon as they begin to hate their Prince unjustly and for no occasion would quickly by themselves or by other Princes by open violence or by secret conspiracies be rid of their Princes So say they would it come to pass that by whom Princes ought to be preserved by them they should perish and by whose help they mould be delivered against all others through their hatred they should be destroyed by themselves The Patrons and Advocates of this Queen bring another reason to confirm their opinion For say they if a Prince fall willingly into another Princes hands or if it happen that flying from his malicious Subjects or from his foreign Enemies or being driven by Tempest or other casualty into one Kingdom when he meant to go into another or that being in the field one Prince is detained by another the detainer that shall not ransom but execute such a Prince shall break and violate the Laws of Arms of Humanity or of Hospitality Lastly the Laws of Nations require that Princes Ambassadors even in the hottest broils and most bloody contentions that are betwixt Princes shall have free ingress and egress into and out of the Kingdoms into which they are sent But if the Laws permit or rather command Ambassadors who do but represent the persons of Princes to be free from all dangers what honest or just pretext can there be to violate or wrong their Lords and Masters For it is against all reason against common practâ—ce and experience to spare the
Marcellus before Iulius Caesar he being the onely Judge and Arbitrator of his own cause And it was the custom of the first kings of Rome to hear all causes themselves as well concerning their subjects as themselves until that Servius Tullius the sixth king reserved all publick causes for his own audience and referred his own private matters unto the Senate There was nothing so great or so small saith Suetonius Tranquillus but Tiberius when he began to be weary of managing of publick affairs referred the same unto his Senators And so did Marcus Antonius as Capitolinus testifieth But after that Princes began to grow absolute after that their States became hereditary and they had established a certain order in Judgement then began they to have their Judges who sat as their substitutues as well in other mens as in their own causes as Choppianus reporteth And although they appoint such Judges yet they wrong not their Subjects therein because both they themselves vouchsafe to swear to see their Laws maintained and their Judges are sworn to Judge according unto their Laws But our Queens Majesty was not Judge in the Scotish Queens cause It pleased her to make the high Court of Parliament judge thereof What wrong then was there offered unto her since she had the same Trial which many Kings of England have had As namely Richard the second and third and Henry the fourth and sixth She had not the favour which was shewed unto Subjects or Strangers She should have had a Jury of Twelve Peers to pass on her whereof the one half should have been Englishmen and the other Scots or other strangers This in truth is the usuall and ordinary manner of Tryal for strangers offending within the Queen Dominions But where should such strangers have been had but that they would have been partial on the one side or on the other what course might have been taken for their coming into England And when they were come if she had made as she might have done any manner of exception against them had it not been dangerous to stay the coming of others Had it not been costly to have defrayed their Charges And who should have born their charges The strangers themselves would not have been at the cost The Scotish Queen was not able to maintain them And there was no reason to put her Majesty to such charges It may be that the Spanish King would have been content to have paid their charges Let it be granted yea and those whom he would have sent would have saved her life because they durst not displease him and he must needs have gratified her because she had as she confessed sold unto him her pretensive Right unto the Crown of England Is it likely that six Peers of our Realm would have spared her when six and thirty of the chiefest of our Nobility and of the most discreet Judges and Lawyers of our Realm found her guilty and the whole Parliament condemned her In which Parliament by reason of the Priviledges and Liberties thereof any man might have spoken more freely in her defence then in any other place And was it not seen that before she had endeavoured by so many wayes and means as she did to take away our most gratious Soveraigns life and Scepter that very mean men presumed to speak for her in the Parliament House and were heard with all favour and indifferency And if she had been saved by the Spaniards benefit would he not have used her to our destruction And should not we have lived in continual servitude then which nothing is more grievous unto a good minde nothing more contrary and repugnant unto the nature and quality of a Prince May it be thought that that King who objected unto our Queen in a most disdainfull and dispightfull manner that he had saved her life and that her Majesty was bound unto him for the same when as indeed there was no cause why she should have ever have been in danger to lose her life May it be thought I say that he wouâ—d not have done the like unto the Scotish Queen if she had not been alwayes at his disposition But it was strange that a Prince should be put to death It was not strange in Scotland where more Kings have been slain and murthered then have died a natural death where Alphinus not onely King of Scots but also Heir unto the Kingdom of the Picts was openly beheaded It was not strange in Hungary where Queen Ioan was executed for the murther committed on the person of her Husband It was not strange in France where Bernard King of Italy and lawful King of France was adjudged and done to death It was not strange in Asia where Hercules slew Laomedon for his tyranny and cruelty It was not strange in Spain where Henry the Bastard executed Peter the lawful King It was not strange in the kingdom of Naples where Conrad rightful King thereof was beheaded Briefly it was not strange in the holy Scripâ—ures where we read that Ioshuah discomfited five Kings and hung them all upon trees that Saul was reprehended by Samuel for not kiling Agag King of the Amalakites whom Samuel took and hewed in peeces that Gideon slew the Kings of Midian and that Iehu slew Iehoram King of Israel and Ahaziah King of Iudah There is nothing then strange or without example in the execution of the Scotish Queen unless it be strange that our Queens Majesty was careless of her life when her Subject were careful of the same that she would not hear of her death when they desired nothing more then her death That when the Parliament had condemned her she could not be in treated to subscribe to their Judgment Briefly That when with great labour and many perswasions she was won by her privy Councel and others who were of opinion that Vita Mariae would be Mors Elizabethae as Vita Conradini was thought by the Pope to be Mors Caroli to deliver her Warrant to one of her Secretaries for her death she imprisoned and grievously fined that Secretaryfor sending that Warrant with such speed as he did whereby it seemed that had not the Warrant been obtained when it was she would hardly have yeeled to her execution and by punishing him that was so willing and ready to have her executed it appeareth that her Majesty not onely loved her whilst she lived but also after she was dead and her Highness grave and wise speeches delivered unto her loving Subjects in the Parliament House do testifie how sorrowful and unwilling her Majesty was to consent unto her death although it was there made most apparent unto her Grace that as long as that Queen lived she could not be without continual danger of losing her life This opinion being therefore confirmed to be most true since her death because there have no such Treasons been either intended or practised against her Majesty since as before that time It followeth that her execution gave