two Millions and eight hundred thousand pounds by Subsidies Tenths and Fifteens she hath spent of her Lands Jewels and Revenues an infinite proportion As for the imaginary Profit grown by thâ—… many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain it may be well cast up by two examples of oâ—… best Fortunes The Journey of Cales defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000â—… And our times of most advantage by Prizes between anno 30 and 34 of the Queen wherein we received but 64044 l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy arising in the same yeaâ— to 275761 l. As to the greatest Loss expence of Christian Blood it may well susfice to bemoâ—… with Horace Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam nisi in dispar feris Is there as yet so little Latine Blood Spilt on the Fields and Floods Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind THe last motive from Utility is increase of Revenues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction as to instance the particular Summs exhausted in every Age to retain them Beginning first with the Duchiâ— of Normandy For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence as the Author saith laden Thesauris innumeris with unaccountable Treasure exacted sive per faâ— sive per nefas in Normanniam transfretavit gathered together by hook or by crook wafted over into Normandy His Son ad retinendam Normanniam Angliam excoriavit to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin To the same end by Henry the first Anglia fuit bonis spoliata England was despoiled of its Goods His Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae a Scutage for his army in Normandy three times at a high rate and was inforced then against incursions of the French to build and man thirteen Castles de novo integro intirely new Richard the first exacted heavily upon his people ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerful Courtiers of France so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy King John as wearied with the Charge neglected it And his Son feeling a burden more than benefit resigned his interest there for a little Money When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth the judgement in Council was That the keeping of it would be no less of expence than to war forth for all France In the quiet possession of his Son Henry John Duke of Bedford then Regent this Duchy cost the Crown of England 10942 l. yearly In an 10. â—…t appeareth by the Accompts of the Lord Cromâ—…wel Treasurer of England that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminster the entertainâ—…ent of the Garrison and Governour was deâ—…rayed the Rents of the Duchy not supporting â—…he charge ordinary When Richard Duke of York was in the fifteenth year of Henry the sixth â—…egent the certain Expence over-ballanced the Receipt 34008 l. And an 27. the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament that Normandy was not able to maintain it self But thus it continued not much longer for this Crown was both eased of the Duchy and Charge shortly Of the Principality of Aquitain the Duchy of Gascoign Guien and the Members I find the state thus in record In the twenty sixth of Henry the third there was issued from the Treasurer and Chamberlains at Westminster 10000 l. for payments in Gascoign besides an infinite proportion of Victuals and Munition thither sent To retain this Duchy in Duty and possession this King was inforced to pawn his Jewels being are alieno graviter obligatus Thesauris Donativis Tallagiis extortionibus in Anglia consumptis very much indebted and having spent all his Treasures Grants Tallages and other Extortions in England Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum forced an acknowledgment from him of 40000 Marks And a Story of that time saith of anno 38. Ille per multos labores expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae with a great deal of toile and expence he unprofitably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign of which the Labour was more than ever the Benefit could be And thus it appeareth to have continued for an 17. of Edward the second the money disbursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595 l. 9 shillings 7 d. besides 29660 Quarters of Grain and of Beeves and Bacons an infinite proportion In the first of Edward the third the issues of Gascoign were 10000 l. above the Revenues The Signiories in Aquitain cost in eight years ending the thirty sixth of this King 192599 l. 4 shill 5 d. de receptis forinsecis only it was delivered in Parliament an 1 Rich. 2. that Gascoign and some few other places that were then held in France cost yearly this Crown 42000 l. And in the seventeenth of this King a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especial than to provide money to clear the annual expences of those parts The charge of Bordeaux but one Town surmounting in half a year all Rents and perquisites there 2232 l. As Fronsack in Aquitain 5787 l. for double that time when the intire Duchy exceeded not 820 l. in yearly Revenues The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry the fourth was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England By accompt Aquitain besides Guien 6606 l. was the first of Henry the fifth in surplusage of charge 11200 l. and the Town of Bordeaux the five first years of the same King 6815 l. In the eleventh of Henry the sixth Sir John Ratcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis c. 2729 l. and for expence in custody of Fronsack Castle only he payed 666 l. 13 shill the profits of the Duchy no wayes able to clear the Accompts The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britany may in a few Examples appear Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri quod jam per triennium comprobavit that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britany which he had found to be true upon three years tryal and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari to tire himself farther with such toil some expences The Town of Brest cost Richard the second 12000 marks a year and it stood him in an 9. in 13118 l. 18 shill For Callis I will deliver with as much shortness as may be from the first acquisition until the loss in every age the Expence for the
ROBERTVS COTTONVS BRVCEVS Aesculapius hic Librorum aerugo Vetustas Per quem nulla potest Britonum consumere chartas T. Crâ—ss sculpsit A DISCOURSE OF Foreign War With an ACCOUNT Of all the Taxations upon this Kingdom from the Conquest to the End of the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH Also a List of the Confederates from HENRY I. TO THE End of the Reign of the said Queen shewing which have prov'd most Beneficial to England Formerly Written by Sir Robert Cotton Barronet and now Published by Sir John Cotton Barronet LONDON Printed for Henry Mortlock at the Phoenix in St. Paul's Church-yard and at the White-Hart in Westminster-Hall 1690. THE PREFACE TO THE READER SO strange a desire and itch of writing doth possess the greatest part of the world and men are so in love with their own imaginations that they would have their follies engraved in Brass and Marble Upon this account the learned and most ingenious Physician in that incomparable piece of his Religio Medici hath these words I have heard some with deep sighs lament the lost lines of Cicero others with as many groans deplore the combustion of the Library of Alexandria for my own part I think there be too many in the world and could with patience behold the Urn and Ashes of the Vatican could I with a few others recover the perished leaves of Solomon 'T is not a melancholy Uâ—inam of my own but the desires of better heads that there were a general Synod not to unite the incompatible difference of Religion but for the benefit of Learning to reduce it as it lay at first in a few and solid Authors and to condemn to the fire those swarms and millions of Rhapsodies begotten only to distract and abuse the weaker judgement of Scholars and to maintain the trade and mysterie of Typographers What a multitude of books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning the controversies in Religion between us and the Romanists hath invaded the world and to use Homer's words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But of these excepting some few as for example that of the Archbishop Laud's against Fisher Mr. Chillingworth against Knot The Author of Via Recta and Via Devia and that incomparable pair of learned men Dr. Stillingfleet and Dr. Tillotson with the most Learned and Pious Dr. Hammond against that Pest and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Mankind Serjeant the Major part are as he saith a spurious brood the laborious effects of ease and idleness not worthy the Vacant hours of a serious person Having said this it may justly be objected against me why I by putting forth this Book should help to encrease this Epidemical disease To this I answer 1. I received some encouragement by the general favour and acceptance which the world was pleas'd to give to this small Treatise 2. My pious affection and Duty to the Author did inflame my desires to propagate his Name as much as in me lay to Posterity 3. Being but a small Book it was secure from that censure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If this little Treatise may find not only pardon but some acceptance from those few of the more knowing persons I have obtain'd my design To please all I know is impossible 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 John Cotton PROPOSITIONS OF WAR and PEACE Delivered to His Highness PRINCE HENRY By some of his Military servants Arguments for War FRames of Policy as well as works of Nature are best preserved from the same grounds they were first founded on By Armes was laid the foundation of this State whether we respect the Saxon or the Norman It was War that of seven Crowns in the Heptarchy made one fit for that Monarchy that since by many glorious exploits hath made good in forreign parts the renown of her own greatness and crowned thereby this State with an eternal peace Times nor our own vertues are not changed Necessity Benefit and Facility of War being the same that they were before to our forefathers Reasons of forraign War drawn from 1. Necessity for 1 Preservation of our own peace 2 Venting of factious spirits 3 Instructing in arms our people We never were so near peril by shipwrack in any tempest abroad as at home by the calm government of Henry the sixth For France by the awful hand of his father reduced it fared with us as with the mistress of the world Remoto Carthaginis metu Imperii aemula when the fear of Carthage her competitor for the Empire was removed that fell not by degrees but Praecipiti cursu ab Armis ad voâ—uptates 〈◊〉 negotio ad otium rushed headlong from arms to pleasures from employment to idleness And from hence as greatest Nations cum ab externis causis tutae videntur ipsae suis viribus onerantur when there is no longer fear of forraign enemies their own strength becomes a burthen to them so after many conquests abroad we were at home prest down with the unnatural weight of civil arms For cum foris non habent hostem domi inveniunt when people have no enemies abroad they 'l find some at home as all warlike and fruitful Nations will not otherwise delivered either of their humours or people To add to this necessity the sending away of our factious spirits it will remove the seat of blood from our own doors and prove the cheapest school to train up in arms the better dispositions whose military skill may after serve to defend the State by the late accession of another Nation will be now more needful Ne novus populus otio nimia pecunia lasciviret lest that other people should grow wanton through too much wealth and idleness and we in the end enforced with the Satyrist to confess Nâ—nâ— patimur longae patis mala saevior armis Luxuria incubuit We suffer now the harm of a long peace Whilâ—st Riot worse than war doth thus increase 2 Benefits 1 Wealth by 1 Spoil of the Enemy 2 Addition of Revenue by subjected territories 2 Honor by addition of 1 Title 2 Dominion 3. A more facility to effect than heretofore by 1 Addition of new strength 2 Substraction of diversions The facility to effect this being now more than ever by the addition of strength and substraction of diversions in this happy union of the Britain Empire The benefits arise from Profit and Honour The Spoils we have brought away in our French Spanish attempts exceeding ever the charge in getting and the Revenues of the subjected Signiories as Normandy Aquitain c. supporting with much and vantage the expence in keeping Our Honour as the Stile of our Kings by confluence of so many Titles increased by accession of so many Territories as we held in France our Dominions and liberties so far inlarged AN ANSWER TO THE FORMER Arguments made by the command OF HIS HIGHNESS AS he can give best Rules to preserve the health of a body natural that by
set oâ—… Revenge stood to stay at pleasure for armâ—… tenenti Omnia dat qui justa neg at Deny thâ—… Souldiers due You give him all you have it wâ—… urged to him in Parliament in the seventh of hâ—… reign as an errour in his Government whereto 〈◊〉 answered that they ought not to lay the cause upâ—… on him for that together with the Crown thâ—… Wars descended unto him And the Chancellour 〈◊〉 the fourth of Henry the fourth declared publicklâ—… in the Higher House that by the mischance of Wâ—… and want of reasonable Peace for I use the wordâ—… of the Roll occasioned by dissensions and privaâ—… desire the flower of Chivalry and Rock of Nobleâ—… within the Realm was in a manner consumed Nobilit as cum Plebe perit lateque vagatur Ensis à multo revocatum est pectore ferrum The Peer and Peasant falls and hating rest Bloody the Sword returns from many a breast And the whole State by war had been thus subverted had not God as a mean raised that King But since the end of mans creation is not for thâ—… Slaughter nor education of Armes to make meâ—… Cast-aways the course most answerable either to Charity or Example for Rome did by Coloniâ—… inlarge and confirm her Empire is to transplaâ—… that we may best spare In Ireland we may increase the King many Subjects and in the Indiâ—… God many servants a world from our Forefathers â—…ockt up by divine Providence as only best to glorifie and purifie these Times And as in war conquirendus potius miles quam dimittendus Souldiers are rather to be listed than disbanded so post â—ellum vires refovendae magis quam spargendae after war forces are rather to be cherished than wasted And thus much in answer of Necessity Answer to the Arguments of Profit THe profits gained by Forraign Expeditions cannot be any wayes so truly esteemed as by setting down the expence of Money Men and Munition by which we have made purchase of them I will therefore deliver as they fall in sequence all the Impositions Taxes and Lones whether by general Grant or Prerogative power leâ—ied of the People summing after up as I go along the times of our Princes the number of Men Ships and vast provisions of Victuals raised to supply the necessity and expence of War WIlliam the Conquerour in the entrance of his Government took of every Hide-land twelve pence a due of the Subjects to the Soveraign both before and since the Conquest to defray such charge as either the defence of the Land from spoil or the Sea from Piracy should expose the Prince to It is called Dane-geld Gelda Regis or Hidage and was sessed by the Hide or Plough-land like to that Jugatio per jugera taxation by the acre in Rome yet by no rate definite with this as with another Exaction taken as the Monk of S. Albans saith sive per fas sive per nefas by fair means or by foul He passeâ— over into Francs into the list of charge he rankeâ— the Bishops and Abbots sessing upon them and aâ—… their charge a proportion of Souldiers for his serâ—…vice exiling many worthy men that opposed thâ—â— thraldom William Rufus anno 7. set upon the heads of sâ—… many as he mustered up for the French wars teâ— shillings a man and so discharged them In an 9. he to the same end spoiled the Churches of their Ornaments and Holy vessels and levied four Hidages of every Plough-land Tribâ—… Angliam non modo abradens sed excorians nâ—â— only shaving but even flaying England wiâ—… his impositions so that wearied with war and expence ne respirare potuit Anglia sub ipso suffocata England was quite stifled by him anâ— could not so much as breath Quid jam non Regibus ausum Aut quid jam Regno resta Scelus What durst not Kings then do What mischief could the Nation suffer more in this Kings time Henry the first anno 5. magnam à Regno exegit Pecuniam exacted a great â—umm of his Kingdom with which he passed into France and by this means gravabatur terra Angliae oppressâ—nibus multis England was born down with many oppressions He took in the tenth year siâ— shillings Danegeld And in the seventeenth Quod inter eum Regem Francorum magnum fuit dissidium Anglia fuit variis depressa Exactionibus Bonis sine peccato spoliata by means of the great differenoe betwixt him and the King of France England was oppressed with divers exactions and men spoiled of their goods for no offence at all Of King Stephen there need no more than the words of the Monk of Gisborn Post annum sextum Pax nulla omnes partes terrebat violenta Pradatio after the sixth year of his reign there was no quiet but all parts of the Land became a prey and spoil to violent men Henry the second alluding not unlike to the â—eada given the Eremitae in the decline of the Empire as Salaries by which they stood bound to defend the Frontiers against the Incursions of the Barbarous Nations continued the Policy of his Progenitors who allotted the Land into such and so many equal portions as might seem competent for supportation of a Knight or man at Arms from whom as occasion required they received either service or contribution This Tenure now esteemed a Thraldom began upon a voluntary and desired submission for who from his gift would not of the Prince accept Land upon the like conditions so it toucheth not the Soveraign as a wrong to the Subject but as in right his own And therefore respecting their first immediate dependency upon the Crown which is a great part of the Kings Honour their duties and Escheats a great benefit and their attendance by Tenure in war at their own charge to the number of 602 16. at the least for the Knights Fees in England are no less a great ease strength and security to his State for they are totidem Hostagia so many Hostages as Bracton saith it were a thing perillous now to alter after such a current of time and custome This King to understand the better his own strength publico praecepit edicto quod quilibet Praelatus Baro quot Milites de eo tenerent in Capite publicis suis instrument is significarent he caused it to be proclaimed that every Prelate and Baron should notifie by publick deed how many Knightships they held of him in capite By this rule of Scutage constant in the number he levied alwayes his Subsidies and relief though divers in the rate Of the first which was near the beginning of his Reign there is no record The second Scutage which was anno 5. amounted to 124 millia librarum argenti thousand pounds of silver which reduced to the standard of our money five shillings the ounce whereas that was not five groats will amount to
and suffering her money adulterated in his Dominions purposely to be hither transported as also to side the quarrel of Philip her husband against him being drawn into wars she was inforced to press upon her people who besides the Loan in an 3. and Tonnage and Poundage an 1. for term of life granted unto her by Parliament took five Fifteens of the Commons and of them and the Clergie three years Subsidies Her Sister of happy memory succeeding besides divers Loans of her people and others in forreign parts as anno 5. when William Herle was dispatched into Germany to take up at Interest for six years great summs of money the like anno 18. from the Merchants of Colen and Hamburgh upon Bond of the City of London and again of Spinello and Pallavicini upon the former security strengthened with the assurance also of many of her chiefest Councellors had by grant of her Subjects thirty eight Fifteens twenty Subsidies of the Commons and eighteen of the Clergie All which together rose to a summ of two Millions and 800000 l. HAving thus far with as light a hand as I could drawn down the many and mighty burdens of the Common-wealth if but with a touch of the Princes Extremities beyond the ease of these former helps I heighten up this draught it will with much more life and lustre express the Figure of wars Misery The Credit of Kings it hath brought to so low an ebb that when by force of necessity they borrowed money they could not take it up but by collateral security and extream Interest As Edward the third in the Patent to William de la Poole confesseth that propter defectum pecuniae negotia sua fuerunt periculosissine retardata for want of money his affairs were dangerously delayed they are the words of the record and the honour of him and his Royal Army magne fuit depressioni paterter expositus progressus non sine dedecore suo perpetuo impeditus he was brought to a manifest low condition and his proceeding to his great dishonour had been constantly hindered if De la Poole had not as well supplyed him with the credit of his Security as with the best ability of his own Purse For which service he honoured him and his posterity with the degree of Baronets and five hundred pound land of inheritance The interest of Henry 3. ad plus quam centum quotidie libras ascenderat ita ut imminerâ—t tam Clero quam Populo Angliae Desolatio Ruina came to more than a hundred pound a day so that present ruine and desolation hung over the heads as well of the Clergie as the People Queen Mary borrowed in Flanders at fourteen in the hundred besides Brocage upon collateral security The late Queen was enforced to the like thrice with Strangers upon the City of Londons assurance as before and with her own Subjects after upon Mortgage of Land A course more moderate than either that of the first William that took out of Churches such money as several men had committed thither for more security or that of Charles the fifth that to repair the waste of his Italian wars went in person to Barcilona to seize into his hands a Mass of money called Depositum Tabulae which as well Strangers as Subjects had there laid up in Sanctuary But these are not the conditions of Princes of our times only for in the lives of Caligula Nero and Vespasian Suetonius of them severally writeth Exhaustus egenus Calumniis â—apinisque intendit animum being drawn dry and grown poor they bent their minds to Calumnies and Rapines For Perniciosa res est in Imperante tenuitas Want in a Prince is a dangerous thing and as Theodoricus said Periculosissimum animal est Rex pauper a Poor King is the most dangerous creature living It hath abated the Regalities of Houses an 16. of Richard the second and 18. of Henry 6. when as well from want of means as the Subjects Petitions in Parliament for Expeditissiâ—a est ratio augendi Census detrahere Sumptiâ—us the readiest way to raise the Revenue is to take down Expences they have much lessened their Hospitality their Tables being either defrayed by their Subjects as of Henry the sixth or as Henry the third when by necessity ita consueta Regalis Mensae hospitalitas abbreviata fuit ut postposita solita verecundia cum Abbatibus Clericis viris satis humilibus hospitia quaesivit prandia the wonted hospitality of the Kings Table was sunk so low that without farther shame he many times lodged and dietted with Abbots Clerks and very mean Persons It hath caused our Kings to sell and alienâ—… the possessions of the Crown as Henry the thiâ—… who gave to Edward his son Licentiam 〈◊〉 pignorundi terram Vasconiae leave to pawn 〈◊〉 Duchy of Gascoign And caused himself 〈◊〉 long after by the like occasions to sell 〈◊〉 300000 l. except some pittances reserved 〈◊〉 entire Signiory of Normandy What 〈◊〉 late Mistris and her Father did is yet fresh 〈◊〉 memory But this mischief hath trenched 〈◊〉 into the Fortunes and Affections of the Subjeâ—… when Princes to repair the breach of their 〈◊〉 Revenues have often resumed the possessions 〈◊〉 their people as Edward the second an 5 〈◊〉 10. Omnes donationes per Regem factas 〈◊〉 damnum diminutionem Regis Coronae 〈◊〉 all the Grants made by the King to the lesseâ—… and prejudicing of the King and his Crowâ—… Richard the second anno 1. did the like ofâ—… Grants made to unworthy persons by his Granâ—… father and recalled all Patents dated since 〈◊〉 fortieth of Edward the third Thus did Henry 〈◊〉 an 1. and Hen. 6. in the twenty eighth 〈◊〉 his Reign Edward 4. in anno 3. and 12. Aâ—… Hen. 7. in an 3. with all Offices of his Croâ—… granted either by the Usurper or his Brothâ—… Neither is this in it self unjust since as well 〈◊〉 reason of State as Rules of best Government 〈◊〉 Revenues and Profits quae ad sacrum Paâ—… monium Principis pertinent which belong to 〈◊〉 sacred Patrimony of the Prince should remain 〈◊〉 and unbroken But when neither Credit Frugality or Sâ—… of Lands would stop the gulf of want oâ—… Princes have been so near beset as with Nerâ—… â—…d Antonius the Emperours to sell and pawn â—…eir Jewels The Archbishop of York had â—…ower from Henry the third an 26. in waâ—s â—…yond Sea impignorandi Jocalia Regis ubiâ—…nque in Anglia pro pecunia perquirenda to â—…wn the Kings Jewels any where in England to â—…ise money Edward the first sendeth Egiâ—…ius Andevar ad Jocalia sua impignoranda to â—…awn his Jewels Edward the third pawnâ—…h his Jewels to pay the L. Beaumont and the â—…rangers their wages in war The Black Prince was constrained to break his Plate into Moâ—…ey to pay
his Souldiers Richard the second pawned Vasa aurea â—…iversa Jocalia Vessels of Gold and divers â—…ewels to Sir Robert Knowles Henry the â—…urth anno 3. to a Merchant for money invadiâ—…vit Tabellam Triscllas suas Argenteas de â—…ispania ingaged his Tablet and stools of Silver which he had from Spain Henry the sixth â—…ageth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester â—…nd others an 10 12 and 29. many parâ—…els of his rich Jewels And the late Queen in â—…e end of her dayes to ease her Subjects did the â—…ke with many in the Tower And Extremity hath yet stretched some of our Kings to so high a strain of Shift that Edward â—…e third invadiavit magnam Coronam Anâ—…liae pawned his Imperial Crown three several â—…mes an 17. in partibus transmarinis in forâ—…aign parts and twice to Sir John Wâ—senham his â—…erchant first in the twenty fourth and â—…fter an 30. in whose custody it remained â—…ight years To Henry Bishop of Winchester Henry the fifth invadiavit magnam Coronam auream gaged his Imperial Crown of Gold in 〈◊〉 fifth of his Reign And when Henry the thiâ—… had laid to gage omnia Insignia Regalia 〈◊〉 his Robes and Kingly Ornaments and upon assurance of redelivery or satisfaction had pawneâ—… Aurum Jocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confessâ—…ris the Gold and Jewels belonging to the Shriâ—… of S. Edward the Confessour A course moâ—… moderate than by force to have taken as Williâ—… the Conquerour did the Chalices and Shrines 〈◊〉 other Churches or as Clement the seventhâ—… who to pay the Souldiers of Charles the fifth meâ—…ed the Consecrated Vessels was in the end whâ—… he had neither means of his own left nor reputatioâ—… with others constrained to beg relief of his Subjectâ—… in this low strain c Pauper sum omni destituâ—… The sauro necesse habeo ut me juvetis nec aliquiâ—… erigo nisi per gratiam I am poor and have 〈◊〉 Treasure left ye must needs relieve me neither dâ—… I demand any thing but of your meer love and courtesie And turning to the Abbot of Ramsey to say Amice obnixe supplico quatenus me juvas miâ—… centum libras conferendo My friend I beseecâ—… thee for Gods sake to help me with an hundred pound adding withall majorem Eleemosynâ—… fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve quâ—… alicui ostiatim mendicanti that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants than to give to one that begged from door to door So that of the waste of these timeâ—… and want of those Princes I may truly with the Satyrist say Ossa vides Regum vacuis exuta medullis Thou seest the Bones of Kings spoil'd of their Marrow IT now resteth by some few particulars to observe with what Wealth we have returned â—ome loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies â—ince no motives are so powerful to the Common greedy People as the hopes of gain which will â—asily enforce them Ire super gladios superque Cadavera patrum Et caesos calcare Duces Tread upon Swords and on their Fathers Graves And spurn their slaughter'd Captains In the Expeditions of Henry the third their purchases were so great that the Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back than for the expence of their own moneys For Cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas When Toil brings Loss Begg'ry must needs increase The same King although called in by the Nobility of France in Faction against their Master returned no better rewarded than Consumpta pecunia infinita Nobilibus Militibus innumer abilibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati vel fame attenuatis vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem with the having spent an infinite deal of money his Nobles and Souldiers without number being either slain or sickly 〈◊〉 maimed or half-starved or else reduced to 〈◊〉 tream poverty Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence 〈◊〉 Henry the third and his people in his Sicilian Sâ—…vice with no better wages than this Scoffe Thâ—… England was Puteus inexhaust us quem 〈◊〉 lus poterat exsiccare a Well not to be empâ—… which no man could draw dry What the succeeding times afforded may be well gathered oâ—… of the many Petitions in Parliament in the twenty second of Edward the third the fourth and seventh of Richard the second the eighth of Henryâ—… the fifth and tenth of Henry the sixth ever complaining of the extream Beggery the people brought home and desiring some speedy Relief The Treasure Henry the eighth spent in aid of Matoimilian about recovery of Veronâ—… nullum aliud factum nisi damnum dedecâ—… peperit brought him nothing else but Loss and Dishonour For the Emperour having his turn served delivered contrary to Contract that City to the French threatning to Confederate with them ni Rex ei continuo persolveret unless the King would forthwith pay him down a great summ of money believing as the words are Minis terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words For the great Army of this King sent over into France and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Bourbon with in their wars of Millan his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad he was himself at the last of all their ends effeâ—â—ed having spent the Treasure of his Father â—nd the Bounty of his Subjects forsaken and â—â—st as the Pasquil painted him inter Maysem â—hristum Mahumetem betwixt Moses Christ â—nd Mahomet with this word Quo me vertam â—â—scio Which way to turn me I know not For â—wo Millions of Crowns bestowed in purchase â—f Tournay not without suit of his own he deliâ—ered it with little or no recompence and rated â—is potential Interest of France at no greater â—umm than an Annuity of 100000 Crowns What from the thirtieth of this King until the last â—f his son Edward the sixth for 3173478 l. â—5 s. 4 d. spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars his State received of inrichment it seemeth so â—ean as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts Until the late Queen was drawn into wars â—he had in Treasure 700000 l. but after she was â—nce intangled it cost her before the thirtieth of â—er Reign 1517351 l. at which time she was but â—ntering into the vastness of her future Charge For the annual expence of 126000 l. in the Low-Countries from 1587. until 1593. the yearly disbursement for Flushing and the Brill â—8482 l. the debts of the States 800000 l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734 l. was after that time Thus by reason of war besides Taxes upon her People to the Summ of
most part either out of the Treasury or Customes of England disbursed From the eighteenth of Edward the third until the one and twentieth in which space it was taken the charge amounted to 337400 l. 9 shill 4 d. Anno 28. of the same King for little more than a year 17847 l. 5 shillings In anno 29. 30581 l. 18 d. for two years compleat In the thirtieth received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasurer of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England 17847 l. And in the year following 26355 l. 15 shill In the second of Richard the second de receptis forinscecis which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster 20000 l. for three years compleat Anno 5. 19783 l. For three years ending anno 10. 77375 l. For the like term until an 13. 48609 l. 8 shill And for the four succeeding years 90297 l. 19 shill And for the last three years of his Reign 85643 l. From the end of Richard the second until the fourth of Henry the fourth for three years 62655 l. 17 shillings And for one succeeding 19783 l. The Charge in Victual and Provision for two years five months in this Kings Reign 46519 l. 15. shillings In the first four and peaceable years of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England 86938 l. 10 shill for this place And from anno 8. until the 9. 65363 l. It cost Henry the sixth above all Revenue 9054 l. 5 shill in an 11. The Subsidies in England were an 27. levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis And the one and thirtieth of this King there was a Fifteen and 2 shill of every Sack of Wool imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis and the like authority directed the fourth of Edward the fourth that the Souldiers there should receive Victuals and salary from out of the Subsidies of England The disbursement thereof one year being 12771 l. And in the sixteenth of the same King for like term there was de Portu London Hull Sancti Botolphi Poole Sandwico by the Ports of London Hull Boston Pool and Sandwich 12488 l. paid to the Treasury of Callis And in an 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290 l. 18 shill And in 22. 11102 l. And the year following 10788 l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24 Hen. 8. 8834 l. And about the thirtieth when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy 8117 l. And from the thirtieth of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428 l. 18 shill From the first purchase of it by Edw. 3. until the loss thereof by Queen Mary it was ever a perpetual issue of the Treasure of this Land which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us than any Fort of Security For from the waste of money which is Nervus Reipublicae the Sinew of a Common-wealth as Ulpian saith we may conclude with Tacitus Dissolutionem Imperii docet si fructus quibus Respub sustinetur diminuantur it foreshews the ruine of an Empire if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth And therefore it was not the worst opinion at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King incited Henry the eighth to put off that Kingdom although in the close major pars vicit meliorem the greater party out-voted the better that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable than profitable and the keeping more than the enjoying The issue was in Tournay Bullen and this Town manifest Besides the jealousie that Nation ever held over our designes and their own liberty For as Graecia libera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his custody so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easie descent into and convenient place to trouble the Countrey a Fetter to intangle them they neither had assurance of their own quiet nor we of their Amity And it was not the least Argument from Conveniency in the detention of Callis after the eight years expired of Redelivery used by the Chancellour of France That we should gain much more in assured peace which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town than by any benefit it did or could yield us It was never but a Pique and Quarrel between the two Realms For upon every light displeasure either Princes would take by and by to Callis and make war there God hath made a separation natural betwixt both Nations a sure wall and defence Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos That is the English were divided from all the world But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges it is not amiss to touch by way of comfort that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered and also that other of burthen still though much lightened until conformity of Affections and designs of Councils shall further effect a Remedy The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20 Edward 3. was 3129 l. for three years In the end of Richard 2. and entrance of Henry 4. 10153 l. And 11 Henry 6. the Custody of the Marches 4766 l. In the 2 Mariae the annual Charge of Barwick was 9413 l. And in an 2 Elizabeth 13430 l. And an 26. 12391 l. The Kingdom of Ireland beyond the Revenues was 29 E. 3. 2285 l. An. 30. 2880 l. and an 50. 1808 l. All the time of Richard 2. it never defrayed the charges And came short in 11 Henry 6. 4000 Marks of annual issues The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus proficuis in all the rents and profits yearly by Accompt of Cromwel Lord Treasurer not above 3040 l. But passing over these elder times in the Reign of the late Queen when the yearly Revenue was not 15000 l. the expence for two years ending 1571. amounted to 116874 l. In an 1584. for less than two years came it to 86983 l. The charge there in two years of Sir John Parrots Government ending 1586. was 116368 l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000 l. the issue was 91072 l. And when in 35 Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdom exceeded not 27118 l. the Disbursement in seven moneths were 171883 l. The Charge 1601. for nine moneths 167987 l. And for the two years following accounted by the allayed money 670403 l. And in the first of the King 84179 l. Whose Government although
it hath blessed both us and that Kingdom with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forraign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forraign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiory the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassalage than which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch in his Kingdom and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperial Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an Oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majesty and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King John did Normandy and Edward the second resigned to his Son the Duchy of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regality but be a dishonour As appeareth in Henry the second who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the seventeenth of Richard the second the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unless the King might not do Homage they held it so basâ— supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territory those subordiante Duchies in France added to this Crown As for the Kingdom of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14 Ed. 3. and 8 Ed. 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France nor the Kingdom of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provincial Government as in 17 H. 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britains are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facility and assurance of Success in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms than ever any of our Ancestors had To which in answer nothing can be more full than laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suit these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equal worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intire Kingdom we had ever Ports to land at and Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward the third when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Duchy of Britain that so he might have there an easie footing Thus by leave of his Confederates in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any Army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficulty is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevail than Vertue But ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classâ— Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitassocia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circum spexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestors Advantage personal was either A Party found made For the Persons considerable the aâ—… the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederates Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work on the opportunity of any dissention ministred or by Pension and Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Dukes of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign Confederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earl of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000 l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyalty Edw. 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldom had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousie of those Princes and Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune Confederates THe