this King William of Scotland Fol. 152. after he had been taken Prisoner by Henry II. of England carried over to Normandy confin'd at Roan until he compounded for his Ransom return'd back to England set free at York upon his paying down 4000 c. and now being on his journey home and seeing the Noble-men his own Subjects would come no nearer than Pembels in Scotland to receive him therefore took with him many younger Sons of such of the English Nobility as shew'd him most kindness in the time of his Imprisonment That he entertain'd them and detain'd them and bestow'd on them great Estates and Possessions in Scotland which he took from such as had rebell'd against him there That this of their waiting on him to Scotland was in the year of Christ 1174. And that their names were Bailliol Brewse Soulley Moubrey St. Clare Hay Giffâ—rd Ramsey Lanudell Biscy Berk Ley Willegen Bâ—ys Montgomery Valx Colenuille Friser Granâ—â— Gâ—â—lay and divers others 20. Yet my meaning is not to assert positively that the foresaid last Invasion or Plantation made by those Vlster Dal-Rheudans and six Sons of Muredus King of Vlster had been made in the time of Irelands Paganism I know it happen'd in the 20th year of the Sovereignty of Lugha mhac Laoghaire Monarch of Ireland which was of Christ 493. and consequently the very next year after Patricks death according to Ketings computation tho according to Jocelinus it must have been the next saving one I know also it is supposed by the Writers of this holy mans life especially Jocelinus c. 191. that even three and thirty years before his death all Ireland together with the Isle of Man and all other Islands then subject to the Irish had been throughly and wholly converted to Christian Religion by him Which makes it indeed very probable that this last expedition of the Irish into Scotland was wholly consisting of Christian Adventurers And yet I am not certain of it for these reasons 1. Because Jocelinus c. 49. and others tell us that notwithstanding all the prodigious wonders done by S. Patrick and many of them in the very presence of Laogirius the Monarch Father to this Lugha he was never converted but died in his Infidelity being kill'd at Greallach a Village near the River Liffy in that Country which we now call the County of Kildare by a Thunder-bolt shot at him from Heaven Tho Keting partly attributes this Vengeance of God fallen on him to his perfidious breach of solemn promise made by him upon Oath invoking the Sun Moon and all the Planets to attest it Which Oath he made to obtain his Liberty when he was foiled and taken Prisoner in the Battel of Ath-Dara by the Lagenians and Criomthan mhac Euno the contents of it being to remit for ever the heavy Borâ—imh as they call it or Fine which he challeng'd from them as due to him and all other Monarchs after him 2. Because this very Monarch Luigha in whose Reign that Expedition of the Vlster Dal-Rheudans and six Sons of Muredus happen'd tho he lived and continued his Sovereignty 15 years longer was nevertheless at last struck likewise dead by a Thunderbolt and the Irish Antiquaries of those times have interpreted this Judgment on him as a just punishment of the great disrespects and dishonour done by him to the same extraordinary wonderful Servant of God And these are my reasons for doubting For it seems not likely that if Lugha had been converted he would after his Conversion have so behaved himself towards that Saint as to incense Heaven to punish him in so dreadful a manner And as unlikely it is that in case he had so mis-behaved himself during his Infidelity he would not after his Conversion have repented so heartily thereof as to merit the Saints prayers for him to God at least for diverting so terrible a judgment And then we know how far the example of a wicked Monarch might have prevail'd with other wicked men to keep them still in their Infidelity But be this conjecture true or false nay be it suppos'd for certain that Lugha and all Ireland every one and consequently those six Sons of Muireadhach King of Vlster with their Dal-Rheudans were Christians then when they enter'd Scotland it appears notwithstanding out of the Irish Chronicles that as they were the first so they were the last and only Adventurers any where abroad out of Ireland since its Conversion to Christianity the War-like humor of its Monarchs Princes and Nobles being always after that wholly imploy'd at home in destroying one another Insomuch that they gave not themselves either opportunity or leisure to look after not so much as the paiment of Chiefries or Tributes due to them from their Dominions abroad in the Islands or Terra Firma it self of Scotland Not one of all their Monarchs for ought appears in their History having at any time since entertain'd no not a thought of employing their Arms that way save only Aodh mhac Aiumhiriogh the 10th undoubted Christian Monarch who propos'd it in his great Parliament at Drom Ceatha and was generously resolv'd upon it ' until by the customary obstacle of a Civil War at home he was not only soon diverted from that resolution but himself kill'd in the Battel of Beluigh Duin Bholg fought against him by Brandubh King of Leinster as this Brandubh also not long after was by his own Lagenian Subjects in the Battel of Cam-Chluana By all which you may perceive that Christian Religion wrought so little on that People towards the abatement of their mortal feuds that under it even in its first four hundred years among them their Princes were much more fatally engaged in pursuing one another with fire and sword and horrid slaughters to the utter undoing of themselves and weakning of their Country and making it an easie prey to Foreiners after than their very Pagan Predecessors had been whereof so many had extended their Dominions far and near and still enlarged and kept them for so many Ages abroad whatever in the mean time their dissentions were at home And this is one of those two things I would especially remark here 12. The other is That not even the greatest holiness of some of their very greatest and most justly celebrated Saints has been exempt from the fatality of this genius of putting their Controversies to the bloody decision of Battels tho they foresaw the death of so many thousands must needs have followed or at least be hazarded to follow Even Columb-Cille himself so religious a Monk Priest Abbot so much a man of God was nevertheless the very Author Adviser Procurer of fighting three several Battels namely those of Cuile-Dreimbne Cuile-Rathan and Cuile Feadha The first on this occasion At a Parliament held at Taragh by the Monarch Diardmuid mhic Fergusse Ceirrbheoil it happened that contrary to the most sacred and severe Laws of that priviledg'd place one Cuornane mhac Aodh had kill'd a Gentleman
a single Person must evince the same truth So for Spain Alphonsus III. by putting out the eyes of all his Brethren save one that was kill'd Alfonsus IV. with the like cruelty us'd by his own Brother â—aymirus Peter the Legitimat Son of Alphonsus XI depos'd and kill'd by his Bastard Brother Henry Garzias by Sanctius then Sanctius by Vellidus and after so many retaliations all Spain under King Roderic betray'd to the Moors by a natural Spaniard a Subject to that King Count Julian Prince of Celtiberia as Bodin calls him yea seven hundred thousand Spaniards kill'd in the short space of fourteen months next following that hideous treachery must evince mightily the self-same truth So for France those horrible Feuds Combustions Devastations cruelties inhumanities barbarous sacriledges of the late Civil Wars there continued 40 years against four Kings whereof you may read at large in D'Avila and the Holy Ligue and both Henry III. and Henry IV. one after another so vilely murder'd by those devoted Assassins of Hell Jacques Clement and Ravilliac evince it still Lastly and to come nearer home tho in an earlier time even so for England 1. Those eight and twenty Saxon Kings of the Heptarchy part by one another kill'd part by their own Subjects murder'd besides many other depos'd and forc'd to fly away for their lives For as Matthew of Westminster l. 1. c. 3. writes of the very Northumbrian Kings alone four were murder'd and three more deposed within the little time of one and forty years only And therefore it was that Charles the Great of France when the news of the last of them by name Ethelbert being murdered came to his hearing not only resolv'd to stop the presents he was before on sending to England nor only to do the English in lieu of sending them gifts all the mischiefs he could but said to Alcuinus an English man his own Instructor in Rhetorick Logick and Astronomy that indeed That was a perfidious and perverse Nation a murderer of their Lords and worse than Pagans Nay therefore also it was that many of the Bishops and Nobles fled out of this Northumbrian Kingdom and no man dared for 30 years next following venture on being their King but all men declined it and so left them a prey to the Irish Scâ—ts and Danes who by the just judgment of God over-run them and destroy'd them at last on that very occasion principally 2. Since the Norman Conquest besides the horrible rebellion of Henry the 2d's own Children against him and many other particulars which I pass over not only all the calamities miseries cruelties unspeakable evils of the Barons Wars on both sides under King John Henry III. and Edward II. nor only the deposition and murder too of this poor Edward even his own Wife Queen Eleanor and his own very Soâ—thâ—e Prince of Wales having both of them concurr'd in the deposing him and usurping his Crown but the most prodigiously mortal dissentions of Lancaster and York began with the rebellion against deposition and murder of Richard the II. and so bloodily prosecuted for thirty years under Henry VI. and Edw. IV. that besides eleven main Battels fought with infinite slaughter of English men on either side nay even twenty thousand men kill'd besides the wounded in one of them which Polydore calls the Battel of Touton a Village of Yorkshire the excellent Historian Philip Comines tells us of 80 of the Blood Royal destroyed in them and among this number Henry VI. a most vertuous innocent holy King most barbarously murder'd To say nothing of Richard the Third that Usurping Tyrant so justly dispatch'd in the Battel of Bosworth by the Earl of Richmond who thereupon succeeded King by the name of Henry VII and by marrying the Daughter of Edward IV. and thereby most happily uniting in himself and his Queen and Issue the right of the two Houses ended those fatal dissentions of Lancaster and York Dissentions indeed so fatal to England that besides all her best blood at home as we have seen by their long continuance from the year of Christ 1393. to the year 1486. lost Her not only the Kingdom of France but even the more ancient Inheritance of our Kings in the Dukedoms of Normandy Aquitane and whatever else belong'd to the English Crown on that side of the Sea only the Town of Calais with its little Appendages excepted Were it necessary Buchanan could furnish out of the neighbouring Kingdom of Scotland a very large addition of more examples to the purpose of this place But more than enough has been already said to conclude that notwithstanding any thing or expression in either of the two former Sections my meaning could not be to make those bloody Feuds in Ireland or consequents of them so peculiar to the Milesian Race or Irish Nation as if no other People on Earth had been at any time guilty of the like or as horrid The truth is I mean'd only to say That in respect of their long duration perpetual return from time to time for almost five and twenty hundred years compleat and their excessive degree at very many times within that long Succession of Ages especially considering the small extent of Ireland those cruel bloody Feuds were both National and peculiar to that People only Which I think is true notwithstanding that other Nations either much greater or much lesser might have been in some few Instances of time as high nay peradventure much more horrible transgressors in the very same kind than those antient Milesians were at any one time since their Conquest of Ireland from Tuath-Dee-Danan 33. The second point is to do those ancient Milesians the right as to acknowledg what their Histories have at large That amidst all the Feuds and fury of their Arms how bloody or how lasting soever they had several both Monarchs and after the Pentarchy was set up lesser Kings yea some of those too in their time of Paganism and many more as well of those as these after Christianity establish'd that were of great renown among them for other excellent Qualifications becoming their dignity than those only of Martial Vertue and Fortitude In time of Paganism they had their XXII Monarch Ollamh Fodhla so called from his great Knowledg that very name given him importing in Irish as Gratianus Lucius hath observ'd a great master in Sciences and Teacher of all Knowledg to his People It was he that divided the Lands of Ireland into Hundreds call'd by them Triochae-chead and placed a Lord over each Hundred and over each Town of the Hundred a Bailiff an Applotter of Duties and receiver of Strangers to provide Entertainment for them They had their XCI Monarch Conair mor mhac Eidirsgceoil so great a Justiciar so zealous a Prosecutor of all Malefactors that although with great pains industry hazard to himself yet he forc'd at last all kind of Robbers Thieves Vagabonds and Idlers to fly the whole Kingdom and after this during his Reign
Kingdom been destroy'd but for the enormity of their sins Whereof whoever pleases may see proofs at large in Fitz-Herberts Policy and Religion Part 1. chap. 21. 22. 23 c. yea Jesus the son of Syrach for he may be more easily consulted in every Bible at hand may give to a sober man assurance enough where he says First cap. 10. 8. that the Kingdom is translated from Nation to Nation because of unjust dealings injuries calumnies and various deceits Secondly c. 40. 10. that death and bloodshed strife and the sword oppression famine contrition and scourges were all of them created for the wicked and for them the deluge was made Nay if we consult the Books of Kings read the Prophets run over the Books of Josuah Judges Deuteronomy Chronicles and the rest of the old Testament examine all the Histories of Christendom we shall not find any whole Kingdom or Nation destroy'd but for grievous and horrible sins either of the Rulers or People or Priests or all together Yea we shall commonly find the very quality and species of those transgressions mentioned that brought the vengeance on them However and notwithstanding that further yet we know that bloodshed is one of those four sins that cry to Heaven Gen. X. 11. for vengeance the Voice of thy brothers blood cries to me from the earth said God himself to Cain and that the very second of the Gen. IX 6. Laws he gave to Noe was that whosoever did shed the blood of man his also should be shed after all I dare not affirm positively that either those very Feuds of the Irish how unparallel'd soever in blood or those other transgressions in specie be they what you please were the sins that moved God to pronounce this final doom against them but only in general That their great sins compell'd him to it And how should I indeed For who was the Counsellor Esay XL. 13. Rom. XI 39. of God or who knows any thing of the secrets of his Providence except only those to whom himself was pleased to reveal them Nevertheless I dare acquaint the Reader that although I give but little credit generally and sometimes none at all to the Relations of Cambrensis where he seems rather to vent his passion and write a Satyr against that People than regard either Modesty or Truth yet I will not call in question what he relates l. 2. de Expug Hib. c. 33. of the Prophetical predictions made so many Ages before by the four Prophetical Saints of that Nation Moling Brachan Patrick and Columb-Cille and written by themselves says he in their own Irish Books extant yet in Ireland concerning the final Fate of their Countreymen the old Milesian Race viz. That the people of Great Brittain shall not only invade them but for many Ages continue a sharp cruel and yet doubtful War upon them at home in Ireland sometimes the one and sometimes the other side prevailing That although those Invaders shall be often disturb'd worsted weakned especially and according to the prophecy of Brachan by a certain King that shall come from the desert Mountains of Patrick and on a Sunday-night seize a Castle in the Woody parts of Ibh Faohlain and besides force them almost all away out of Ireland yet they shall continually maintain the Eastern Sea-Coast in their possession That in fine it will be no sooner than a little before the day of judgment and then it will be when they shall be throughly and universally victorious over all Ireland erect Castles every where among the Irish and reduce the whole Island from Sea to Sea under the English Yoak And verily those Prophetical predictions five hundred years since delivered us by Cambrensis as he received 'em from the Irish themselves are the more observable That by consulting the History of after-Ages from Henry II. of England to the last of Queen Elizabeth and first of King James we may see them to a tittle accomplish'd Unless peradventure some will unreasonably boggle at the circumstance of time express'd in these words Paulò ante diem Judicii a little before the day of Judgment Which yet no man has reason to do Because we know not how near this great day which shall end the World may be to us at this very present As for that King foretold as coming from the desâ—rt Mountains of Patric there may be occasion and place enough to speak of him again that is hereafter in the Second Part of this Treatise But whether from this Irish Prophesie either had as for the substance not the exact words of it from Cambrensis for he pretends not to give to us the exact words or had perhaps at least for some part of it from the Irish themselves resorting to Rome in those days the famous Italian Prophet of Calabria Joachimus Abbot of Flore did foretell in his time the utter destruction and eternal desolation that Joachimus Ab. post Tract super cap. X. Isaiae Part 1. de Oneribus sexti Temporis was to come upon the Irish Nation I cannot say This I know 1. That in all his predictions all along in his several Commentaries on Jeremy Esay the Apocalyps c. he pretends to divine Revelation 2. That he lived several years after the Writings of Cambrensis on Ireland had been publick For Cambrensis dedicated one part of them to Henry II. himself who died in the Year of Christ 1189. and the rest to his Son Richard when yet but Earl of Poicton And Joachim was in Sicily with Richard now King of England and Philip Polydore Virgil. in Ricardo primo King of France both wintring there with their Fleets An. 1190. in their way to the Invasion of the holy Land Nay I have my self read his submission of his Works to the See Apostolick dated by himself ten years after which was the Year 1200. of our Saviours Incarnation 3. That being ask'd what the success of this great expedition to the holy Land against Saladine should be his Answer was it should prove unsuccessful and that the time of recovering Hierusalem was not yet come 4. That this prediction of his was punctually true as appear'd ere long 5. That his Prophecy of the old Irish Nation is in these genuin words you read in the Margin * Ex rigoribus horribilis hyemis glacialis flatibus Aquilonis parit Hibernia Incolas furibundos Sed si sequentium temporum terrores praenoscerent internos impetus cogitarene à facie spiritus Domini ferreum pectus averterent se à sempiternis opprobriis liberarent Sed ex quo invicem vertitur furor aspideus involvit tam Clerum quam populum par insultus non video quod superna Clementia ulterius differat quin in â—os exactissimum judicium acuat in stuporem perpetuae desolationis impellat Omnes istos populos Cathedra Dubliniensis astringit Sed Darensium enormis iniquit as totum defaedat ordinem charitatis Et ideo
in the World before the loss of their freedom or their subjection to a forein Power Nor had I any farther if it be a farther end in the matter then That of your understanding throughly at least sufficiently who or what kind of People were the former of those two Nations whose Posterities I have before i. e. in the very beginning of the first Section page 5. observ'd like the Twins of Rebecca contending these last five hundred years in the bowels of Ireland But who the later Nation were and how and by what degrees and means they not only for many Ages got the better of the former but subdued them utterly at last in the memory of our Fathers and what besides happen'd in our own days to the Issue as well of these Conquerours as of those conquer'd by 'em in that Country will be the subject of the Second Part. FINIS Additions 1. AFTER the Fourth Observation on the Catalogue of Kings add what follows here viz. That although it be no part of my business in this Place to speak in particular of any of those Kings other than what I have already of a few of 'em and that only for thy better understanding the said Catalogue yet because I considered that peradventure the Relation of Siorna Saoghall-ach's See the Catalogue Numb 27. long extent of Life and Beign is the only extraordinary of all whatsoever delivered anywhere in the whole Irish History concerning any of so great a number of Monarchs or Kings and Sovereign Princes of Ireland some Readers will boggle at or scruple the truth thereof by objecting How it seems at least improbable that he should be a hundred years old when he came to be Monarch or should reign a hundred and fifty years after or should be in all two hundred and fifty years of Age when he was kill'd by Roitheachtsigh alias Roithsigh mhac Roain therefore to shew that this Relation of him is not improbable I give here those arguments that convince my self And to say nothing of his Surname Saoghalach which attributed to him alone among all other Irish Kings whereof notwithstanding some had reigned 60. others 70 years must import him to have been of extraordinary Long Life and even a man of Ages what convinces me is 1. That not only the Irish Book of Reigns besides many other ancient Monuments and Historians of that Nation who speak of this Subject and after them Gratianus Lucius in our own time have deliver'd it so but Keting himself though he be the chiefest of all the Historians of later days that to reduce the Irish Chronology to an agreement with his own Computation of the years of the World would consequently needs reduce those hundred and fifty years of Siorna's Reign to 21. confesses they did so 2. That very good Historians both ancient and modern of other Countreys tell us how in later Times then Siorna Saoghallach's Reign there have been many that lived as long and some longer then he And yet I 'le lay no stress on Xenophon's writing That a certain Maritim King lived 800. and his son 600 years Nor on Ravisius giving the very same or at least the like Relation of one Impetris King of the Plutinian Islanders and his Son Nor on Pliny recording the five hundred years life of Dondonius a Sclavonian Nor on Homer or his Followers speaking Nestors age to have been 300 years Neither on Hellanicus a most ancient Writer saying That in the Province of Aetholia some lived 200. others 300 years Nor on Onesicritus neither though attesting the same age of two and three hundred years even as very ordinary in the Island of Pandora All these I pass over because I am not certain of the Age of the World they lived in that is whether it was not of earlier Date than Siorna Saoghalach's reign who was kill'd An. M. 4â— 69. according to Lucius My instances are in Servatius Bishop of Tongres and Joannes de Temporibus and Xequipir an Ethiopian and the Nameless Indian living in the same Time and Kingdom of Bengala with Xequipir The first of these four died in the year of Christ 403. after he had lived 300 years as Sigebert in his Chronicle and others write The second took his denomination or surname de Temporibus from those 336 years he had lived under many Emperours whereof one was Charles the Great of whose Life-guard he had sometimes been and another was Conrad III. in whose Reign he died in France An. D. 1139. as not only Petrus Messias in the said Conrad's Life but the Author of Fasciculus Temporum and many more Writers affirm The third I mean Xequipir was yet alive so near our own time as the year of Christ 1536. after having lived till then 300 years For so Hernandus Lopez à Castagneda â— 8 Chronici has written of him The Last or the Nameless Indian had in the foresaid year of Christ 1536 come to the year of his own age 335. says Joannes Petrus Maffeius â— XI Histor Indic and before him the above Lopez both the one and the other telling us many more particulars of Xequipir and Lopez som of this Anonimus Indian but neither being able to recount or give us any light to see how many years more either of 'em lived nor when they died Of all which you may read more at large in Augustinus Torniellius's Annales Sacri c. ad an M. 1556. n. 4. 5. And so I have given the two arguments which convince my self that from the Relation of Siorna Saoghalach's Life of 250 years c. nothing can be derived to make any Reader at all scruple the truth of the Irish History of that Kingdoms Monarchs or Kings Nor by consequence any thing against the Catalogue of them which you have in the beginning of this Book or the long extent of Time which in all they reign'd according to the Title of that Catalogue 2. After the Last Inference from the same Catalogue add this here as an other viz. That notwithstanding any thing said hitherto as it is confess'd that the former sixteen of those 23 of the English or Fourth and Last Conquest of Ireland never assum'd the Stile or Title of Kings of Ireland for Henry VIII was the First of this Conquest that assum'd it altho nevertheless all the same former sixteen Kings of England were Sovereign Lords of Ireland too at least by Title every one in his turn since the 17th year of Henry the II's reign over England so it must be confess'd That properly speaking none of those Irish Kings who rul'd in Association with any other could be called Monarchs while their Association lasted And we see by this Catalogue that such were in all at least for some time 29 among those of the former Three Conquests whereof One and Twenty were Milesians Which is the reason that Cambrensis where he tells us of 181 Monarchs of the Milesians must be corrected as to that appellation or Title of Monarch attributed so indistinctly by him to them all and so must I wheresoever in this Former Part of my Prospect I have in this particular follow'd him The Irish Historians in their own Language speak more properly giving 'em all the Title of Kings of Ireland Errors in the Matter where and where they are corrected THE First in Page 4. and 16. concerning Eoghun Mor and Aonghus Ollbhuodhach but corrected p. 89. and 435. The second p. 67. about Dearmach corrected p. 181. Third in p. 18. concerning Muâ—rieadhach's Six sons c. and corrected p. 93. Fourth p. 19. about the nine Hostages corrected p. 359. Errors in Words and Letters to be corrected by this following Table wherein the first Number signifies the Page the second the Line a add d dele and r read First in the Dedicatory 2. 7. d. as Secondly in the Preface 7. 18. d. his 35. 16. r. 1662. p. 39. 31. r. 1604. Thirdly in the Former Part 35. 5. d. the Monarch 71. r. Tighernmhais 99. 16. d. to 107. 29. d. of 137. 6. r. theâ— and again 8. r. the. 180. 14. for Diarmuid r. Dombnall 221. 7. Taumaturga 272. 5. for him r. bâ— and 24. r. or any 317. 13. d. to 319. â— a. as 351. 14. r. Monmouth 354. 13. r. understood 382. 21. r. Aetius 385. 26. r. other 387. 8. r. 51. 389. 19. r. Language and 29. r. Niull 395. 7. d. was and for kill'd r. died 413. 9. r. Trouts 414. 1. r. Leap and 8. for though r. the. 434. â— 26. r. 219. 459. 2. r. Notkerus 461. 26. r. To and in the Note â— penvâ—t r. Books Lastly observe that the Orthography of all the proper Irish Names and Surnames of the Kings throughout this whole Book must be corrected by that in the Catalogue where any variation appears
of these two Writers has treated of the Affairs of that second Difference of Time in Varro especially Berosus He tells us that Berosus both mentioned the Flood and Ark and resting of this on the Mountains of Armenia and continued the series of his Narration downwards all along from the first of Kings after the Deluge even from Noah himself that is for the whole extent of that very Second period or Difference of Time Whence it must follow that however this Time might well and justly be reputed fabulous by the Greeks in relation to themselves and their own Historians yet their ignorance ought to be no rule to conclude other Nations that like to those ancient Egyptians Phaenicians and his Chaldeans in Joseph were from the beginning careful to preserve their Antiquities i. e. their Genealogies Adventures Changes Kings Wars and other Memorable Deeds in publick Registers on Record for Posterity Such are at present the Chineses in the utmost limit of the old World in Asia towards the Rising Sun as the History of Martinus a Martinis abundantly sheweth And that such also in the farthest Land of Europe towards the Setting Sun the ancient Irish have been while their State continued till about five hundred years since may be sufficiently evinc'd by many arguments Among which are those which you may briefly read in this Prospect Former Part Sect. II. page 46 47 and 48. whereunto it will not be amiss to add what both Cambrensis and Neubrigensis do confess that even from the beginning the Irish Nation has ever continued free from any forein Yoak or Conquest till Henry the Second of England's time That is according to Cambrensis has continued so even for so long an extent of time as the successive Reigns of a hundred eighty one Monarchs of their own Countrey and extraction from the same stock had certainly taken up And therefore it must be also confess'd That so long at least they were in a capacity to preserve their own Records And so indeed they did preserve the chiefest of 'em safe even amidst the greatest fury of the two Danish Wars Neither of which how destructive calamitous and heavy soever especially the Former was arrived to the nature of an absolute or total Conquest of the Natives not even for one week or day All which consider'd by indifferent men I hope may be enough to remove out of their way all prejudgment of Criticks from the foresaid observation of Varro against those remote Antiquities of the Irish Nation which you shall meet with in the Former Part of this Prospect What or who were the Authors I have followed it will be but reasonable I should inform you next And I think it as reasonable to tell you That although I have read whatever Cambrensis or Campion or Hanmer or Spencer wrote of Ireland yet in the whole Former Part of this Prospect I have not borrow'd from any one or more of them above one Paragraph of a few lines unless peradventure you account those other to be such i. e. borrowed from them which animadvert upon some few of their many Errours Nor certainly would I have ventur'd on writing so much as one Line of the State of that Kingdom before the English Conquest if I had not been acquainted with other kind of Authors yea Authors not only more knowing but incomparably better qualified to know the ancient Monuments of that Kingdom than they or any other Foreigners that hitherto have gather'd written printed some hear-say scraps of that Nation could possibly be In short when I was a young man I had read Geoffrey Keting's Irish Manuscript History of Ireland And now when my Lord of Castle-haven would needs engage me to write something as you have seen before I remembred how about four or five years since the R. H. Earl of Anglesey Lord Privy Seal had been pleas'd to shew me another Manuscript being an English Translation of that Irish History of Ketings Besides I remember'd to have seen and read Gratianus Lucius when he came out in print some twenty years ago And because I was sâ—re to meet in the Former materials enough for such Discourses upon the more Ancient Irish or State of their Countrey before the English Conquest as were to my purpose and that the Later too might be very useful in some particulars having borrow'd Keting first i. e. that English Manuscript Translation of him such as it is from my Lord Privy Seal I ventur'd to begin somewhâ—â— in the method you have here on so Noble and Illustrious a Subject Though I must confess I am still the more unsatisfied that while I was drawing these Papers you have now before you I could by no means procure the Reading either of Primat Vsher's Primordia Ecclesiarum Britannicarum or Sir James Ware 's Antiquities of Ireland However seeing I have expos'd my self to censure as relying wholly on the ability and sincerity of Keting and Lucius in the performance of their several undertakings I have the more reason to give here this following true account of them Geoffrey Keting was a Native of Ireland in the Province of Mounster as were his Ancestours before him for many Generations though not of Irish but English blood originally He was by Education Study Gommencement abroad in France a Doctor of Divinity in his Religion a Romanist by Ordination and Calling a secular Priest He had by his former study at home in his younger days under the best Masters of the Irish Tongue and the most skilful in their Antiquities arriv'd to a high degree of knowledg in both In his riper years when return'd back from his other Studies and Travails in Forein Parts his curiosity and genius led him to examin all Foreign Authors both Ancient and Modern who had written of that Kingdom either purposely or occasionally whether in Latin or in English And this diligent search made him observe two things chiefly 1. That every one even the very best and most knowing of those Writers were either extreamly out in many if not most of their Relations concerning the State of that Countrey before the English Conquest or rather indeed wholly ignorant of it In so much that like men groping in the dark they related scarce any thing at all well or ill of what had pass'd among the Inhabitants of Ireland far above one and Thirty Hundred years Except only what is by some of them reported of the Learning and Sanctimony of their Monks during the first fervours of Christianity and a very little more of their Wars at home in Ireland with the Danes and even this very little involv'd in a mixture of Monstrous Fables derived from such Romantick Stories as were certainly written at first for meer diversion and pastime only 2. That the generality of those Brittish Authors who have written of that Countrey since the English Conquest are against all Justice and Truth and Law 's of History in the highest degree injurious to the ancient Natives These considerations
the Birth of Christ in the Year of the World 5199. as he does in his Reign of the Irish Monarch Criomthan Niadhnair whom he calls in Latin Criomthanius Niadhnarius Whereby 't is evident he follows the computation of Eusebius holding therein with the generality of the Irish Chronologers and consequently differing in so much from Keting as he does also differ from him and hold with the same generality as to the length of Reign or Life attributed to the two Monarchs Cobhthach Caolbhreag Siorna Saoghallach some others In other matters treated by him in his Cambrensis Eversus he seldom varies from Keting otherwise than by addition of more particulars So you have at last my whole Account and I hope a sufficient one of these two Authors whom I must acknowledg to have been my only chief Directors for what concerns those Irish Affairs treated of in the Former Part of this Prospect I say my only chief Directors c. For I am to inform you now a little farther That as to other matters and some Irish too whether purposely or occasionally discours'd I have not seldom in the same Former Part especially in the V. and VI. Section made use of my own reading and Collections out of other Authors some Ancient some Modern As for example out of Tacitus and the Augustan History Writers and Venerable Bede Cambrensis and Polychronicon I have borrow'd some things out of Roderic of Toledo and Polidore Virgil Harpsfield Bodin William Camden and Buchanan other out of S. Bernard the far greater part of my whole discourse of Malachias out of a French Anonimous Author in Messingham and Sir James Ware 's Book de Praesulibus Hiberniae what I write of Laurase O Tuathail otherwise called in Latin Laurentius Dubliniensis out of Rabanus Jonas Abbas Odericus Vitalis Angligena Notkerus and Spondanus those matters you find related by me of Columbanus Gallus and their Associats besides divers other things out of other Authors And these and those are commonly quoted where I make use of them although sometimes they are not because both Margins being so narrow and Pages so little as you see they are I thought it unfitting to croud them with quotations From the Learned Cambden I seldom recede tho almost as seldom made use of by me in the same Former Part. But the acknowledg'd either purity or elegancy of Buchanan's style makes me no admirer of his skill in the Antiquities of that Nation he writes of Much less can I esteem Hector Boethius in his writing at random of those matters what he had never had but from errant Impostors or certainly himself had forg'd And this without question even contrary to what he had found written by that Irish great Furtherer of his whose name was Cornelius Historicus and his Work entitled Chronicon multarum rerum I mean if this Cornelius was indeed no less by education in the Countrey knowledg in the Language than by birth an Irish man and withal so learned as D. Hanmer page 193. out of Bale and Stanihurst represents him to have been under Henry III. of England about the Year of Christ 1230. that is about 200 years before Boethius had written his History of Scotland Of Hanmer or Campion either though each of them entitles his own Work The History of Ireland nay each of 'em ventures on deducing his Narration from almost the very beginning of times after the Flood I scarce make mention but once or twice where the Subject or leads or forces me to oppose their great mistakes Which certainly are very numerous in both especially in Hanmers Work as this is by much the larger of the two Campion's being only a little extemporary Piece written by him in ten Weeks time as himself confesses in his Dedication thereof * 27 May 1571. To this year Camplon brought his History But Hanmer deduc'd his Chronicle for so he calls it no further than to the year 1286. I suppose he intended to bring it to his own time had he not been prevented by death which seiz'd him at Dublin where he died of the Plague Anno 1064. to Robert Earl of Leicester Nor must we much wonder it should be either so brief or so faulty seeing we have his own farther acknowledgment in his Preface to the Reader That he had never so much as seen any of those Irish Books that treat of matters that happen'd before the English Conquest much less could have any person to interpret them A greater cause of admiration Doctor Meredith Hanmer has given us by making his Chronicle of Ireland so large and yet giving every whit as little of the true Antiquities of Ireland for those times preceding the same English Conquest as Campion before him had e'en a few scraps out of Cambrensis but many more additional meer stories from himself where-ever he had ' em Among which stories however I do not rank his pious Relations of several Irish Saints which take up above 20 leaves of his Chronicle That is from p. 33. to p. 104. But for Edmund Spencer in his Dialogue be-between Irenaeus and Eudoxus bound up in the same Volume as it was at first publish'd in print together with the two former Books of Campion and Hanmer at Dublin an 1635. by Sir James Ware I had 〈◊〉 little occasion to quote him as I could have no other exception against him than what is common to Hanmer and Campion too Save only those two Particulars in his 33 46 Pag. whereof Keting has taken special notice before me viz. 1. The two Saxon Kings Egfrid the Northumbrian and Edgar of England to have had the Kingdom of Ireland in subjection 〈◊〉 That the large spread Irish Families or â—epts of the Birns Tools and Cauanaghs in the Province of Leinster were originally Brittish and those other of the Mac Swines Mac Mahoons and Mac Shehies in the Province of Mounster no less originally English In both Particulars how mightily Spencer is out and without any support either from History or Criticism Keting in his Preface has very sufficiently if not abundantly shewn And therefore I will say no more of Spencer than that although in writing his Faerie Queen he had the right of a Poet to fancy any thing nevertheless in the Historical part of his Dialogue written by him anno 1599. he should have follow'd other Rules I say Historical part c. For I am willing to acknowledg that where he pursued the Political main design of this Dialogue which was to prescribe the ways and means to reduce Ireland a design well becoming him as being Secretary to Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton and Deputy of Ireland under Q. Elizabeth none could surpass him no man could except against him save only those that would not be reduc'd But I digress again For my purpose here in mentioning Spencer should only have been to tell you that in all my Former Part I quote him but once Vnto which if I add in the last place
108 Fearghus II. Dubhdheadach 109 Cormuc Ulfhada 210 Eochodh XI Gunnat 111 Cairbre II. Lithfiochair 112 Fothach I. Airgtheach and Fothach II. Cairb theach two Brothers 1â—3 Fiacha VII Sraibhtine 114 Colla Vais 115 Muireadhach Tireach 116 Calbhach 117 Eochodh XII Muighmheadhion 118 Criomthann III. mhac Eochuigh 119 Niall I. Naoighiallach 120 Fearadhach II. alias Dathi Hitherto the Pagan Kings For according to Gratianus Lucius all that follow were Christians 121 Laoghaire II. mhac Neill Naoighialluidh 122 Oillioll IV. Molt 123 Lughadh IV. mhac Laoghaire 124 Muirchiortach I. mhac Ercha 125 Tuathal II. Maolgharbh 126 Diarmuidh I. mhac Fearghussa Ceirbheoil 127 Fearghus the III. and Domhnall the I two Brothers 128 Eochodh XIII and Baothan I. the former being Nephew and the later Uncle 129 Ainmhire 130 Baothan II. mhac Ninnede 131 Aodh II. mhac Ainmhire 132 Aodh III. Slaine and Colman Rimhigh two Brothers 133 Aodh IV. Vairidhneach 134 Maolchoha 135 Suibhne I. Meann 136 Domhnall II. mhac Aodh 137 Conall III. Ceile and Ceallach two Brothers 138 Blaithmbae and Diarmuid II. Ruainnigh two Brothers 149 Seachnasach 140 Ceannfodlâ— 141 Fionneachta II. Fleadhach 142 Loinnsioch 143 Conghall IV. Kinnmhaghair 144 Fearghal I. mhac Mhaoilduin 145 Foghortach 146 Kinaoth 147 Flaithbhiortach 148 Aodh V. Ollan 149 Domhnall 3. mhac Murchaidh 150 Niall II. Frassach 151 Donnchadh I. mhac Domhnaill 152 Aodh VI. Oirnigh 153 Conchabhar II. mhac Donnchaidh 154 Niall III. Caille 155 Maolseachluinn I. mhac Mhaoilruanuidh 156 Aodh VII Finnliath 157 Flann mhac Sionna 158 Niall IV. Glundubh 159 Donnchadh II. mhac Floinn 160 Conghallach mhac Mhaoilmhidhe 161 Dombnall IV. mhac Muirchiortuidh 162 Maolseachluinn II. mhac Domhnaill 163 Brian Boraimh 164 Maolseachluinn II. restor'd 165 Donnchadh III. mhac Briain Bhora imh 166 Diarmuid III. Mhaoil-na-mbho 167 Toirrdhealbhach I. mhac Taidhg 168 Muirchiortach II. mhac Toirrdhealbhuidh and Domhnal V. mhac Ardghair 169 Toirrdhealbhach II. Mor O Conchabhair 170 Muirchiortach III. mhac Neill 171 Ruairidh II. O Conchabhair In the sixth year of this Monarch's Reign being the year of Christ 1172. Henry II. of England with a Fleet of 400 Sail invaded and landed in Ireland at Waterford Some Observations on and Inferences from this Catalogue TO understand this Catalogue which I have drawn with all the care and exactness I could out of Ketings History at large and Gratianus Lucius's VIII Chapter of his Cambrensis Eversus be pleas'd to observe 1. That the Surnames of such Kings as had any are given here in a different Character from that of their first and proper Names 2. That to all Kings of the same Proper Name who had no Surname I mean any other second Name derived from some peculiar quality of Mind or Body or Fortune as all their Surnames were I have likewise for distinction's sake in a different Character besides Figures signifying what place each of 'em held among the rest for Example whither the First or Second or so forth among those of the same Name I have I say added their Fathers Name also with the word Mac which im ports a Son before ' em 3. That the Marginal or First Figures in the head of the Lines rather signifie the order of Succession than the number of Kings because many of the Lines have two one of 'em three and an other four Kings ruling together in a joint Sovereignty at least for some time 4. That although both Keting and Lucius concur in telling us how the four Brothers of the Milesian Conquest numb 5. Ear Orba Fearon and Feargna sons to Eibhir Fionn we call him Heber had in the Third year of the former joint Sovereignty of the Three sons of Erimhon after the death of the First of these Three kill'd in Battel the two surviving Kings Luighne and Laighne yet Lucius only not Keting has rank'd 'em in the Catalogue of Kings who notwithstanding confesses their Reign was but Three months in all when their own Cosin German Iriall Faidh the fourth and youngest son of Erimhon gave them Battel at Cuile-Mertha vanquish'd and kill'd 'em all four in that Field 5. That neither Buchadh N. 62. tho told us by Keting to have been the Man that kil'd the Monarch Eoghun Mor is counted by him among the Kings as who had had the Sovereign Power only 36 hours or a day and a half in all But Lucius nevertheless inserts him as one of 'em adding however to his memory this Motto of the Poet Vnusque Titan vidit atque unus dies stantem cadentem 6. That in the same manner Diarmuid-Mhaoil na-mo N. 167. is laid aside by Keting tho not only Lancarnaruensis and Gemiticensis call him King of Ireland but Sir James Ware places him in his Catalogue as such And this very justly too a man would think as in the Prospect Form P. p. 180. you may see at large 7. That Domhnal mhac Ardghair N. 169. is likewise pass'd over by Keting yet not so by Lucius nor Colganus neither See the Prospect F. P. p. 178 c. 8. That Erimhon Conn-Begeaglach and Maolseachluinn II. are each of 'em twice inserted The first Num. 1 2. the second Num. 46 48. the last N. 193 195. whereof the reasons are these Erimhon had been first only join'd in the Sovereignty with his elder Brother Eibhir Fionn but after Eibhir had been kill'd by him in the Battel of Geassil he was absolute as ruling alone Conn Bâ—geaglach though when his Brother and Colleague in the Sovereign Power was kill'd he had been forc'd to â—ly leave the Kingdom to the Victor yet after some few years he recover'd it again by killing him And Maolseachluinn II. who had been depos'd to give place to Briain Boraimh came to be the second time King of Ireland after Clantarff Field 9. That the Irish Historians differ about giving the Title of King of Ireland to Maolseachluinn II's Successors some giving it to one and others to another and some sometimes to more than one but all of 'em generally calling those Kings that succeeded him Gafra Sabhrach as who had assum'd the said Title against the consent of some Provinces For so Lucius pag. 80. has observ'd And now that for your better and easier understanding of this Catalogue you have the necessary Observations I 'll only add one more which tho unnâ—cessary for that end may notwithstanding give you cause enough towonder by considering the general Fate of about Nine Parts of Ten of so many Sovereign Princes as you see in this whole Catalogue from Slainghe the First of the Fir-bholgian to Ruaridh the Last of the Milesian Conquest For I can assure you here that after the greatest diligence I could use to satisfie my self by taking Notes out of Keting and Lucius both I find That of so vast a number of Milesian Kings not above six and twenty in all had other then violent ends Which is three less than what I have elswhere insinuated the number of such of them
consequence would not be govern'd not even in Ecclesiastical affairs but by some of their own without dependance on any other except only the Prelat of that See which from the beginning of Christianity had prescribed some right over them all But enough on this Subject relating to Malachias the former of those two extraordinary Saints rais'd by God in the decrepit Age of the Irish Monarchy The later of them was a Leinster man of Noble Descent his Irish name and sirname Laurace O Tuathil in English Laurence Tool his Father Muirchiortach O Tuathil Lord of Imaile and peradventure some other small adjoyning Tracts in the County of Wickloe his Mother Inghin J. Bhrian i. e. one of O Brian's Daughters and he the youngest of all their Children But for the name of Laurence a name so unusual in that Countrey then 't was given him on this occasion Being born his Father sent him to be Christened at Kildare by Donachadh Lord of that Countrey of purpose to let him know by this Gossipred he was reconciled to him for before they had been at some distance and therefore those that carried the Child were commanded by the Father to Christen him Conchabhar this being that Nobleman's surname who was to be Godfather But a person reputed in that Countrey then such an other as Merlin had been of old among the Brittans meeting them in the High-way charg'd them to call him Laurence assuring them he would himself that night excuse them to their Lord and then adding prophetically in Irish Verse This Child shall be great on Earth and glorious in Heaven he shall command over great multitudes both of rich and poor and Laurence shall be his name When he was but ten years old his Father delivered him an Hostage to Diarmuid the King of Leinster In which condition notwithstanding the innocency of his Age he suffer'd incredible miseries even to extream want of Raiment and Food in a desert place among barbarous people where he had been for two years confined At the expiration of which being return'd back in exchange of other Prisoners though not delivered to the Father himself but to the Bishop of Gleann-da-Logh and his Father coming on the twelfth day not only to see him but to desire the Bishop to learn of God by Lot which of his children he should dedicate to an Ecclesiastick Life and he taking this opportunity and telling his Father That with his leave he himself would be that Child the Father surpriz'd with joy takes him presently by the right hand and offers him up perpetually to God in that holy place dedicated to St. Keuin both Cathedral Church and Abbey the one govern'd by a Bishop the other by an Abbot Where Laurence proves in a little time so singular a proficient in all Virtue that the Abbot dying the unanimous consent both of the Monks and Nobles of the Countrey Voted him Abbot and forc'd him to accept of it in the 25th year of his Age. And now it begun to appear more eminently what spirit he was of For the more he was honour'd the more he abased himself the stricter guard he kept on all his senses and the more intent he was upon his holy ascetick Exercises Above all that Virtue which is the bond of perfection that Virtue which shall never be evacuated but after Faith and Hope are ended shall remain that Virtue which by relieving the afflictions of other mortals makes the Reliever a God to them as Pliny speaks in his Panegyrick to Trajan Charity I mean did at this time shew what power she had over the Soul of Laurence He was no sooner made Abbot than a general Famine oppressing all that Countrey four years continually he no less continually employ'd himself in relieving all that were in want especially the poorer sort with corn and cattel and all the Revenues of his Abbey Revenues that were very great yea far surpassing those of the Bishoprick Nor must we admire they should be so It was one of the most famous ancient Monasteries of the Kingdom founded at first by St. Keuin as we call him but the Irish Ceaghin the Latins Coenginus a person though illustrious for his Royal extraction yet much more celebrated as well for the admirable austerity of his Life as for his manifold prodigious Miracles which made him after his death be assumed Patron both of the Town Abbey Cathedral Church and whole Diocess of Gleann-da-Loch where he lived and died Besides none but Noblemen's children were elected Abbots and the Noblemen themselves of the whole Diocess had by ancient custom their Voices in the election of them as well as the Monks However the large Revenues of the Abbey as they came short of the necessities of the poor in that long and general Famine so they did of the charity of Laurence as may be well concluded out of what follows hereafter Much about the time this Famine had ended the Bishop of Gleann-da-Loch dying he was chosen to succeed But notwithstanding all the importunity of the Electors he declined it though pretending only his un-Canonical Age. Yet so he could not soon after the Archbishoprick of Dublin For Gregory the First Archbishop of this See being dead Laurence by the unanimous consent of the Clergy and People of Dublin says Waraeus was elected Commentar de Praesul Hiber Archbishop and being at last by continual importunities drawn to yield was consecrated at Dublin by Gelasius Primat of Ardmagh and other Bishops Anno 1162. just fourteen years after the death of Malachias in France What more Waraeus thought fit to record of him is That presently after consecration he changed the secular Canons of his Cathedral Church into Regular of the Order of Aroasia whose habit and rule of Life himself also took upon him now That about eleven years after he built the Choire and Steeple with an other addition of three new Chappels to Trinity Church in that City That in the Year 1179. he went to the General Council held then at Rome under Alexander III. That according to the Author of his Life he was there made Legat of Ireland by that Pope soon after return'd back and exercis'd his Legatin Authority in Ireland That Gerald L. 2. expugn Hib. c. 23. Barry commonly call'd Cambrensis seems to intimate he never had been permitted to return to Ireland sed ob privilegia aliqua zelo suae Gentis impetrata but for some priviledges obtain'd from the Pope in that Council for his Countrey prejudicial to the Royal power of Henry II. was detained a long time partly in England partly in France until at last falling sick in his Journey he died at Auge in Normandy the 14th of Novemb. 1180. or as others have it 1181. Finally that in the Year 1225. he was canonized by Pope Honorius III. and his Relicks translated to Trinity Church in Dublin Which being the brief account given by Waraeus of this great Servant of God he leaves us for the rest that is
enjoyed the Sovereign Power of Albain The other two were Mac Con otherwise called Lughae and Criomthan mhac Fiodaigh 4. There went also thither about the year of Christ 150. on his own account with considerable Forces Cairbre Riadfadae Son to the 106. Monarch of Ireland by name Conaire mhac Mogha Lauae who Conquer'd large Dominions for himself in the more Northern parts of that Kingdom and left his Posterity after him there who are those or at least a great and the more ancient part of those called by â—â—da Nistor Eccles l. 1. c. 1. Venerable Bede Dal-Rheudini as being the Inhabitants and first Irish Planters of Dal-Rheuda or as the Irish call it Dal-Riada in Scotland Whether it be not called so from that Cairbre Riadbfadae that is from this surname of his Riadfadae being changed by V. Bede to Rheuda as it might easily be I know not But this I know that Dal which is prepos'd in the composition signifies Part or Lot And so the whole word Dal-Rheuda or Dal-Riada signifies the Part of such a man who was the chief in Conquering it 5. The foresaid Mac Con alias Lughae within a few years more at least within less than thirty purfuing the same examples Landed in Scotland with a power of his Country-men Adventurers For it was from thence he returned back into Ireland to fight the Battel called Maigh Mhuchruimhe wherein being Victorious and killing the Monarch Art Aoinfir he made himself Sovereign in his place 6. This Mac Con's Grand-Son Fiachae Ceanann entring likewise Scotland not only gain'd large possessions but left his Posterity after him to give a beginning to Mac Allin and his Family there who are all descended from him 7. Colla Vais who had been four years tho by Usurpation the 115. Monarch of Ireland when he was by the lawful Heir his own Cousin German Muireadhach Tiriogh defeated in Battel and forc'd to flie adventuring over to Scotland with the two other Collaes his Brethren and rest of his adherents and acquiring great scopes of ground there became the Grandsire of the Clan Ndomnaills both in Scotland and Ireland For all of this Surname in either Kingdom in their several generations or branches derive their extraction in a direct line from this Colla Vais and consequently neither from Herimon or Heber but from i the a Cousin of theirs who was the Son of Breoghuin mhic Bratha of the same stock with Milesius 8. Next after that Colla did Criamhthan mhac Fioda the 120. King of Ireland with a Royal Army invade Albain I mean Scotland He had in his company another very powerful Noble man called Earc mhac Eocha Muingreahar mhic Aongussa And from him the Septs not only of Clann Eirc and Cineall Gabhrain but those of Cineall Conghvill Cineall Naonghussa and Cineall Conriche Anile with their distinct propagations and Families in Scotland ever since to this present are descended 9. Corck mhac Luighdhioch is the next in order that deserves mention Because that by the false and wicked surmises of his Step-mother upon his refusal to consent to her incestuous Lust she was Daughter to Fiachac mhac Reill King of Ely falling into his Fathers displeasure and thereupon forced to seek his fortune in Scotland and arriving there accompanied with such armed Troops as he could raise and then by his own deserts coming into such extraordinary favour with the Scottish King Fearradhach Fionn otherwise called Fionn Chormac that he obtain'd his Daughter call'd Muingfionn to Wife he had issue by her besides other Sons Manie Leambna from whom the Sept of Leambnuidh in Scotland and Cairbre Cruithnioch from whom the Families of Eoghanacht Muighe Geirghin in the same Kingdom were propagated 10. Soon after him Niall Naoighiallach the 121. and most powerful indeed of all the Irish Monarchs that were at any time before or since entred Scotland with so great a force that there was no resisting him But having said enough of him before I need not add to it here 11. In the last place and year of Christ 493. much about ninety three years after the said War-like Prince Niall the Great surnamed also Naoighiallach had been kill'd in France and in the 20. year of Lugha the 125 Monarch Son to Laogirius his Reign the six Sons of Muireadhach * So says Keting in the Reign of Niall Naoighiallach yet formerly in the Reign of Oilioll Molâ— he calls them the six Sons of Eirc mhic Eachae Muinreamhair mhic Eoghuin Mhic Neill King of Vlster being six Brothers of Mairchiartach Mor that soon after came to be Monarch of Ireland namely to the two Fergusses the two Aongussaes and the two Loarns together with other Septs or Families of Dal-Riada in the same Province of Vlster adventur'd for Albain and whether or no they gave the denomination of Dal-Rheuda or Dal-Riada to the Country there mostly possessed by them tho at least for a great part of it planted before as we have seen by the Progeny of Cairbre Rioghfadae †Eochae Muinreamhar of the Progeny of Cairbre Ridhfadae had two Sons Earcha and Elchon From the former the the Families of Dal-Riada in Scotland were descended From the later those of Dal-Riada in Ulster So Keting soys in the Reign of Art Aonsir where he further says that the two Dal-Riades or Families of them have been distinguished by the surname or nick-name of Russach given those of Dal Riada in Ulster the Irish Chronicles are plain and positive herein that they gave to themselves and all their Country-men the Scots of Albion the first King that ever they had of the name of Fergus who was one of those six Brothers And it is he that both the Irish and English Scots have since for his honor surnamed the Great as likewise Fergus I. Not that he was indeed the first Irish or Scottish King of Dal-Rheuda wherein Buchanan and all the rest of his Fellow-Historians that were English Scots are extreamly out for long before that very Fergus there have been many Scottish Kings of Irish descent in Dal-Rheuda but that he was greater than any of the former and the first of his own name that ruled there To conclude so many were the Invasions and so great the Plantations made in that Country by the Irish Milesians and other Gathelians in their time of Paganism that as they Conquer'd so they planted it throughly at last having quite expell'd the Picts And so they kept it possess'd intirely by themselves as Lords thereof for some Ages That is until after the Norman Conquest of England very many of the Saxons retiring thither under their protection others invited in and accompanying William the Scottish King and both of them multiplying mightily they not only made the other Nations which are now called English Scots but by degrees gained from them as we see even all other the better parts of that Kingdom besides the Lowlands I say accompanying William the Scottish King For Stow in his Chronicle tells That