toward Sennocke Holmes Dale that is to say the Dale betweene the wooddie hilles THere are as yet to be séene at Reigate in Surrey the ruines of an auncient Castle somtime belonging to the Earles of Surrey whiche Alfrede of Beuerley calleth Holme and whiche the Countrie people do yet terme the Castle of Holmesdale This tooke the name of the Dale wherin it standeth whiche is large in quantitie extending it selfe a great length into Surrey and Kent also and was as I coniecture at the first called Holmesdale by reason that it is for the moste part Conuallis a plaine valley running betwéene two hilles that be replenished with stoare of woode for so muche the very woord Holmesdale it selfe importeth In this Dale a part of whiche we nowe crosse in our way to Sennocke the people of Kent being encouraged by the prosperous successe of Edward their King the Sonne of Alfrede and commonly surnamed Edward the Elder assembled thēselues and gaue to the Danes that had many yeares before afflicted them a moste sharpe and fierce encountre in the which after long fight they preuailed and the Danes were ouerthrowne and vanquished This victorie the like euent in an other battaile giuen to the Danes at Oxford which stādeth in this same valley also begate as I gesse the cōmon by word vsed amongst the inhabitants of this vale euen till this present day in whiche they vaunt after this manner The vale of Holmesdale Neuer wonne nor neuer shal Sennocke or as some call it Seauen oke of a number of trees as it is coniectured ABoute the latter end of the reigne of King Edward the third there was foūd lying in the stréetes at Sennocke poore childe whose Parents were vnknowne and he for the same cause named after the place where he was taken vp William Sennocke This Orphan was by the helpe of some charitable persons brought vp and nourtured in such wise that being made an Apprentice to a Grocer in London he arose by degrées in course of time to be Maior and chiefe Magistrate of that Citie At whiche time calling to his minde the goodnes of Almightie God and the fauour of the Townesmen extended towardes him he determined to make an euerlasting monument of his thankfull minde for the same And therefore of his owne charge builded bothe an Hospitall for reliefe of the poore and a Frée Schoole for the education of youthe within this Towne endowing the one and the other with competent yearely liuing as the dayes then suffered towards their sustentation maintenance But since his time the Schoole was much amended by the liberalitie of one Iohn Potkyn whiche liued vnder the reigne of King Henrie the eight now lately also in the reigne of our souereigne Ladie through the honest trauaile of diuers the inhabitants there not only the yearely stipend is much increased and the former litigious possessions quietly established but the corporation also chaunged into the name of two Wardeins and foure assistants of the frée Schoole of Quéene Elizabeth in Sennocke The present estate of the Towne it selfe is good and it séemeth to haue béene for these many yeares together in no worse plight And yet finde I not in all hystorie any memorable thing concerning it saue onely that in the time of King Henrie the sixt Iack Cade and his mischeuous meiny discomfited there Syr Humfrey Stafford and his Brother two Noble Gentlemen whome the King had sent to encounter them Eltham ANthonie Becke that Bishop of Durham whiche in the reignes of King Henrie the third of King Edward his Sonne builded Aucland Castle in the Bishopricke of Durham Somerton Castle in Lincolneshyre and Durham place at London was by the report of Iohn Leland either the very Author or the first beautifier of this the Princes house here at Eltham also It is noted of that man that he was in all his life and Port so gay glorious that the Nobility of the Realme disdained him greatly therefore But they did not consider belike that he was in possession Bishop of Durham which had Iura Regalia the Prerogatiues of a petie Kingdome and that he was by election Patriarche of Ierusalem whiche is néere Cousin to a Popedome in whiche respectes he might well inoughe be allowed to haue Domus splendidas luxu Regali his houses not only as gay as the Noble mens but also as gorgeous as the Kinges To say the trueth this was not to builde vp the spirituall house with liuely stones resting on the chiefe corner to Heauen and to Godward but with Mammon and Material stuffe to erect warrelyke Castles for the nourishment of contention and stately Palaces for the maintenaunce of worldly pride and pleasure towardes Hell and the Deuill Howbeit this was the whole studie of Bishops in the Popishe Kingdome and therefore letting that passe let vs sée what became of this piece of his building King Henrie the third saith Mat. Parise toward the latter end of his reigne kept a Royall Christmas as the manner then was at Eltham being accompanied with his Quéene and Nobilitie and this belike was the first warming of the house as I may call it after that the Bishop had finished his worke For I doe not hereby gather that hitherto the King had any property in it forasmuch as the Princes in those days vsed commonly both to soiourne for their pleasures and to passe their set solemnities also in Abbaies and Bishops houses But yet I beléeue verely that soone after the deathe of that Bishop the house came to the possession of the Crowne for proofe wherof I pray you heare and marke what followeth The wyfe of King Edward the second bare vnto him a Sonne at this house who was therof surnamed Iohn of Eltham What time King Iohn of Fraunce whiche had béen prisoner in England came ouer to visite King Edward the third who had moste honourably intreated him the King and his Quéene lay at Eltham to entertaine him King Henrie the fourth also kept his last Christmas at Eltham And King Henrie his Sonne and successour lay there at a Christmas likewise when he was faine to depart soudainly for feare of some that had conspired to murder him Furthermore Iohn Rosse writeth plainely that King Edward the fourthe to his greate cost repaired his house at Eltham at whiche time also as I suppose he inclosed Horne parke one of the thrée that be here and enlarged the other twaine And it is not yet fully out of memorie that king Henrie the seauenth set vp the faire front ouer the mote there since whose reigne this house by reason of the néerenesse to Greenewiche whiche also was muche amended by him and is through the benefite of the Riuer a seate of more commoditie hath not béen so greatly estéemed the rather also for that the pleasures of the emparked grounds here may be in manner as well enioyed the Courte lying at Greenewiche as if it were at this house it selfe These be
of the first and second point of their assertion doe builde vpon the wordes of our written Custome where it is saide Del heure que ceux heirs de Gauelkinde soient ou ount passe lage de 15. ans list a eux lour terres tenementes Doner Vender in whiche the wordes Ceux Heires doe restraine the Infant that commeth in by Purchase And Doner Vender in the copulatiue for so they lye in déede though the imprinted booke haue thē disiunctiuely doe of necessitie implye a recompence for as muche as Vendere cannot be Sine precio And for maintenance of the third matter they haue on their part besides the common vsage of their owne Countrie the common lawe of the whole Realme also which expoundeth the word Doner to meane a Feoffment as I haue before shewed and whiche not onely disaloweth of any gifte made by an infant but also punisheth the taker in trespas vnlesse he haue it by liuerie from the infantes owne handes Thus haue I runne ouer suche customes as by meane of this Gauelkinde tenure doe apperteine eyther to the Lorde or the Tenant the husbande or the wife the childe or the Gardein To these I will adde as I promised confusedly a fewe other things of the whiche some belong generally to the Kentishe man throughout the whole Shyre Some to the inhabitants of some particular quarter of the countrie and some to the tenants in Gauelkinde onely and to none other It appeareth by claime made in our auncient treatise that the bodyes of all Kentishe persons be of frée condition whiche also is confessed to be true .30 E. 1. in the title of Villenage 46. in Fitzherbert Where it is holden sufficient for a man to auoide the obiection of bondage to say that his father was borne in the Shyre of Kent But whether it will serue in that case to saye that him selfe was borne in Kent I haue knowne it for good reason doubted It séemeth by the same treatise that suche persons as helde none other lande then of Gauelkinde nature be not bounde to appeare vpon Sommons before the Iustices in Eire otherwise then by their Borsholder and foure others of the Borowe a fewe places only excepted The like to this Priuilege is inioyed at this day in the Sherifes Lathe where many whole Borowes be excused by the onely apparance of a Borsholder and two foure or sixe other of the inhabitants Furthermore I haue read in a case of a written report at large of .16 E. 2. whiche also is partly abridged by Fitzherbert in his title of Praescription that it was tried by verdite that no man ought to haue commen in landes of Gauelkinde Howbeit the contrarie is well knowne at this day and that in many places The same booke sayeth that the vsage in Gauelkind is that a man maye lawfully inchase or driue out into the highe way to their aduenture the beastes of any other person that he shal finde doing damage in his land and that he is not compellable to impounde them which custome séemeth to me directly against the rule of the common lawe But yet it is practised till this present daye The Parleament 15. H. 6. 3. minding to amplifie the Priuileges of Gauelkinde graunted to the tenants of that lande exemption in Attaints in suche sort as the inhabitants of auncient demeane and of the Fiue Ports before had But within thrée yeares after vpon the complaint of some of the Gentz of the Countrie whiche infourmed the Parleament house that there was not in the whole Shyre aboue the number of 30 or 40. persons that helde to the value of 20. li. land out of Gauelkinde who in default of others and by reason of that exemption were continually molested by returnes in Attaintes that Acte was vtterly repealed The Satute .14 H. 8. Cap. 6. giueth libertie to euery man hauing high way through his Land in the Weald that is worne déepe and incommodious for passage to lay out an other way in some suche other place of his land as shal be thought méete by the viewe of two Iustices of the Peace and twelue other men of wisedome and discretion Finally the generall Lawe made 35. H. 8. 17. For the preseruation of Copies woodes thorough out the Realme maketh plaine exception of all woodes within this Weald vnlesse it be of suche as be common Thus muche concerning the customes of this oure Countrie I thought good to discourse not so cunningly I confesse as the matter required nor so amplie as the argument would beare for so to doe it asketh more art and iudgement then I haue attained But yet sufficiently I truste for vnderstanding the olde treatise that handleth them and summarily inough for comprehending in manner whatsoeuer the common or Statute lawe of the Realme hath litterally touching them whiche is as muche as I desired Now therefore to the end that neither any man be further bound to this my discourse vpon these customes then shal be warranted by the Customes thēselues neither yet the same customes be henceforth so corruptly caried about as hitherto they haue béene but that they may at the length be restored to their auncient light and integritie I will set downe a true and iust transcript of the very text of them takē out of an auncient and faire written roll that was giuen to me by Maister George Multon my Father in lawe and whiche some time belonged to Baron Hales of this Countrie I wil adioyne also mine owne interpretation in the English not of any purpose to binde the learned vnto it but of a desire to infourme the vnlearned by it Kent Ces These sount are les the vsages vsages les and custumes customes les the ques which le the comunaute comunalty de of Kent Kent cleiment claimeth auer to haue en in the tenementz Tenements de of Gauylekende Gauelkinde e en in gentz the men of Gauilekendeys Gauelkind * allowes en Eire Iohn de allowed in Eire before Iohn of Berewike Berwike e sos compagnions and his cōpanions Iustices the Iustices en in Eire Eire en in Kent Kent le the 21. 21. an yeare le of Roy Ed. fitz le Roy Henrie * Cestascauoir que toutes les King E. the Sonne of King Henrie * That is to say that all the cors bodies de of Kenteys Kentishe seyent men frācz be free auxi aswell come as les the autres other fraūz free bodies cors of Dengleterre England Et que ilz ne duiuent le eschetour le Roy And that they ought not the Eschetor of the King to elire chuse ne nor vnkes euer en in nul any temps time ne fesoint mes le Roy prengne ou did they But the King shall take or face prendre tiel come luy plerra de ceo qui soit cause to be taken suche an one as it shall please him to serue him mistier a luy seruir Et
the Kings fauour their owne power pollicie and possession contemned all other and forgate them selues abusing the simplicitie of the King by euill counsel treading vnder foote the nobilitie by great disdaine and oppressing the common people by insatiable rauine extortion and tirannie So that immediatly and at once they pulled vpon their heades the heauie displeasure of the Prince the immortall hatred of the noble men and the bitter execration and curse of the common sort Whereupon the king for a season banished them the nobles neuer after liked them and the poore people not onely railed vpon them while they liued but also by deuised tales as the manner is laboured to make them hatefull to all posteritie after their death And amongst other things touching Godwyne him selfe they feygned that he was choked at Winchester or Windsore as others say for liers can not lightly agrée with a morsel of bread and that this his land in Kent sonke sodainly into the Sea. Neyther were these things continued in memory by the mouths of the vnlearned people only but committed to writing also by the hands and pens of Monkes Frears and others of the learned sort So that in course of time the matter was past all peraduenture and the things belieued for vndoubted veritie But whatsoeuer hath bene heretofore thought of these matters hauing now iust occasion offered mee to treate of the thing I wil not spare to speake that which I haue red in some credible writers and whiche I doe thinke méete to be beléeued of all indifferent readers Siluester Giraldus in his Itinerarie of Wales and many others doe write that about the end of the reigne of King William Rufus or the beginning of Henrie the first there was a sodaine and mightie inundation of the Sea by the which a great part of Flaunders and of the lowe countries thereabout was drenched and lost so that many of the inhabitants being thereby expulsed from their seates came ouer into England and made suite to the same King Henrie for some place of dwelling within his dominion The King pitying their calamitie and séeing that they might bee profitable to his Realme by instructing his people in the art of clothing wherein at that time they chiefly excelled first placed them about Carlile in the North countrie and afterwarde vpon cause remoued them to Rosse and Hauerford in Wales Now at the same tyme that this happened in Flaunders the like harme was done in sundry places bothe of England and Scotland also as Hector Boethius the Scottishe hystoriographer moste plainly writeth affirming that amongst other this place being sometyme of the possession of the Earle Godwine was then first violently ouerwhelmed with a light sande wherewith it not onely remayneth couered euer since but is become withall Nauium gurges vorago a most dreadfull gulfe and shippe swalower This thing as I cannot but marueil how it hath escaped the penns of our own countrie writers the rather for that some of them liuing about that time haue mention of that harme in the lowe countrie so I sticke not to accept it for assured trueth considering either the auctority of the writer him selfe being a diligent and learned man or the circumstances of the thing that he hathe left written beeing in it selfe both reasonable likely And thus I might wel make an end but because I haue alredy takē occasiō to accuse thē of forgerie which affirme Godwine to haue bene choked at the bourde I trust it shal be no great offence though beside purpose yet for declaration of the trueth to rehearse shortly what some credible storiers haue reported of that matter also And to the end that the trueth may appeare by collation of the diuers reportes I will first shewe what the common opinion and tale of his death is and then afterward what these other men write concerning the same Ealred the Abbat of Ryuauxe who tooke paynes to pen the hystorie of the same King Edwardes whole life and of whom all others as I thinke learned this tale saith that while the King and Godwyne sate at the table accompanied with others of the Nobilitie it chaunced the Cupbearer as he brought wyne to the bourd to slip with the one foote and yet by good strength of his other legge to recouer him self without falling whiche thing the Earle earnestly marking sayde pleasantly that There one brother had wel helped another mary quoth the King so might me mine ne haddest thou bene Earle Godwine casting in his dishe the murder of his brother Alfred which was done to death at Elie by the counsell of Godwine as hereafter in fitte place for it shall appeare Hereat the Earle was sore moued and thinking it more then time to make his purgation tooke a morsell of bread into his hand and praying with great and vehement obtestation that it might choke him if he by any meanes caused the slaughter or consēted thereto he put the bread into his mouth and was immediatly strangled therewithall Some write that this bread was before accursed by Wulstane the holy Bishop of Worcester after a certain manner then vsed called Corsned as in the table to the Saxons lawes is to be séene But this Ealred affirmeth that after the woords spoken by the Earle the King him selfe blessed the bread with the signe of the crosse And therfore these men agrée aswel together as blessing and cursing be one like to another But letting that and them passe heare I beséech you what Alfred of Beuerley a learned man that liued in the time of King Henry the first somewhat before this Abbat Ealred saith touching this matter Godwinus graui morbo ex improuiso percussus ac Regi ad mensam Wyntoniae assidens mutus in ipsa sede declinauit ac postea in camerā Regis a filijs deportatus moritur Quidam autem dicunt c. Godwine being sodainly strickē with a grieuous disease as he sate at the table with the King at Winchester fel down from his stoole and was carried by his sonnes into the Kings chamber where he dyed but some say that he was choked c. And to the same effect writeth Marianus the Scot. Simeon also the Chaunter of Durham whiche liued about the time of this Alfred or rather before him treating of this matter hath these wordes Godwinus graui morbo percussus in ipsa sede declinauit post horas quinque moritur Godwyne being taken with a grieuous disease dropped down from the place where he sate and dyed within fiue houres after Thus these men reporte another manner of his death the one vsing no mention at all of any accursed breade and the other reciting it but as a tale And for the more plaine detection of the deceipt of this Abbat he that wil read the second booke of William Malmes De Regibus shall finde that the occasion and introduction of this matter I meane the slipping of the Kings Cupbearer and the speache that procéeded
at the Kings handes The King hearing the complaint ment to make correction of the fault but the Townesmen also had complained themselues to Godwine who determining vnaduisedly to defend his clients and seruauntes opposed himselfe violently against the King his Leige Lord and Maister To bee short the matter waxed within a while so hote betwéene them that either side for maintenance of their cause arraied and conducted a great armie into the field Godwine demaunded of the King that Eustace might be deliuered vnto him the King cōmaunded Godwine that armes laide aside hee would answere his disobedience by order of the Lawe and in the ende Godwine was banished the Realme by the sentence of the King and Nobilitie wherevpon hee and his Sonnes fled ouer the Sea and neuer ceassed to vnquiet the King and spoyle his subiects til they were reconciled to his fauour and restored to their auncient estate and dignitie This towne was so sore wasted with fire soone after the comming in of King William the Conquerour that it was wholly saue onely nine and twentie dwelling houses consumed and brought to ashes And in the time of King Edward the first also whiles two of the Popes Cardinales were here in the treatie of an attonement to be made betwéene England and Fraunce the Frenchemen landed at Douer in a right and burned a great part of the towne and some of the religious buildings So that in those times it was muche empayred by those misfortunes But nowe in our memorie what by decay of the hauen whiche King Henrie the eight to his great charge but that all in vayne sought to restore and what by the ouerthrowe of the religious houses and losse of Calaice it is brought in maner to miserable nakednesse and decaye whiche thing were the lesse to be pitied if it were not accompanyed with the ruine of the Castell it selfe the decay whereof is so much the more grieuous as the fame therof is with our ancient stories aboue al other most blasing glorious The Castell of Douer sayth Lidgate and Rosse was firste builded by Iulius Caesar the Romane Emperour in memorie of whome they of the Castell kept till this day certeine vessels of olde wine and salte whiche they affirme to be the remayne of suche prouision as he brought into it As touching the whiche if they be natural and not sophisticate I suppose them more likely to haue béene of that store whiche Hubert de Burghe layde in there of whome I shall haue cause to say more hereafter But as concerning the building bycause I finde not in Caesar his owne Commentaries mention of any fortification that he made within the Realme I thinke that the more credible reporte whiche ascribeth the foundation to Aruiragus a King of the Britons of whome Iuuenal the Poet hath mention saying to the Emperour Nero in this wise Regem aliquem capies aut de temone Britanno Excidet Aruiragus c. Some King thou shalt a captaine take or els from Bryttishe wayne Shall Aruiragus tumble downe And of whome others write that he founde suche fauour in the eye of Claudius the Emperour that he obtained his daughter to wife But whosoeuer were the authour of this Castell Mathewe Parise writeth that it was accounted in his time which was vnder the reigne of King Henry the third Clauis Repagulum totius Regni the very locke and key of the whole Realme of England And truly it séemeth to me by that which I haue read of King William the Conquerour that he also thought no lesse of it For at suche time as Harold being in Normandie with him whether of purpose or against his will I leaue as I finde it at large made a corporall othe to put him in possession of the Crowne after the death of King Edwarde It was one parcell of his othe that he should deliuer vnto him this castell and the Well within it The same King had no soner ouerthrowne Harolde in the fielde and reduced the Londoners to obedience but foorthwith he marched with his armie towarde Douer as to a place of greatest importaunce and spéede in that iourney as is already declared Not long after whiche time also when he had in his owne opinion peaceably established the gouernment of this Realme and was departed ouer into Normandie of purpose to commit the order of that countrie to Robert his sonne diuers of the shyre of Kent knowing right well howe muche it might annoy him to lose Douer conspired with Eustace the Earle of Boloine for the recouerie and surprise of the same And for the better atchieuing of their desire it was agréed that the Earle should crosse the seas in a night by them appointed at whiche time they woulde not faile with all their force to méete him and so ioyning handes soudainly assayle and enter it They met accordingly and marched by darke night toward the Castell well furnished with scaling ladders but by reason that the watch had discried them they not only fayled of that whiche they intended but also fell into that whiche they neuer feared for the Souldiours within the Castell to whome Odo the Bishop of Borieux and Hughe Mountfort which then were with the King in Normandie had committed the charge thereof kept them selues close and suffered the assaylants to approche the wall and then whiles they disorderly attempted to scale it they set wide open their gates and made a soudaine salie out of the péece and set vpon them with suche furie that they compelled Eustace with a fewe others to returne to his Shippe the reste of his companie béeing eyther slayne by the sworde destroyed by fall from the Clyffe or deuoured by the Sea. The same King also béeing worthely offended with the disobedience auarice and ambition of Odo his bastarde brother whome he had promoted to the Bishopricke of Borieux and to the Earldome of Kent for that he had not onely by rauine and extortion raked together greate masses of Golde and treasure whiche he caused to be grounde into fine pouder and filling therewith dyuers pottes and crockes had sounk them in the bottomes of Riuers intending therwithall to haue purchased the Papacie of Rome But also bycause he refused to render vnto him the Countie of Kent and was suspected for aspiring to the Crowne of this Realme consulted with Lanfranc the Archebishop of Canterburye and a professed enemie to Odo howe hée might safely and without offence to the Ecclesiasticall estate for that hée was a Bishoppe bothe conteyne that treasure within the Realme and also deteyne hys person from going into Italie whether warde he bothe addressed him selfe with all speede and gathered for his trayne great troupes of valiaunt and seruiceable men out of euerie quarter Lanfranc counseled the King to commit him to safe custodie and for his defence armed him with this pretie shift If it be layde to your charge quoth he that you haue layde violent handes vpon a sacred Bishop Say that you
of this gallant brought to shame and confusion his Pecockes feathers pulled his black féete bewraied his fraude vnfoulded his might abated and him selfe in the ende suffered to sayle ouer with sorowe and ignominie Besides this Pryorie of S. Martines which was valued at a hundreth fourscore and eight poundes by yeare there was lately in Douer also an Hospitall rated at fiftie nyne poundes An other house of the same sorte called Domus Dei or Maison Dieu reputed worth one hundreth and twentie pounds And long since a house of Templers as they call it the which together with al other of the same kind throughout the Realme was suppressed in the reigne of King Edwarde the seconde The foundation of any of these I haue not hitherto founde out and therefore can not deliuer therof any certaintie at all Onely as touching this Temple I dare affirme that it was erected after the time of Conquest for as muche as I am sure that the order it selfe was inuented after that Godfrey of Bolein had wonne Ierusalem whiche was after the cōming in of the Conquerour To these also may be added for neighbourhoode sake if you will the Monasterie of S. Radegundes on the hyll two myles off valued at fourescore and eightéene pounds by yeare And here hauing perused the Towne Castle and religious buildings I woulde make an ende of Douer saue that Mathewe Parise putteth me in mynde of one thing not vnworthy rehearsall that was done in this Temple I meane the sealing of that submission whiche King Iohn made to Pandulphe the Popes Legate wherin he yealded his Realme tributarie and him selfe an obedienciarie and vassall to the Bishop of Rome And bycause this was almost the last acte of the whole Tragedie and can not well be vnderstoode without some recourse to the former parts and beginning and for that some men of late time haue taken great holde of this matter to aduaunce the Popes authoritie withall I will shortly after my manner recount the thing as it was done and leaue the iudgement to the indifferent Reader After the death of Hubert the Archebishop of Canterbury the Monkes of Christes Church agréed among them selues to chose for their Bishop Reginald the Subpryor of their house King Iohn hauing no notice of this election wherein no doubt he receiued greate wrong since they ought to haue of him their Conge deslier recommended vnto them Iohn Graye the Bishop of Norwiche a man that for his wisedome and learning he fauoured muche Some part of the Monkes taking soudaine offence at Reginalde for that he had disclosed a secrete out of their house and being glad to satisfie the Kings desire elected this Graye for their Bishop also Hereof grewe a great suite at Rome betwéen the more part of the Monkes on the one side and the Suffraganes of Canterbury and the lesse number of the Monkes on the other side The Pope vpon the hearing of the cause at the first ratifieth the election of Iohn Graye Howbeit afterwarde he refuseth bothe the electes and preferreth Stephan Langton whom the Monkes bycause the matter was not before litigious enough elected also Nowe King Iohn hearing that not only the election of Graye contrarie to the Popes owne former determination was made frustrate but that there was also thruste into his place a man familiarly entertained by the Frenche King his great enemie disliked much of the choice forbad Stephan the elect to enter the Realme The Pope againe who as Mathewe Parise writeth sought chiefly in this his choice Virum strenuum a stoute man that is in plaine speache a man that could exact of the Clergie kéep in awe the Laitie and encounter the King and Nobilitie séeing his champion thus reiected beginneth to startle for anger first therefore he moueth the King by minacing letters to admitte Stephan not so preuailing he enterditeth him his whole Realme And finally bothe prouoketh al Potentates to make open warre vpon him and also promiseth to the King of Fraunce full and frée remission of all his sinnes and the kingdome of England it self to inuade him this done he solliciteth to rebellion the Bishops nobilitie and cōmōs of the Realme loosing thē by the plenitude of his Apos to like power from al duetie of allegiaunce toward their Prince By this meanes diuine seruice ceassed the King of Fraunce armed the Bishops conspired the nobilitie made defection and the common people wauered vncertaine to what part to incline To be short King Iohn was so pressed with suspition feare of domesticall forreigne enemies on al sides that notwithstāding he was of great and noble courage and séemed to haue forces sufficient for resistance also if he might haue trusted his souldiers yet he was in the end compelled to set his seale to a Chartre of submissiō wherby he acknowleged himselfe to holde the Crowne of England of the Popes Mitre promised to pay yerely for the same and for Ireland 1000. Markes to the holy father his successours for euer this Chartre because it was afterward with great insultation and triumph closed in Golde was then commonly called Aurea Bulla the Bull of Golde Thus omitting the residue of this storie no lesse tragical and troublesome then that which I haue alreadie recited I report me to all indifferent men what cause Paulus Iouius or any other popishe parasite hathe by colour of this Bull to claime for the Pope superioritie Dominion ouer the King of this Realme since Iohn without the assent of the estates I meane his nobilitie and commons could not in such a gifte either binde his successours or charge the kingdome And for plaine declaration that his submission proceaded not with their consent I read in a treatise of one Simon de Boraston a Frier Preacher in the time of King Edward the third the which he wrote concerning the Kings right to the Crowne of Ireland that in the reigne of Henrie the third whiche next of all succeaded King Iohn there were sent from the King the nobilitie and the commons of England these Noble men Hughe Bigod Iohn Fitz Geffray William Cantlowe Phillip Basset and a Lawier named William Powicke to the generall Counsel then assembled at Lions in Fraunce of purpose and with commission to require that the saide Bull sealed by King Iohn might be cancelled for as muche as it passed not by the assent of the Counsel of the Realme and the same Authour writeth that the Pope for that tyme did put them of by colour of more waightie affaires whiche the Counsel had then in hand I know that it may wel be thought néedlesse to labour further in confuting a litle so weightles for it is true that Aristotle saith Stultum est absurdas opiniones accuratius refellere It is but a follie to labour ouer curiously in refelling of absurdities And therefore I will here conclude the treatise of Douer and procéede particularly to the rest of the places that lye on
to Rotherfield thence to Hichingham and so to Roberts bridge corruptly so termed for Rothersbridge frō whence it descendeth to Bodyam Castell to Newendene Oxney and Apultree and soone after openeth into the Sea. The place is not notable for any other thing then that it harboured the first Carmelite Fryars that euer were in this Realme For about the midst of the reigne of King Henrie the thirde that order came ouer the Sea arriued in this lande and made their neste at Newendene whiche was before a wooddy and solitarie place and therefore in common opinion so much the more fit for Religious persons to inhabite They of that profession were called Carmelites of a hill in Syria named Carmelus where at the first a sort of men that liued solitarily were drawne into companies by one Ioan the Patriarche of Ierusalem in the dayes of King Henrie the firste And after that comming into Europe were by Honorius Quartus the Pope appointed to a rule and order by the name of the Brothers of Mary whiche title liked them selues so well that they procured the Pope Vrbane the sixte thrée yeares pardon for all suche as would so call them But certaine merry felowes seing their vanitie and knowing how litle they were of kin to Mary the blessed Virgine called them the brothers of Mary Aegiptiaca the harlot whereat the Pope was so offended that he plainly pronounced them Heretikes for their labour I read that in the reigne of King Richard the seconde one William Starnefeld was Pryor of this house and that he committed to writing the originall and beginning of the same But hitherto though to no great losse it hath not chaunced me to sée it The Weald so named of 〈◊〉 on worde peald which signifieth A woodie countrie The Britons called it Andred of which worde the Saxons called it AnSreSesleag in Latine Saltus Andred the chase of Andred This latter name was imposed for the exceeding greatnesse of it for Anrhsed in Brittish is as much as great or wonderfull NOwe then we are come to the Weald of Kent which after the common opinion of men of our time is conteined within very streight and narrowe limits notwithstanding that in times paste it was reputed of suche excéeding bignesse that it was thought to extende into Sussex Surrey and Hamshyre and of suche notable fame withall that it left the name to that part of the Realme thorough which it passed for it is manifest by the auncient Saxon Chronicles by Asserus Meneuensis Henrie of Huntingdon and almost all others of latter time that beginning at Winchelsey in Sussex it reached in length a hundreth and twentie myles towarde the West and stretched thirtie myles in breadth towarde the Northe And it is in mine opinion moste likely that in respecte of this wood that large portion of this Islande whiche in Caesars time contained foure seuerall Kings was called of the Bryttish word Caine Cancia in Latine and now cōmonly Kent Of which deriuation one other infallible monumēt remaineth euen til this day in Staffordshyre where they yet call their great woodie Forrest by the name of Kanc also On the edge of this wood in Sussex there stoode somtime a Citie called after the same Andredes Chester whiche Ella the founder of the Southsaxon kingdome after that he had landed with his thrée sonnes and chased the Brytons into the wood raced and made equall with the grounde And in this wood Sigbert a King of Westsex was done to death by this occasion following About the yeare after the Incarnation of Christe seuen hundreth fiftie fiue this Sigbert succéeded Cuthred his cousine in the kingdom of the Westsaxons and was so puffed vp with the pride of his dominion mightely enlarged by the prosperous successes of his predecessour that he gouerned without feare of God or care of man making lust his lawe and mischiefe his minister Wherevpon one Cumbra an Earle and Counselour at the lamentable suite of the Commons moued him to consideration But Sigbert disdaining to be directed commaunded him most dispitefully to be slayne Hereat the Nobilitie and Commons were so muche offended that assembling for the purpose they with one assent depriued him of his crowne and dignitie and he fearing worse fled into the wood where after a season a poore Hogheard sometime seruaunt to Cumbra founde him in a place which the Saxon Hystories cal Prifetsflode and knowing him to be the same that had slaine his Master slue him also without all manner of mercy The Hystorie of this Hoghearde presenteth to my minde an opinion that some men mainteine touching this Weald whiche is that it was a great while together in manner nothing else but a Desert and waste Wildernesse not planted with Townes or peopled with men as the outsides of the shyre were but stoared and stuffed with heardes of Deare and droues of Hogs onely whiche conceit though happely it may séeme to many but a Paradoxe yet in mine own fantasie it wanteth not the féete of sounde reason to stande vpon For besides that a man shall reade in the Hystories of Canterbury and Rochester sundry donations in whiche there is mention onely of Pannage for Hogges in Andred and of none other thing I thinke verely that it cannot be shewed out of auncient Chronicles that there is remayning in Weald of Kent or Sussex any one monument of great antiquitie And truly this thing I my selfe haue obserued in the auncient rentalles and surviewes of the possessions of Christes Church in Canterbury that in the rehearsall of the olde rentes and seruices due by the Tenaunts dwelling without the Weald the entrie is commonly after this forme De redditu vij s̄.vj d. De viginti ouis j.d. De gallinis benerth xvj.d. Summa viij s̄.xj.d quieti redditus But when they come to the Tenauntes inhabiting within the Wealdy countrey then the stile and Intituling is first Redditus de Walda Then after that followeth De tenementis Ioāis at Stile in loose iij. s̄.iiij.d Without shewing for what auncient seruice for what manner of custome or for what speciall cause the same Rent grew due and payable as in the first stile or entrie is expressed Wherevpon I gather that although the propertie of the Weald was at the firste belonging to certaine knowen owners as wel as the rest of the countrey yet was it not then alotted into Tenancies nor Manured like vnto the residue But that euen as men were contented to inhabite it and by péecemeale to rid it of the wood and to breake it vp with the ploughe So this latter rent differing from the former bothe in quantitie and qualitie as being greater than the other and yealded rather as recompence for fearme then as a quiterent for any seruice did long after by litle and litle take his beginning And hereout also springeth the diuersitie of opinions touching the true limits of this Weald Some men affirming it to beginne at one place and some at another
abiured should not be molested while they be in the highe wayes may euidently appeare I finde in Hystorie that this Watlingstreete hath heretofore not onely serued for the frée passage of the people but that it hath béen at times also a marke and bounder betwéene some Kings for the limits of their iurisdictions and authoritie For so it was betwéene Edmund and Anlaf Alfred and Guthrum and others But bycause these matters reache further then this Shyre extendeth I will reserue them to fit place and shew you in the meane while what I count note worthy on both sides of this way till I come to the Diocesse of Rochester Lyminge ON the South side of Watlingstreete and vnder the Downes Lyminge is the first that offereth it selfe concerning the which I haue found a note or twaine that make more for the antiquitie then for the estimation of the place for I reade in the Annales of S. Augustines of Canterbury that Eadbald the sonne of King Ethelbert the firste Christened King of Kent gaue it to Edburge his sister who foorthwith clocked together a sorte of simple women whiche vnder her wing there tooke vpon them the Popishe veile of widowhood But that order in time waxed colde and therefore Lanfranc the Archebishop at suche time as he builded Sainct Gregories in Canterbury as we haue touched in Tanet before reckoning it no small ornamēt of his dotation to bestowe some renouned Relique that might procure estimation to his worke translated the olde bones of Edburge from Lyminge to Sainct Gregories and verefied in Papistrie the olde Maxime of Philosophie Corruptio vnius generatio alterius Baramdowne in the Saxon BarHamdune That is to say the hill where the Bores do abide AS this place is of it selfe very fit by reason of the flat leuel and playnesse therof to array an heast of men vpon So haue we testimonie of thrée great armies that haue mustred at it The one vnder the conduict of Iulius Caesar who landing at Dele as we haue before shewed surueyed his hoast at Baramdowne and marching from thence against the Britons so daunted their forces that he compelled them to become tributarie No lesse infortunate but muche more infamous to this countrie was the time of the seconde muster whiche happened in the reigne of King Iohn who hearing that Philip the king of Fraunce had by incitation of the Pope as hath already appeared in Douer prepared a great army to inuade him and that he was ready at Calaice to take shipping determined to incounter him vpon the Sea and if that assay succéeded not then to giue him a battaile on the lande also For whiche seruice he rigged vp his shippes of warre and sent to the Sea the Earle of Salisburie whome he ordeined Admirall and calling together fit men from al the parts of the Realme he found by view taken at this place an armie of sixtie thousande men to incounter his enemies besides a sufficient number of able and armed souldiours to defende the lande withal Now whilest he thus awaited at Baramdown to heare further of his aduersaries comming Pandulph the Popes Legate sent vnto him two Knightes of the order of the Temple by whose mouthe he earnestly desired the King to graunt him audience The King assented and the Legate came vnto him and sayde in summe as followeth Beholde O Prince the King of Fraunce is in armes against thée not as against a priuate enemie to him self alone but as an open and common aduersarie bothe to the Catholike Church to the Popes holynesse to whole Christendome and to God him self Neyther commeth he vpon opinion of his owne power and strength but is armed with great confidence of Gods fauourable ayde accompanied with the consent of many great Princes furnished with the presence of suche as thou haste banished out of thy Realme and assured by the faythful promises of sundry of thyne owne Nobilitie whiche nowe are present in person with thée Consider therefore in what daunger thou standest and spare not to submit thée while space is leaste if thou persist there be no place left of further fauour The King hearing this and being vpon causes knowne to him selfe more distrustfull of Traitours at home then fearefull of enemies abroade agréed to serue the time and taking the Legate to Douer with him sealed the Golden Bull of submission whereby Englande was once againe made a tributarie Prouince to the Citie of Rome and that in so muche the more vile condition then it was before as an vsurped Ierarchie is inferiour to a noble lawfull and renoumed Monarchie For it is truely sayd Dignitate domini minus turpis est conditio serui Now when the Frenche King on the other side of the Seas had worde hereof he retired with his armie in a great choler partely for that he was thus deluded but chiefly bycause he had lost his Nauie whiche the Earle of Salisbury had set on fire in the hauen at Calaice Simon Mountfort the Earle of Leycester that was elected by the Barons of this Realme general of that armie which they raysed against King Henrie the thirde arrayed thirdly a very great hoast of men here at suche time as he feared the arriuall of Eleonar the Quéene who being daughter to the Earle of Prouince and then lefte in Fraunce behinde the King and the Earle whiche also had béen bothe there a litle before to receiue the Frenche Kings rewarde touching their controuersie ceassed not by all possible meanes to sollicite the King of Fraunce and to incite other her friendes and allies to ayde King Henrie against the Nobilitie But whether it were that presently they could not for their owne affaires or that at al they durst not knowing that their comming was awayted they serued not her desire by meanes whereof the Lordes waxed strong and soone after gaue the King a battayle in Sussex wherein they bothe tooke him and his brother Richard and his eldest sonne prisoners But as touching the originall procéeding and euent of these warres I willingly spare to speake muche in this place knowing that I shall haue opportunitie often hereafter to discourse them Nowe therefore let vs consider a few other places and then haste vs to Canterbury Charteham AFter suche time as King Iohn had made him selfe the Popes tenant of the Crown and Realme of England as euen now I tolde you the Clergie of this countrie was so oppressed with Romishe exactions that they were become not onely vnable but thereby vnwilling also to relieue the necessitie of the Prince with any prest of money as in times paste they had accustomed to do Wherat the King on the one side taking offence pressed them many times very hard not ceasing till he had wroong somewhat from them And on the other side appealing to their holy fathers ayde procured by their great coste many sharp prohibitions and proud menacies against him So that sundry times in the reigne of King Henrie the thirde this Balle was busily tossed betwéene the King the Pope the Clergie in the mean while looking vpon but nothing laughing at the game Amongst
for Hy ðrittig to the thither same place for them thirtie mancys goldes markes of golde and and aenne one sÆ¿eor collar neckbracelet beaH on of feoÆ¿ertig fourtie mancysan markes and and a ane cuppan Cuppe seolfrene of syluer and and Healfne a halfe head band couered with golde baend gyldenne bend gilden And And caelce euerie geare yeare to at Heora their gemynde mynde yeares mynde tÆ¿egra two daga feorme dayes ferme from rent corne and victuall of of HaeslHolte Haselholte and and tÆ¿egra of Æ¿oðringaberan and ij of baerlingan two dayes of from Watringbery and two dayes out of Berling and ij of HaeringeardesHam and two dayes out of Hertesham And to cristes circan And to Christes church lx 60. mancys goldes markes of golde xxx þam biscope thirtie to the Bishop Archebishop and and xxx þam Hirode thirtie to the Couent And And aenne a sÆ¿eor necke beaH bracelet collar on of lxxx 80. mancys markes and and tÆ¿a two cuppan cuppes seolfrene of syluer and and þaet the land aet land at MeapaHam Mepham And And to to Sct. Sainct Augustine Augustine xxx 30. mancys markes goldes of golde and and ij two cuppan cuppes seolfrene of syluer and and Healfne halfe a baend bend gyldene gilt And And þaet the land land aet at derentan Darnt byrHÆ¿ara to Byrware His for daeg his life dayes And And aefter after Hire his daege dayes into to Sct. Sainct Andree Androes for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran elders auncetors And And barlâ—ngas Berling to Æ¿ulfeHe Wulfee and and He he selle .x. shall giue a Hund peninga thousand pence into Sct. to Sainct Andree Androes for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran elders And And Æ¿ulfsie to Wulfsie Æ¿oðringabiras Wateringbyrye innon within ê§ that gecynde kinred And And syrede HeselHolt innon ê§ gecende to Syred Haselholt within that And Æ¿ulfege and Aelfege And to Wulfei and Elfey His his breðer brother HerigeardesHam Hartesham innon within ê§ that gecynde kinred to to Æ¿ulfege Wulfee ê§ the inland inland demeanes and and Aelfege to Elfey ê§ Ã»tland the outland tenancie And And Æ¿ulfstane to Wulfstane uccan Vcca Æ¿olcnestede Walkenstede innon within ê§ that gecynd kinred And And an a Hanðsecs hatchet dagger on of ðrym three pundan pounds And þa tyn Hyda on Straettune And those ten plowlands at Streiton into to þaem the mynstre mynster church to at Æ¿olcnestede Walkenstede And ê§ land aet fealcanHam And the land at Falcham aftre after byrHÆ¿ara Byrwares daege dayes into to Sct. Sainct Angree Androes for for Aelfric Elfrices Hire soule Hlaford their Lord and His yldran and his auncetors sÆ¿a euen Heora as their cÆ¿ide will Æ¿aes was And And bromleaH Brumley aeftre after briHtÆ¿ara Britwares daege into dayes to life Sct. Sainct Andree Androes sÆ¿a as Aelfric Elfric Hyre their Hlaford Lorde it Hit becÆ¿aeð bequeathed for for Hine him and and His yldran his elders auncetors And And Snodingeland Snodland eac also into to S. Andree aeftre Hire daege sÆ¿a Aelfere Hit becÆ¿aeð Sainct Androes after their dayes euen as Elfere it bequethed Aelfrices faeder and He seoðan on geÆ¿itnesse Eadgife being Elfrices father and he afterward in the witnesse hearing presence of Edgiue ðaere the Hlaefdian Ladie and and Odan of Odo Aercebisceopes the Archebishop and and Aelfeges of Elfey Aelfstanes Elfstanes sunu sonne and and Aelfrices of Elfric His his broðor brother and and Aelfnoþes pilian of Elfnothe pilia and godÆ¿ines aet faecHam and of Godwine of Facham and and of Eadrices Eadric aet of Ho. Hoo and and Aelfsies of Elfsie the preostes priest on of Crogdaene Croyden And And Æ¿ulfstane to Wulfstane lx 60. mancas markes goldes of gold to to daelanne deale for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran and elders and oðer other sÆ¿ile suche 60. mâ—rkes Æ¿ulfsige to Wulfsie to to daelanne deale betweene God and them be it and and Haebban haue Heom they Æ¿ið with god God gemaene together gif if Hy they Hit it ne do don not And And Æ¿ulfsige tydices eg to Wulfsie Titaesey and and ðam boc the writing innon within ê§ that gecynde kindred ij spuran on iij pundaÌ„ And ic bidde and two spurres of three pound And I pray for for godes Gods lufan loue minne my deere leofan leefe Hlaford ê§ He ne Lorde that he doe not þafige suffer ê§ aenig man uncerne cÆ¿ide aÆ¿ende that any man our testament doe breake turne aside And And ic I bidde praye ealle all godes Gods freond friendes ê§ Hi Æ¿Hrto filstan that they thereto helpe Haebbe Æ¿ið god gaemaene Æ¿e Hit brece god Haue they it with God together Betweene them and God be it that it do breake and God sy Him symle milde þe Hit Healdan be to them alwayes mylde mercifull that it holde keepe Æ¿ille will. It shall suffice for the moste parte of the matters worthy obseruation in this Testament that I haue already poynted at them with the finger as it were for that they appeare and shew themselues manifestly at the firste sight Onely therefore touching the estate and degree of this Testator I wyll for the more light and discouery thereof borrow a few wordes of you He himself here calleth Aelfric his Lord natural Lord saieth further that Aelfere was Father to this Aelfric Now what Aelfere Aelfric were it is not hard to finde for all our auncient Hystorians tell vs that in the dayes of King Edgar of King Edward the Martyr of King Ethelred these men were by birth cousines of the bloud royall by state Eorles which word we yet reteine in English and which we commonly cal Comites in Latine for that at the first they were parteners and companions as I may say with the King in takeing the profits of the Shyre or Countie that they were also by dignitie Ealdormen that is Senators and Gouernours of all Mercia or midle England And finally that they were of such great power and credit that Alfer the Father immediatly after the death of King Edgar restored al such priests thorowout midle England to their houses as the King by aduice of Dunstane the Monke had in his lyfe expulsed for the placeing of his Monks And that Aelfric the sonne resisted king Ethelred in that siege of Rochester whereof you heard when we were there For as much therefore as Aelfric was Hlaford or Lorde to our Testator and that Hlaford and Ãegn that is to say Lorde and Seruiteur be woordes of relation I gather that he was Ãegn which signifieth properly a Minister or frée Seruiteur to the Kinge or some great personage but vsually at those times taken for the verie same that we call now of the Latine woord Gentilis a Gentleman that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man wel borne or of a good stock and familie Neither doth it detract any thing from his Gentrie at al that I said he was a Minister or Seruiteur For I meane not thereby that he was Seruus whiche woord straightly
S. Iohn Champneys Iohn Baker Esquier Reignold Scot. Iohn Guldeford Thomas Kempe Edward Thwaites William Roper Anthonie Sandes Edwarde Isaac Perciuall Harte Edward Monyns William Whetnall Iohn Fogg Edmund Fetiplace Thomas Hardres William Waller Thomas Wilforde Thomas Moyle Thomas Harlakenden Geffrey Lee. Iames Hales Henrie Hussey Thomas Roydon ¶ The names of suche as be likewise prouided for E. 6. Ca. Syr Robert Southwell S. Iames Hales S. Walter Hendley S. George Harper S. Henrie Isley S. George Blage. Thomas Colepeper of Bedgebirie Iohn Colepeper of Ailesforde William Twisden Tho. Darrell of Scotney Robert Rudston Thomas Roberts Stephan Darrell Richard Couarte Christopher Blower Thomas Hendley Thomas Harman Thomas Louelace Thomas Colepeper The names of suche as be specified in the acte made for the like cause 5. Elizabeth Cap. Thomas Browne of Westbecheworthe in Surrey George Browne It were right woorthie the labour to learne the particulars and certeintie if it may be of all suche possessions as these men had at the times of these seuerall Statutes for that also wil be seruiceable in time to come Alexander Neuil Norwicus Sir Thomas Moore Knight in the hystorie of King Richard the thirde Mathewe Parker Archebishop of Canterbury in his Preface to the Booke de rebus gestis Aelfredi Regis The Brytaines The Scots pictes The SaxoÌ„s Iutes and Angles The Normans The seuen kingdomes Three sorts of Lawes in olde time The Lawes of our time These thinges be all handeled in the induction to the Topographical Dictionarie The author determined to haue written this treatise in latine Scituation of Kent Kent why so named The Aire The Soyle The Corne The Poulse The Pasture The woods fruits The Cattel Deere and Conyes No mynes The fishe The people Socage and Knightes seruice The Gentlemen The yeomeÌ„ The Artificers The first in habitation of England The errour of those whiche say that the Brytons weare Indigenae That is to say Ryders and to Ride An. mundi 2219. An. ante Christum 1142. Kent the first inhabited part of England Foure Kings in Kent But one King in Kent The first wasseling cuppe The issue of an vngodly mariage The Kings of Kent Ethelbert the King of Kent Eadric the King of Kent First name of Englishmen Beginning of Shires Lathes Hundreds Tythings Bosholder Tithingman Kent keepeth her olde customes Gauelkyn Meeting 〈◊〉 Swanescombe The Lathe of S. Augustines The Lathe of Scray or Sherwinhope The Late of Aylesford The Lathe of Sutton at Hone. Geffray of Monmouth Polydore The order of this description Flamines turned into Bishops LondoÌ„ spoiled of the Archebishopricke The increase of the Archebishopricke ConttentioÌ„ for the Primacie The Archebishoppes place in the generall counsell Wrastling for the primacie The end of the strife for the supremacie The ordre of this description of Kent No snakes in Tanet For Seax in their language signifieth a sword or axe or hatchet The occasion of the building of Minster Abbay For it was called Roma of Ruma a pappe or dugge S. Mildredâ— miracles Ippedsflete Stonor Earle Godwine and his sonnes The cause of Goodwyn Sandes The death of Earle Godwyne 1. Cursed bread The visions of Edward the confessour Epimenides did slepe 75 yeares 1. Loue Ly. or game for the whetstone Richeborow was sometime a Citie Sandwiche is not Rutupi The antiquitie of the Portes Whiche be the Fiue Portes â—â—iâ—â— wâ—re â—â—led 〈◊〉 â—lde 〈◊〉 ContentioÌ„ betweene Yarmouth and the fiue Portes Winchelsey first builded The good seruice of the .5 ports Muris ligneis querendam salutem The priuiledges of the 5. Ports The names of the Wardeins of the Fiue Portes Reliques of great price The auncient estate of Sandwiche Sandwiche spoyled brent The schole at Sandwiche The whole hystorie of the Danishe doings in England The continuance of the Danes in England The Danes all slaine in one night Saint Martins drunkeÌ„ feast Sweyn the Dane Hoctuesday Prouision of armour A Courtlie Sycophant A right popishe miracle King Henrie the 8. fortifieth his Realme Sandowne walmere The towne of Douer Godwine resisteth the King. Douer Castell Iuuenal in the ende of his 4. Satyre Odo the Earle of Kent Fynes the first Constable of Douer Castell and the beginning of Castlegard Estimatioâ— of Douer Castell Hubert of Brough a noble captaine Reparation of Douer Castell S. Martines in Douer ContentioÌ„ betweene the Râ—ligious persons for trifles Longchamp the lustie bishop of Ely. Religious houses in Douer The order of the Templers when it began The Pope and king Iohn fall our for Stephan Langton The Golden Bull. S. Eanswide and her miracles A popishe policie Folkestone spoiled The Hundred The Manor The Pontifical iusice of William Courtney the Archbishop Ostenhangar The Cause of the decay of Hauens in Kent Hyde miserably scourged The shortest passage betweene England Fraunce Thomas Becket grauÌ„teth a petition after his death Lord Wardein of the Portes Shipwey sometime a Hauâ—n towne The HaueÌ„ Limene the Towne Lymne The Riuer Limen now Rother Apledore The holy Maide of Kent Chap. 12. Butler the CoronatioÌ„ Pryorie at Bylsington Thomas Becket The Popes authoritie was abolished in England in the time of King Henrie the second Rumney Marâ—he The three steppes of Kent The order of this description The Danes doe spoile Fraunce England at one time The course of the Ryuer Lymen nowe Rother The first Carmelites in England Kent why so called The Weald was sometime a wildernesse This Benerth is the seruice which the tenaÌ„t doth with his Carte Ploughe The boundes of the Weald Fermes why so termed Townes named of the Riuers The College The Palaicâ— The Schole The Riuer of Medway and wherof it tooke the name The Riuer Aile or Eile The name of Harlot whereof it beganne Odo the Earle of Kent The auncient manner of the triall of right The Cleargie haue in croched vpon the Prince in the punishment of adulterie Abbaies do beget one another The vngrations Rood of Grace S. RuÌ„wald and his miracles For none might enter into the Temple of Ceres in Eleusis but such as were innocent The Natiuitie of S. Rumwald Kemsley Downe The Popish manner of preaching Popish purgatorie is deriued out of Poetrie Doncaster in the North CouÌ„trie The English shepe and wooll King Henry the eight fortfieth his Realme Monkes do contend with the King forceably The names of Townes framed out of the mouthes of Riuers The corruption of our English speach The Riuer called WaÌ„tsume The order of this description The decay of the olde Englishe tongue The Archebishops were well housed Prouision of armourâ— The names of Lathes and of Wapentakes The Priuileges of high waies The order of this description S. Gregories in Canterburi first builded Reliques King Iohn yealdeth to the Pope The Barons warre The Popes reuenue in England A ParleameÌ„t without the Cleargie The traiterous behauiour of Robert of Winchelsey the Archebishop Polidore was the Popes creature King Edward the first claymeth supremacie ouer the Clergie The olde and newe manner of wrecke
distrust the infallible Scriptures of God concerning the creation and propagation of mankynde and to trust the wretched vanitie of opinion that the Gentiles had and namely the Atheniens who the better to aduance their antiquitie were wont to vaunt That they only forsooth of al the Grecians were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Satiui indigenae terrae parentis The very natural seeds stocks ymps springing out of their good mother the same earth where they dwelt and not brought from elswhere We reade likewise in the same book of Moses that the Iles of the Gentiles were diuided into their Kingdoms and nations by suche as descended of the children of Iapheth wherevpon as the Italians in their histories deriue themselues from Gomer the first sonne of Iapheth the Spaniardes from Tubal his fifte Sonne and the Germanes from Thuysco whom as they say Moses calleth Ascenas the eldest sonne of Gomer Euen so the late learned and yet best trauayled in the histories of our countrey reiecting the fonde dreames of doting Monkes and fabling Frears do collect out of Herodotus Berosus and others the most graue and auncient authors that one Samothes the sixth sonne of Iapheth whome Caesar in his commentaries calleth Dis and Moses nameth Mesech did about 250. yeares after the generall inundation of the world take vpon him the first dominion of these countreis in Europe which are now known by the names of Fraunce and Britaine and the inhabitantes thereof of long time called Celtae or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for theyr speciall skill in ryding Of this mans name say they the first inhabiters of England weare called Samothaei by the space of 300. yeares or more About which time Albion Mareoticus the sonne of Neptune or rather Nepthuim as Moses writeth it and descended of the race of Cham inuaded the Ile conquered the inhabitantes mixed them with his owne people and called them all after his owne name Albionees and the countrey it selfe Albion Sixe hundreth and eight yeares or theraboutes after this also Brutus Iuhus as all our common historiens haue it entered this Iland with 324. ships laden with the remaines of Troye and he likewise both subdued all the former peoples that he found heere to his owne obedience and also altered their name after his owne calling So that from thenceforth they were named Britaines the termes of Samothees and Albionees being quite and cleane abolished Now out of these things thus alledged I might as mee thinketh draw probable coniecture that Kent which we haue in hand was the first inhabited part of all this our Iland For if it be true that maister Bale in his Centuries confesseth namely that Samothes began his dominion ouer this Realme almost 150. yeres after suche tyme as he first arriued in that part of Fraunce which is called Celtique and had planted his people there what can be more likely then that he came out of Fraunce first into Kent séeing that parte of all others was moste neare vnto him and only of all the Iland might be discerned out of the countrie where he was And the selfe same reason Caesar vseth to proue that the borderers on the South Sea side of this land were Aduenae and brought out of Fraunce although he was perswaded that the dwellers within the midle partes of the Countrie were Indigenae as we haue already touched But I will procéede in the hystorie Howsoeuer that bee therefore Caesar himselfe witnesseth that at the time of his arriuall in this Iland the people were by one common name called Britaines And that Kent was then diuided into foure petite Kingdomes which were gouerned by Carnillus Taximagul Cingetorix and Segonax who hauing seuerally subiect to their Dominions certain Cities with the territories adioyning vnto them after the manner of the Dukedomes or Estates of Italie at this day extended their boundes as it may be gathered ouer the whole countries of Kent Sussex and Surrey at the least This kind of Regalitie Kent retained not many yeares after bicause the Britain Kings succéeding Caesars conquest yéelding tribute to the Romanes reduced not only these partes but in manner the whole Realme also into one entier Monarchie .. So that in course of time and vnder the reigne of King Vortiger Kent was ruled by a Lieutenant or Viceroy called Guorongus as William of Malmesbury witnesseth But it was not long before these Britaines were so weakned partly by intestine dissentiō amongst themselues and partly by incursions of their neighbours the Scots Picts that the periode of this their estate also drawing on Vortiger their King was compelled to inuite for ayde the Saxons Iutes and Angles thrée sortes of the Germane nation who in steade of dooing that which they came for and of deliuering the Britaines from their former oppression ioyned with their enemies Thessala fide as the adage is brought vpon them a more gréeuous calamity and conquest subduing the people suppressing relligion and departing in manner the whole land amongest them selues So that now Kent recouered the title of a seueral Kingdome againe although not al one and the verie same in limittes with the former foure yet nothing inferiour in power estimation or compasse Of whiche this newly reuiued regiment Hengist the chief leader of the Germanes became the first author and patrone For he finding him selfe placed by King Vortiger for his owne habitation at Thanet in this Shire and séeing a great part of his power bestowed in Garrison against the Scottes vnder Ohtha his Brother and Ebusa his Sonne in the North Countrey and perceyuing moreouer that he was arryued out of a moste barren Countrie into this plentifull Iland with the commodities wherof he was inestimablie delighted he abandoned al care of returne to his natiue soyle and determined to make here a seate for him selfe and his posteritie For helpes wherunto although he had on th one side his owne prowesse the manhode of his warlike nation their nomber and necessitie and on the other side the effeminate cowardise and voluptuousnes of King Vortiger the weakenes of the Britains themselues and the aduauntage of the Scottes and Pictes their auncient enemies so that he might with plaine force haue brought his purpose to passe yet he chose rather to atchieue his desire by faire meanes and colour of amitie a way though not so hastie as the former yet more spéedie then that or any other Espying therfore that king Vortiger was muche delighted in womens companie and knowing wel that Sine Cerere Libero friget Venus he had him to a solemn Banket and after that he had according to the manner of Germanie yet continuing well plied him with pots he let slippe before him a faire gentlewoman his owne daughter called Roxena or Rowen which being instructed before handhow to behaue her self most amiablie presented him with a goblet of wine saying in her owne language
other things done for the manifestatiō of the Popes rauine the same King at one time cōmaunded a generall suruiew to be made of the Popes yerely reuenue within this realme foūd it to surmoūt the yearely receipt of his owne Eschequer in very rent besides innumerable secret gifts and rewardes wherof no account could be made Herevpon the Prince by aduise of his Realme sent special messingers to the generall counsell that was then holden at Lions in Fraunce with commission to sue for redresse The like complaint also was at the same time and for the same cause exhibited by the King of Fraunce Neither was the state of the Empire frée from the heauy yoke of that Popish oppressiō for M. Parise reporteth that euen thē the Emperour him self wrote an earnest letter to the King Nobility of this realme solliciting thē to ioyne with him in withstanding the tyranie of the Romish Sée Howbeit all this could not help but that the Popes labouring daily more more with this incurable disease of Philargyrie cōtinually pilled the English Clergie and so encountred King Henrie that in the end he was driuen to vse the meane of the Popes authoritie whensoeuer he néeded aide of his owne spiritualtie After Henrie folowed his Sonne Edward the first who being more occupied in Martiall affaires then his Father was And thereby more often inforced to vse the helpe of his subiectes for the raising of some necessary Masses of money nowe and then borowed of his Clergie till at the length Pope Boniface the eight treading the path of his predecessours pride toke vpon him to make a constitution That if any Clerke gaue to a lay man or if any lay person should take of a Clerke any spirituall goods he should forthwith stand excommunicate By colour of whiche decrée the Clergie of England at suche time as the King next desired their cūtribution towards his warres made answere with one assent That they would gladly but they might not safely without the Popes licence agre to his desire Hereat the King waxed wrothe and calling a Parleament of his Nobilitie and Commons from which he excluded the Bishops and Clergie enacted that their persons should be out of his protection and their goods subiect to confiscation vnlesse they would by submitting themselues redéeme his fauour It was then a world to sée howe the welthie Bishops fatte Abbats and riche Pryors in eache quarter be stirred them each man contending with liberall offer to make his raunsome in so much as the house of Saint Augustines in Canterbury as the Annales of their own Abbay report gaue to the King two hundrethe and fiftie poundes in money for their peace hauing lost before notwithstanding al their haste two hundreth and fiftie quarters of their wheat whiche the Kings Officers had seised to his vse shipped to be sent into Gascoin for the victualing of his men of warre Onely Robert of Winchelsey then Archebishop of Canterbury refused to aide the King or to reconcile himselfe in so muche as of very stomacke he discharged his familie and abandoned the Citie and withdrewe himselfe to this Towne from whence as mine Author saith he roade each Sonday and Holyday to the Churche adioyning and preached the woord of GOD. Polidore in his own opinion giueth him an apt Theme writing that he preached vpon this text Melius est obedire Deo quam hominibus It is better to obey God then men whiche if he will haue to serue the turne he must construe it thus It is better to obey the Pope then the King and so make the Pope a God and the King no more then a common man But Peter the Apostle of God from whome the Pope would séeme to deriue and Polidore the Apostle of the Pope for he first sent him hither to gather his Peter pence were not of one minde n this point For he inioyneth vs plainly Subditi estote omni humanae ordinationi propter Dominum siue Regi tanquam praecellenti c. Be ye subiect to all humane ordinance for the Lordes sake whether it be to the King as to the moste excellent c. making the King the moste excellent vnder God who no doubt if he commaund not against God it is to be obeyed before the Pope concerning whome we haue no commaundement at all in Gods Scripture Howbeit since Polydore and the Bishop serued one common Maister namely the man of Rome it is the lesse meruaile if he commend his endeuour in this part and that is of the lesse credit also which he writeth of him in an other place where he bestoweth this honourable Elogium vpon him Quantum in eo fuit de Religione iuxta atque de Repub. promereri studuit a qua nunquam discessit nunquam oculos deiecit ita officio suo atque omnium commodis sibi seruiendum censuit As much as in him was he studied to deserue well bothe of religion and of the common wealth from the whiche he neuer departed ne turned away his eyes so thought he it meete to serue his owne duetie and the profit of all men As concerning his desert in religion I will say nothing bycause it may be thought the fault of that age not of the person only but as touching his behauiour toward his Prince and Countrie wherein also consisteth no small part of religion and feare of God since our lawe alloweth of the trial De vicineto I will bring you one of his next neighbours to depose for him a man that liued in the same time with him I meane the writer of the Annales of Saint Augustines who vpon the yeare 1305. hathe this note following Eodē an 7. Kal. Maij cū saepe dictus Archiepiscopus Robertus super multis Articulis enormibus praecipue super proditione quam cū quibusdam comitibus proceribus multis pactus erat in dolo vt Regem a Regni solio deijcerent silium eius Eduardum ipsius in trono subrogarent patrem perpetuo carceri manciparent a Rege calumniaretur inficiari non posset obiecta vltra quam credi potest timore percussus ad Regis pedes pronus cadens in terrā vt eius mereretur assequi clementiā sese per singula flens eiulans Regis subdidit voluntati Sic igitur humiliatus est ille Deo odibilis superbus qui per totum Anglorū orbem oris sui flatu more meretricio Sacerdotium deturpauit Clerum in populo tyrannidē exer cuit inauditam Et qui Regem Dominum suum literatorie ei scribens nominare renuit superbiendo nunc humiliatus Regem Dominum suum facit nominat obediens factus sedinuitus ei deuotius seruiendo The same yeare the 25. of April when as the often named Robert the Archebishop was chalenged by the