sont scauans au possible en proces plaideties They are prety well versed in the quirks of the Law and have wit more then enough to wrangle In this they agree exactly well with the Inhabitants of our Country of Norfolk ex infima plebe non pauei reperiuntur saith Mr. Camden quin si nihil litium sit lites tamen ex ipsis juris apâ—…us seâ—…ere calleant They are prety fellowes to finde out quirks in Law and to it they will whatsoever it cost them Mr. Camden spake not this at randome or by the guesse For besides what my self observed in them at my being once amongst them in a Colledge progresse I have heard that there have been no lesse then 340 Nisi prius tryed there at one Assizes The reason of this likenesse between the two Nations I conjecture to be the resemblance of the site and soil both lie upon the Sea with a long and a spacious Coast both enjoy a Countrey Champain little swelled with hils and for the most part of a light and â—andy mould To proceed to no more particulars if there be any difference between the two Provinces it is only this that the Countrey of Normandy and the people of Norfolk are somewhat the richer For indeed the Countrey of Normandie is enriched with a fat and liking soil such an one Quae demum votis avari agricolae respondet which may satisfie the expectation of the Husbandman were it never so exorbitant In my life I never saw Corn-fields more large and lovely extended in an equall levell almost as far as eye can reach The Wheat for I saw little Barley of a fair length in the stalke and so heavy in the ear that it is even bended double You would think the grain had a desire to kisse the earth its mother or that it purposed by making it self away into the ground to save the Plough-man his next years labour Thick it groweth and so perfectly void of weeds that no garden can be imagined to be kept cleaner by Art then these fields are by Nature Pasture ground it hath little and lesse Meddow yet sufficient to nourish those sew Cattel they have in it In all the way between Dâ—…ppe and Pontoyse I saw but two flocks of Sheep and them not above 40 in a flock Kine they have in some measure but not fat nor large without these there were no living for them The Nobles eat the flesh whilst the Farmer seeds on Butter and Cheese and that but sparingly But the miserable estates of the Norman paisant we will defer till another opportunity Swine also they have in prety number and some Pullen in their backsides but of neither an excesse The principall River of it is Seine of which more hereafter and besides this I saw two rivulets Robee and Renelle In matter of Civill Government this Countrey is directed by the court of Parliament established at Roven For matters Military it hath an Officer like the Lieutenant of our shires in England the Governor they call him The present Governor is Mr. Le due de Longueville to whom the charge of this Province was committed by the present King Lewis XIII anno 1619. The Lawes by which they are governed are the Civill or Imperiall augmented by some Customes of the French and others more particular which are the Norman One of the principal'st is in matters of inheritance the French custome giving to all the Sons an equality in the estate which we in England call Gavelkind the Norman dividing the estate into three parts and thereof allotting two unto the eldest brother and a third to be divided among the others A law which the French count not just the younger brothers of England would think the contrary To conclude this generall discourse of the Normans I dare say it is as happy a Country as most in Europe were it subject to the same Kings and governed by the same Laws which it gave unto England CHAP. II. Dieppe the Town strength and importance of it The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts The breaden God there and strength of the Religion Our passage from Dieppe to Roven The Norman Innes Women and Manners The importunity of servants in hosteries The sawcie familiarity of the attendants Ad pileum vocare what it was amongst the Romans Jus pileorum in the Universities of England c. JUne the 30. at 6 of the clock in the morning we landed at Dieppe one of the Haven-towns of Normandy seated on an arme of the Sea between two hils which embrace it in the nature of a Bay This secureth the Haven from the violence of the weather and is a great strength to the Town against the attempts of any forces which should assault it by Sea The Town lying within these mountains almost a quarter of a mile up the channell The Town it self is not uncomely the streets large and wel paved the houses of an indifferent height and built upright without any jettings out of one part over the other The Fortifications they say for we were not permitted to see them are very good and modern without stone within earth on the top of the hill a Castle finely seated both to defend the Town and on occasions to command it The Garrison consisteth of 60 men in pay no more but when need requireth the Captain hath authority to arme the Inhabitants The present Governour is the Duke of Longueville who also is the Governour of the province entrusted with both those charges by Lewis XIII anno 1619. An action in which he swarved somewhat from the example of his father who never committed the military command of a Countrey which is the office of the Governour and the custody of a Town of war or a Fortresse unto one man The Duke of Biron might hope as great a curtesie from that King as the most deserving of his Subjects He had stuck close to him in all his adversities received many an honourable scar in his service and indeed was both Fabius and Scipio the Sword and Buckler of the French empire In a word he might have said to this Henry what Silius in Tacitus did to Tiberius Suum militem in obsequio mansisse cum alii ad seditiones prolabâ—…rentur neque duraturum Tiberii imperium si iis quoque legionibus cupido novandi fuisset yet when he became petitioner to the King for the Citadell of Burg seated on the confines of his government of Bourgogne the King denied it The reason was because Governours of Provinces which command in chief ought not to have the command of Places and Fortresses within their Government There was also another reason more enforcing which was that the Petitioner was suspected to hold intelligence with the Duke of Savoy whose Town it was The same Henry though he loved the Duke of Espernon even to the envy of the Court yet even to him also
competent ditch and at every gate a draw-bridge They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France but the English were then within it At last on honorable termes it yeelded and was entred by Charles VII the second of August anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse a Town well fortifyed as being a borderer and one of the strongest bulwarks against France It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissâ—…n and St. Martin and six Churches Parochiall whereof that of 〈◊〉 dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull The name it derives from a bridge built over the river of Oyse on which it is situate and by which on that side it is well defended the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate and two draw-bridges It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill and is famous for the siege laid before it by Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only the French Army consisting of double the number he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight began to practise against him he speedily returned to Pontoyse and maketh himself master of it by assault Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town and all Normandy the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province out of which at last they thrust the English anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward This Countrey had once before been in possession of the English and that by a firmer title then the sword William the Conqueror had conveied it over the Seas into England and it continued an Appendix of that Crown from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sans terre third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France upon Aâ—…thur heir of Bretagne and son unto Geofry his elder brother was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France who sided with the said Arthur In the end Arthur was taken and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle as the French say or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape as the English report is not yet determined For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King I dare be of that opinion that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement Certainly he that rebelled against his Father and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother would not much stick this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires at the murder of a Nephew Upon the first bruit of this murder Constance mother to the young Prince complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France not the Court which now is in force consisting of men only of the long robe but the Court of the Paiâ—…rie or 12 Peeres whereof King John himself was one as Duke of Normandy I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him an homager being slain and a homager being accused To this summons John refused to yeeld himself a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject Edward III. a Prince of finer metall then this John obeyed the like warrant and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements He committed yet a further errour or solecisine in State not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place or plead his cause Upon this non-appearance the Peers proceed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Il fut â—…ar Arrest dâ—…la dite cour saith Du Chesne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 da crime de parrâ—…e de felonie Parrie de for killing his own Nephew and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassill and in France John du Serres addeth a third cause which was contempt in disobeying the Kings commandment Upon this â—…rdict the Court awarded Que toutes les terres qu'il 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acquâ—…ses confiâ—…es a la Couronne c. A proceeding so fair and orderly that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion then the French of injustice When my life or estate is in danger let me have no more sinister a tryall The English thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John recovered it again by the puissance of Henry but being held only by the sword it was after 30 years recovered again as I have told you And now being passed over the Oyse I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy here ending this Book but not that dayes journey The End of the First Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bounds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. JUly the third which was the day we set out of St. Claire having passed through Pontoyse and crossed the river we were entred into France France as it is understood in its limited sense and as a part only of the whole for when Meroveus the Grandchild of Pharamond first King of the Franci or Frenchmen had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes taken Paris he resolved there to set up his rest and to make that the head City of his Empire The Country round about it which was of no large extent he commanded to be called Francia or Terra Francorum after the name of his Frankes whom he governed In this bounded and restrained sense we now take it being confined with Normandy on the North Champagne on the East and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse It is incircled in a manner with the Oyle on the Northwards the Eure on the West the Velle on the East and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South but the principall environings are
in France and causes there handled Clermount and the Castle there The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre What his designes might tend to c. p. 162. CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens and greatnesse of it The English feastâ—… within it and the error of that action the Town how built seated and fortified The Citadell of it thought to be impregnable Not permitted to be viewed The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength The watch and form of Government in the Town Amiens a Visdamate to whom it pertaineth What that honour is in France And how many there enjoy it c. p. 169. CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens The principall Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick p. 175. CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some and Company The Town and Castle of Piquigni for what famous Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies A farewell to the Church of Amiens The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie Abbeville how seated and the Garrison there No Governour in it but the Major or Provoâ—… The Authors imprudent curiosity and the curtesie of the Provost to him The French Post-horses how base and tyred My preferment to the Trunk-horse The horse of Philip de Comines The Town and strength of Monstreuille The importance of these three Towns to the French border c. p. 183. CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt butter Boulogne divided into two Towns Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconveniency of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The â—…rtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow p. 192. FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of King Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisters all marryed and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull Brother The title of Monsieur in France Monsieur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 month King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monsieur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omâ—…regency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen Mother a wise and prudent woman p. 204. CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the general A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French B shops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly humoured p. 216 CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England An English Catholicks conceit of it His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris A learned Argument to prove the Popes Universality A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns Their present estate and strength The last War against them justly undertaken not fairly managed Their insolencies and disobedience to the Kings command Their purpose to have themselves a free estate The war not a war of Religion King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First for saken by their own party Their happinesse before the war The Court of the edict A view of them in their Churches The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England Their Discipline and Ministers c. p. 229 CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Minopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons p. 246. CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The Forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No demain in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Tâ—…xes The taille and tâ—…illion The Panâ—…arke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys â—…he Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of
he used the same caution Therefore when he had made him Governor of Xainâ—…oigne and Angoulmois he put also into his hands the Towns of Metz and Boulogne places so remote from the seat of his Government and so distant one from another that they did rather distract his power then increase it The Kings of England have been well and for a long time versed in this maxime of estate Let Kent be one of our examples and Hampshire the other In Kent at this time the Lieutenant or as the French would call him the Governor is the Earl of Mountgomerie yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckhingham and that of Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby of which the one commandeth the Sea and the other the Thames and the Medway In Hampshire the Lieutenant is the Earl of South-Hampton but the government of the Town and Garrison of Portesmouth is entrusted to the Earl of Pembroke neither is there any of the least Sconces or Blockhouses on the shore-side of that Countrey which is commanded by the Lieutenant But King Lewis now reigning in France minded not his Fathers action when at the same time also he made his confident Mr. Luines Governor of Picardie and of the Town and Citadell of Amiens The time ensuing gave him a sight of this State-breach For when the Dukes of Espernon Vendosme Longueville Mayenne and Nemours the Count of Soisons and others sided with the Queen Mother against the King the Duke of Longueville strengthned this Dieppe and had not Peace suddenly followed would have made it good maugre the Kings forces A Town it is of great importance King Henry IV. using it as his Asylum or City of refuge when the league was hottest against him For had he been further distressed from hence might he have made an escape into England and in at this door was the entance made for those English forces which gave him the first step to his throne The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first in his war against Philip Augustus and in the declining of our affaires in France it was nine monthes together besieged by the Duke of York but with that successe which commonly attendeth a falling Empire The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000 whereof 9000 and upwards are of the Reformation and are allowed them for the exercise of their religion the Church of Arques a Village some two miles distant the remainders are Papists In this Town I met with the first Idolatry which ever I yet saw more then in my Books Quos antea audiebam hodie vidi Deos as a barbarous German in Vellejus said to Tiberius The Gods of Rome which before I only heard of I now saw and might have worshipped It was the Hoaste as they call it or the Sacrament reserved carryed by a couple of Priests under a Canopie ushered by two or three torches and attended by a company of boyes and old people which had no other imployment Before it went a Bell continually tinkling at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses being warned that then their God goeth by them make some shew of reverence those which meet it in the street with bended knees and elevated hands doing it honour The Protestants of this Bell make an use more religious and use it as a warning or watch-peal to avoid that street through which they hear it coming This invention of the Bell hath somewhat in it of Tureisme it being the custome there at their Canonieall houres when they hear the criers bawling in the steeples to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are and kisse it thrice so doing their devotions to Mahomet The carrying of it about the streets hath no question in it a touch of the Jew this ceremony being borrowed from that of carrying about the Arke on the shoulders of the Levites The other main part of it which is the Adoration is derived from the Heathens there never being a people but they which afforded divine honors to things inanimate But the people indeed I cannot blame for this Idolatrous devotion their consciences being perswaded that what they see passe by them is the very body of their Saviour For my part could the like belief possesse my understanding I could meet it with greater reverence then their Church can enjoyn me The Priests and Doctors of the people are to be condemned only who impose and inforce this sin upon their hearers And doubtlesse there is a reward which attendeth them for it Of standing it is so young that I never met with it before the year 1215. Then did Pope Innocent ordain in a Councell holden at Rome that there should be a Pix made to cover the Bread and a Bell bought to be rung before it The Adoration of it was enjoyned by Pope Honorius anno 1226. both afterward encreased by the new solemn feast of Corpus Christi day by Pope Urban the IV. anno 1264. and confirmed for ever with multitudes of pardons in the Councell of Vienna by Clement the V. anno 1310. Such a punie is this great God of the Romans Lactantius in his first Book of Institutions against the Gentiles taxeth the wise men of those times of infinite ridiculousnesse who worshipped Jupiter as a God Cùm eundem tamen Saturno Rhea genitum confiterentur Since themselves so perfectly knew his originall As much I marvell at the impudencie of the Romish Clergie who will needs impose a new God upon their people being so well acquainted with his cradle It is now time to go on in our journey to Roven The Cart stayeth and it is fit we were in it Horses we could get none for money and for love we did not expect them We are now mounted in our Chariot for so we must call it An English man would have thought it a plain Cart and if it needs will have the honour of being a Chariot let it sure I am it was never ordained for triumph At one end was fastned three carcasses of horses or three bodies which had once been horses and now were worne to dead images had the Statua of a man been placed on any one of them it might have been hanged up at an Inne door to represent St. George on horseback so livelesse they were and as little moving yet at last they began to crawle for go they could not This converted me from my former Heresie and made me apprehend life in them but it was so little that it seemed only enough to carry them to the next pack of houndes Thus accommodated we bid farewell to Dieppe and proceeded with a space so slow that me thought our journey unto Roven would prove a most perfect embleme of the motion of the ninth sphere which is 49000 years in finishing But this was not our greatest misery The rain fâ—…ll in us through our tilt which for the many holes in it one would have thought to have been a net
to have them tire in the middle way and so the remainder of the Stage was to be meâ—…sured by our own feet Bâ—…ing weary of this trade I made bold to dâ—…smount the Postilion and ascended the trunk-horse where I sat in such a magnificent posture that the best Carrier in Paris might envie my felicity Behind me I had a good large Trunk and a Port mantle before me a bundle 〈◊〉 cloaks a cloak-bâ—…g and a parcell of boots sure I wâ—…s if my stirrups could poise me equally on both sides that I could not likely fall backwards nor â—…orwards Thus preferred I encouraged my companions who cast many an envious eye upon my prosperity And certainly there was not any of them who might not more justly have said of me Tuas un meâ—…lleur temps que le Pape then poor 〈◊〉 master did when he allowed him an Onion only for four dayes This circumstance I confesse might have well bâ—…n omitted had I not great example for it Phâ—…p de Comines in the miâ—…est of his grave and serious relation of the Bâ—…tail of 〈◊〉 Hâ—…rie hath a note much about this nature which gave mâ—… encouragement which is That himself had an old 〈◊〉 halfe 〈◊〉 and this was just my case who by chance thrust 〈◊〉 â—…ead into a pale of wine and dranke it off which made him lusâ—…er and frâ—…sher that day then ever bâ—…fore but in that his horse had better luck then I had On the right hand of us and almost in the middle way betwixt Abbeville and Bologne we left the Town of Monstrueil which we had not leasure to see It seemeth daiâ—…tily seaâ—…ed â—…or command and resistance as being built upon the top and declivity of a hill It is well strengthned with Bâ—…stions and Rampartâ—… on the outside hath within it a Garrison of 〈◊〉 Companies of Souldiers their Governâ—…ur as I learned of one of the Paisants being called Lannoy And indeed it concerneâ—…h the King of France to look wel to the Town of Monstruell â—…s being a border Town within two miles of Artoys and especially considering that the taking of it would cut â—…ff all entercourse between the Countries of Bolâ—…gne and Calais with the rest of France Of the like importance also are the Towns of Abbeville and Amiens and that the French Kings are not ignorant of Insomuch that those two only together with that of St. Quintain being put into the hands of Philip D. of Burgundy to draw him from the party of the Enâ—…sh were redeemed again by Lewis XI for 450000 crownes an infinite sum of money according to the standard of those times and yet it seemeth the King of France had no bad bargain of it For upon an hope only of regaining these Towns Charles Eal of Charaloys son to D. Philip undertook that war against King Lewis by which at the last he lost his life and hazarded his estate CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt-butter Boulogne divided inte two Towns Procession in the lowâ—…r Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconvenience of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow WE are now come to the County of Boulonnois which though a part of Picardie disdaineth yet to be so accounted but will be reckoned as a County of it self It comprehendeth in it the Town of Boulogne Estaples and Nâ—…uf-Chastell besides divers Villages and consisteth much of Hils and Vallies much after the nature of England the soil being indifferent fruitfull of Corne and yielding more Grasse then any other part of France which we saw for the quantity Neither is it only a County of it self but it is in a manner also a free County it being holden immediately of the Virgin Mary who is no question a very gracious Landladie For when King Lewis XI after the decease of Charles of Burgundy had taken in Boulogne anno 1477. as new Lord of the Town thus John de Serres relateth it he did homage without Sword or Spurs bare-headed and on his knee before the Virgin Mary offering unto her Image an heart of massie gold weighing 2000 crowns He added also this that he and his successors Kings after him should hold the County of Boulogne of the said Virgin and do homage unto her image in the great Church of the higher Town dedicated to her name paying at every change of a Vassall an heart of pure gold of the same weight Since that time the Boulonnois being the Tenants of our Lady have enjoyed a perpetuall exemption from many of those Tributes and Taxes under which the rest of France is miserably afflicted Amongst others they have been alwayes freed from the Gabell of Salt by reason whereof and by the goodnesse of their Pastures they have there the best butter in all the Kingdome I said partly by reason of their salt because having it at a low rate they do liberally season all their Butter with it whereas they which buy their Salt at the Kings price cannot afford it any of that deer commodity upon this ground it is the custome of these of Boulonnois to send unto their friends of France and Paris a barrell of Butter seasoned according to their fashion a present no lesse ordinary and acceptable then Turkies Capons and the like are from our Countrey Gentlemen to those of London As for the Town of Boulogne it is divided into two parts La haute Ville and La basse Vâ—…lle or the high Town and the low Town distant one â—…rom the other above an hundred paces and upwards The high Town is seated upon the top of an hill the low Town upon the declivity of it and towards the Haven Or else we may divide it into other parts viz. the Town and the City the Town that towards the water and the City that which lyeth above it It was made a City in the reign of Henry II. anno 1553. at which time the City of Terovenne wâ—…s totally ruined by the Imperials and the Bishops seat was removed hither the Church of Nostre Dâ—…me being made the Caâ—…hedrall There came along hither upon the remove of the Bishop 20 Canons which number is here still retained their revenue being about 1000 Livres yearly As for the present 〈◊〉 his name is Pierre d' Armè his intrado 2000 Livres his Metropolitan he of 〈◊〉 The Town or as they call it the low Town is bigger
Qâ—…een seeing that it is as his late Majâ—…sty hath excellently noted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A thing monstrous to see a man love the childe and bate the Parents and therefore he earnestly enjoyneth his son Henry To represse the insolence of such as under pretence to taxe a vice in the person seek craftily to stain the race Presently after this taking of Boulogne the French again endevoured their gaining of it even during the life of the Conquerour but he was strong enough to keep his gettings After his death the English being engaged in a war against the Scots and Ket having raised a rebellion in Norfolke they began to hope a Conquest of it and that more violently then ever Upon news of their preparations an Embassador was dispatched to Charles the fiâ—…h to desire succor of him and to lay before him the infancy and severall necessities of the young King who was then about the age of ten years This desiâ—…e when the Emperour had refused to hearken to they beâ—…ought him that he wâ—…uld at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping the Town of Boulogns and that for no longer time then untill King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home An easie request Yet did he not only deny to satisfie the King in this except he would restore the Catholick religion but he also expresly commanded that neither his men or munition should go to the assistance of the English An ingratitude for which I cannot finde a fitting epithite considering what fast friends the Kings of England had alwayes been to the united houses of Burgundie and Austria what moneys they have helped them with and what sundry Warres they have made for them both in Belgium to maintain their Authority and in France to augment their potencie From the marriage of Maximillan of the family of Austria with the Lady Mary of Burgundy which happened in the yeere 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth which fell in the yeere 1548. are just 70 yeeres In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience that it cost the Kings of England at the least six millions of pounds in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses An expence which might seem to have earned a greater requitall then that now demanded Upon this deniall of the unmindfull Emperour a Treaty followed betwixt England and France The effect of it was that Boulogne and all the Countrey of it should be restored to the French they paying unto the English at two dayes of payment 800000 Crownes Other Articles there were but this the principall And so the fortune of young Edward in his beginning was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end Dum clementiam quam praestiterat expectat incautus ab ingratis occupatus est I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne but must first reckon with mine Host to whom we were growne into arrears since our first coming thither Our stock was grown so low when we came from Paris that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed for us it would not have brought us to this Town so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some menies to make even with him After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England which alone stood us in three pound our engagements grew greater thâ—…n he had any just reason to adventure on us But being an ingenuous man and seeing that we fared well spent freely and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table he was the lesse diffident of payment as he told me afterwards Having stayed three dayes for Company and none appearing we were fain to hire a boat expresse for my companion and my self to passe over in In order whereunto I told him of our present condition assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary as indeed we had that having summed up what we owed him and what he had contracted for our passage over he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money to redeem him To which he answered that we had carryed our selves like Gentlemen which gave him no distrust of a reall payment that he would take if we pleased a Bill of our hands for the money to be paid in Dover and desired that we would give him leave to send over a servant in our Boat with a basket of poultery who should receive the money of us and give back our Bond. This being agreed upon the nâ—xt morning we took boat â—or England the Mariners knowing nothing else but that the servant went over only to sell his Poultery that being an opportunity frequently indulged by them unto those of the Town though we knew well enough he went on another errand and as we could not but commend my Host for his courtesie and his care taken of our credit so we had reason to esteem our selves in a kinde of custody in that he would not let us stir without a Keeper Nor did my Host lose any thing by his kindnesse to us For we not only paid him honestly all his full demands but bestowed a reward upon hiâ—… servant and sent a present of Gloves and Knives commoditâ—… much prized in France to his Wife and Daughters that he might see we knew as well how to requiâ—…e as receive a curtesie Which said I must step back into France agâ—…n that having taken a brief view already of the Principall Provinces I may render some accompt of the Government also in reference to the Courts the Church and the Civill Statâ—… The End of the Fourth Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill Sate CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of Kiâ—…g Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisâ—…ers all married and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull brother The title of Monseiur in France Monseiur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 moneth King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monseiur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omniregency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen mother a wise
of those unordinate Governments were the Duke of Rohan his brother M. Soubise and the Marquesse of Lafforce the four others being the Duke of Tremoville the Earl of Chastillon the Duke of Lesdisgâ—…ier and the Duke of Bovillon who should have commanded in chief So that the French Protestants cannot say that he was first wanting for them but they to themselves If we demand what should move the French Protestants to this Rebellious contradiction of his Majeâ—…ies commandements We must answer that it was too much happinesse Causa hujus belli eadem quae omnium nimia foelicitas as Florus of the Civill wars between Caesar and Pompey Before the year 1620 when they fell first into the Kings disfavour they were possessed of almost 100 good Towns well â—…ortified for their safety besides beautifull houses and ample possessions in the Villages they slept every man under his own Vine and his own Fig-tree neiâ—…her fearing nor needing to fear the least disturbance with those of the Catholick party they were grown so intimate and entire by reason of their inter-marriages that a very few years would have them incorporated if not into one faith yet into one family For their better satisfaction in matters of Justice it pleased King Henry the fourth to erect a Chamber in the Court of the Parliament of Paris purposely for them It consisteth of one President and 16 Counsellours their office to take knowledge of all the Causes and Suits of them of the reformed Religion as well within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris as also in Normandy and Britain till there should be a Chamber erected in either of them There were appointed also two Chambers in the Parliaments of Burdeaux and Grenâ—…ble and one at the Chastres for the Parliament of Tholoza These Chambers were called Les Chambre de l' Edict because they were established by especiall Edict at the Towns of Nantes in Britain Aprill the 8. anno 1598. In a word they lived so secure and happy that one would have thought their â—…elicities had been immortall O faciles dâ—…re summa deos eademque tueri Difficiles And yet they are not brought so low but that they may live happily if they can be content to live obediently that which is taken from them being matter of strength only and not priviledge Let us now look upon them in their Churches which we shall finde as empty of magnificence as ceremony To talke amongst them of Common-prayers were to â—…right them with the second coming of the Masse and to mention Prayers at the buriall of the dead were to perswade them of a Purgatory Painted glasse in a Church window is accounted for the flag and enâ—…gne of Antichrist and for Organs no question but they are deemed to be the Devils bagpipes Shew them a Surplice and they cry out a rag of the Whore of Babylon yet a sheet on a woman when she is in child bed is a greater abomination then the other A strange people that could never think the Masse book sufficiently reformed till they had taken away Prayers nor that their Churches could ever be handsome untill they were ragged This foolish opposition of their first Reformers hath drawn the Protestants of these parts into a world of dislike and envie and been no small disadvantage to the side Whereas the Church of England though it dissent as much from the Papists in point of Doctrine is yet not uncharitably thought on by the Modern Catholicks by reason it retained such an excellency of Discipline When the Liturgie of our Church was tâ—…anslated into Latine by Dr. Morket once Warden of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford it was with great approofe and applause received here in France by those whom they call the Catholicks royall as marvelling to sâ—…e such order and regular devotion in them whom they were taught to condemn for Hereticall An allowance which with some little help might have been raised higher from the practice of our Church to some points of our judgement and it is very worthy of our observation that which the Marquesse of Rhosny spake of Canterbury when he came as extraordinary Ambassadour from King Henry IV. to welcome King James into England For upon the view of our solemn Service and ceremonies he openly said unto his followers That if the reformed Churches in France had kept the same orders amongst them which we have he was assured that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants there then now are But the Marquesse of Rhosny was not the last that said so I have heard divers French Papists who were at the Queens coming over and ventured so far upon an excommunication as to be present at our Church solemn Services extoll them and us for their sakes even almost unto hyperboles So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them As are their Churches such is their Discipline naked of all Antiquity and almost as modern as the men which imbrace it The power and calling of Bishops they abrogated with the Masse upon no other cause then that Geneva had done it As if that excellent man Mr. Calvin had been the Pythagoras of our age and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his ipse dixit had stood for Oracles The Hierarchie of Bishops thus cast out they have brought in their places the Lay-Elders a kind of Monster never heard of in the Scriptures or first times of the Gospell These men leap from the stall to the bench and there â—…rtly sleeping and partly stâ—…oaking of their beards enaâ—… laws of Government for the Church so that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satyrist saying Surgunt nobis e sterquilinio Magistratus nec dum lotis manibus publica tractant negotia yet to these very men composed equally of ignorance and a trade are the most weighty matters of the Church committed In them is the power of ordaining Priests of coâ—…ferring places of charge and even of the severesâ—… censuâ—…e of the Church Excommunication When any businesse which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen they must be called to councell and you shall finde them there as soon as ever they can put off their Aprons having blurted out there a little Classicall non-sense and passed their consents rather by nodding of their heads then any other sensiblâ—… articulation they hasten to their shops as Quinctius the Dictator in Florus did to his plough Ut ad â—…pus relictum festinasse vidâ—…atur Such a plat-form though it be that needeth no further confutation then to know it yet had it been tolerable if the contrivers of it had not endevoured to impose it on all the Reformation By which means what great troubles have been raised by the great zelots here in England there is none so young but hath heard some Tragicall relations God be magnified and our late King praised by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel As for their Ministery it is indeed very
vis non timetur was a good Aphorisme in the dayes of Paterculus and may for ought I know be as good still Why should I envie any man that honour which taketh not from my safety or repine at my Soveraign for raising any of his Servants into an higher degree of eminency when that favour cannot make them exorbitant Besides it concerneth the improvement of the Exchequer at the occasions of Subsidies and the glory of the Kingdome when the Prince is not attended by men meerly of the vulgar Add to this the few Noble men of any title which he â—…ound at his hâ—…ppy coâ—…ing in amongst us and the additiâ—…s oâ—… power which his comming brought unto us and we shall â—…de it proportionable that he should enlarge our Nobiliâ—…y with our Empire neither yâ—…t have we indeed a number to be talked of comparing us with our neighbour 〈◊〉 We may sâ—…e all of the three first ranks in the books of Milâ—…s Brooke and Vincent and we are promised also a 〈◊〉 of the Creations and successions of all our Barons Then we should see that as yet we have not surfeited Wâ—…e this care takâ—…n by the Heralds in France perhaps the Nobility there would not seem so numberlesse sure I am not so consused But this is the main vice of that profession oâ—… six Heralds which they have amongst them viz. Montjoy Normandy 〈◊〉 Val ys Bretagne and Burgogne not one of them is repoâ—…ed to be a Genealogist neither were their Predecessors better affected to this study Paradine the only man that ever was amongst them hath drawn down the Genealogies of 24 of the chief families all ancient and of the bloud in which he hath excellently well discharged himself But whâ—…t a small pittance is that compared to the present multitude The Nobles being so populous it cannot be but the Noblesse as they call them that is the Gentry must needs be thick set and only not innumerable Of these Nobles there are some which hold theiâ—… estates immediately of the Crown and they have the like immunities with the Princes Some hold their Feâ—…es or feuda of some other of the Lords and he hath only Basse Justice permittâ—…d to him as to mulct and amerce his Tenants to imprison them or give them any other correction under death All of them have power to raise and inhance up their Rents to Tax his Subjects on occasion and to prohibit them such pleasures as they think fit to be reserved for themselves By Brettaul in Piâ—…ardy I saw a post fastned in the ground like a race-post with us and therein an inscription I presently made to it as hoping to have heard of some memorable battell there foughten but when I came at it I â—…und it to be nothing but a Dâ—claration of the Prince of Condes pleasure that no man should hunt in those quarters afterwards I observed them to be very frequent But not to wander through all particulars I will in some few of them only give instance of their power here The first is Proict de bailli age power to keep Assize or to have under him a Bailli and a Superiour seat of Justice for the decision of such causes as fall under the compasse of ordinary jurisdiction In this Court there is notice taken of Treasons Robberies Murders Protections Pardons Faires Markets and other matters of priviledge Next they have a Court of ordinary jurisdiction and therein a Judge whom they call Le guarde de Justice for the dâ—cision of smaller businesse as Debts Trespasses breach of the Kings peace and the like In this the purse is only emptied the other extendeth to the taking of life also for which cause every one which hath Haute Justice annexed to his Feife hath also his peculiar Gibbet nay which is wonderfully methodicall by the criticisme of the Gibbet you may judge at the quality of him that owneth it For the Gibbet of one of the Nobles hath but two pillars that of the Chastellan three the Barons four the Earls six the Dukes eight and yet this difference is rather precise then generall The last of their jura râ—galia which I will here speak of is the command they have upon their people to follow them unto the wars a command not so advantagious to the Lord as dangerous to the Kingdom Thus live the French Princes thus the Nobles Those sheep which God and the Lawes hath brought under them they do not sheer but fleece and which is worse then this having themselves taken away the Wooll they give up the naked carkasse to the King Tondi oves meas volo non deglubi was accounted one of the golden sayings of Tiberius but it is not currant here in France Here the Lords and the King though otherwise at oddes amongst themselves will be sure to agree in this the undoing and oppressing of the poor Paisant Ephraim against Manasseh and Manasseh against Ephraim but both against Judah saith the Scripture The reason why they thus desire the poverty of the Commons is as they pretend the safety of the State and their owne particulars Were the people once warmed with the feeling of case and their own riches they would presently be hearkning after the warres and if no imployment were proffered abroad they would make some at home Histories and experience hath taught us enough of their humour in this kind it being impossible for this hot-headed and hare-brained people not to be doing Si extraneus deest domi hostem quaerunt as Justin hath observed of the Ancient Spaniards a prety quality and for which they have often smarted CHAP. V. The base and loâ—… estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The French forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No Demaine in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Taxes The taille and taillion The Pancarke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys The Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King The happinesse of the English Subjects A congratulation unto England The conclusion of the first Journey BY that which hath been spoken already of the Nobles we may partly guesse at the poor estate of the Paisant or Countreymen of whom we will not now speak as subjects to their Lords and how far they are under their commandment but how miserable and wretched they are in their Apparell and their Houses For their Apparell it is well they can allow themselves Canvasse or an outside of that nature As for Cloth it is above their purse
shall hereafter shew you p. 125. l. 27. r Beu p 127. l. 14. r. Angerville p 132. l. 12. r. Angiers p. 138 l. 9. r his p. 139. l. 15. r. antient times ibid. l. 20. r quam dis 〈◊〉 p 14â—… l. 22. r. Belbis p. 147. l. 2. r. meri p. 150. l. 27. r. 〈◊〉 p 153. l 6. r. mouths ibid. l. 31. r. forme p. 158 l. 9 r. 〈◊〉 p. 162. l. 12. r. Les Dâ—…guieres p 163. l. 20 r. Bevie ibid. l. 33. r. 〈◊〉 p. 167 l 27. r. Ancre p. 170. l. 18. r. adeo ibid. l. 19. r. fidei p 175. l. 9. r. massing p. 185 l. 27. del do ibid. 36. r ner p. 190. l. 3. del my ibid. l. 33. r Bookes p. 199 l 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 206. l 8. r Franâ—… p. 208. l. 1. r. 60000. p. 211. l. 14. del each of p. 213 l 8. to these words al eady mentioned add and Madam Gabriele the most loved of all p. 220 l ult r. Aix p. 222. 〈◊〉 38 r. no other p. 223. l. 7. l. 32. r. investiture ibid. l. 18. r. Henry IV. ibid. l. 34. r. Henry I p 225. l. 10. r. sanctio ibid. l. 23 r. lapse p. 230. l 19. r. 〈◊〉 p. 231 l 1. r. to 〈◊〉 ibid. l 6 r. greatest action p. 235. l. 1 del 〈◊〉 p 242. l 4. r. Le Chastres p 244 l. 33. r. Systematicall p. 248. l. 27 r. 〈◊〉 p. 261. l. 24. del 〈◊〉 p. 271. l. 13 r. 〈◊〉 p. 〈◊〉 l. ult r. Vitrey p. 274. l. 1. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 〈◊〉 l. 28. r. 〈◊〉 p. 298. l. 5. 302. l. 16. r. Armie p. 304 l. 33. r. 〈◊〉 p. 306. l. 20. r. manner p. 312. l. 8 del a Crosse engraled O. p 314. l. 5 r. 〈◊〉 p. 320. l 8. r. 〈◊〉 ibid. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 p. 323. l. 34. r. once p 325. l. 7. 〈◊〉 fact p. 330. l. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 337. l. 11. r 〈◊〉 ibid. l 17 r. Painset p 354. l ult r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 368 l 35. r. propounded p. 374 l. 10. r. tactum p 381. l. 14. r. 〈◊〉 p. 384. l. 3 l. 33. p. 386 l. 15. 〈◊〉 p. 385. l 17. r. 〈◊〉 ibid. l. 34. r. St. 〈◊〉 p 387. l 32. r. interea p 393 l. 9. r. cure p 401. l. ult r. â—…ols p. 417 l 11. del 〈◊〉 p. 415. l 3. r. 〈◊〉 ibid. l 25. r. be said unto him ibid. l. 38 r. 〈◊〉 p. 〈◊〉 l. 8 r 〈◊〉 p. 422. l. 13. r. change p. 423. l. 3. r. sic ibid. l. 24. r. pool THE RELATION Of the FIRST JOURNEY CONTAINING A SURVEY of the STATE OF FRANCE TAKING IN The Description of the principal Provinces and chief Cities of it The Temper Humors and Affections of the people generally And an exact account of the Publick Government in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State By PET. HEYLYN London Printed 1656. A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE NORMANDY OR THE FIRST BOOK The Entrance The beginning of our Journey The nature of the Sea A farewell to England ON Tuesday the 28 of June just at the time when England had received the chief beauty of France and the French had seen the choise beauties of England we went to Sea in a Bark of Dover The Port we aimed at Dieppe in Normandy The hour three in the afternoon The winde faire and high able had it continued in that point to have given us a wastage as speedy as our longings Two hours before night it came about to the Westward and the tide also not befriending us our passage became tediâ—…us and troublesome The next day being dedicated to the glory of God in the memory of St. Peter we took the benefit of the ebb to assist us against the wind this brought us out of the sight of England and the floud ensuing compelled us to our Anchor I had now leasure to see Gods wonders in the deep wonders indeed to us which had never before seen them but too much familiarity had made them no other then the Sailers playfellowes The waves striving by an imbred ambition which should be highest which formost Precedencie and supereminencie was equally desired and each enjoyed it in succession The winde more covetous in appearance to play with the water then disturb it did only rock the billow and seemed indeed to dandle the Ocean you would at an other time have thought that the seas had only danced to the winds whistle or that the Winde straining it self to a Treble and the Seas by a Diapason supplying the Base had tuned a Caranto to our ship For so orderly they rose and fell according to the time and note of the Billow that her violent agitation might be imagined to be nothing but a nimble Galliard filled with Capers This nimblenesse of the waves and correspondency of our Bark unto them was not to all our company alike pleasing what in me moved only a reverend and awfull pleasure was to others an occasion of sicknesse their heads gidie their joynts enâ—…bled their stomachs loathing sustenance and with great pangs avoiding what they had taken in their mouths nothing might have been so frequent as that of Horaâ—…e Illi robur aes triplex Circa pectus erat qui fragilem truâ—… Commisit pelago ratem Hard was his heart as brasse which first did venture In a weak ship on the rough Seas to enter Whether it be that the noisome smels which arise from the saltnesse and tartnesse of that region of waters poysoneth the brain or that the ungoverned and unequall motion of the ship stirreth and unsetleth the stomach or both we may conjecture with the Philosophers rather then determine This I am sure of that the Cabbins and Decks were but as so many Hospitals or Pesthouses filled with diseased persons whilest I and the Mariners only made good the Hatches Here did I see the Scalie nation of that Kingdom solace themselves in the brimme of the waters rejoycing in the sight and warmth of the day and yet spouting from their mouths such quantity of waters as if they purposed to quench that fire which gave it They danced about our Vessell as if it had been a moving May pole and that with such delightfull decorum that you never saw a measure better troden with lesse art And now I know not what wave bigger then the rest tossed up our ship so high that I once more saw the coast of England An object which took such hold on my senses that I forgot that harmlesse company which sported below me to bestow on my dearest mother this and for ought I could assure my self my last farewell England adiew thy most unworthy sonne Leaves thee and grieves to see what he hath done What he hath done in leaving thee the best Of mothers and more glorious then the rest Thy sister-nations Had'st thou been unkind Yet might he trust thee safer then the wind Had'st thou been weak yet far more strength in thee
with a violent tempest makâ—…th it rubbish what therefore is wanting of present strength to the Haven in this ruine of a Tower the wisdome of this age hath made good in the Garrison And here me thinks I might justly accuse the imâ—… thrift of our former Kings of England in not laying out some money upon the strength and saâ—…ty of our Haven Towns not one of them Portesm uth only excepted being Garrisonâ—…d True it is that Henry VIII did erâ—…ct Block-houses in many of them but what bables they are and how unable to resist a Fleet royally appointed is known to every one I know indeed we wâ—…re 〈◊〉 garrisoned by our Navy could it either keep a watch on all particular places or had it not sometimes occasion to be absent I hope our Kings are not of Darius mind in the story 〈◊〉 gloriâ—…sius ratus est hostem repellere quam non admittere neiâ—…her will I take upon me to give counsell only I could wish that we were not inferior to our neighbours in the greatnesse of our care since we are equall to the best of them in the goodnesse of our Countrey But though the old man was too old to performe this service or to contribute any thing toward the defence of the Town and Haven yet I conceived my self obliged to give him a visite partly out of the reverent esteem which I had of Antiquity but principally that I might from thence take a â—…ull view of my dearest England from which sor want of winde and Company I was then restrained With these desires I made a boy of the Inne acquainted who told me that there was no way but by the Pâ—…st-houses from the Town to the Tower and that if we were noted to walke that way we should both be presently sâ—…ut up as infected persons or committed to the custody of the Brethren of Charity the 〈◊〉 â—…ondition of the two But finding the impatiencie of my desires not so easily satisfied and the temptation of a Quart d' esâ—…ue not to be 〈◊〉 he told me that if I would venture to climb up the Rocks as he and other boyes of the Town used to do sometimes he would undertake to bring me thither This offer I readily accepted and as soon as the tide was low enough for us we began our â—…alke upon the Beach till we came to the bottom of the Rocks where the old man dwelt and presently we began to mount as if we meant to take the Fortresse by Scalado I found the way more troublesome and dangerous then I had conceived and my self before I came â—…lfe way towards the top which seemed still to be farther of then it was at the first so vexed and bruised that I began to be amazed at my own fool-hardinesse and was many times in a minde to descend again and questionlesse I had done accordingly if a resolution of not giving over any enterprise which I was engaged in and a fear least the boy would laugh at me when we came to the Town had not pushed me on Having breathed our selves a while we advanced again The old cripplo who is fabled to have stolen Pauls weather-cock used not more pains and cunning in climbing to the top of that lofty 〈◊〉 then we in mounting to the top of these mighty Rocks which when we had attained at last me thought I was much of the same humor with old Tom of Odâ—…ombe on the top of the Alpes of whom the Poet hath informed us That to the top at last being got With very much adoe god wot He eagerly desired That mighty Jove would take the pains To dash out their unworthy brains Who offered to be tired No sooner had my eyes got above the height of the Cliffes but the first fight I met with was a row of Pest-houses not 〈◊〉 distant and some old women dry 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on a bank adjoyning the fight whereof had almost made me recoil backward with more hast then 〈◊〉 But having overcome the danger of that apprehension I first saluted the old man taking full notice of his great stature old age and many infirmiâ—…ies That done I turned my face toward England whâ—…ch afforded me a most pleasing object the course thereof lying within my view at so great a length that one might easily discerne from Dâ—…ver Castle Eâ—…stward to the West of 〈◊〉 an object of so rich contentment and so full of ravishing contemplations that I was almost of his mind who said Bâ—…num est nobis esse hic and certainly I had dwelt there lâ—…nger if the boy had not put me in mind that the flood was coming back amain as indâ—…ed it was and that if we made not speed to recover the Town before it was got near the foot of the Rocks we must of necessity be fain to abide there the greatâ—…st part of the night till the ebb ensuing On this advertisement there was no need to bid me hasten but then a new humor seized upon me when I beheld those dreadfull precipices which I was to descend together with the infinite distâ—…nce of the Beach from the top of the Rocks the danger of being shut up by the sea if we made not hast and of tumbling into it if we did But as curiosity had carryed me up so necessity brought me down again with greater safety I conâ—…esse then I had deserved This adventure being like some of those actions of Alexander the great whereof Curtius telleth us that they were magis ad temeritatis quam ad gloriae famam This Town of Boulogne and the Countrey about it was taken by Henry VIII of England anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege a very costly and chargeable victory The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000 Foot and 3000 Horse Field pieces he drew after him above 100 besides those of smaller making and for the conveyance of their Ordinance Bâ—…gage and other provision there were transported into the Continent above 25000 hâ—…rses True it is thâ—…t his dâ—…signes had a further aime had not Charles the Emperor with 〈◊〉 he was to joyne left the field and made peace without him So that judging only by the successe of the expedition we cannot but say that the winning of Boulonnois was a deer purchase And indeed in this one particular Sir Walter Raleigh in the Preface to his most excellent History saith not amisse of him namely That in his vain and fruitlesse expeditions abroad he consumed more treasure then all the rest of our Victorious Kings before him did in their severall Conquests The other part of his censure câ—…ncerning that Prince I know not well what to think of as meerly composed of gall and bitternesse Onely I cannot but much â—…arvell that a man of his wisdome being raised from almost nothing by the daughter could be so severely invective against the Father certainly a most charitable Judge cannot but condemne him of want of true affâ—…ction and duty to his
and prudent woman HAving thus taken a survey of these four Provinces which we may call the Abstract and Epitome of the Realm of France and having seen in them the â—…emper humoâ—… and conditions of the people of it We will nâ—…xt take a generall view of the Gâ—…vernors and Government thereof with reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State First for the Court we must in reason in the first place begin with the person of the King withâ—…ut whose influence and presence the Court is but a dead carkasse void of life and Majesty For person he is of the middle â—…ture and rather well proportioned then large his face knoweth liâ—…le yet of a beard but that which is black and swarty his complexion also much of the same hew carrying in it a certain boisterousnesse and that in a farther measure then what a gracefull majesty can admit of so that one can hardly say of him without a spite of Courtship which Paterâ—…lus did of Tiberius Quod vâ—…us praetulâ—…rit principem that his countenance proclaimed him a King But qâ—…stionlesse lesse his greatâ—…st defect is want of utterance which is very unpleasing by reason of a desperate and uncurable stammering which defect is likely more and more to grow upon him At this time he is aged 24 years and as much as since the 27 day of last September which was his birth day an age which he beareth not very plausible want of beard and the swarthinesse of his complexion making him seem older At the age of 11 years he was affianced to the Lady Anna Infanta of Spain by whom as yet he hath no children It is thought by many and covertly spoken by divers in France that the principall câ—…use of the Qâ—…eens barrennesse proceedeth from Spain that people being loath to fall under the French obedience which may very well happen she being the eldest Sister of the King For this cause in the seventh Article of the marriage there is a clause that neither the said Infanta nor the children born by her to the King shall be capable to inherit any of the Estates of the King of Spain And in the eight Article she is bound to make an Act of Renunciation under her own hand-writing as soon as she cometh to be 12 years old which was accordingly performed But this being not sufficient to secure their fears it is thought that she was some way or other disabled from conception before ever she came into the Kings imbraces A great crime I conâ—…sse if true yet I cannot say with Tully in his defence of Ligarius Novum Crimen Caje Caear ante hoc tempus inauaitum Iaqueline Counâ—…sse of Holland was Cousen to Philip Duke of Burgundy her 〈◊〉 would have debarred hâ—…m â—…rom those Estates of Holland Z aland and Wâ—…st Friezland therefore though she had thâ—…ee husbands there was order taken she should never have child with her first two husbands the Duke would never suffer her to live and when she had stolen a wedding with Frane of Borselle one of her servants the Dukes Physitians gave hâ—…m such a potion that she might have as well marryed an Eunuch upon this injury the poor Lady dyed and the Duke succeeded in those Countries which by his Grand-childe Mary were conveyed over into the house of Austria together with the rest of his estates I dare not say that that Family hath inheâ—…ited his practises with his Lands and yet I have heard that the Infanta Isabella had the like or worse measure afforded her before she was bedded by the Arch-Duke Allertus A Diabolicall trick which the prostitutes of the Heathen used in the beginning of the Gospell and before of whom Octavius complaineth Quod originem futuri hominis extinguant paricidium saciunt antequam pariunt Better luck then the King hath his Sister beyond the Mountains I mean his eldest Sister Madam Eâ—…izabeth marryed to the King of Spain now living as being or having been the mother of two children His second Sister Madam Christian is marryed unto Amadeo Victor principe major or heir apparent to the Duke of Savoy to whom as yet she hath born no issue The youngest Madam Henrietta Maria is newly marryed to his most Excellent Majesty of England to whom may she prove of a most happy and fruitfull womb Et pulcra faciat te prole parentem Of these Alliances the first were very profitable to both Princes could there be made a marriage between the Kingdoms as well as the Kings But it is well known that the affections of each people are divided with more unconquerable mountains then their Dominions The French extreamly hating the proud humor and ambition of the Spaniard and the Spaniard as much loathing the vain and unconstant lightnesse of the French we may therefore account each of them in these inter marriages to have rather intended the perpetuity of their paâ—…ticular houses then the strength of their Empires and that they more desired a noble stâ—…ck wherein to graâ—… posterâ—… then 〈◊〉 The Alliance with Savâ—…y is more advantagious though lesse powerfull then that of Spain for if the King of France can keep this Prince on his party he need not fear the greatnesse of the other or of any of his faction The continuall fiding of this house with that of Austria having given great and many impediments to the fortune of the French It standeth so fitly to countenance the affaires of either King in Itâ—…ly or Germany to which it shall encline that it is just of the same nature with the state of Florence between Millaine and Venice of which 〈◊〉 faith that 〈◊〉 le cosâ—…d ' Italia bilanciate On this râ—…ason Henry IV. â—…nestly desired to mâ—…tch one of his children into this Coâ—…trey and left this desire as a Legacy wiâ—…h his Câ—…uncell But the Alliance of most use to the State of France is that of England as being the nighest and most able of all his neighbours an alliance which will make his estate invincible and encompassed about as it were with a wall of brasse As for the Kings bastard Bâ—…hren they are four in number and born of three severall beds The elder is Alexander made Knight of the Order of St. John or of Malta iâ—… the life time of his Fâ—…her He is now Grand Prior of France and it is much labouâ—…ed and hoped by the French that he shall be the next Mâ—…ster of the Oâ—…der a place of great credit and command The second and most loved of his fâ—…ther whose lively image and character he is said to be is Mr. Cesar made Dâ—…ke of Vendosme by his father and at this time Governâ—…ur of Britain a man of a brave spirit and one who swayeth much in the affaiâ—…s of state his fathâ—…r took a great care for his advâ—…ncement bâ—…fore his death and therefore marryed him to the daughter and heir of the Duke of Mâ—…rcuer a man of great possessions in Britain It is thought that the inheritance of
infinitely more Souldiers of its native forces then its neighbour Nations For in the fourth year of his Reign there passed an Act of Parliament pretensively against the depopulation of Villages and decay of tillage but purposedly to inable his subjects for the wars The Act was That all houses of husbandry which had been used with twenty acres of ground and upwards should be maintained and kept up for together with a competent proportion of Land to be used and occupied with them c. By this means the houses being kept up did of necessity enforce a dweller and that dweller becaâ—…se of the proportion of Land not to be a begger but a man of some substancâ—… able to keep Hinds and Servants and to set the plough a going An order which did wonderfully concerne the might and manhood of the Kingdome these Farmes being sufficient to maintaine an able body out of penury and by consequence to prepare them for service and encourage them to higher honours for Haud facile emergent quorum virtutibus obstat Res angusta domi As the Poet hath it But this O dinance is not thought oâ—… such use in France where all the hopes of their Armies consist in the Cavallery or the horse which perhaps is the cause why our Ancestors have won so many battailes upon them As sor the French foot they are quite out of all reputation and are accounted to be the basest and unworthyest company in the world Besides should the French people be enfranchised as it were from the tyranny of their Lords and estated in freeholds and other tenures after the manner of England it would much trouble the Councell of Fraâ—…ce to find out a new way of raising his revenues which are now meerly sucked out of the bloud and sweat of the Subject Antiâ—…ntly the Kings of France had rich and plentifull demeans such as was sufficient to maintain their greatnesse and Majesty without being burden some unto the Countrey Pride in matters of sumptuousnesse and the tedious Civill wars which have lasted in this Countrey almost ever fince the death of Henâ—…y II. have been the occasion that most of the Crown lands have been sold and morgaged in so much that the people are now become the Demaine and the Subject only is the Revenue of the Crown By the sweat of their browes is the Court sed and the Souldier paid and by their labours are the Princes maintained in idlenesse What impositions soever it pleaseth the King to put upon them it is almost a point of treason not only to deny but to question Apud illos vere regnatur nefasque quantum regi liceat dubitare as one of them The Kings hand lyeth hard upon them and hath almost thrust them into an Egyptian bondage the poor Paisant being constrained to make up dayly his full tale of bricks and yet have no straw allowed them Upon a sight of the miseries and poverties of this people Sir John Fortescue Chancellour of England in his book intituled De Laudibus legum Angliae concludeth them to be un fit men for Jurors or Judges 〈◊〉 the custome of the Countrey admit of such tryals For having proved there unto the Prince he was son to Henry VI. that the manner of tryall according to the Common Law by 12 Juâ—…ates was more commendable then the practise of the Civill or Emperiall Lâ—…wes by the deposition only of two wiâ—…esses or the forced confession of the persons arrained the Prince seemed to 〈◊〉 Cur ea lex Angliae quae tam fâ—…ugi optabilis est non sit toti mundo câ—…mmunis To this he maketh answer by shewing the â—…ree condition of the English Subjects who alone are used at these indictments men of a fair and large estate such as dwell nigh the place of the deed committed men that are of ingenuous education such as scorn to be suborned or corrupted and afraid of infamie Then he sheweâ—…h how in other places all things are contrary the Husbandman an absolute begger easie to be bribed by reason of his poverty the Gentlemen living far asunder and so taking no notice of the fact the Paisant also neither fearing infamie nor the losse of goods if he be found faulty because he hath them not In the end he concludeth thus Ne mireris igitur princeps si lex per quam in Anglia veritas inquiâ—…itur alias non pervagetur nationes ipsae namque ut Anglia nequerunt facere sufficientes consimilesque Juratas The last part of the latine savoureth somewhat of the Lawyâ—…r the word Juratas being put there to fignifie a Jury To go over all those impositions which this miserable people are afflicted withal were almost as wretched as the payment of them I will therefore speak only of the principall And here I meet in the first place with the Gabell or Imposition on Salt This Gabelle de sel this Impost on Salt was first begun by Philip the Long who took for it a double which is half a Sol upon the pound After whom Philip of Valoys anno 1328. doubled that Charles the VII raised it unto three doubles and Lewis the XI unto fix Since that time it hath been altered from so much upon the pound to a certain rate on the Mine which containeth some 30 bushels English the rates rising and falling at the Kings pleasure This one commodity were veâ—…y advantagious to the Exchequer were it all in the Kings hands but at this time a great part of it is morgaged It is thought to be worth unto the King three millions of Crowns yearly that only of Paris and the Provosts seven Daughters being farmed at 1700000 Crowns the year The late Kings since anno 1581. being intangled in wars have been constrained to let it out to others in so much that about anno 1599. the King lost above 800000 Crowns yearly and no longer agone then anno 1621. the King taking up 600000 pounds of the Provost of Merchands and the Eschevines gave unto them a rent charge of 40000 l. yearly to be issuing out of his Customes of Salt till their money were repaid them This Gabell is indeed a Monopoly and that one of the unjustest and unreasonablest in the World For no man in the Kingdom those Countries hereafter mentioned excepted can eat any Salt but he must buy of the King and at his price which is most unconscionable that being sold at Paris and elsewhere for five Livres which in the exempted places is sold for one Therefore that the Kings profits might not be diminished there is diligent watch and ward that no forain Salt be brought into the Land upon pain of forfeiture and imprisoment A search which is made so strictly that we had much ado at Dieppe to be pardoned the searching of our trunks and port-mantles and that not but upon solemn protestation that we had none of that commodity This Salt is of a brown colour being only such as we in England call Bay-salt and imposed on the
Col. and on Wednesday March the 11. went unto St. Oen where we were feasted by Sir Philip de Carteret whose Regiment we likewise viewed in the afternoon The Souldiers of each Regiment very well arrayed and not unpractised in their Armes but such as never saw more danger then a Training came to On Thursday his Lordship went into the Cohu or Town-hall attended by Sir John Palâ—…r the Deputy Governour Sir Philip de Carteret the Justices Clergy and Jurors of the Island with other the subordinate Officers thereunto belonging where being set as in a Parliament or Sessions and having given order for redresse of some grievances by them presented to him in the name of that people he declared to them in a grave and eloquent speach the great care which his Majesty had of their preservation in sending Men Money Armes and Ammunition to defend them against the common Enemies of their peace and consciences assuring them that if the noise of those preparations did not keep the French from looking towards them his Majesty would not fail to send them such a strength of Shipping as should make that Island more impregnable then a wall of Brasse in which regard he thought it was not necessary for him to advise them to continue fathfull to his Majesties service or to behave themselves with respect and love towards those Gentlemen Officers and common Souldiers who were resolved to expose themselves for defence of them their Wives and Children to the utmost dangers And finally advising the common Souldiers to carry themselves with such sobriety and moderation towards the natives of the Countrey for as for their valour towards the enemies he would make no question as to give no offence or scandall by their conversation This said the Assembly was dissolved to the great satisfaction of all parties present the night ensuing and the day following being spent for the most part in the entertainments of rest and pleasures The only businesse of that day was the disposing of the three Barks which we took in our Journey the goods whereof having before been inventoried and apprized by some Commissioners of the Town and now exposed to open sale were for the most part bought together with the Barks themselves by that very Holland man of warre whom they had hired to be their Convoy Which gave me such a Character of the mercenary and sordid nature of that people that of all men living I should never desire to have any thing to do with them unlesse they might be made use of as the Gibeonites were in hewing wood and drawing water for the use of the Tabernacle I mean in doing servile offices to some mightier State which would be sure to keep them under On Saturday March the 14. having spent the greatest part of the morning in expectation of the rest of our Flâ—…t which found better imployment in the Seas then they could in the Haven we went aboard the Merchants ship which before I spake of not made much lighter by the unlading of the one halfe of the Ammunition which was left at Jarsey in regard that the 200 foot which should have been distributed in the rest of the ships were all stowed in her Before night being met by the rest of our Fleet we came to Anchor neer St. Pier port or St. Peters Port within the Bay of Castle Cornet where we presently landed The Castle divided from the Town and Haven by the inter-currency of the Sea in which respect we were fain to make use of the Castle-hall in stead of a Chappell The way to the Town Church being too troublesome and uncertain to give us the constant use of that and the Castle yeelding no place else of a fit capacity for the receiving of so many as gave their diligent attendance at Religious exercises On Monday March the 16. our Fleet went out to Sea againe taking the Charles with them for their greater strength which to that end was speedily unladen of such ammunition as was designed for the use of that Island The whole time of our stay here was spent in visiting the Forts and Ports and other places of importance taking a view of the severall Musters of the naturall Islanders distributing the new come Souldiers in their severall quarters receiving the services of the Gentry Clergy and principall Citizens and finally in a like meeting of the States of the Island as had before been held in Jarsey Nothing considerable else in the time of our stay but that our Fleet came back on Wednesday March 25 which hapned very fitly to compleat the triumph of the Friday following being the day of his Majesties most happy inauguration celebrated in the Castle by the Divine Service for that day and after by a noble â—…east made by him for the chief men of the Island and solemnized without the Castle by 150 great shot made from the Castle the Fleet the Town of St. Peters Port and the severall Islands all following one another in so good an order that never Bels were rung more closely nor with lesse confusion Thus having given your Lordship a brief view of the course of our Voyage I shall next present you with the sight of such observations as I have made upon those Islands at my times of leasure and that being done hoise sail for England CHAP. I. 1 Of the convenient situation and 2 condition of these Islands in the generall 3 Alderney 4 and Serke 5 The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French 6 Of Guernzey 7 and the smaller Isles neer unto it 8 Our Lady of Lehu 9 The road and 10 the Castle of Cornet 11 The Trade and 12 Priviledges of this people 13 Of Jarsey and 14 the strengths about it 15 The Island why so poor and populous 16 Gavelkind and the nature of it 17 The Governours and other the Kings Officers The 18 Politie and 19 administration of Justice in both Islands 20 The Assembly of the Three Estates 21 Courts Presidiall in France what they are 22 The election of the Justices 23 and the Oath taken at their admission 24 Of their Advocates or Pleaders and the number of them 25 The number of Atturneys once limited in England 26 A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey TO begin then with the places themselves the Scene and Stage of our discourse they are the only remainders of our rights in Normandy unto which Dukedome they did once belong Anno 1108. at such time as Henry I. of England had taken prisoner his Brother Robert these Islands as a part of Normandy were annext unto the English Crown and have ever since with great testimony of â—…aith and loyalty continued in that subjection The sentence or arrest of confiscation given by the Parliament of France agâ—…st King John nor the surprisall of Normandy by the French forces could be no â—…swasion unto them to change their Masters Nay when the French had twice seized on them during