furnished he should awaite occasion to sollicite the same Lastly that he should carry a nimble eare as well touching any variation in all these â—…atters as for other occurrences in France Spaine Italie Almaine and thereof advertise the king But notwithstanding all these cautions and preventions of peace or truce betweene the Emperour and the French the king of England finding the Emperour slow in his performances and much suspecting his secret ends entertained a treatie of peace with France but secretly and a farre off and to bee governed as occasions should vâ—…ry and in regâ—…rd hâ—…reof agreement was made that all ships and goods which had bin surprised at sea by the English vpon the French or by the French vpon the English since the beginning of that treatie should be freely discharged And albeit the English had great aduâ—…ntage in value of reprisalls as being alwaies both more strong and actiue at sea yet the king by his proclamation commanded that forthwith restitution should be made Hostility being thus suspended with France preparation was made for warres against Scotland the occasion whereof did thus arise MARY STYWARD sole daughter heire to Iames the 5. King of Scots began her raigne ouer the Realme of Scotland vpon the 18 of December 1542 being then not aboue 7 daies olde so as the Sunne no sooner almost saw her an infant then a Queene and no sooner was shâ—…e a Queene but she was desired of Henry then King of England to be assured in marriage to Prince Edward his only sonne being then not much aboue 6 yeares of age Vpon this ouerture the gouernor of Scotland assembled the nobility of the Realme at Edenburgh where after much debatement of the coÌ„modities or discommodities like to ensue they concluded in the end that in March then next ensuing a Parliament should be held to giue perfection and forme to that businesse In the meane time S. Ralph Sadler knight was sent embassador from England to the Gouernor and other Lords of Scotland who followed his charge with so good diligence and advice that in the same parliamenâ—… authority was giuen to William Earle of Glancorne S. George ' Douglasse S. William Hamilton S. Iames Leirmouth knights and to one of the secretaries of state to conclude this marryage These commissioners came into England with whom before the end of Iulie the same yeere all covenants were concluded instruments of the contract of marriage interchangeably sealed and sworne and a peace established for ten yeares which time expyred both the Prince and the Queene should be of age to consent The French King all this tiâ—…e was so enteartined with warres against the Emperor that he had no sence of these proceedings but when he vnderstood that these agreements were passed as well for marriage as for peace he bâ—…nt his best endeuour to dissolue them both First with intention to impeach both the greatnesse and strength of the English nation after with desire to winne this marriage for Francis who afterwardes was King of France To this purpose the French K. sent for Mathew Earle of Levenoxe who then serued vnder his pay in Italie and furnished him with mony forces and friends and aboue all with many encouragements to take vpon him brauely the honour of his house and Ancestors to remoue the Earle of Arraine from the Regency of Scotland and to reverse such pactions as he had made The Earle at his first arrivall in Scotland was ioyfully received as a man most engaged in domesticall factions He alwaies vsed curtesie and modestie disliked of none sometimes sociablenes and fellowship well liked by many generally he was honoured by his nation and well reputed by strangers in favour of him the Pope sâ—…nt the Patriarch of Apulia his Legat into Scotland who in the Popes nâ—…me did faithfully assure that both forces mony should be sent into Scotland to resist the English Heâ—… drew the greatest of the Cleargie on his side who were most powerfull to draw on others On the other side the king was not negligent to support his party with supplies wher by great troubles ensued in Scotland which fell not within the times that I hauâ—… in hand In the end the Earle of Arraine abandoned the king of England and applyed himselfe only to the French by reason whereof the Regencie was confirmed to him which otherwise he had bin vpon adventure to loose And as the Earle of 〈◊〉 did forsake the English and adioine to the French so the Earle of Levenoxe being forsaken by the French applyed his service wholy to the English which did not only continue but much encrease the calamities of Scotland during the time of king Henries raigne King Henrie at the time of his death gâ—…ue a spâ—…ciall charge to the Lords of his counsaile that they should omit no â—…ndevours whereby the said marriâ—…ge might be procured to take effect Herevpon they pursued this quarrell in the same stâ—…te the king left it But before they attempted any thing by Armes the Lord Protector assailed the Scottish nobility with a friendly letter Herein he remâ—…mbred them of the promises seaâ—…es and oathes which by publike authority had passed for concluding this marriage that these being religious bonds betwixt God and their soules could not by any politike act of state be dissolved vntill their Queene should attaine vnto yeares of dissent Hee farther added that the providence of God did then manifestly declare it selfe in that the male princes of Scotland failing the kingdome was left to a daughter and in that King Henry left only one sonne to succeed That these two princes were agreeable both for yeares and princely qualities to bee ioyned in marriâ—…ge and thâ—…reby to knit both Realmes into one That this vnion as it was like to bee both easily done of firme continuance so would it be both profitable and honourable to both the Realmes That both the easinesse and firmnâ—…s might be coniectured for that both people are of the same language of like habit and fashion of like qualitie and condition of life of one climate not only annexed entirely together but sevâ—…red froÌ„ all the world 〈◊〉 For as these are sure arguments that both desâ—…ended from one originall and had bin vnder one governement so by reason that likenes is a great cause of liking and of loue they would be most forceable meanes both to ioine and to hold them in one body again that the profit would rise by extinguishing warres betweâ—…ne the two nations by reason whereof in former times victori sabroad haue bin impeachâ—…d invasions and seditions occasioned thâ—… confines of both Realmes laid wâ—…st or else made a nurserie of rapines robberies and murthers the inner parts often deepely pierced and made a wretched spectacl to all eies of humanity and pittie That the honour of both Realmes would enerease as well in regard of the countries sufficient to furnish not only the necessities but the moderate pleasures of this life as also of the people
to King Edward the sixth or any other person And againe the said two Ladies Mary and Elizabeth being but of the halfe bloud to King Edward albeit they had beene borne in lawfull matrimony yet by the ancient Lawes of the Realme they were not inheritable to him by descent and had no capacitie in any degree to receiue any inheritance from him The reasons or pretexts of necessitie to the State were these In case the Ladie Mary and the Lady Elizabeth should enioy the Crowne they would assuredly ioyne in marriage with some stranger who would reduce this noble and free Realme into the seruitude of the Bishop of Rome and thereby bring in forren customes and Lawes abolishing those whereupon the rights of all natiue subiects depend and haply the whole body of the Realme should hereby be annexed as a member to some other greater Kingdome to the vtter subuersion of the ancient dignitie and Estate thereof the people were not vnlike to elect a King of some priuate Stocke a popular and seditious man peraduenture one who to countenance his own vnworthinesse and obscurity would little regard what contumely he cast vpon the falling Family of the Kings before him wherefore he held it the most prouident aduice that the King by his authoritie should designe not only his next Successour but others also in reuersion that the Crowne might not be subiect to risling but remaine to those whom hee loued and who humoured him best These reasons did more easily sinke into the Kings iudgement partly by meanes of the great affection which he bare to the Religion that he had established of the change wherof he was assuredly perswaded in case the Lady Mary his sister should succeed and partly by reason of the entire loue hee bare to his Cosin the Ladie Iane a woman of most rare â—…nd incomparable perfections For besides her excellent beautie adorned with all varietie of vertues as a cleere skie with starres as a princely Diadem with Iewels shee was most deare to the King in regard both of her religion and of her education in the knowledge of the liberall Sciences and skill in Languages for in Theologie in Philosophie in all liberall Arts in the Latine and Greeke tongues and in the Vulgar Languages of diuers neere Nations shee farre exceeded all of her sex and any of her yeares vnlesse haply the King himselfe Hereupon the King consented that Letters Patents should be drawne importing that in case the King should die without issue of his bodie lawfully begotten then the Imperiall Crowne of England and Ireland with his title to the Crown of France and all things to them belonging should remaine and come to the eldest sonne of the Ladie Frances daughter to the Ladie Mary youngest sister to Henry the eighth in case such issue should be borne into the world during the life of King Edward and after to the heires male of the said issue and in like sort from sonne to sonne of the said Ladie Frances lawfully begotten as they should be in prioritie of birth and borne during the Kings life and in default of such sonnes and of heires male of euery such sonne lawfully begotten that then the said Crowne and all the proâ—… should remaine and come to the Lady Iane eldest daughter to the said Ladie Frances and the heires males of her lawfully begotten and for default of such issue the said Crowne to remaine to the Lady Katherine second daughter to the said Lady Frances with diuers other remainders ouer which as they were vainly appointed so are they needlesse to be repeated These Letters were dated the one and twentieth of Iune in the seuenth yeare of King â—…dwards raign and by him signed when he was in great debilitie of body and afterwards passed vnder the gâ—…eat Seale of England And albeit the course contriuance was almost visible first for that such prouision was made for the Issue male of the said Lady Frances who neither at that time had any and was commonly repâ—…ted to be past yeares of child-bearing secondly for that in case that beyond the ordinary course of nature she should conceiue the hope was desperate that the King should liue vntill the birth Lastly for that her children borne and to be borne were so carefully and orderly remembred and no mention made of herselfe from whom their title must be deriued yet these Letters were subscribed by all the Priuic Counsellours the greatest part both of number and power of the Nobilitie of the Realme the Bishops the Kings learned Councell and all the Iudges at the Common Law except only Sir Iames Holles one of the Iustices of the Common Pleas a man well obserued to be both religious and vpright who worthily refused to subscribe and was vnworthily requited by Queene Mary afterwards It is very like that some of these were guided with respect of their particular interest for that they were possessed of diuers lands which once pertained to Monasteries Chantries and other religions houses not long before dissolued of these they held themselues in some danger to lose in case religion should change to the ancient forme which by succession of Queene Mary they did euidently fore-see Others were drawne partly by feare and partly by obligation to the Duke of Northumberland who then was exceeding potenâ—… and almost absolute in gouernment of the State and supposed able to make any title good either by his authoritie or by his sword Now whether a King may lawfully dispose by his will or otherwise of a Kingdome that hath beene long carried in one forme of succession contrary to that ancient forme I haue largely discoursed in my History of the three Norman Kings about the beginning of the raigne of King William the second but certaine it is that when kingdomes haue customably beene â—…ried by right of succession according to 〈◊〉 of bloud the violation of which course hath alwayes beene either very vaine or with dangerous consequence it hath alwayes beene like the breaking of a banâ—… which holdeth a sheafe of arrowes together like a rupture in bankes which bindeth a riuer within its proper channell or like a casting downe of a pale wherewith deere oâ—… other beasts are inclosed It was neuer done but either no effect ensued or bloudle disorders or haply both and the Duke by piercing his ambitious purposes with his vniust policie did no otherwise than often doth a foolish greedie gamesteâ—… who by stealing a card to win a stake forfeits the whole rest But hauing thus in his owne opinion assured his owne deuices nothing remained but that the King should not longer suruiue leâ—…t haply his sickly iudgement might be ouerruled by sounder aduice his disease was violent but his Physitians conceiued some hope of recouery in case he might be remoued to change of healthfull aire which in infirmities of the vitall parts the seat of his sicknesse is of greatest moment for the cure But hereto the Councell would not consent so he continued
effusion of Christian blood and for that the English had not done any vnmanlike outrage or spoile he was content they might returne and should haue his safe conduct for their peaceable passage Then the Trumpeter that the Lord Huntly his master sent message by him that aswell for breefe expedition as to spare expence of christian blood he would fight vpon the whole quarrell either with 20 against 20 or with 10 against 10 or more particularly by single combate betweene the Lord Generall and himselfe which in regard the Scots had advantage both for number and freshnesse of men in regard also that for supply both for provision and succors they were at home he esteemed an honourable and charitable offer To the Herald the Lord Generall answered that as his comming was not with purpose or desire to endammage their Realme as he was there he would neither intreat nor accept of him leaue to depart but would measure his marches in advancing or retiring as his owne iudgment guided by advice of his counsaile should deeme expedient To the Trumpeter he returned answere that the L. Huntley his master was a young gentleman full of free courage but more desirous of glory then iudicious as it seemed how to win it That for number of Combatants it was not in his power to conclude a bargaine but was to employ all the forces put vnder his charge to the best advantage that he could that in case this were a particular quarrell betweene the Governour and him he would not refuse a particular combat but being a difference betweene the 2 kingdomes it was neither fit nor in his power either to vndertake the adventure vpon his owne fortune or bearing a publike charge to hazard himselfe against a man of private condition Then the Earle of Warwicke said I marvaile Trumpeter that thy master would make his challenge so fond as he might well knowe it could not be accepted For tell mee Trumpeter can he thinke it fit that he to whose charge is committed the command of all this Army abroad and at home the Kings person and protection of all his Realmes should vndertake a combate with a particular man But he might haue found others his equals amongst vs by whom he might haue beene assured that he should be answered And therewith turning his speech to the L. Generall vnder your Graces favour I accept the challenge And bring me word Trumpeter that thy master will performe with mee as thou hast said and thou shalt haue 100 crownes for thy travaile Nay answered the L. Generall you haue a great charge in the Army which vpon a private mans challenge you must not abandon But Herault tell the L. Governor and the L. Huntley That we haue entred your country with a sober company for so the Scots terme a thing that is meane your army is both great and fresh but let them appeare vpon indifferent ground and assuredly they shall haue fighting enough And bring me word Herault that they will so doe and I will reward thee with 1000 crownes This Earle of Huntley was a man young bold adventerous of very good resolution and skill in Armes But this challenge was so farre beyond the point both of discretion and honor that the English that knew his noble spirit did beleeue that his name was therein abused which hee manifested to be true by disavowing it openly afterwards For it is not fit that a man should abandon his publike charge to vndertake both the office and danger of a private Souldier And therefore the like challenge of Tullus was refused by the commander of the Albanes For that the contention was not betweene their persons but between the Citties of Alba and Rome So Sertorius was refused by Metellus Antonius by Augustus and Iohn Emperor of Constantinople by a king of Scythia So Antonius Caracalla by reason of his often challenges was esteemed not to be so valiant as vaine And herevpon the histories of our times forbeare not to blame Charles the fift Emperour Henry the eight king of England and Francis the first king of France for that they often adventured rather as Souldiers then as Commanders But doubtlesse the L. Governour made a most honourable offer and the rather for that it was conceiued by the English that he held himselfe no lesse assured of victory then he was of his owne resolution to fight whereto it seemed that he wanted not good reason cheifly vpon confidence of his owne forces and partly vpon expectation of 12 Gallies and 50 ships well appointed out of France to assayle the English at their backs All the chiefe Captaines yeelded to the same advice of giving battaile as out of their owne iudgements because they saw it agreeable to that which the L Governour had determined To these the residue attributed so much that albeit diverse were of a different opinion yet they chose rather to condemne their owne vnderstanding then to question theirs During this enterparlance the Scots discharged 4 great shots against the English campe without harme as it happened but not without breach of the Laws of the field whereby not only publike messengers are priviledged to passe without either danger or scorne but vntill they haue discharged their message all hostility should surcease Howsoeuer this happened the Generall of the English army vnwilling to bee behind in any equall or honourable offer sent letters to the L. Governour of Scotland Wherein he desired him and theresidue of the Scottish nobility to consider That both armies consisted of Christians to whom nothing should be more deere then peace nothing more detestable then effusion of humane blood That the cause of this warre did not proceed from ambition avarice or hate but from desire of perpetuall peace betweene their people and nations which could no way so firmely be knit as by knitting their Princes together in marriage That many other respects set aside their King for his birth his yeares his royall estate his princely personage education and qualities was such a marriage for their Queene that a more convenient could not be found that in case all the Nobility of Scotland were not of one minde The English would bee content that their Queene should bee brought vp amongst them vntill she should be of age to make her owne choice Provided that in the meane time she should not bee transported to any forraigne country or any agreement made for any other marriage That vpon this condition there should be an abstinence of hostility for all that time and they would in quiet manner withdraw their army and repaire all dammages which indifferent Commissioners should adiudge No answere was hereto returned but rumors ran freshly among the Scottish souldiers that the intention of the English was to take away their Queene by force and vnder pretence of marriage to reduce the kingdome vnder their dominion and verily it may seeme almost incredible that all these faire ouertures made by men well esteemed for honest dealing
and maintained the sâ—…cond to be cured and relecued and the third to be chastised and reduced to good order When this was 〈◊〉 to the King he gauâ—… to the Citie for education and maintenance of the first sort of poore the Gray-Friers Church neere Newgate-market with all the reuenues there to belonging for cure and releefe of the second â—…ort he gaue Saint Bartholomewes neere 〈◊〉 for correction of the third hee appoinâ—…ed his house at Brideâ—…ell the ancient Mansion of many English Kingâ—… and which not long before had beene repaired and beautified by Henry the â—…ighth for the entertainment of the great Emperour Charles the fifth for increase of 〈◊〉 of their places together with the new re-edified Hospitall of Saint Thomas in Southwork the King gaue seuen hundred and fifty markes yearely out of the rents of the Hospitall of Saint Iohn Baptist or the Sauoy with all the bedding and furniture at that time belonging to that place and when the charter of this gift was prâ—…sented vnto him with a blanke space for lands to be afterwards receiued in Mortmâ—…ine to a yearly valew without further licence the King presently with his owne hand filled vp the void space with these words foure thousand markes by yeare this done with reuerenâ—… gesture and speech he thanked God for prolonging his life to finish that businesse and so hee was the first Founder of those three pious workes which by many additions are now growne to be the most absolute and famous of that kinde in Europe The Kings sicknesse daily increased and so did the Duke of Northumberlands diligence about him for he was little absent from the King and had alwayes some well assured to espie how the state of his health changed euery houre and the more ioyfull hee was at the heart the more sorrowfull appearance did he outwardly make whether any tokens of poyson did appeare reports are various certainly his Physitians discerned an inuincible malignitie in his disease and the suspition did the more increase for that the complaint being chiefly from the lights a part as of no quicke sense so no seat for any sharpe disease yet his sicknesse towards the end grew highly extreme but the Duke regarded not much the muttering multitude knowing right well that rumours grow stale and vanish with time and yet somewhat either to abate or delay them for the present hee caused speeches to be spread abroad that the King was well recouered in health which was readily beleeued as most desired to be true Hereupon all persons expressed ioy in their countenance and speech which they inlarged by telling the newes to others whom they incountred who haply had heard it often before and as the report increased so there with increased also the ioy Thus whilest euery men beleeued and no man knew it was made more credible by religious persons who openly in Churches gaue publike thankes for the Kings recouery But when the speech of his danger was againe reuiued and as in newe it happeneth the more stopped the more increased to the worse then as if the second time he had beene lost the people did immoderatly breake forth into passions complaining that for this cause his two Vncles had beene taken away for this cause the most faithfull of his Nobilitie and of his Councell were disgraced and remoued from Court this was the reason that such were placed next his person who were most assuredly disposed either to commit or permit any mischiefe that then it did appeare that it was not vainly coniectured some yeares before by men of iudgement and fore-sight that after Somersets death the King should not long enioy his life To qualifie these and some broader speeches it was thought conuenient that the King sometimes should shew himselfe abroad albeit little either with his pleasure or for his health yet a thing which in long consuming sicknesses euen to the last period of life men are often able to doe Whilest the King remained thus grieuously sicke diuers notable mariages were solemnized at once in Durham place The Lord Guldford fourth sonne to the Duke of Northumberland married Lady Iane the Duke of Suffolkes eldest daughter by Frances daughter to Mary second sister to King Henry the eighth also the Earle of Pembrokes eldest sonne married the Lady Katherine the Duke of Suffolkes eldest daughter by the said Lady Frances who then was liuing and Martin Kayes Gentleman Porter married Marie the third daughter of the Duke of Suffolke by the said Lady Frances lastly the Lord Hastings sonne to the Earle of Huntington tooke to wife Katherine youngest daughter to the Duke of Northumberland hereupon the common people vpon a disposition to interpret all Northumberlands actions to the worst left nothing vnspoken which might serue to stâ—…rre their hatred against the Duke or pitie towards the King but the Duke was nothing moued herear for being equally obstinate both in purpose and desire and mounting his hopes aboue the pitch of reason he resolued then to dissemble no longer but began openly to play his game For albeit the Lady Iane married to his fourth sonne had not right to the succession of the Crowne for that shee was excluded first by the two Ladies Mary and Elizabeth daughters of King Henry the eighth next by the issue of Lady Margret married into Scotland eldest sister to King Henry the eighth lastly by her owne mother the Ladie Frances who then was liuing yet Northumberland sottishly mad with ouer great fortune procured the King by his Letters Patents vnder the great Seale of England to appoint the Lady Iane to succeed him in the inheritance of the Crowne in this contriuance he vsed the aduice of two especially Lord chiefe Iustice Montague who drew the Letters Patents and Secretary Cecil these furnished the Patent with diuers reasons whereof some were of Law and some of policie in State The pretensions of Law were these that albeit the Crowne of the Realme by an Act of the fiue and thirtieth of King Henry the eighth was in default of his issue of his body and of the body of Edward his sonne lawfully begotten limited to remaine to the Lady Mary his eldest daughter and to the heires of her body lawfully begotten and in default of such issue the remainder thereof to the Lady Elizabeth his second daughter and to the heires of her body lawfully begotten vnder such conditions as should be limited by the said King vnder his Letters Patents vnder the great Seale or by his last Will in writing signed with his hand yet because the said limitations were made to persons illegitimate both the marriages betweene King Henry the eighth and their seuerall mothers being vndone by sentences of diuorce and the seuerall diuorcements ratified by authoritie of Parliament in the eight and thirtieth yeare of King Henry the eighth which Act remained then in force both the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth were thereby disabled to claime the Crowne or any honours or hereditaments as heires
MAIESTY THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING EDWARD THE SIXT Written by S â— Iohn Hayward 〈◊〉 D r. of Lawe London â—…inted for Iohn Partridge and are to 〈◊〉 sold at the signe of the Sunne in Paules Churchyard POWER Courteous Reader THis noble Prince whose Storie is here deliuered seemes to haue had the same aduersitie of fortune in his life and death which he had at his birth For as he was destituted of the helpes of nature at his entrance and was faine to haue his way made into the world with a knife so in his life was there continuall imployment of either Sword or Axe of that either at home against his Rebells or against his enemies abroad of this vpon his Nobles and particularly vpon his owne vncles by the mothers side of which the Duke of Somerset's case is very remarkable As his birth was violent and his reigne troublesome so was his death praemature not without suspicion of some practice of which besides vulgar rumour Cardan in calculating his scheme seemes to haue some iealous coniecture For whether he diuined it by his art in Astrology or apprehended it by the course and carriage of businesse hee made a dangerous praediction when hee foresaw that the King should shortly dye a violent death and as he reporteth fled out of the kingdome for feare of further danger Howsoeuer he was as noble a branch as euer sprung out of the Royall stocke worthy if so it had seemed good to God of a more fauourable birth a quieter reigne and a longer life But as the notable accidents in his tumultuous times doe deserue to be recorded so doth the King himselfe for his sweet condition for his minde as innocent as his yeares for his rare endowments well deserue to be commended to euerlasting memory that he may bee permanent so much the longer in the life of an history by how much the threed of his naturall life was cut shorter by the Fates And indeed as he had the birth of Caesar so had he beene worthy to haue had the fortune and fame of Caesar but a better conclusion This history is left vs from the pen of a worthy Author of whom we haue another essay in Henry the fourth This comes out into the world after the death of the father a Posthumus and is not like to finde any Patron but the loue and affection of thee fauourable Reader to which I commend it and thee to God THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF K. EDVVARD THE SIXTH EDWARD K. of England the sixth of that name of the Norman Race was borne at Hampton court the 17 of October 1537. being the only surviving sonne of K. Henry the 8. by Iane his third wife daughter to S r. Iohn Seymer Knight And because K. Henry did take her to wife after the death of Katherine his first wife from whom he had beene divorced no question nor conceit was cast but that this Issue betweene them had right to succeede All reports do constantly runne that he was not by naturall passage delivered into the world but that his mothers body was opened for his birth and that shee dyed of the incision the fourth day following After which sort men brought forth were by the ancient Romanes esteemed fortunate and commonly proved great enterprisâ—…rs with happy successe For so Plinie writeth Auspicatius enecta matre nascuntur sicut Scipio Africanus prior natus These were called Caesones and afterwards Caesares as Plime Festus Pompeius Solinus and Titius Probus affirme Quia caeso matris vtero in lucem 〈◊〉 In this maner was Caeso Fabius borne whom Livy reporteth to haue beene thrice Consull first with Lucius Aemilius next with Sp. Furius and thirdly with T. Uirginius Thus also was Scipio borne who by reason of his braue atchieuements in Africke was surnamed Scipio Africanus prior But in that Plinie affirmeth that he was the first who was called Caesar à caeso matris vtero he seemeth to haue made a slippe â—…or before him and somewhat before the warres with the Samnites one Claudius was surnamed Caesar because he was in that fashion brought into the world In ancient times these births were esteemed sacred to Apollo as Servius noteth out of these words in Uirgill Iâ—…de Lycham ferit exectum cum matre perempta tibi Phoebe sacrum And therefore Aesculapius because he was ripped from his mothers wombe was feigned to be the sonne of Apollo as Servius vpon another place of Uirgill hath observed For this cause also in the ancient state of Rome things consecrated to Apollo were kept by the familie of the Caesars That Iulius Caesar was so borne it is an vncontrouled Report But that he was the first of the familie of Caesars who was so either named or borne It is a thicke mistie error supported chiefly by some men of excellent iudgement in their owne professions but childishly vnskilfull in anything besides Plinie writeth that his Father was surnamed Caesar who having borne the office of Praetor determined his life by suddaine death What would haue beene either the fortunes or endeavours of K. EDWARD he never attained to yeares of proofe Assuredly both for the time of his age and raigne he is rather to bee admired then commended whereby he raised an high expectation for times to ensue In one point hee was like the like borne Iulius Caesar. For as Caesar in the middest of his greatest actions wrote an exact and curious Commentary of all his notable enterprises by Armes So this Edward during all the time of his Raigne but most especially towards the end kept a most iudicious Iournall of all the most principall passages of the affaires of his estate These memorialls written with K. Edwards hand which now shall be the ground of this historie were imparted vnto me by the great Treaserer of English antiquities S. Robert Cotton Knight Baronet who as he hath beene a most industrious both collector and conseruer of choice peeces in that kinde so is he most ingenuously free to communicate the vse of them to others This young Prince was brought vp among nurses vntill he arriued to the age of sixe yeares when he had passed this weake and sappiâ—… age he was committed to D r Coxâ—… who after was his Almoner M. Iohn Cheeke men of meane birth But so well esteemed for virtue and learning by reason of the place of their employment that they might well besaid to be borne of themselues These having equall authority for instruction of the young Prince and well agreeing bare equall stroake in divers faculties D r Coxe for knowledge of Divinity Philosophy and gravitie of manners M â— Cheeke for eloquence in the Latine and Greeke tongues But for other sufficiencies so farre as it appeares by the bookes which hee wrote Pedantique enough Others also were appointed to acquaint him with the vse of the most respected forraigne languages all iointly endevouring to infuse into him knowledge and vertue by some
forth two proclamations not long before published in France and very aduantageable for the English for the which he had a letter of thankes to the King his master Lastly which was indited the maine of his message and whereto all other were but insinuations he desired that certaine Frenchmen taken vpon the coâ—…st of England might be released Hereto he receiued answere that they were Pirats and that some of them should by iustice be punished and some might happily by 〈◊〉 be spared so with this dispatch he returned for France But before it was conceiuâ—…d he could be fully at home he came againe to the English court and there declared to the King how the King his master would deliuer 4 shipps against which iudgment had beene giuen And that hâ—…e would appoint men of good sort and sufficiency to heare the English Merchants at Paris and that he would alter his ordinances for marine affaires of which emendations he then sent a copy to the King The King appointed his Secretaries to consider therof And after some passages of time Uillandry had his answere That the King intended not by receiuing fower ships freely to preiudice his right in the rest That the appointing of an inferior counsell to heare Merchants at Paris after former tedious suits in a higher court he thought would be but dilâ—…tory and so to little purpose because the inferior counsell would neuer vndoe that albeit good cause should appeare which had bin iudged by a higher counsell That the new ordinances he liked no better then he did the olde and therfore desired no other then the customes which oflate times had beene vsed in France and then continued in force betweene England and the low countries Lastly he desired no more words but deeds And now were letters returned from M r Pickering out of France wherby he aduertised the King how Stukely neuer discouered any of those speeches to him which since he had charged vpon the French King And further that he neuer was either in credite or conuersant with the French King or with the Constable nor euer resorted vnto them except once when he was interpreter betweene the Constable certaine English pioners wherfore as it was very like so did he verily belieue that as the French King was alwaies close reserued amongst his best knowne friends so would he not be open and vncircumspect to impart a matter of such import to a meere stranger and in a most vnseasonable time Hereupon Stukely was examined againe and then sir ding it dangerous alike to confesse a truth or stand to a ly he became more vnconstant and variable then he was before wherfore he was committed to the Tower and notice was giuen to the French Kings Embassador of all those proceedings to the intent that he might acquaint his master with them Letters were also sent to the Kings Embassador in Frace directing him to aduertise the French King of all these matters and that for two speciall ends One to manifest the Kings considence in his amity with France the other to bring the French King into suspition against all English fugitiues who resorted daily to his court And so because no better person was the author incredible fables were not belieued But herevpon some began to discourse that the accusations against the Duke of Somerset were no lesse improbable and vpon the credict of no better persons and therefore might happily be no lesse vntrue But the difference is great betweene both the persons and the facts of a soueraigne Prince and of a subiect And now when the French K. vnderstood aswell the imputation which Stukely had raised as his imprisonment First he deepely protested his innocence in his particular and his generall sincere meaning for preseruing amity with England Then he much blamed Stukelies villany and nolesse thanked the King aswell for that he had not afforded a credulous care to such mischeiuous devises wherein the tender touch of his estate might happily haue excused his error as for his Princely manner in acquainting him therwith On the other side whâ—…n M r Morrison the Kings Embassador with the Emperor had opened the mattâ—…rs giuen him in charge touching a league against the Turke and against his confederats The Emperor much thanked the King for his gentle offer and promised to procure the Regent to send ouer some persons of credâ—…te to understand the Kings further meaning Soone after M r Thomas Grosham câ—…me from Antwerp into England and declared to the counsell how Mounsier Loâ—…gie the Emperors Treasurer in Flanders was sent to him from the Regent with a packet of letters which the Burgundians had intercepted in Bullonois sent as it was said from the Dowager of Scotland wherein she set forth how she had imprisoned George Paris an Irishman because she vnderstood that vpon grant of his pardon he had a meaning to come into England and how she had sent Oconners sonne into Ireland to giue encouragement to the Irish Lords Also he shewed instructions giuen about 4 years before vpon the fall of the Admirall of France to a gentleman then coming from England that if any were in England of the Admiralls faction he should doe his best to excite a trouble The deputy of Ireland was at that time ready to transport into England But vpon this aduertisement S r Henry Knowles was sent in post to stay him there yet with caution that he should pretend to stay vpon his owne occasions and therevpon deferred his departure from weeke to weeke least the true reason should be discerned Letters of thankes were also sent to the Regent for this gentle ouerture And the messenger was directed to vse pleasing words in the deliuery of the letter and to wish a further amity betweene the two states And further to acquaint her with the French Kings practise in waging 5000 Scottish footmen and 500 horsemen how he tooke vp 100000 l by exchange at Lubecke whereby the coniecture was evident that he had some meaning against the Emperor in the spring then next following Doubtlesse the aduertisement of neighbour Princes are alwaies much to be regarded for that they receiue intelligence from bâ—…tter Authors surer grounds then persons of inferior note and sort About this time one of the Earle of Tyrones men was committed to the tower for making an vntrue complaint against the deputy and counsell of Ireland And for bruting abroad how the Duke of Northumberland and the Earle of Pembrooke were fallen into quarrell and one of them against the other in the field In Aprill in the 6 th yeare of the raigne of the King he fell sicke of the Measles wherof in short time he well recouered afterwards he sickned of the small poxe which breaking kindly from him was thought would proue a means to clense his body from such vnhealthfull humors as commonly occasion long sicknesse or death And herof he also so perfectly recouered that in the soâ—…mer next following he rode his progresse