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A28378 Resuscitatio, or, Bringing into publick light severall pieces of the works, civil, historical, philosophical, & theological, hitherto sleeping, of the Right Honourable Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Viscount Saint Alban according to the best corrected coppies : together with His Lordships life / by William Rawley ... Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626.; Rawley, William, 1588?-1667. 1657 (1657) Wing B319; ESTC R17601 372,122 441

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Honmꝰ Franciscꝰ Baconꝰ Baro de Verulam Vice-Comes S cti Albani Mortuus 9º Aprilis Anno Dn̄i 1626. Annoque Aetat 66. Resuscitatio Or Bringing into PUBLICK LIGHT SEVERALL PIECES OF THE WORKS Civil Historical Philosophical Theological HITHERTO SLEEPING Of the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban According to the best Corrected COPPIES Together With his Lordships LIFE By WILLIAM RAWLEY Doctor in Divinity His Lordships First and Last CHAPLEINE Afterwards CHAPLEINE to His late MAIESTY LONDON Printed by Sarah Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A GENERALL TABLE OF THE TRACTATES Contained in this BOOK 1. SPeeches in Parliament S●a●-chamber Kings Bench Chancery and other where Fol. 1 2. Observations upon a Libell published in Anno 1592. 103 3. A true Report of Doctor Lopez his Treason 151 4. An Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of England 162 5. A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth 181 6. A brief Discourse of the Union of England and Scotland 197 6. Articles and Considerations touching the Union aforesaid 206 7. A Beginning of the History of Great Britain 221 8. A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers 225 9. Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England 233 10. Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland 255 11. Advice to the King touching Mr. Suttons Estate 265 12. A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England 271 13. A Fragment of an Essay of Fame 281 14. Letters to Queen Elizabeth King James divers Lords and others 1 15. Other Letters 89 16. A Confession of the Faith 115 TO THE READER HAving been employed as an Amanuensis or dayly instrument to this Honourable Authour And acquainted with his Lordships Conceits in the composing of his Works for many ye●rs together Especially in his writing ●ime I conceived that no Man could pretend a better Interest or Claim to the ordering of them after his Death then myself For which cause I have compiled in one whatsoever bears the true Stamp of his Lordships excellent Genius And hath hitherto slept and been suppressed In this present Volume Not leaving any Thing to a future Hand which I found to be of moment and communicable to the Publick Save onely some few Latine Works Which by Gods Favour and sufferance shall soon after follow It is true that for some of the Pieces herein contained his Lordship did not aim at the Publication of them but at the Preservation onely And Prohibiting them from Perishing So as to have been reposed in some Private shrine or Library But now for that through the loose keeping of his Lordships Papers whilest he lived divers Surreptitious Copies have been taken which have since employed the Presse with ●undry Corrupt and Mangled Editions whereby Nothing hath been more difficult than to find the Lord Saint Alban in the Lord Saint Alban And which have presented some of them rather a Fardle of Non-s●nse then any true Expressions of his Lordships Happy Vein I thought my self in a sort tied to vindicate these Injuri●s and wrongs done to the Monuments of his Lordships Penne And at once by setting forth the true and Ge●uine writings themselves to prevent the like Invasions for the time to come And the rather in regard of the Distance of the time since his Lords●ips Dayes whereby I shall not tread too near upon the Heels of Truth Or of the Passages and Persons then concerned I was induced hereunto Which considering the Lubricity of Life And for that I account my self to be Not now in Vergentibus but in Praecipitantibus Annis I was desirous to hasten Wherein I shall crave leave to open my Counsels and Purposes as concerning this present Edition in these five Particulars First I have ranked the severall Tractates Either according to the Dignity of the Work as Demosthenes or Cicero's Orations do precede Demosthenes or Cicero's Epistles Or else according to the Series of the Times wherein they were written or to which they refer By which Means they may give the better Light the one Part to the other Secondly I thought it fitting to intimate That the Discourse within contained Entituled A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth was written by his Lordship in Latine onely whereof though his Lordship had his particular Ends then yet in regard that I held it a Duty That her own Nation over which she so happily reigned for many years should be acquainted and possessed with the Vertues of that excellent Queen as well as Forrein Nations I was induced many years agoe to put the same into the English Tongue Not Ad Verbum For that had been ●ut Flat and Injudicious But as far as my slender Ability could reach according to the Expressions which I conceived his Lordship would have rendred it in if he had written the same in English Yet ever acknowledging that Zeuxis or Apelles Pencill could not be attained but by Zeuxis or Apelles Himself This Work in the Latine his Lordship so much affected That He had ordained by his last Will and Testament to have had it published many years since But that singular Person entrusted therewith soon after deceased And therefore it must now expect a Time to come forth amongst his Lordships other Latin Works Thirdly in the Collection of Letters which is as the Fourth Part of this Volume there are inserted some few which were written by other Pennes and not by his Lordships own Like as we find in the Epistolar Authours Cicero Plinius secundus and the rest which because I found them immixed amongst his Lordships Papers And that they are written with some similitude of Stile I was loath they should b● left to a Grave at that time when his Lordships own Conceptions were brought to life Fourthly for that Treatise of his Lordships Inscribed A Confession of the Faith I have ranked that in the Close of this whole Volume Thereby to demonstrate to the World That he was a Master in Divinity as well as in Philosophy or Politicks And that he was Versed no lesse in the saving Knowledge Than in the Vniversall and Adorning Knowledges For though he composed the same many years before his Death yet I thought that to be the fittest place As the most acceptable Incense unto God of the Faith wherein he resigned his Breath The Crowning of all his other Perfections and Abilities And the best Perfume of his Name to the World after his Death Lastly if it be objected that some few of the Pieces whereof this whole consisteth had visited the Publick Light before It is true that they had been obtruded to the World by unknown Hands But with such Skars and Blemishes upon their Faces That they could passe but for a Spurious and Adulterine Brood and not for his
Injustice it is plain and cannot be denied that we hear but the one Part Whereas that Rule Audi alteram Partem is not of the Formality but of the Essence of Iustice Which is therefore figured with both Eyes shut and both Eares open Because she should hear both sides and respect Neither So that if we should hap to give a right Judgement it mought be Iustum but not Iustè without hearing both Parties For the Point of Derogation his Lordship said He knew well we were no lesse ready to acknowledge then Himself That the Crown of England was ever invested amongst other Prerogatives not disputable of an absolute Determination Power of concluding and making War and Peace Which that it was no new Dotation but of an ancient Foundation in the Crown he would recite unto us a number of Presidents in the Raignes of severall Kings And chiefly of those Kings which come nearest his Majesties own worthinesse Wherein He said that he would not put his Credit upon Ciphars and Dates Because it was easie to mistake the year of a Raign or number of a Rowle but he would avouch them in substance to be perfect and true as they are taken out of the Records By which Presidents it will appear That Petitions made in Parliament to Kings of this Realme his Majesties Progenitours Intermedling with matter of Warr or Peace Or inducement thereunto Received small Allowance or Successe But were alwaies put off with Dilatory Answers Sometimes referring the matter to their Councell Sometimes to their Letters sometimes to their further Pleasure and Advice And such other Formes Expressing plainly that the Kings meant to reserve Matter of that Nature entirely to their own Power and pleasure In the 18th yeare of King Edward the First Complaint was made by the Commons against the Subjects of the Earle of Flanders with Petition of Redresse The Kings Answer was Rex nihil aliud potest quam eodem modo petere That is The King could do ●o more but make Request to the Earle of Flanders as Request had been made to him And yet no Body will imagine but King Edward the First was potent enough to have had his Reason of a Count of Flaunders by a Warr And yet his Answer was Nihil aliud potest As giving them to understand That the Entering into a Warr was a Matter Transcendent that must not depend upon such Controversies In the 4th year of King Edward the Third The Commons Petitioned That the King would enter into certain Covenants and Capitulations with the Duke of Brabant In which Petition there was also inserted somewhat touching a Money Matter The Kings Answer was That for that that concerned the Moneys they mought handle it and examine it But touching the Peace he would do as to himself seemed good In the 18th year of King Edward the Third The Commons petitioned that they might have the Triall and proceeding with certain Merchants Strangers as Enemies to the State The Kings Answer was It should remain as it did till the King had taken further order In the 45th yeare of King Edward the Third The Commons complained That their Trade with the Easterlings was not upon equall Tearms which is one of the poynts insisted upon in the present Petition And prayed an Alteration and Reducement The Kings Answer was It shall be so as occasion shall require In the 50th year of the same King The Commons petitioned to the King for Remedy against the Subjects of Spaine as they now do The Kings Answer was that he would write his Letter for Remedy Here is Letters of Request no Letters of Mart Nihil potest nisi eodem modo petere In the same year the Merchants of Yorke petitioned in Parliament against the Hollanders And desired their Shipps mought be stayed both in England and at Calais The Kings Answer was Let it be declared to the Kings Councell And they shall have such remedy as is according to Reason In the 2d year of King Richard the second the Merchants of the Seacoast did complaine of diverse spoiles upon their Shipps and Goods by the Spaniard The Kings Answer was that with the Advise of his Councell he would procure remedy His Lordship cited two other Presidents The one in the second yeare of King Henry the Fourth of a Petition Against the Merchants of Genova The other in the 11th yeare of King Henry the 6th Of a Petition against the Merchants of the Stilliard which I omit because they contain no variety of Answer His Lordship further cited two Presidents concerning other points of Prerogative Which are likewise Flowers of the Crowne The one Touching the Kings supremacy Ecclesiasticall The other Touching the Order of Waightes and Measures The former of them was in the time of King Richard the 2d At what time the Commons complained against certaine Encroachments and Usurpations of the Pope And the Kings Answer was The King hath given Order to his Councell to treat with the Bishops thereof The other was in the 18th year of King Edward the First At which time Complaint was made against uneven Waights And the Kings Answer was Vocentur partes ad placita Regis fit Iustitia Whereby it appeared that the Kings of this Realme still used to refer Causes petitioned in Parliament to the proper places of Cognizance and Decision But for the Matter of Warr and Peace As appeares in all the former Presidents The Kings ever kept it in Scrinio pectoris In the Shrines of their own Breast Assisted and advised by their Counsell of Estate His Lordship did conclude his Enumeration of Presidents with a notable President in the 17. year of King Richard the Second A Prince of no such glory nor strength And yet when he made offer to the Commons in Parliament That they should take into their Considerations Matter of Warr and Peace then in in hand The Commons in Modesty excused themselves and answered The Commons will not presume to treat of so high a charge Out of all which Presid●nts his Lordship made this Inference that as Dies Di●m docet So by these Examples Wise Men will be admonished to forbear those Petitions to Princes which are not likely to have either a Welcome Hearing or an effectuall Answer And for prejudice that might come of handling and debating Matter of War and Peace in Parliament He doubted not but that the Wisedom of this House did conceive upon what secret Consideration and Motives that point did depend For that there is no King which will providently and Matu●ely enter into a War But will first ballance his own Forces Seek to anticipate Confederacies and Alliances Revoake his Merchants Finde an opportunity of the first Breach And many other points which if they once do but take winde will prove vaine and frustrate And therefore that this Matter which is Arcanum Imperij one of the highest Mysteries of Estate must be suffered to be kept within the Vaile His Lordship adding that he knew
Better Commissioners to examine it The Term ●ath been almost turned into a Iustitium or Vacancy The People themselves being more willing to be Lookers on in this Business then to follow their own There hath been no Care of Discovery omitted no Moment of Time lost And therefore I will conclude this Part with the Saying of Salomon Gloria Dei celare rem gloria Regis Scrutari rem And his Majesties Honour is much the greater for that he hath shewed to the World in this Businesse as it hath Relation to my Lord of Sommerset whose Case in no sort I do prejudge being ignorant of the Secrets of the Cause but taking him as the Law takes him hitherto for a Suspect I say the King hath to his great Honour shewed That were any Man in such a Case of Bloud as the Signet upon his Right Hand as the Scripture sayes yet would He put him off Now will I come to the particular Charge of these Gentlemen whose Qualities and Persons I respect and love For they are all my particular Friends But now I can only do this Duty of a Friend to them to make them know their Fault to the full And therefore first I will by way of Narrative declare to your Lordships the Fact with the occasion of it Then you shall have their Confessions read upon which you are to proceed Together with some Collaterall Testimonies by way of Aggravation And lastly I will note and observe to your Lordships the Materiall points which I do insist upon for their Charge And so leave them to their Answer And this I will doe very briefly for the Case is not perplexed That wretched Man Weston who was the Actor or Mechanicall Party in this Impoysonment at the first day being indicted by a very substantiall Iury of Selected Cittizens to the number of 19. who fo●nd ●illa vera yet neverthelesse at the first stood mute But after some dayes Intermission it pleased God to cast out the Dumb Devill And that he did put himself upon his Tryall And was by a Jury also of great Value upon his Confession and other Testimonies found guilty So as 31. sufficient Iurours have passed upon him whereupon Judgement and Execution was awa●ded against him After this being in preparation for another World he sent for Sr. Thomas Overburies Father and falling down upon his knees with great Remorce and Compunction asked him forgivenesse Aft●rwards againe of his own Motion desired to have his like prayer of forgivenesse● recommended to his Mother who was ab●ent And at bo●h times out of the abundance of his Heart Conf●ss●d that he was to die justly and that he was wo●thy of De●th And after again at his Execution which is a kind of sealing t●me of Confessions ev●n at the point of Death Although there were Tempters about him as you shall hear by and by yet he did again confirm publickly that his Examinations we●e ●rue And that he had been justly and honourably dealt with Here is the Narrative which enduceth the Charge The Cha●ge it self is this M. L. Whose Offence stands alone single the Offence of the other two being in consort And yet all three meeting● in their End and Center which was to interrupt or deface this Excellent piece of Iustice M. L. I say mean while between Westons standing mute and his Tryall Takes upon him to m●ke a most False Odious and Libellous Relation Containing as many Untruths as Lines And sets it down in writing with his own Hand And delive●s it to Mr. Henry Gibb of the Bed-chamber to be put into the Kings Hand In which writing he doth falsifie and pervert all that was done the first day at the Arraignment of Weston Turning the Pike and Point of his Imputations principally upon my Lord Chief Iustice of England Whose Name thus occurring I cannot pass by And yet I can not skill to flatter But this I will say of him and I would say as much to Ages if I should write a Story That never Mans Person and his place were better met in a Businesse then my Lord Cooke and my Lord Chief Iustice in the Cause of Overbury Now My Lords in this Offence of M. L For the particulars of these slanderous Articles I will observe them unto you when the Writings and Examinations are read For I do not love to set the Gloss before the Text. But in general● I no●e to your Lordships First the Person of M. L. I know he is a Scottish Gentleman and thereby more ignorant of our Lawes and Formes But I cannot tell whither this doth extenuate his Fault in r●spect of Ignorance Or aggravate it much in respect of Presumptiou That he would meddle in that that he understood not But I doubt it came not out of his Quiver Some other Mans Cunning wrought upon this Mans Boldnesse Secondly I may note unto you the Greatnesse of the Cause Wherein he being a private mean Gentleman did presume to deal M. L could not but know to what great and grave Commissioners the King had committed this Cause And that his Majes●y in his Wi●edom would expect return of all things from them to whose trust he had committed this Businesse For it is the part of Commissioners as well to report the Businesse as to mannage the Busin●sse And then his Majesty mought have been sure to have had all thing● well weighed and truly informed And therefore it should have been far from M. L. to have presumed to have put f●rth his Hand to so high and tender a Businesse which was not to be touched but by Employed Hands Thirdly I note to your Lordships that this Infusion of a Slander into a Kings Ear is of all Formes of Libells and Slanders the worst It is true that King● may keep secret their Informations and then no Man ought to enquire after them while they are shrined in their Breast But where a King is pleased that a Man shall answer for his false Information There I say the false Information to a King ●xceeds in Offence the false Information of any other kind Being a kind since we are in matter of Poyson of Impoysonment of a Kings Ear. And thus much for the Offence of M. L. For the Offence of S. W. and H. I. which I said was in consort it was shortly this At the ●ime and Place of the Execution of Weston To ●upplant his Christian Resolution and to Scandal●ze●he ●he Iustice already past perhap● to cut off the thred of th●t● which is to come These Gentlemen with others came mounted on Horseback And in a Ruffling and Facing manner put themselves forward to re-examine Weston upon Questions And what Questions Directly crosse to that that had been tryed and judged For what was the point tried That Weston had poysoned Overbury What was S. W. Question Whether Weston did poyson Ov●rbury or no A Contradictory directly Weston answered only that he did him wrong And turning to the Sheriffe said You promised me I
that all those which had any Authority or bare Office in the State had subscribed to it yet for that she saw it was not agreeable to the Word of God nor to the Primitive Purity nor to her own Conscience she did with a great deal of Courage and with the assistance of a very few Persons quite expell and abolish it Neither did she this by precipitate and Heady Courses but Timing it wisely and soberly And this may well be conjectured as from the Thing it self so also by an Answer of hers which she made upon occasion For within a very few dayes of her Comming to the Crown when many Prisoners were released out of Prison as the Custome is at the Inauguration of a Prince There came to her one day as she was going to Chappell a certain Courtier that had the Liberty of a Buffone And either out of his own Motion or by the Instigation of a wiser Man presen●ed her with a Petition And before a great number of Courtiers said to her with a loud voice That there were yet four or five Prisoners unjustly detained in Prison He came to be a Suter to have them set at Liberty Those were the four Evangelists and the Apostle Saint Paul who had been long shut up in an unknown tongue as it were in Prison so as they could not converse with the common People The Queen answered very gravely That it was best first to enquire of them whether they would be set at liberty or no Thus she silenced an unseasonable Motion with a doubtfull Answer As reserving the Matter wholly in her own Power Neither did she bring in this Alteration timorously or by pieces but in a grave and mature Manner after a Conference betwixt both Sides and the Calling and Conclusion of a Parliament And thus within the Compasse of one year she did so establish and settle all Matters belonging to the Church as she departed not one Haires Breadth from them to the end of her Life Nay and her usuall Custom was in the beginning of every Parliament to forewarn the Houses not to question or innovate any thing already established in the Discipline or Rites of the Church And thus much of her Religion Now if there be any Severer Nature that shall tax her for that she suffered her self and was very willing to be courted wooed and to have Sonnets made in her Commendation And that she continued this longer then was decent for her years Notwithstanding if you will take this Matter at the best it is not without singular Admiration Being much like unto that which we find in Fabulous Narrations of a certain Queen in the Fortunate Islands and of her Court and Fashions where Faire purpose and Love-making was allowed but Lascivi●usnesse banished But if you will take it at the worst even so it amounteth to a more high Admiration Considering that these Courtships did not much eclipse her Fame and not at all her Majesty Neither did they make her lesse Apt for Government or check with the affaires and businesses of the Publick For such passages as these do often entertain the time even with the greatest Princes But to make an end of this Discourse Certainly this Princesse was Good and Morall And such she would be acknowledged She Detested Vice And desired to purchase Fame only by honourable Courses And indeed whilest I mention her Morall Parts there comes a certain pas●age into my mind which I will insert Once giving order to write to her Embassadour about certain Instructions to be delivered apart to the Queen Mother of the House of Valois And that her Secretary had inserted a certain Clause that the Embassadour should say as it were to endear her to the Queen Mother That they two were the only paire of Female Princes from whom for experience and Arts of Government there was no lesse expected then from the greatest Kings She utterly disliked the Comparison and commanded it to be put out saying That she practised other principles and Arts of ●overnment then the Queen Mother did Besides she was not a little pleased if any one should fortune to tell her that suppose she had lived in a private Fortune yet she could not have escaped without some Note of Excellency and Singularity in her Sex So little did she desire to borrow or be beholding to her Fortune for her Praise But if I should wade further into this Queenes Praises Morall or Politick either I must slide into certain Common places and Heads of Vertue which were not worthy of so great a Princesse Or if I should desire to give her Vertues the true Grace and Lustre I must fall into a History of her Life Which requireth both better Leisure and a better Pen then mine is Thus much in brief according to my ability But to say the Truth The only Commender of this Ladies vertues is Time Which for as many Ages as it hath runn hath not yet shewed us one of the Female Sex equall to Her in the Administration of a Kingdom SEVERALL DISCOURSES VVritten in the Dayes OF KING JAMES Whereof some of them PRESENTED TO His Maiesty BEING A brief Discourse of the Vnion of England and Scotland Articles and Considerations touching the Vnion aforesaid A Beginning of the History of Great Britain A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland Advice to the King touching Suttons Estate A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England A Fragment of an Essay of Fame By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by S. Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A BRIEFE DISCOURSE Of the Happy UNION OF THE KINGDOMES OF ENGLAND and SCOTLAND Dedicated in Private TO HIS MAJESTY I Do not find it strange excelle●t King that when Heraclitus he that was surnamed● the Obscure had set forth a certain Book which is not now extant many Men took it for a Discourse of Nature And many others took it for a Treatise of Pollicy For there is a great Affinity and Consent between the Rules of Nature and the true Rules of Pollicy The one being nothing else but an Order in the Government of the World And the other an Order in the Government of an Estate And therefore the Education and Erudition of the Kings of Persia was in a Science which was termed by a Name then of great Reverence but now degenerate and taken in the ill part For the Persian Magick which was the secret Literature of their ●ings was an Application of the Contemplations and Observat●ons of Nature unto a sense Politick Taking the Fundamentall Lawes of Nature and the Branches and Passages of them as an Origi●all or fi●st
Merchants should pay Strangers Custome in England that resteth upon the Point of Naturalization which I touched before Thus have I made your Majesty a brief and naked Memoriall of the Articles and Points of this great Cause which may serve onely to excite and stir up your Majesties Royall Iudgement and the Iudgement of Wiser Men whom you will be pleased to call to it Wherein I will not presume to perswade or disswade any thing Nor to interpose mine own Opinion But do expect light from your Majesties Royall Directions Unto the which I shall ever submit my Iudgement and apply my Travailes And I most humbly pray your Majesty in this which is done to pardon my Errours and to cover them with my good Intention and Meaning and Desire I have to do your Majesty Service And to acqui●e the Trust that was reposed in me And chiefly in your Majesties benign and gracious Acceptation FINIS THE BEGINNING OF THE HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN BY the Decease of Elizabeth Queen of England the Issues of King Henry the 8th failed Being spent in one Generation and three Successions For that King though he were one of the goodliest Persons of his time yet he left onely by his Six Wives three Children who Raigning successively and Dying Childelesse made place to the Line of Margaret his eldest Sister Married to Iames the 4th King of Scotland There succeeded therefore to the Kingdome of England Iames the 6th then King of Scotland descended of the same Margaret both by Father and Mother So that by a rare Event in the Pedegrees of Kings it seemed as if the Divine Providence to extinguish and take away all Note of a Stranger had doubled● upon his Person within the Circle of one Age the Royall Bloud of England by both Parents This suc●ession drew towards it the Eyes of all Men Being one of the most memorable Accidents that had hapned a long time in the Christian World For the Kingdome of France having been re-united in the Age before in all the Provinces thereof formerly dismembred And the Kingdome of Spain being of more fresh memory united and made entire by the Annexing of Portugall in the Person of Philip the second There remained but this Third and last Vnion for the counterpoizing of the Power of these three great Monarchies And the disposing of the Affaires of Europe thereby to a more assured and universall Peace and Concord And this Event did hold Mens Observations and Discourses the more Because the Island of Great Britain divided from the Rest of the World was never before united in it self under one King Notwithstanding the People be of one Language and not separate by Mountains or great Waters And notwithstanding also that the uniting of them had been in former times industriously attempted both by Warre and Treaty Therefore it seemed a manifest work of Providence and Case of Reservation for these times Insomuch as the vulgar conceived that now there was an End given and a Consummation to superstitious Prophecies The Belief of Fooles but the Talk sometimes of Wise Men And to an ancient tacite Expectation which had by Tradition been infused and inveterated into Mens Minds But as the best Divinations and Predictions are the Politick and probable Foresight and Conjectures of wise Men So in this Matter the Providence of King Hen. the 7th was in all Mens Mouths Who being one of the Deepest and most prudent Princes of the World upon the Deliberation concerning the Marriage of his Eldest Daughter into Scotland had by some Speech uttered by him shewed himself sensible and almost Prescient of this Event Neither did there want a Concurrence of divers Rare externall Circumstances besides the Vertues and Conditions of the Person which gave great Reputation to this Succession A● King in the strength of his years supported with great Alliances abroad established with Royall Issue at home at Peace with all the World practised in the Regiment of such a Kingdome as mought rather enable a King by variety of Accidents then corrupt him with Affluence or vain glory And One that besides his universall Capacity and Judgement was notably exercised and practised in Matters of Religion and the Church Which in these times by the confused use of both Swords are become so intermixed with Considerations of Estate as most of the Counsailes of Soveraign Princes or Republiques depend upon them But nothing did more fill Forraign Nations with Admiration and Expectation of his Succession then the wonderfull and by them unexpected Consent of all Estates and Subjects of England for the receiving of the King without the least scruple Pause or Question For it had been generally dispersed by the Fugitives beyond the Seas who partly to apply themselves to the Ambition of Forreiners And partly to give Estimation and value to their own Employments used to represent the state of England in a false light That after Queen Elizabeths Decease there must follow in England nothing but Confusions Interreg●s and perturbations of Estate likely for to exceed the Ancient Calamities of the Civill Wars between the Houses of Lancaster and York By how much more the Dissentions were like to be more Mortall and Bloudy when Forraign Competition should be added to Domesticall And Divisions for Religion to Matter of ●itle to the Crown And in speciall Parsons the Iesuite under a disguised Name had not long before published an expresse Treatise Wherein whether his Malice made h●m believe his own Fancies Or whether he thought it the fittest way to move Sedition Like evill Spirits which seem to foretell the Tempest they mean to move He laboured to display and give colour to all the vain Pretences and Dreams of Succession which he could imagine And thereby had possessed Many abroad that knew not the Affaires here with those his Vanities Neither wanted there here within this Realm divers Persons both Wise and well affected who though they doubted not of the undoubted Right yet setting befo●e themselves the waves of peoples Hearts Guided no lesse by suddain and temporary Winds then by the naturall Course and Motion of the Waters Were not without fear what mought be the Event For Queen Elizabeth being a Prince of extream Caution and yet One that loved Admiration above Safety And knowing The Declaration of a Successour mought in point of Safety be disputable But in point of Admiration and Respect assuredly to her Disadvantage Had from the beginning set it down for a Maxime of Estate to impose a Silence touching Succession Neither was it onely Reserved as a Secret of Estate but Restrained by severe Lawes That no Man should presume to give Opinion or maintain Argument touching the same So though the Evidence of Right drew all the Subjects of the Land to think one Thing yet the Fear of Danger of Law made no Man privy to others Thought And therefore it rejoyced all Men to see so fair a Morning of a Kingdome and to be throughly secured of former Apprehensions As