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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A86280	Certamen epistolare, or, The letter-combate. Managed by Peter Heylyn, D.D. with 1. Mr. Baxter of Kederminster. 2. Dr. Barnard of Grays-Inne. 3. Mr. Hickman of Mag. C. Oxon. And 4. J.H. of the city of Westminster Esq; With 5. An appendix to the same, in answer to some passages in Mr. Fullers late Appeal.	Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662.; Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691.; Bernard, Nicholas, d. 1661.; Hickman, Henry, d. 1692.; Harrington, James, 1611-1677.	1659 (1659)	Wing H1687; Thomason E1722_1; ESTC R202410	239,292	425

Brownist Ranters Quakers may not as well pretend that our first Reformers were of their Religion as the Calvinists can if Wicklif● doctrines be the Rule of our Reformation 27. It is alledged in the next place that the Calvinistical Doctrines in these points may be found in the writings of John Fryth William Tyndall and Dr. Barnes collected into one Volumne and to be seen the easier as he knows who saith because it was printed by John Bay 1563. Who as they suffered death for their Religion in the time of King Hen. 8. so Mr. Fox in his Preface to the said Book calls them the Ring-leaders of the Church of England But first I do not take Mr. Fox to be a fit Judge in matters of the Church of England the Articles of whose confession he refused to subscribe being thereto required by Arch-Bishop Parker and therefore Tyndal Fryth and Barnes not to be hearkened to the more for his commendation Secondly If this Argument be of any force for defence of the Calvinists the Anti-Sabbatarians may more justly make use of it in defence of themselves against the new Sabbath speculatio●s of Dr. Bound and his Adherents imbrac'd more passionately of late then any one Article of Religion here by Law established For which consult the History of the Sabbath lib. 2. c. 8. Let Fryth and Tyndal be admitted as sufficient Witnesses when they speak against the Sabbath Doctrines or not admitted when they speak in behalf of Calvin and then the Brethren I am sure will lose more on the one side then they gain on the other Thirdly taking it for granted that they maintain'd the same opinions in these points which afterwards were held forth by Calvin yet they maintained them not as any points of Protestant Doctrine in opposition to the Errors of the Church of Rome but as received opinions of the Dominican Friars in opposition to the Franciscans the doctrine of the Dominicans by reason of their diligent Preaching being more generally received in England then that of the other Fourthly it is to be considered that the name of Luther at that time was in high estimation as the first man which brake the Ice and made the way more easie for the rest that followed who concurring in judgment with the Dominicans as to these particulars drew after him the greatest part of such learned men as began to fall off from the Pope And so it stood till Melancthon not underservedly called the Phaenix of Germany by moderating the rigours of Luther and carrying on the Reformation with a gentlier hand became a pattern unto those who had the first managing of that great work in the Reign of King Edward Fiftly it is Recorded in the 8th of St. Mark that the blind man whom our Saviour at Bethsaida restored to sight at the first opening of his eyes saw men as trees walking v. 24. that is to say that he saw men walking as trees quasi dicat homines quos ambulantes video non homines sed arbores mihi videntur as we read in Maldonate By which words the blind man declared saith he so quidem videre aliquid cum ante nihil videret imperfecte tamen videre cum inter homines arbores distinguere non posset More briefly Estius on the place Nondum ita clare perfecte video ut discernere possim inter homines arbores I discern somewhat said the poor man but so imperfectly that I am not able to distinguish betwixt trees and men Such an imperfect sight as this the Lord gave many times to those whom he recover'd out of the Aegyptian Darkness who not being able to discern all divine truths at the first opening of the eyes of their understanding were not to be a Rule or precedent to those that followed and lived in clearer times and under a brighter beam of illumination then the others did 28. In the third place he referres himself to our Articles Homilies Liturgies and Catechisms for the proof of this that the Calvinistical opinions were the establish'd doctrines of the Church of England and if his proof holds good in this he hath gained the cause But first he directs us to no particular place in the Catechisms Homilies or Liturgies where any such matter may be found but keeps himself aloof and in generals only and we know who it was that said Dolosus versatur in gener●libu● When he shall tell us more particularly what he would insist on I doubt not but I shall be able to give him a particular answer Secondly skipping over those passages of the Liturgie and Cat●chisms which maintain the Universality of Redemption by the Death of Christ and taking no notice that the possibility of falling from grace is positively maintained in the 16th Article and the Cooperation of mans will with the Grace of God as clearly published in the tenth he sets up his rest on the 17th Article touching Predestination and Election as if the Article had been made in favour of Calvin's Doctrine But first the Papists have observed two Reformations in the Church of England the one under King Edward the 6th which they called the Lutheran and the other under Queen Elizabeth which they called the Calvinian And thereupon we may conclude that the 17th Article as well as any of the rest being framed approved and ratified under Edward 6. was modelled rather in relation to the Lutheran then Calvinian doctrines the Reformers of the Church of England and the Lutheran Doctors holding more closely to the Rules of Antiquity and the practise of the Primitive Church then the Zuinglians and Calvinists were observed to do Secondly The 17th Article doth visibly presuppose a curse or state of Damnation in which all Mankind was presented to the sight of God which overthrows the Doctrine of the Supra-lapsarians who make the Purpose and Decree of Predestination to precede the Fall and consequently also to precede the curse Thirdly It is to be observed that the Article extends Predestination to all those whom God hath chosen in Christ out of Mankind that is to say to all true Believers For so the phrase Ephes 1. 4. is generally interpreted by the ancient Fathers For thus St. Ambrose amongst others Sicut eligit nos in ipse as he hath chosen us in him Prescius enim Deu● omnes scit qui credituri essent in Christum for God saith he by his general Prescience did fore-know every man that would believe in Christ The like saith Chrysostom on that Text. And that our first Reformers did conceive so of it appears by that of Bishop Latimer in his Sermon on the third Sunday after the Epiphany When saith he we hear that some be chose● and some be damned let us have good hope that we be amongst the chosen and live after this hope that is uprightly and godly then shall we not be deceived Think that God hath chosen those that believe in Christ and Christ is the book of life If thou believest lievest

betwixt him and King Hen. the 6. nor in any one of his many Children though Edmund his third Sonne was made Earl of Rutland which Title had been formerly conferred on Edward Duke of York in his Fathers life time And though I give no credit to Ralph Brook whom I have found to be as full of Errors as our Author himself yet the Authority of Augustine Vincent shall prevail for the present and so let it go But then our Author might have found in the Animadversions that admitting Richard Duke of Yorke to be Earl of Cambridge he must have been the seventh not the eighth Earl of it as he saith he was and then that Errors lies before our Authors Doors as before it did And then again whereas our Authors tells us p. 2. fol. 49. that it is questionable whether his Father that is to say Richard of Conningburg Earl of Cambridge were Duke of York I must needs look upon it as a thing unquestionable and so must all men else which are skilled in Heraldry that Richard being executed at Southampton by King H●n the 5. before Edward Duke of York his elder Brother had been slain at the Battel of Agen-Court 25. But whereas our Author thinks it not onely difficult but impossible to defend a Title of the House of Lancaster to the Crown of England except I can challenge ●the priviledge of the Patriarch Jacob by crossing my hands to prefer the younger child in the succession before the Elder p. 2. fol. 43. admitting Richard the Second to resign the Crown or dying without children by course of nature For I behold Hen. of Bullingbrook Duke of Lancaster as Cousin German to that King and consequently his nearest Kinsman at that time wherein Edmund Mortimer Earl of March in whom remained the Rights of the House of Clarence was but Grandchild to the Lady Philip Daughter and sole Heir of Lionel Duke of Clarence and consequently more remote by two degrees from King Richard the Second then the other was By which proximity of blood as Edward the Third laid claim to the Crown of France and Philip the Second carried the Crown of Portugal and Robert Bruce the Crown of Scotland against the Balions so I am confident of some ability to prove that Henry of Bullingbrook Duke of Lancaster had a better Title to this Crown then the house of Mortimer For thoughby the common Law of England he may find it otherwise yet there are many things in the common Law which cannot extend to the succession of the Kings of England as in the case of Aliens which was that of King James or in the case of Parseners as in that of the two Daughters of King Hen. the 8. or in that of the half blood in the case of the sisters of King Edw. the 6. and finally in that of the tenure by curtesie in the case of King Philip the 2d of Spain admitting that Queen Mary had been Mother of a living Child And now I am fallen on these matters of Heraldy I will make bold to take in a Remembrance of the House of the Mountagues descended in the Principal branches of it from a Daughter of King Edw. the Third concerning which our Author tells us that I have made up such a heap of Errors as is not to be paralelled in any Author which pretends to the emendation of another p. 2. fol. 37. How so because forsooth I have made Sir Edward Mountague the Grand-child of the Lord chief Justice and the first Lord Mountague of Broughton not to have been the elder Brother of Henry Earl of Manchester and James Bishop of Winton but their Brothers Son But first this Error was corrected in a Postscript to the Examen Historicum before he could accuse me of it and consequently he doth but Actum agere and fit a Plaister for that sore which had before been cured by a better Chyrurgion Secondly This can be at the most but a single Error in case it had not been retracted and therefore no such heap of Errors as is not to he paralelled in any other And Thirdly It appears by another passage in this present Appeal p. 2. fol. 96. that he had seen the Postscript to the said Examen which rendereth him the more inexcusable by raising such an out-cry on no occasion In which passage he taxeth me with sallery in my third endeavour touching the late Barons of that House in making the said Sir Edward Mountague to be Lord Mountague of Broughton in Northamptonshire which acknowledged for one of his Mannors but not his Barronie For I knew well that Broughton and not Broughton gave the nomination to this branch of that Family having never heard before of any Estate they had in Broughton And therefore I must needs charge this Error which he so triumpheth at as one of the Errata's which were made at the Press though not observed when the sheets were read over to me and so not Printed with the rest Less candidly deals he with me in another place about the mistaking of a number that is to say 1555. for 1585. p. 1. fol. 41. The Errors being meerly pretal as is own phrase is And this he could not chuse but see though he can winck sometimes when it makes best for his meeting of that precedent once again on a more particular occasion then was given at the present where the time thereof is truly stated and where he spends some few lines in relation to it so that the motion was direct not Retrograde but that he had a mind to pull me a little back seeing how much I had got the start of him in the present race And as for the Error in the Errata I know not how it came but a friend of mine in reading over the first sheets as they came from the Press had put a Quere in the Margin whether Melkinus or Felkinus and that afterwards by the ignorance or incogitancy of my Amanuensis it might be put in amongst the rest of the Errata which is all that I am able to say as to that particular 26. Our Author had affirmed that St. Davids had been a Christian some hundred years whilst Canterbury was yet Pagan The contrary whereof being proved by the Animedvertor he flyes to Caerleon upon Vsk p. 2. fol. 29. by which instead of mending the matter he hath made it worse Mistaking wilfully the point in difference between us For if the Reader mark it well the question is not whether St. Davids or Canterbury were the Ancienter Archi-Espiscopal See or how many hundred years the one was elder then the other but for how long time Canterbury had continued Pagan when the other was Christian which he acknowledgeth to be no more then 140 years as was before observed by the Animadvertor And though Caerleon upon Vske had been an Archi-Episcopal See some hundreds of years before that honour was conferred on the City of Canterbury yet Canterbury might be be Christian as soon as

Caerleon upon Vske for any thing our Author can affirm to the contrary and was undoubtedly such at the first coming in of the Saxons though afterwards for the space of 140. years as before is said it remained Pagan so that our Author might have spared his pains in proving the Metropolitans of St. Davids to be successors unto them of Caerleon which was never denyed unless he could infer from thence that Caerl on was Senior in Christianity unto Canterbury for four hundred years as he expresly saith it was as well as in the Metrapolitical Dignity invested in it And this if he can do I shall conclude him willingly for a subtle Logitian though I shall hardly ever allow him for a sound Historian 27. The like imperfect defence he makes about the time when Lillies Grammer was imposed by King Hen. the 8. on all the Grammer Schools of England plac'd by him in the 11th year of that King Anno 1619 which was full eleven years before it was ordered by the Convocation of the year 1630. ut una edatur formula Authoritate hujus sacrae Synodi c. that one onely form of Teaching Grammer should be enjoyned from thenceforth by the authority of the Convocation to be used in all the Grammer Schools of the Province of Canterbury And questionless the Clergy in their Convocation would not have troubled themselves in ordering one onely Form of Grammer to be taught in all the Schooles of the Province of Canterbury if the King so many years before had commanded Lillies Grammer to be used in all the Schools of England Considering therefore that this order of the Convocation preceded the command of King Henry the 8. and that Lilly dyed some years before the making of this Order as our Author plainly proves he did the difference between us may be thus made up that Lillies Grammer being one of those many the multiplicity whereof had been complained of in that Convocation was chosen out of all the R●st by the Convocation as fittest for the publick use and as such Recommended by the King to all the Grammer Schools within his Dominions The Animadvertor was mistaken in making Lilly to be living after the Convocation who was dead before And yet he discovers no such indiscretion not made any such cavelling at a well timed truth in the Authors Book as the Appealant lays upon him the time of the imposing and not the making of Lillies Grammer being the matter in dispute in which the Appealant must be found as much mistaken for the Reasons formerly laid down as the Animadvertor in the other 28. His next defence is worse then this because he finds not any shift to convey himself out of the Reach of the Animadversion For finding it so clealy proved from the words of the instrument that the payment of the 100000. for the Province of Canterbury was to be made in five years and not in four which he held most probable he hopes to save himself by saying that not reckoning the first summe which was paid down on the n●il they had just four years assigned them for the payment of the remaind●r And so indeed it must have been if the first twenty thousand pound had been paid down upon the nail as he saith it was but indeed was not the instrument of that Grant bearing date the 22. of March 1530. and the first payment to be made at Michaelmas following As bad an Auditor he is in casting up the smaller summe of Pilkintons pension as in the true stating of this payment making no difference no great difference betwixt taking away 1000 l. yearly from the Bishoprick and charging it with an annual pension of 1000 l. For he that hath 1000 l. per annum in Farms and Mannors may pay a 1000 l. pension yearly out of it to a publick use and reserve a good Revenue out of it for his own occasions by fines and casualties in the Renovation of E●●ates and in such services and provisions for domestick uses as commonly are laid upon them 29 Our Author tells us of the Homilies as a Church Historian That if they did little good they did little harm but he avows as an Appealant that he hath as high an esteem of them as the Animadvertor p. 2. fol. 87. And then I am sure he must needs acknowledge them to be in a capacity of doing much good and no harm at all which is directly contrary to his first Position That the Homilies had been Reproached by the name of Homily Homilies by many of the Puritan faction I have often heard but never heard before that they had been called so by any of the same party with the Animadvertor and am as farre as ever I was from knowing whom that one man should be who did call them so he not being named by the Appealant Where by the way the Author hath uncased himself appears in his own proper person without any disguise for having first told us in the second Chapter of his Apparatus that he was one of the same party with Dr. Heylyn he now declares himself to be of the other and well it had been saith he for the peace and happiness of the Church if the Animadvertor and all of his party had as high an esteem as the Author hath c. where if the Author hath not plainly declared himselfe to be of a different party from the Animadvertor his many protestations pretences notwithstanding I must needs think my selfe as much darkned in my understanding as in my Bodily sight when he can extricate himselfe out of this entanglement I may perhaps think fit to enter on a set discourse whether the Images of God and his Saints may be countenanced in Churches I know by the word Countenancing whom he chiefly aims at without a visible opposition to the second Homily of the second Book but till then I shall not 30. As little am I bound to return any answer to his Argument taken Acts 2. 27. against the Local descent of Christ into H●ll this being not a fit time and place for such set discourses The question and dispute between us relates unto the judgement of the Church of England touching this particular in which he cannot concur with the Animadvertor that any such Local descent hath constantly been maintained by the Church of England But that this is the positive Doctrine of the Church of England appears first by giving that Article a distinct place by its selfe both in the Book of Articles published in the time of King Edward the 6. Anno 1552. and in the Book agreed upon in the Convocation of the 5. of Queen Eliz. An. 1562. In both which it is said expresly in the self same words That as Christ dyed for us and was buried so is it to be believed that he went down into Hell which is either to be underderstood of a Local descent or else we are tyed to believe nothing by it but what

mildness of his Majesties Government and the great Moderation shown by Bishop Laud in the use of his power in not compelling men to say or do any thing against their Conscience a moderation which we find not amongst those of the Sect of Calvin when any of the opposite party fell into their hands Sixthly whereas it might be thought that the Ancient Protestants as he merrily calls them had past many such severe censures upon those whom he stiles Arminians he instanceth in none but in Barret and Bridges which make too small a number for so great a bragg Quid dignum tanto and the rest And finally for answer to the Prelatical oppressions I shall referre you to my former Discourse with Mr. Baxter num 20 21 23 repeating only at the present that the Proceeding of the Bishops were mild and gentle compared with the unmerciful dealings of the Presbiterians by whom more Orthodox Learned and Religious Ministers were turned out of their Benefices within the space of three years then by all the Bishops in England since the Reformation 46. But the King must not think to carry it so the Puritan Faction being generally Calvinistical in Doctrine as well as in Discipline prevailed so in the House of Commons Jan. 28. 1628. that they agreed upon this Counterpoise or Anti-declaration following viz. We the Commons now assembled in Parliament do claim profess and avow for truth the sense of the Articles of Religion which were established in Parliament 13. Eliz. Which by the publick Acts of the Church of England and the general current Exposition of the Writers of our Church have been delivered to us and we reject the sense of the Jesuites and Arminians and all other wherein they differ from us Which counterpoise made in direct opposition to the Kings Declaration your adversary makes a product of the Civil Authority whereas the House of Commons was so far at that time from being looked on as the Civil Authority of the English Nation that it was of no Authority at all nor could make any Order to bind the Subject or declare any thing to be Law and much less Religion till it was first countenanced by the Lords and finally confirmed by the Royal assent But this he doth in correspondence to the said Protestation in which the Articles of Lambeth are called the publique Acts of the Church of England though made by none but the Arch Bishop of Canterbury two Bishops of which onely one had actually received Consecration one Dean and half a dozen Doctors and other Ministers or thereabouts neither impowered to any such thing by the rest of the Clergy nor authorized to it by the Queen And therefore their determinations can no more properly be called the Acts of the Church then if one Earl with the eldest Sons of two or three others meeting with half a dozen Gentlemen in Westminster Hall can be affirmed to be in a capacity of making Orders which must be looked on by the Subject as Acts of Parliament 47. Your Adversary begins now to draw toward the Lees and in the Dreggs of his discourse offers some Arguments to prove that those doctrines and opinions which he calls Arminianism were countenanced to no other end but to bring in Popery And for the proof hereof he brings in Mr. Prinn's Report to the House of Commons in the Case of Montague An. 1626. In which it is affirmed that the whole frame and scope of his book was to discourage the well affected in Religion and as much as in him lay to reconcile them unto Popery He gives us secondly a fragment of a scattered Paper pretended to be written to the Rector of the Jesuites Colledge in Bruxels In which the Writer lets him know that they had strongly fortified their Faction here in England by planting the Soveraign Drug Arminianism which he hoped would purge the Protestants from their Heresie Thirdly he backs this paper with a clause in the Remonstrance of the House of Commons Anno 1628 where it is said that the hearts of his Majesties Subjects were perplex'd in beholding the dayly growth and spreading of the faction of Arminianism that being as his Majesty well knew so they say at least but a cunning way to bring in Popery All which he flourishes over by a passage in the Lord Faucklands Speech before remembered in which it is affirmed of some of the Bishops that their work was to try how much of a Papist might be brought in without Popery and to destroy as much as they could of the Gospel without bringing themselves in danger of being destroyed by the Law c. To all which being but the same words out of divers mouths I shall return one answer only which is briefly this Your adversary cannot be so ignorant as not to know that the same points which are now debated between the Calvinians and the Old Protestants in England between the Remonstrants and Contra-remonstrants in the Belgick Churches and finally between the Rigid and Moderate Lutherans in the upper Germany have been as fiercely agitated between the Franciscans and Dominicans in the Church of Rome the old English Protestants the Remonstrants and the moderate Lutherans agreeing in these points with the Franciscans as the English Calvinists the Contra-Remonstrants and the Rigid Lutherans do with the Dominicans So that there is a complyance on all sides with one of the said two parties in the Church of Rome And therefore why a general compliance in these points with the Friers of St. Dominick the principal Sticklers and Promoters of the Inquisition should not be thought as ready a way to bring in Popery as any such compliance with the Friers of St. Francis I would fain have your Adversary tell me when he puts out next 49. The greatest of the storm being over there remains only a few drops which will make no man shrink in the wetting that is to say the permission of some books to be frequenly printed containing the Calvinian Doctrine and the allowance of many questions to be maintained publiquely in the Act at Oxon contrary to the sence of those which he calls Arminians Amongst the Books so frequently printed he instanceth in the Practise of Piety Perkins his Principles Balls Catechism c. which being incogitantly licensed to the Press at their first coming out could not be afterwards Restrained from being Reprinted notwithstanding the many inconveniences which ensued upon it till the passing of the Decree in Star-Chamber July 1637. concerning Printing by which it was ordered to the great grief and trouble of that Puritan faction that no Book whatsoever should be reprinted except Books of the Law till they were brought under a review and had a new License for reprinting of them And though D. Crakanthorps Book against the Archbishop of Spalato was but once printed yet being called Defens●o Ecclesiae Anglicanae it serves your Adversaries turn as well as if it had been Printed an hundred times over How so because