THE HISTORIES OF THE LIVES AND RAIGNES OF HENRY THE THIRD AND HENRY THE FOURTH Kings of England Written by Knights Sr. ROBERT COTTON And Sr. IOHN HAYVVARD London printed for William Sheares and are to be sold at his Shop in Bedford-Street in Coveâ—-garden neere the new Exchange at the signe of the Bible An 1642. A SHORT VIEW OF THE LONG RAIGN OF KING HENRY the third WEaried with the lingring calamities of Civill Armes and affrighted at the sudden faâ—l of a licentious Soveraigne all men stood at gaze expecting the event of their long desires Peace and issue of their new hopes Benefit For in every shift of Princes there are few either so meane or modest that please not themselves with some probable object of preferment To satisfie all a child ascendeth the throne mild and gracious but easie of nature whose Innocency and naturall goodnesse led him safe along the various dangers of his Fathers Raigne Happy was hee in his Vnkle the Earle of Pembrooke the guide of his infancy and no lesse then for thirty yeares after whil'st De Burgo that fast servant of his Fathers against the French both in Normandy and England with By god Earle of Norfolke and others of like gravity and experience did mannage the affaires Few and no other were the distempers then in State but such as are incident to all the Commons greedy of liberty and the Nobiliâ—y of Rule and but one violent storme raised by some old and constant followers of his Father Fulco de Brent de Fortibus and others men that could onely thrive by the Warres misliking those dayes of sloath for so they termed that calme of King Henries Government and the rather because the Iustice of quiet times urged from them to the lawfull owners such Lands and Castles as the fury of Warre had unjustly given them for finding in the uprightnesse of the King that power of protection should not bee made a wrong doer they fell out into that rebellion that with it ended their lives and competitours professing that those their swords that had set the Crowne upon their Soveraignes head when neither Majesty nor Law could should now secure those small pittances to their Maisters when Majesty or Law would not Dangerous are too great benefits of Subjects to their Princes when it maketh the mind onely capable of merit nothing of duty No other disquiet did the State after this feele but such as is incident in all the malice to Authority Good and great men may secure themselves from guilt but not from envy for the greatest in trust of publike affaires are still shot at by the aspiring of those that deeme themselves lesse in imployment then they are in merit These vapours did ever and easily vanish so long as the helme was guided by temperate Spirits and the King tied his Actions to the rule of good Councell and not to young passionate or single advise Thirty yeares now passed and all the old guides of his youth now dead but De Burgo a man in whom nothing of worth was wanting but moderation whose length of dayes giving him the advantage of sole power his owne Ambition and age gave him desire and Art to keepe out others which wrought him into the fatall envy of most and that encreased in the Title of Earle and great Offices the King then gave him Time by this had wrought as in it selfe so in the hearts of the people a Revolution the afflictions of their Fathers forgotten and the surfeit of long peace perchance having let in some abuses from hence the Commons to whom dayes present seeme ever worst commend the foregone ages they never remembred and condemne the present though they knew neither the disease thereof nor the remedy To these idle and usuall humours fell in some of the yong and noble Spirits warme and over-weaning who being as truly ignorant as the rest first by sullying the wisedome of the present and greatest Rulers making each casuall mishap their errours seeme to decipher every blemish in Government and then by holding certaine imaginary and fantastick formes of Common-wealths flatter their owne beleefe and ability that they can mold any State to these generall rules which in particular application will prove idle and grosse absurdities Next confirmed in their owne worth by Sommery and Spencer they take it a fit time to worke themselves into action and imploymâ—nt a thing they had long desired and now though unwilling to seeme so doe sue for and doubtlesse the furthest of their aime was yet to become quiet instruments in serving the State if they had beene then held fit and worthy But the King taught by the new Earle That Consilia senum hastas juvenum esse and that such wits for so they would bee stiled were Nâ—vandis quà m gerendis rebus aptiores fitter in being factious to disorder then to settle affaires either denied or delayed their desires for wise Princes will ever choose their Instruments Par negotiis and not supra Creatures out of meere election that are onely theirs otherwise without friends or power Amongst this unequall medly there were of the Nobility Richard Earle of Pembrooke Glocester and Hartford darlings of the multitude some for the merit of their Fathers whose memories they held sacred as Pillars of publike liberty and opposers of encroaching Monarchy at Runâ—meed the Armies met And of the Gentry Pitz-Geffeory Bardolph Grisley Maunsell and Fitz-Iohn Spirits of as much Acrimony and Arrogant spleene as the places from whence they were elected Campe Court or Countrey could afford any These by force would effect what the other did affect by cunning but all impatient to see their ends thus frustrate and that so long as the King followed the direction of the Earle of Kent they had small hope of their desires they made often meetings and as one saith of them Clam nocturnis colloquis aut flexum in vesperum die In the end Sommery and Spencer two that were farre in opinion with the rest Gentlemen by Forraine education and imployment more qualified then usually men of these times and that set upon their owne deserts the best places when the Streame should turne which one of them Spencer did unworthily obtaine for he died in actuall Rebellion Iustâ—ciarius Angliae against his master advised that the best meanes to remove that great and good obstacle the Earle of Kent out of the way of their advancement was by sifting into his actions and siding with his opposite Peter Bishop of Winchester an ill man but gracious with the King making still their ends that the worthiest being driven out by the worst they shall either bee able to mate him with his owne vice which will bee ever more visible as hee is more potent and so remove him at pleasure or else give over the King to such Ministers to their bad desires as loosing him the hearts of his people might smooth them away to
his name since the Conquest so was hee the first that setled the Law and State deserving the Stile of Englands Iustinian and freed this Kingdome from the wardship of the Peeres shewing himselfe in all his Actions after capable to Command not the Realme onely but the whole World Thus doe the wrongs of our Enemies more then our owne discretions make us sometimes both wise and forâ—unate FINIS THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF HENRY THE FOURTH King of England Written by Sr. IOHN HAYVVARD Knight and Doctor of Law London Printed for William Sheares and are to bee sold at his Shop in Bedford-â—treet in Covengarden neere the new Exchange at the signe of the Bible An. 1642. Illustrissimo Honoratissimo ROBERTO Comiti Essexiae Ewe Comiti Marescallo Angliae Vicecomiti Herefordiae Bourchier Baroni Ferrariis de Chartâ—ey Domino Bourchier Loven Regiae Majestatis Hippocomo Machinarum bellicarum praefecto Academie Cantabrigiensis Cancellarâ—o Oâ—dinis Georgianii Equiti aâ—â—â—ato Serenissimae Domino Reginae à sanctioribus Consiliis Domino meo plurimum obseâ—vando A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Optimo Noblissimo inquit Euripides ex qua sententia tu primus ac solus fere occurrebas illustrissime comes cujus nomen si Henrici nostri fronti radiaret ipse laetior tutior in vulgus prodiret Magnus siquidâ—mes presenti juditio futuri temporis expectation in quo veluti recuperasse nunc oculos caeca prius fortuna videri potest Dum cumulare honoribus eum gisti qui omnibus virtutibus est insignitus Hunc igitur si laeta fronte eâ—cipere digneris sub nominis tui umbra tanquam sub Ajacis clipio Teucer ille Homericus tutissime latebit Deus opt max. celsitud nem tuam nobis reique publicae diu servet incolumen quo nos viz tam fide quà m armis potenti tua dextra defensi ultique diutina cum securitate tum gloria perfruamur Honori tuo deditissimus I. HAYVVARD A. P. To the Reader AMong all sorts of humane Writers there is none that have done more profit or deserved greater praise then they who have committed to faithfull records of Histories either the Government of mighty States or the lives and acts of famous men for by describing the order and passages of these two and what events hath followed what counsailes they have set forth unto us not onely precepts but lively patternes both for private directions and for affaires of State whereby in short time young-men may be instructed and old men more fully furnished with experience then the longest age of man can afford And therefore Cicero reporteth that L. Lucullus when hee went from Rome to make warre against Mithridates was altogether unskilfull in Military services yet in the time of his Navigation hee so exercised himselfe what with conference and what with reading of Histories that when hee came into Asia by the judgement and confession of that great King hee was preferred before all the Commanders that were before him Hereupon when Alexander Severus did deliberate of any weighty matter hee would especially take advise of men skilfull in Histories and not without good cause for if as Afranius saith experience hath begot wisedome and memory as a Mother hath brought it forth who are to bee better accompted then they whose memory is as it were a rich store house of the experiences not of one age or Countrey but of all times and of all Nations And therefore it is no great marvaile that Zenobia who after the death of her Husband Odonatus tooke upon her the State not onely insulted upon the Romaines but held the Arabians the Sarizens the Armenians and other fierce and intractible people in such obedience that although shee were both a woman and a Barbarian yet they never stirred against her for shee had perfectly read the Romaine History in Greeke and also had her selfe abridged the Alexandrian and all the Orientall Histories whereby shee attained the highest pitch both of wisedom and authority for examples are of greater force to stirre unto vertue then bare precepts insomuch as Cicero said that nothing could bee taught well without example Therefore the Lacedemonians as Plutarch writeth did use upon festivall dayes to present unto their Sonnes certaine dâ—unken slaves whom they caâ—led 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that by view of the vice they might learne to avoid it and Hismenias the Thâ—bane would shew to his Schollers musitians of all sorts good and bad instructing them to follow the one and not the other And this is that which the Apology telleth of a certaine Countrey-woman who being hard favoured and fearing least shee should bring forth children like her selfe got many faire and beautifull pictures which shee did dayly and stedfastly behold the meaning whereof is that by setting before us the acts and lives of excellent men it is the readiest way to fashion our qualities according to the same Hereupon Cicero doth rightly call History the witnesse of times the light of truth the life of memory and the messenger of antiquity Hereby wee are armed against all the rage and rashnesse of Fortune and hereby wee may seeme in regard of the knowledge of things to have travelled in all Countries to have lived in all ages and to have beene conversant in all affaires Neither is that the least benefit of History that it preserveth eternally both the glory of good men and shame of evill Some Philosophers doe deny that glory is to bee desired for vertue say they is a reward unto it selfe and must not bee respected for the vaine and titular blastes of glory yet in writing these things they affect that especially which they especially deprave And indeed there is no man hath so horny hart-strings as Persius speaketh who is not tickled with some pleasure of praise againe there is no man of so flinty a forehead who is not touched with some feare of infamy and shame Doe wee thinke that the valiant souldier thinketh no toile too tough but boldly adventureth the hazard of all happes because hee is weary of his life death commeth by nature to all men alike onely with difference of memory with posterity And I would thinke that Cities at the first were builded Lawes made and many things invented for the use of men chiefly for desire of glory which humour except the old Governours of Common-wealths had thought necessary they would never have fostered it as they did with Garlandes Statutes Trophies and Triumphes in which notwithstanding it is but temporary and short but in Histories of worth it is onely perpetuall This Cicero perceiving hee dealt with Lucejus to commit his actions to the monuments of his writings and Plinie the younger did wiâ—h that hee might bee mentioned in the Histories of Cornelius Tacitus because hee did foresee that they should never decay But these are such as are not led away with a lust either to slatter or to deface whereby the credite of History
is quite overthrowne Yet the endeavour to curry favour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of servility and therefore Alexander when hee heard Aristobulus read many things that hee had written of him farre above truth as hee was sailing the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the River and said that hee was almost moved to send Aristobulus after for his servile dealing but envious carping carrieth a counterfeit shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a History what beginning what continuance and what meane is bee used in all matter what things are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to bee treated at large how credite may bee wonne and suspition avoided what is to bee observed in the order of times and description of places and other such circumstances of weight whâ—t liberty a writer may use in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and events of things done how farre hee must bend himselfe to profit and when and how hee may play upon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should runne into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will heere close up onely wishing that all our English Histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them might more easily bee attained THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING HENRY the fourth THe Noble and victorious Prince King Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long and prosperous raigne over this Realme of England much strengthened and adorned by natures supply of seven goodly Sonnes Edward his eldest Sonne Prince of Wales commonly called the Black Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaâ—â—er Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These Sonnes during the life of their renowned Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could bee annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holds are so great defences to a Prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away either by variety of fortune or inconstancy of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaveth close unto him not so much in the blisses of prosperity which are equally imparted to others as in the Crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their off-spring the seminary of division and discord to the utter ruine of their families and great wast and weakening of the whole Realme for they that have equall dignity of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soveraignty but upon every offer of occasion will aspire to endure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kind is most dispitefull and deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humour caused Romulus to imbrew the foundations oâ— the City and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the Tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day begin their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of Warre in his time dyed during the life of his faâ—her And although hee was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame hee lived with the longest having in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobility Hee left behind him a young Sonne called Richard who after the death of King Edward was crowned King in his stead and afterward dyed childlesse William of Hatfield King Edwards second Sonne dyed also without issue leaving no other memory of his name but the mention onely Lionel Duke of Clarence the third Sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speech and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admitted nor contemned as rather void of ill parts then furnished with good Hee had issue Philip his onely Daughter who was joyned in marriage to Edmund Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the raigne of King Richard was in the right of his Wife declared Heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without Children but not many yeares after hee dyed leaving issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous Warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elinor Edmund and Elinor died without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge Sonne to Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke the fift Sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who by the right devolved to â—im from his Mother made open â—laime to the Crowne of England â—which was then possessed by the faâ—ily of Lancaster first by Law in the â—arliament holden the thirtieth yeare â—f the Raigne of King Henry the sixt where either by right or by favour â—is cause had such furtherance that afâ—er King Henry should die the Crown â—as entailed to him and to the Heires 〈◊〉 his bloud for ever But the Duke â—â—patient to linger in hope chose raâ—â—er to endure any danger then such 〈◊〉 Whereupon hee entred into 〈◊〉 soone after against King Henry 〈◊〉 the field But being carried further 〈◊〉 courage then by force hee could 〈◊〉 through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest Sonne who with invincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great variety of fortune at the last atchieved it Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardy Spirit but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast Hee had two Sonnes Henry Earle of Derby of whom I suppose chiefly to treat and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother to the Noble Prince Henry the seventh Henry Plantagenâ—t Earle of Derby was likewise by his Mother Blanch extracted from the bloud of Kings being discended from Edmund the second Sonne of King Henry the third by which line the Dutchy oâ— Lancaster did accreve unto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agility of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch joyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and advised in all his actions Hee was quick and present in conceit forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in event There was no
a peace to exclude the King thereby from his possessions but whensoever occasion should change for their advantage they would bee then as ready to start from the friendship as at that present they were to strike it that the French Kings Daughter being but a child was very unmeet for the marriage of King Richard as well for disparity of age as for that the King had no issue by his first wife and was not like to have any by this except perhaps in his old and whithered yeares When the Duke saw that with these motives hee did nothing prevaile hee subordned the Londoners to make petition to the King that seeing there was peace with France hee would release them of the Subsidy which they had granted to him in regard of those warres This suite was instantly followed and much perplexed the King untill the Duke of Lancaster declared to the people that the King had beene at the charge and dispence of three hundred thousand pounds in his voyage into France for the procuring of this peace whereupon they were pacified and desisted from their demand The yeare following Guido Earle of Saint Pauls was sent into Englan by Charles King of France to visite and salute in his name King Richard and Queene Isabel his wife the French Kings Daughter To this Earle the King did relate with what fervency the Duke of Glocester contended to make disturbance of the peace betweene England and France how because his mind was not therein followed hee moved the people to seditious attempts bending himselfe wholly to maintaine discord and disquiet rather in his owne Countrey then not at all Hee further reported what stiffe strifes in former times the Duke had stirred which howsoever they were done yet as they were declared they sounded very odious and hard When the Earle heard this hee presently answered that the Duke was to dangerous a subject to bee permitted to live that greatnesse was never safe if it grow excessive and bold that the King must not affect the vaine commendation of clemency with his owne perill and that it touched him both in honour to revenge the disgraces which hee had received and in policy to prevent the dangers which hee had cause to feare These words so sharpened the Kings displeasure that from thenceforth hee busied his braines in no one thing more then how to bring the Duke to his end Now hee beganne to pry more narrowly into his demeanour to watch his words to observe actions and alwayes to interpret them to the worst framing himselfe to many vaine and needlesse feares Oftentimes hee would complaine of him to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke how fierce and violent hee was in his speeches and crosse to him in all matters The Dukes would make answer that the Duke of Glocester their brother was indeed more hot and vehement then they did commend yet his fiercenesse was joyned with faithfulnesse and his crossenesse proceeded from a care least the Common-wealth should decrease either in honour or in possessions and therefore the King had neither need to feare nor cause to dislike About that time the Dukes of Lancaster and of Yorke withdrew themselves from the Court to their private Houses the Duke of Glocester also went to ly at Plashey neere Chelmsford in Essex upon advantage of which seperation the King stood distracted in mind betweene feare to defer and shame to avow the destruction of the Duke least hee might happily bee disappointed by the one or dishonoured by the other Hereupon hee entred into counsaile with Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his halfe brother and Thomas Mowbray Earle of Nottingham how the Duke of Glocester might be suppressed or oppressed rather the cruelty which was but wavering in the King yea wanting by nature was soone confirmed by evill advise and being once inclined to bloud hee did not faile either of examples of lewd action to follow or direction of cruell Counsaile what to doe so the plot was contrived and according thereto the King and the Earle of Nottingham rode together into Essex as though it were to disport themselves in hunting when they were in the midst of the Forrest the Earle made stay and the King passed forth with a small and unsuspitious company to the Duke lying at Plashey there hee stayed dinner and then pretending occasion of present returne hee desired the Duke to accompany him to London the faire intreaty of a Prince is a most forcible command therefore the Duke supposing that onely to bee inteâ—ded indeed which was pretended in shew went to horse-back with the King taking such small attendance as upon the sudden could bee in a readinesse and appointing the rest to come after him to London So they rode together using much familiar talke by the way untill they came neere the place of await then the King put his horse forward and the Duke comming behind was suddenly intercepted and stayed crying aloud and calling to the King for his helpe the King continued his journey as though hee had not heard and the Duke was violently carried to the Thamâ—s and tâ—ere shipped in a vessell layed for the purpose and from thence conveyed over to Calis When the King came to London hee caused the Earle of Warwick also to bee arrested and sent to prison the same day that hee had invited him to dinner and shewed good countenance and promised to bee a gracious Lord unto him Vpon the like dissembled shew the Earle of Arundel and his Sonne and certaine others were arrested also and committed to prison in the I le of Wight The common people upon the apprehending of these three Noblemen whom they chiefely and almost onely favoured were in a great confusion and tumult and there wanted but a head to draw them to sedition every man sorrowed murmured and threatned and daring no further stood waiting for one to lead them the way all being ready to follow that which any one was loath to beginne The Duke of Lancaster and of Yorke gathered a strong army and came therewith to London where they were readily received by the Citizens although the King had commanded the contrary but this seemed to bee done rather for guard to themselves then regard to any others The King all this time kept at a Village called Helhame within foure miles of London having about him a great power of armed men which hee had gathered out of Cheshire and Wales and to pacifie the common people hee caused to bee proclaimed that the Lords were not apprehended upon old displeasures but for offences lately committed for which they should bee appealed by order of Law and receive open triall in the Parliament next following the like message was sent to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke lying at London to whom the King made faith for the safety of their persons and indemnity of their goods and that nothing should bee attempted without their privity and advice all this was as
by a very slender thred The King was plunged in pleasure and sloath after whose example others also as men doe commonly conforme their minds according to the Princes disposition gave over themselves to delicacy and ease whereby cowardise crept in and shipwracke was made both of manhood and glory The chiefest affaires of state had been ordered for a long time according to private respects whereby the Common-wealth lost both the fat and the favour and seemed not at seasons and by degrees but with a maine course and at once to ruinate and fall The north parts were many times canvased and by small yet often losses almost consumed by the Scots who had there taken many townes and castles and defaced all the countrey with slaughter and spoyle Likewise the south parts were oftentimes wasted by the Frenchmen and in France many strong holds were lost It was also constantly affirmed that the King made agreement to deliver unto the King of France the possession of Calice and of other townes which hee held in those parts but the performance thereof was resisted by the Lords whether this were true oâ— surmised probably as agreeable to the Kings loose government I cannot certainely affirme As for Ireland which in time of K. Edward the third was kept in order and awe by acquainting the people with religion and civâ—lity and drawing them to delight in the plenty and pleasures of well reclaimed countries whereby it yeelded to the Kings coffers thirty thousand pounds every yeare it was then suffered to runne into waste and the people by rudenesse became intractible so that the holding therof charged the King with the yearly dispence of thirty thousand markes Many succours had beene sent into these severall countries but scatteringly and dropping and never so many at once as to furâ—ish the wars fully The King made some expeditions in his owne person with great preparation and charge but being once out of credit whatsoever fell out well was attributed to others misfortunes were imputed onely to him If any thing were happily atchieved by some of the Nobility it was by the Kings base hearted Parasites to whom military vertue was altogether unpleasant so extenuated or depraved or envied that it was seldome rewarded so much as with countenance and thankes yea sometimes it procured suspicion and danger the King being informed by a cunning kind of enemies Comâ—menders that to be a discreet and valiant Commander in the field was a vertue peculiar to a Prince and that it was a perillous point to have the name of a man of private estate famous for the same in every mans mouth Hereupon few sought to rise by vertue and valour the readier way was to please the pleasant humour of the Prince Likewise matters of peace were managed by men of weakest sufficiency by whose councell either ignorant or corrupt the destruction of the best hearted Nobility was many times attempted and at the last wrought The profits and revenues of the Crowne were said to bee let to farme the King making himselfe Landlord of his Realme and challenging no great priviledge by his Raigne but only a dissolute and uncontrouled life Great summes of money were yearely rather exacted from the subjects then by them voluntarily granted wherof no good did ensue but the maintenance of the Kings private delights the advancement of his hatefull favorites To these he was somewhat above his power liberall for which cause hee was faine to borrow beg and extort in other places but hee purchased not so much love by the one as hate by the other Besides the ordinary tearmes of tenths and fifteenths which were many times paid double in one yeare divers new impositions were by him devised and put in use sometimes exacting xii d. of every person throughout the Realme sometimes of every religious man and woman vi s. viii d. and of every secular Priest as much and of every lay person married or sole xii d. Vnder the favourable tearme of benevolence he wiped away from the people such heaps of money as were little answerable to that free and friendly name He borrowed in all places of the Realme great summes of money upon his privy Seals so that no man of worth could escape his loane but he seldome and to few returned payment againe This present yeare he sent certain Bishops and other personages of honour to all the shires and Corporations within the Realme to declare unto the people the Kings heavy displeasures against them for that they had beene abetters and complices of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke and that the King was minded to make a roade upon them as common enemies except they would acknowledge their offence and submit themselves to his mercy and grace Hereupon all the men of worth in every shire and Towne-corporate made their acknowledgement and submission in writing under their seales and afterwards were faine to graunt unto the King such importable summes of money to purchase againe his favour as the land being already greatly impoverished they were hardly able to endure Then were exacted of them strange and unaccustomed oathes vvhich vvere put likevvise in vvriting under their seale They vvere also compelled to set their hands and seales to blancke charts wherein the King might afterwards cause to be written what he would so that all the wealth of the Realme was in a manner at his devotion and pleasure These and such like violences were farre wide from the moderate government of King Henry the second who maintaining great warres and obtayning a larger dominion then pertained at any other time to this Realme of England never demanded subsidie of his subjects and yet his treasure after his death was found to be nine hundred thousand pounds besides his Iewels and his plate In this sort the King bearing a heavie hand upon his subjects and they againe a heavie heart against him and being withall a Prince weake in action and not of valour sufficient to beare out his vices by might the people at length resolved to revolt and rather to runne into the hazard of a ruinous rebellion then to endure safety joyned with slaverie so they attended occasion which shortly after was thus offered The King received Letters of advertisement out of Ireland which being priviledged from other venimous beasts hath alwayes beene pestered with traytors how the Barbarous Irish had cut in pieces his Garrison and slaine Roger Mortimer Earle of March who had beene declared heyre apparent to the Crowne exercising all the cruelty in wasting of the countrey which wrath and rage of victory could incite a barbarous people to practise This losse being great in it selfe the hard affection of the people did much augment by report whereupon the King deliberated whether it were requisite that hee should undertake the warre in person or commit it to Commanders of lower degree Some perswaded him that wholly to subdue Ireland stood neither with policie nor yet almost
by the Lords spirituall and temporall of the Realme of England and the Commons of the said Realme representing all the States of the said Kingdome specially deputed sitting in seate of judgement and considering the manifold iniuries and cruelties and many other crimes and offences by Richard late King of the said Realm committed and done contrary to good governement in the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid during the time of his Raigne also considering the articles which were openly exhibited and read before the said States which were so publike notorious manifest and famous that they could nor can by no avoydance and shift bee concealed also considering the confession of the said King acknowledging and reputing and truly upon his certaine knowledge judging himselfe to have beene and to be altogether insufficient and unskilfull for the rule and government of the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid and of any parts of them and not unworthy to bee deposed for the notorious demerits by the said Richard first acknowledged and afterward by his will and mandate before the said States published and to them opened and declared in the English tongue Vpon these and other matters which were done concerning the same busines before the said States and us by the diligent place name and authority to us in this part committed in abundance and for a cautele wee pronounce decree and declare the said Richard to have beene and to be unprofitable and unable and altogether unsufficient and unworthy for the rule and government of the said Realmes and of the Dominions Rights and parts of them and in regard and respect of the premises worthily to bee deposed from all kingly dignity and honour if any such dignity and honour remaineth in him and for the like cautele wee doe depose him by our sentence definitive in this writing inhibiting from henceforth expresly all and singular Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barons Knights Vassalles and all other persons whatsoever of the said Realmes and Dominions and other places to the said Realmes and Dominions appertaining the subjects and liege people of the same and every of them that from henceforth none obey or intend to obey the aforesaid Richard as King or Lord of the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid Then the same Commissioners were by the consent and suffrages of both houses constituted Procurators joyntly and severally for all the States of the Realme to resigne and surrender unto King Richard for them and all other homages of the Realme all the homages and fealties which were both due and done unto him as King and Soveraigne and also to declare unto him all the premises concerning his deposition Now Henry Duke of Lancaster that hee might bee reputed or reported at the least not to attaine the Kingdome by intrusion and wrong was counsailed by his friends to pretend some lawfull challenge and claime thereunto and being in power it was no sooner advised what was to bee done but it was presently devised how to doe it So a title was drawne from Edmund sonne to King Henry the third whom they surnamed Crouch-backe affirming that hee was the eldest sonne of King Henry and that for his deformity hee was put from his right of succession in the Kingdome which was for that cause given to his younger brother King Edward the third to this Edmund the Duke was next of blood by his mother Blanche sole daughter and heyre to Henry the first Duke of Lancaster and sonne to the said Edmund This cunning conceit was perceived of all men but seeming not to perceive it was a point of friendship in some and of obedience in the rest therefore the Kingdome of England being then thought vacant both by the resignation and also by the deposition of King Richard Duke Henry arose from his seat and standing in the view of the Lords crossed himselfe on the fore-head and on the brest and spake as followeth In the name of God Amen I Henry of Lancaster claime the realme of England and the Crown with all the appurtenances as I that am descended by right line of the blood royall comming from that good Lord K. Henry the third through the right that God of his grace hath sent me with the helpe of my kindred and of my friends to recover the same Which kingdome was in point to be undone for default of good government and due justice After these words it was demanded in both houses of the Nobility and of the Commons which were assembled whether they did consent that the Duke should raign who all with one voyce acknowledged and accepted him for their King then the Archbishop of Canterbury tooke him by the hand and placed him in the Throne of estate the Archbishop of Yorke assisting him and all the assembly testifying their owne joy and wishing his Then the Archbishop made an Oration and tooke for his theame this place of Scripture See this is the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall raigne over my people 1 Reg. 9.17 After all this hee was proclaymed King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland and the common people which is void of cares not searching into sequels but without difference of right or wrong inclinable to follow those that are mighty with shoutes and clamours gave their applause not all upon judgement or faithfull meaning but mostionly upon a received custome to flatter the Prince whatsoever he be Yet least the heat of this humour should allay by delay it was forthwith proclaimed in the great Hall that upon the 13. day of September next ensuing the Coronation of the King should be celebrated at Westminster These matters being thus dispatched the K. proclaimed arose from his seat and went to White-Hall where hee spent the rest of day in royall feasting and all other complements of joy notwithstanding there appeared in him no token of statelinesse or pride nor any change in so great a change Vpon Wednesday next following the Procurators before mentioned went to the presence of King Richard being within the Tower and declared unto him the admission of his resignation and also the order and forme of his deposition and in the name of all the States of the realm did surrender the homage and fealty which had bin due unto him so that no man from thenceforth would bear to him faith and obedience as to their King The King answered that he nothing regarded these titular circumstances but contented himselfe with hope that his cousen would be a gracious Lord and good friend unto him So upon the 13. day of October which was the day of the translation of Edward the Confessor the Duke was with all accustomed solemnities by the Archbishop of Canterbury sacred annoynted and crowned King at Westminster by the name of King Henry the fourth upon the very same day wherein the yeare before he had bin banished the Realme Hee was annoynted with an oyle which a certain religious man gave unto Henry the first Duke
of Lancaster Grandfather to the King by the mothers side when he served in the wars of King Edward the third beyond the seas together with this Prophesie that the Kings which should bee annoynted therewith should bee the Champions of the Church Duke Henry delivered this oyle in a golden violl to Prince Edward the eldest sonne of King Edward the third who locked up the same in a barred Chest within the Tower with intent to be annoynted therewith when he should be crowned King but the Prince dying before his Father it remayned there either not remembred or not regarded untill this present yeare wherein the King being upon his voyage into Ireland and making diligent search for the Iewels and Monuments of his Progenitors found this Violl and Prophesie and understanding the secret was desirous to bee annoynted againe with that oyle but the Archbishop of Canterbury perswaded him that both the fact was unlawfull and the precedent unseen that a King should be annoynted twice whereupon he brake off that purpose and took the violl with him into Ireland and when he yeelded himselfe at Flint the Archbishop of Canterbury demanded it of him againe and did receive and reserve the same untill the coronation of King Henry who was the first King of this Realme that was annoynted therewith I am not purposed to discourse either of the authority or of the certainty of these prophesies but wee may easily observe that the greatest part of them either altogether fayled or were fulfilled in another sense then as they were commonly construed and taken During the raigne of King Henry the fourth execution by fire was first put in practise within this Realme for controversies in points of religion in any other extraordinary matter hee did as much make the Church Champion as shew himselfe a Champion of the Church but afterwards his successors were intitule Defendars of the faith and how in action they verified the same I refer to remembrance and report of later times Now it had beene considered that the title which was derived to King Henry from Edmund whom they surnamed Crouchbacke would be taken but for a blind and idle jest for that it was notorious that the said Edmund was neither eldest sonne to King Henry the third as it was plainely declared by an act of Parliament nor yet a mishapen and deformed person but a goodly Gentleman and valiant Commander in the field and so favoured of the King his Father that hee gave him both the heritages and honours of Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester of Ferrare Earle of Darby and of Iohn Baron of Monmuth who to their owne ruine and destruction had displayed seditious ensignes against the King And further to advance him to the marriage of Blanch Queene of Naverne hee created him the first Earle of Lancaster and gave unto him the County Castle and Towne of Lancaster with the Forrests of Wiresdale Lounsdale New-castle beneath Linne the Manner Castle and Forrest of Pickering the Manner of Scaleby the Towne of Gomecester of Huntendone c. with many large priviledges and high titles of honour Therefore King Henry upon the day of his Coronation caused to bee proclaymed that hee claymed the kingdome of England first by right of conquest Secondly because King Richard had resigned his estate and designed him for his successour Lastly because hee was of the blood royall and next heyre male unto King Richard Haeres malus indeed quoth Edmund Mortimer Earle of March unto his secret friends and so is the Pyrate to the Merchant when hee despoyleth him of all that he hath This Edmund was sonne to Roger Mortimer who was not long before slaine in Ireland and had beene openly declared heyre apparent to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue as descended by his Mother Philip from Lionell Duke of Clarence who was elder brother to Iohn Duke of Lancaster King Henries Father and therefore the said Edmund thought himselfe and indeed was neerer heyre male to the succession of the Crowne then hee that by colour of right clayming it carried it by dint of force But such was the condition of the time that hee supposed it was vaine for him to stirre where King Richard could not stand Whereupon hee dissembled either that hee saw his wrong or that hee regarded it and chose rather to suppresse his title for a time then by untimely opposing himselfe to have it oppressed and depressed for ever to this end hee withdrew himselfe farre from London to his Lordship of Wigmore in the West parts of the Realme and there setled himselfe to a private and close life Idlenesse and vacancy from publike affaires he accounted a vertue and a deepe point of wisdome to meddle with nothing whereof no man was chargeable to yeeld a reckoning In revenues hee was meane in apparell moderate in company and traine not excessive yet in all these honourable and according to his degree so that they which esteemed men by outward appearance only could see in him no great shew either of wit and courage in his mind to be feared or of wealth and honour in his estate to bee envied And thus whilest a greater enemy was feared hee passed unregarded making himselfe safe by contempt where nothing was so dangerous as a good opinion and taking up those coales in obscurity for a time which shortly after set all the Realme on fire King Henry presently after his coronation created his eldest sonne Lord Henry being then about xiii yeares of age Prince of Wales Duke of Cornewall and Earle of Chester and soone after he created him also Duke of Aquitaine Afterwards it was enacted by consent of all the states of the Realme assembled together in the Parliament that the inheritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and of France and of all the Dominions to them appertaining should bee united and remaine in the person of King Henry and in the heires of his body lawfully begotten and that Prince Henry his eldest sonne should be his heyre apparant and successor in the premises and if hee should dye without lawfull issue then they were entayled to his other sonnes successively in order and to the heyres of their bodies lawfully begotten The inheritance of the Kingdome being in this sort setled in King Henry and in his line it was moved in the parliament what should be done with King Richard The Bishop of Caerliel who was a man learned and wise and one that alwayes used both liberty and constancy in a good cause in his secret judgement did never give allowance to these proceedings yet dissembled his dislike untill hee might to some purpose declare it therefore now being in place to be heard of all and by order of the house to be interrupted by none hee rose up and with a bold and present spirit uttered his mind as followeth This question right honourable Lords concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight the determining whereof will assuredly procure
bee sufficient to blot out this blemish What other action could they have done more joyfull to their enemies more wofull to their friends and more shamefull to themselves Oh corruption of times Oh conditions of men The French-men were nothing discontented at this discontenement of the Aquitanes supposing that opportunity was then offered to get into their possession the Dutchie of Guian if either power or policie were thereto applyed Hereupon Lâ—wes Duke of Burbon came downe to Angiers who from thence sent many messengers to the chiefe cities of Guian and by faire speeches and large promises solicited the people to change alleageance on the contrary side Sir Robert Knowles Lieutenant of Guian endeavoured with al diligence to represse the mutinous to stay the doubtfull to confirme the good and to retaine all in order and obedience but hee profited very little whether by the weaknesse of his owne arme or stiffe neck of the people it is not certainely assured Neither did the Duke of Burbone much prevaile when it was considered how ponderous the yonke of France was above the English subjection for all men were well acquainted with what tributes and taxations the French men were charged having in every countrey Lievtenants and Treasurers assigned the one to draw the blood the other the substance of the slavish subjects whose câ—uelty and covetousnesse laid hold without exception upon all the one tormenting by force and the other undoing by Law Thus stood the Aquitanes upon tickle tearmes betweene obedience and revolt as a ship which the wind driveth one way the tide another desirous they were to displease the English but loath to endanger and undoe themselves Vpon advertisement whereof King Henry sent into Guian the Lord Thomas Perce Earle of Worcester whom hee knew to bee faithfull unto him and expert in matters of charge having in his company a strong and serviceable band of souldieâ—s who not by unseasonable exprobating their fault but by reason convincing it partly with his wisdome and credit so perswaded and partly with his authority and forces so terrified the wavering people that hee wanne them to his opinion and confirmed them in their alleageance the graver sort with respect of duty and faith the rest with regard and feare of danger Then hee received oaths of obedience unto King Henry and planted certaine strong garrisons in places of chiefe import without molestation if they remayned quiet and yet of force to represse them if they should rebell This done he turned againe into England where he shewed an excellent example of moderation in seeming rather to have found then to have made the Aquitanes dutifull subjects No sooner could this stirre be stinted but another more dangerous and desperate did forthwith arise for divers noble men who either had dissembled or did repent the furtherance that they used to the advancement of King Henry did conspire together to compasse his destruction the Histories of that time doe vary concerning the causes of this conspiracy whether it were for favour to King Richard as the nature of man is inclinable to behold suddaine misfortune with a pittifull eye or for envy to King Henry as commonly wee can endure excessive fortune no where so little as in those that have beene in equall degree with our selves or whether upon dishonours received in the late Parliament or upon disdaine to see others goe before them in the Princes favour many sought to revenge their unjust anger with lewd disloyalty likewise it is not assuredly known by what meanes the workers thereof were drawne together and the secret devises of some imparted to the rest whether one of them did perswade another to enter into the action or whether all were induced by the same unconstant disposition and light account of faith which being once falsed to K. Richard was afterwards upon every light discontentment little respected to any but concerning these matters the most currâ—nt report is this There was at that time an Abbot of Westminster one that applyed his studies not as the most part to cloake idlenesse and sloath under the glorious title of religion but to enable himselfe for counsaile and direction in publike affaires who for the generall opinion of his wisdome and integrity was in good favour and credit with King Richard and did accompany him in his last voyage into Ireland This Abbot called to his remembrance a speech which hee heard once fall from King Henry when hee was but Earle of Derby and not yet come to any great stayednesse either in yeares or judgement that Princes had too little and religious men too much At that time the riches of the Church were growne so great that many began to looke upon them with an envious eye but lest covetousnesse should shew it selfe with open face policie was pretended and the excesse thought dangerous both to the King and also to the Clergy as very like to cause want to the one and wantonnesse in the other Hereupon many bils had been put up in the Parliaments holden in the raigne of King Richard that provision might bee made to represse the increase of riligious possessions namely that inquisition and redresse might be had against such religious persons as under the licence to purchase ten pounds yearly did purchase fourescore or a hundred pounds and also against such religious persons as caused their villaines to take to their wives free-women inheritable whereby the Lands came to those religious mens hands yea it was moved in open Parliament that the King should seaze into his hands all the temporall Livings of religious houses as being rather a burthen then a benefit unto religion Vpon these and the like Petitions the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of Yorke for themselves and the Clergy of their Provinces were oftentimes compelled to make their solemne protestations in open Parliament that if any thing were attempted in restraint of the liberty of the Church they would in no wise assent but utterly withstand the same the which their protestations they required to be enrouled So partly upon love to King Richard and partly upon feare least K. Henry would be as ready to invade as he was to inveigh against the richnesse of religious houses this Abbot was the first man that blew the coales and put fewell to the fire of this confederacy And first hee observed a farre off then hee searched more neerly and narrowly and yet warely too how the minds of certaine Noble-men were affected or rather infected against King Henry tempering his speeches in such sort that if matters sorted to his mind hee might take them upon him if his courses were crossed hee might clearely disclaime them at last hee invited to his house upon a day in Michaelmas tearme those whom he had sounded to bee most sound for his purpose the chiefe of whom were such as in the Parliament before had in some sort beene touched in reputation although by pardon aâ—d reconcilement the harme did seeme to bee closed up
to death either by the commandement or connivence of King Edward the fourth And hee also escaped not free for hee dyed not without many and manifest suspicions of poyson and after his death his two sonnes were disinherited imprisoned and butchered by their cruell Vncle the Duke of Glouâ—ester who being a Tyrant and Vsurper was lawfully shine in the field and so in his person having no issue the tragedie did end Which are most rare and excellent examples both of comfort to them that are oppressed and of terrour to violent Dâ—alers that God in his secret judgement doth not alwayes so certainely provide for our safety as revenge our injuries and harmes and that all our unjust actions have a day of payment and many times by way of retaliation even in the same manner and measure wherein they were committed And thus was king Richard brought to his death by violence and force as all Writers agree although al agree not upon the manner of the violence He was a man of personage rather wel proportioned then tall of great beauty and grace and comelinesse in presence hee was of a good strength and no abject spirit but the one by ease the other by flattery were much abased Hee deserved many friends but found few because hee sought them more by liberality then vertuous dealing Hee was marvellous infortunate in all his actions which may very well be imputed to his negligence and sloath for he that is not provident can seldome prosper but by his loosenesse will lose whatsoever fortune or other mens labours doe cast upon him At the last hee was driven to such distresse that hee accounted it as a benefit to be disburdened of his royall dignity for which other men will not sticke to put their goods and lives and soules in hazard Hee lived three and thirty yeares and raigned two and twenty His dead body was embalmed and seared and covered with Lead all save his face and carried to London and in all the chiefe places by the way his face was uncovered and shewen that by view thereof no doubt should bee made concerning his death At London hee had a solemne obsequie kept in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul the King being present and all the chiefe men of the Citie Then hee was conveyed to Langley Abbey in Buckinghamshire about twenty miles from London and there obscurely enterred by the Bishop of Chester the Abbot of S. Albones and the Abbot of Waltham without presence of noblemen without confluence of the common people and without the charge of a dinner for celebrating the Funerals but afterwarward at the commandement of King Henry the fifth his body was taken up and removed to Westminster and honourably entombed amongst his ancestors with Queene Anna his wife in expiation as it is like of his Fathers violent and unfaithfull dealing So hee whose life was alwaies tumultuous and unquiet could not readily find rest for his bones even after death It was not amisse in regard of the Common-wealth that hee was dead yet they who caused his death had small reason to reckon it among their good deeds And thus doe these and the like accidents daily happen to such Princes as will bee absolute in power resolute in will and dissolute in life This yeare Humfrey the sonne and heyre of the Duke of Gloucester dyed of the plague as hee returned out of Ireland where King Richard had left him prisoner and shortly after the Dutchesse his Mother with violence of griefe ended her dayes this yeare also dyed Thomas Mowbray the Exiled Duke of Norfolke whose death would much have beene lamented if hee had not furthered so many lamentable deaths but he over-lived his honour and saw himselfe accounted a person infamed and of no estimation Likewise about this time Iohn Duke of Brittaine deceased who had taken to wife Mary daughter to King Edward the third and by her had no issue but by Ioan his second wife hee left behind him three sonnes Iohn Richard and Arthur this Ioan was afterwards married to King Henry as hereafter shall appeare Also this yeare Edmund Duke of Yorke departed this life his honour not slayned his fame not touched he was a man very circumspect and wary in his carriage not carelesse of a good fame nor greedy after a great of other mens wealth not desirous liberall of his owne and of the common sparing hee did not by obstinate opposing himselfe against the current of the time rashly hasten either his fame or his fall but by moderation attained safely that degree of prayse and honour which others aspiring unto by desperate courses wanne with ambitious death without any other profit at all He left behind him two noble sons expresse resemblancers of his integrity Edward who succeeded in his dignity and before was called Duke of Aumerle and Richard Earle of Cambridge Edward in the change of the state neither constantly kept his fidelity nor stoutly maintained his treason Richard tooke to wife the daughter and heyre of Roger Mortimer whose mother Phillip was sole daughter and heyre to Lionell Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward the third by which title and discent his posterity claimed the Crowne and Kingdome of this Realme from the successors of King Henry as hereafter more at large shall be declared Charles King of France lost no time all this while in making preparation to invade England and to that end had now raysed an Army royall which was brought downe into Picardie and in a readinesse to have beene transported But it is very like that this haste for the deliverance of King Richard did the more hasten his death upon newes whereof the French-men perceiving their purpose for his restitution to bee to no purpose gave over the enterprise some being grieved that the occasion was lost of making spoyle of so plentifull a countrey others being well content to be discharged of that hope together with the hazard whereupon it depended Shortly after the French King sent a solemne Embassage into England to treate or rather intreate that Lady Isabel his daughter who had beene espoused to King Richard might with her dowrie bee restored to him againe King Henry most honourably received these Embassadors and gave in answer that he would speedily send his Commissioners to Calice which should fully commune and conclude with them both of this and other weighty affayres concerning both the Realmes Not long after hee sent Edward Duke of Yorke and Henry Earle of Northumberland to Calice Also the French King sent the Duke of Burbone and certaine others to Bulleine These Commissioners did often meet sometimes at one place and sometimes at another the French-men especially required that Lady Isabell should be restored shewing that King Charles her Father had given in charge that this before all matters and without this nothing should be concluded On the other side the Englishmen desired that shee might bee married to Henry Prince of Wales King Henries eldest sonne a
man answerable to her in equall degree both of blood and of yeares but the French King denyed that hee would any more joyne affinity with the English nation whose aliance had once so unfortunately succeeded then they entred into speech of a perpetuall peace but hereto the Frenchmen would not agree In the end it was concluded that Lady Isabell should be delivered to King Charles her Father but without Dower because the marriage betweene King Richard and her was never consummate by reason whereof shee was not donable by the very treaty of the marriage Also the surcease of armes which foure yeares before had beene made with King Richard for the terme of thirty yeares was continued and confirmed for the time then unexpired Some Authors affirme that a new truce was taken but these also are at difference for some report that it was during the life of both the Kings others that it was but for a short time which hath the more apparance of truth by reason of the open hostility which the yeare following did breake forth betweene the two Realmes Shortly after King Henry sent the Lady Isabel under the conduct of Lord Thomas Piercy Earle of Worcester in Royall estate to Calis she was accompanied with a great troupe of honourable personages both men and women and carried with her all the Iewels and Plate which shee brought into England with a great surplusage of rich gifts bestowed upon her by the King at Calis shee was received by the Earle of S. Paul Lieutenant for the French King in Picardy and by him was conducted to King Charles her Father who afterwards gave her in marriage to Charles Sonne to Leâ—es Duke of Orleances and so was either rest or respite of warres procured in France whilest neerer stirres might bee brought to some stay For within the Realme the fire and fury of the late sedition was scarcely quenched and quiet but that the Common-wealth should not cease to bee torne by multiplying of divisions one streight succeeding another the Welshmen upon advantage of the doubtfull and unsetled estate of King Henry resolved to break and make a defection before either the King could ground his authority or the people frame themselves to a new obedience and having learned that common causes must bee maintained by concord they sought by assemblies to establish an association and to set up their owne principality againe To this purpose they created for their Prince Owen Glendor an Esquire of Wales a factious Person and apt to set up division and strife and although hee was of no great state in birth yet was hee great and stately in stomack of an aspiring Spirit and in wit somewhat above the ordinary of that untrained people bould crafty active and as he listed to bend his mind mischievous or industrious in equall degree in desires immoderate and rashly adventurous in his young yeares he was brought up to the study of the Common law of the Realme at Loâ—don and when hee came to mans estate besides a naturall fiercenesse and hatred to the English name he was particularly incensed by a private suite for certaine lands in controversie betweene the Lord Gray of Ruthen and him wherein his title was overthrowne and being a man by nature not of the mildest by this provocation he was made savadge and rough determining either to repaire or to revenge his losse by setting the whole state on fire Also his expence and liberality had beene too excessive for a great man to endure which brought him to barenesse too base for a meane man to beare and therefore he must of necessity doe and dare somewhat and more danger there was in soft and quiet dealing then in hazarding rashly Herewith oportunity was then likewise presented for trouble sometimes are most fit for great attempts and some likelihood there was whilest the King and the Lords were hard at variance that harme might easily bee wrought to them both Vpon these causes his desire was founded and upon these troubles his hope But that his aspiring and ambitious humour might beare some shew of honest meaning hee pretended to his Countreymen the recovery of their free estate the desire whereof was so naturally sweet that even wilde birds will rather live hardly at large in the aire then bee daintily dieted by others in a Cage and oportunity was at that time fitly offered or else never to bee expected to rid them of their thraldome falsely and colourably intituled a peace whilest the one Kings power was waining and the other not yet fully wexen and either of them grew weake by wasting the other neither was their any difference which of them should prevaile sith the warre touched both alike insomuch as the overthrow would ruine the one and the victory the other So he exhorted them to take courage and armes and first to kill all the English within their territories for liberty and Lords could not endure together then to resume their ancient customes and lawes whereby more then armes Common-wealths are established and enlarged so should they be a people uncorrupt without admixion of forraigne manners of bloud and so should they forget servitude and either live at liberty or else perhaps be Lords over other Hereupon many flocked unto him the best for love of liberty the basest for desire of booty and spoile insomuch as in short time hee became Commander of competent forces to stand openly in the field And being desirous to make some proofe of his prowesse hee sharply set upon his old adversary Reignold Lord Grey of Ruthen whose possessions hee wasted and spoiled slew many of his men and tooke himselfe prisoner yet gave him faire and friendly entertainment and promised him releasement if he would take his Daughter to wife This he desired not so much for need of his ability or aid as supposing that the name and countenance of a Lord would give reputation to the house that was then â—ut in rising but the Lord Grey at the first did not so much refuse as scorne the offer affirming that hee was no ward to have his marriage obtruded upon him Well said Owen Glendore although you bee not my ward yet are you in my ward and the suing your livery will cost double the marriage money that elsewhere you shall procure The Lord Grey being not very rich to discharge his ransome and seeing no other meanes of his deliverance at the last accepted the condition and tooke the Damosell to wife notwithstanding his deceitfull Father in law trifled out the time of his enlargement untill hee died The Welshmen being confident upon this successe beganne to breake into the borders of Hereford-shire and to make spoile and prey of the Countrey against whom Lord Edmund Mortimer Earle of March who for feare of King Henry had withdrawne himselfe as hath beene declared to Wigmore Castle assembled all the Gentlemen of the Countrey and meeting with the Welchmen they joyned together a sharpe and cruell conflict not in forme
of a loose skirmish but standing still and maintaining their place they endeavoured with maine might to breake and beare downe one another The courage and resolution of both sides was alike but the Welshmen were superiour both for number and direction for they were conducted by one knowne Leader who with his presence every where assisted at need enflaming his souldiers some with shame and reproofe others with praise and encouragement all with hope and large promises but the English-men had no certaine generall but many confused Commanders yea every man was a Commander to himselfe pressing forward or drawing back as his owne courage or feare did move him Insomuch as no doubt they had taken a great blow that day by their ill governed boldnesse had not Owen Glendor presently upon the breaking up of the field ceased to pursue the execution and shewed himselfe more able to get a victory then skilfull to use it But even to his side the victory had cost bloud and many of those which remained were either wounded or weary the night was neere also and they were in their enemies Countrey by which meanes our men had liberty to retire rather then runne away no man being hot to follow the chase They lost of their company about a thousand men who sold their lives at such a price that when manhood had done the hardest against them certaine mannish or rather devilish women whose malice is immortall exercised a vaine revenge upon their dead bodies in cutting off their privy parts and their noses whereof the one they stuffed in their mouths and pressed the other betweene their buttocks and would not suffer their mangled carcasses to bee committed to the earth untill they were redeemed with a great summe of money By which cruell covetousnesse the faction lost reputation and credite with the moderate sort of their own people suspecting that it was not liberty but licentiousnesse which was desired and that subjection to such unhumane minds would bee more insupportable then any bondage In this conflict the Earle of March was taken prisoner and fettered with chaines and cast into a deepe and vile dungeon The King was solicited by many Noble men to use some meanes for his deliverance but he would not heare on that eare hee could rather have wished him and his two sisters in Heaven for then the onely blemish to his title had beene out of the way and no man can tell whether this mischance did not preserve him from a greater mischiefe Owen Glendore by the prosperous successe of his actions was growne now more hard to be dealt with and hautely minded and stood even upon termes of equality with the King whereupon he proceeded further to invade the Marches of Wales on the West side of Severne where he burnt many Villages and Townes slew much people and returned with great prey and praises of his adherents Thus he ceased not this yeare to infest the borderers on every side amongst whom he found so weake resistance that he seemed to exercise rather a spoile then a warre For King Henry was then detained with his chiefest forces in another more dangerous service which besides these former vexations and hazards this first yeare of his raigne happened unto him For the Scots knowing that changes were times most apt for attempt and upon advantage of the absence of all the chiefe English borderers partly by occasion of the Parliament and partly by reason of the plague which was very grievous that yeare in the North parts of the Realme they made a road into the Countrey of Northumberland and there committed great havock and harme Also on a certaine night they sodainly set upon the Castle of Werke the Captaine whereof Sir Thomas Gray was then one of the Knights of the Parliament and having slaine the watch partly a sleepe partly amazed with feare they brake in and surprised the place which they held a while and at the last spoiled and ruinated and then departed Whilest further harmes were feared this passed with light regard But when great perils were past as if no worse misfortune could have befallen then was it much sorrowed and lamented And in revenge thereof the Englishmen invaded and spoiled certaine Ilands of Orkney and so the losse was in some sort repaired yet as in the reprisals of warre it commonly falleth out neither against those particular persons which committed the harme nor for those which suffered it but one for another were both recompenced and revenged Againe the Scots set forth a fleet under the conduct of Sir Robert Logon with direction to attempt as occasion should bee offered his first purpose was against our Fishermen but before he came to any action hee was incountred by certaine English ships and the greatest part of his fleet taken Thus peace still continuing between both the Realmes a kind of theevish hostility was dayly practised which afterwards brake out into open warre upon this occasion George of Dunbarre Earle of the Marches of Scotland had betrothed Elizabeth his Daughter to David the Sonne and Heire apparent of Robert King of Scots and in regard of that marriage to be shortly celebrated and finished hee delivered into the Kings hands a great summe of money for his Daughters dowry But Archibald Earle Dowglasse disdaining that the Earle of Marches bloud should bee preferred before his so wrought with King Robert that Prince David his Son refused the Earle of Marches Daughter and tooke to wife Mariell Daughter to the Earle Dowglasse Earle George not used to offers of disgrace could hardly enforce his patience to endure this scorne and first hee demanded restitution of his money not so much for care to obtaine as for desire to pick an occasion of breaking his allegeance The King would make to him neither payment nor promise but trifled him off with many delusory and vaine delayes Whereupon hee fled with all his family into England to Henry Earle of Northumberland intending with open disloyalty both to revenge his indignity and recover his losse The Englishmen with open armes entertained the oportunity with whose helpe and assistance the Earle made divers incursions into Scotland where hee burnt many Townes and slew much people and dayly purchased with his sword great aboundance of booty and spoile Hereupon King Robert deprived the Earle of his honour sâ—ized all his goods and possessions and wrote unto King Henry as hee would have the truce betweene them any longer to continue either to deliver unto him the Earle of March and other Traytours to his person and state or else to banish them the Realme of England King Henry perceiving such jarres to jogger betweene the two Realmes that the peace was already as it were out of joynt determined not to lose the benefit of the discontented Subjects of his enemy whereupon hee returned an answer to the Herauld of Scotland that hee was neither weary of Peace nor fearefull of Warres and ready as occasion should change either to hold the one
or hazard the other but the word of a Prince was of great weight and therefore sith hee had granted a safe conduct to the â—arle of March and his company it were an impeachment to his honour without just cause to violate the same Vpon this answer the King of Scots did presently proclaime open warre against the King of England with bloud fire and sword King Henry thought it policy rather to beginne the warre in his enemies Countrey then to expect it in their owne because the Land which is the seat of the warre doth commonly furnish both sides with necessary supply the friend by contribution and the enemy by spoile Therefore sending certaine Troopes of horsemen before him both to espy and to induce an uncertaine terrour upon the enemy hee entred into Scotland with a puissant army wherewith hee burnt many Villages and Townes cast downe diverse Castles and ruined a great part of the Townes of Edenborough and Lith sparing nothing but Churches religious houses so that in all places as hee passed the spectacle was ougly and grisly which he left behind him bodies torne in pieces mangled and putrified limmes the aire infected with stinck the ground imbrued with corruption and bloud the Countrey wasted the Grasse and Corne troden downe and spoiled insomuch as a man would have said that warre is an exercise not of manhood but of inhumanity They that fled before the army filled all places with feare and terrour extolling above truth the English forces to diminish thereby their shame in running from shame In the end of September the King besieged the Castle of Maydens in Edenborough wherein were David Duke of Rothsay Prince of the Realme and Archibald Earle Dowglasse the inconstancy of the one and ambition of the other were principall causes of all this warre During this siege Robert Duke of Albony who was appointed Governour of the Realme because the King was sick and unable to rule sent an Herauld unto Henry assuring him upon his honour that if hee would abide but six dayes at the most hee would give him battaile and either remove the siege or looâ—e his life The King was well pleased with these tidings and rewarded the Herauld with a gowne of silke and a chaine of gould and promised him in the word of a Prince to abide there and expect the Governour during the time by him prefixed The six dayes passed almost six times over and no more newes was heard of the Governour either by presence or by messenger Winter came on and victuaile failed the Countrey was cold and fruitlesse and it rained every day in great aboundance so that partly by hunger partly by distemperature of the weather the Souldiers beâ—anne to dye of the Flixe it is very like that these accidents stayed the Governour from performing his promise for policy was against it to hazard his men in the field when Winter and want two forceable foes had given the charge upon his enemies certaine it is that they moved the King to remove his siege and to depart out of Scotland without any battaile or skirmish offered Both the Wardens of the Marches were all this time in Scotland with the King upon which advantage the Scots did breake into Northumberland and burnt certaine Townes in Bamborough Shire The English-men were speedily up in armes but the Scots more speedily made their returne or else no doubt they had beene mette with and encountered Againe when King Henry had discharged his army the Scots being desirous not so much of life as of revenge made a sudaine road into England under the conduct of Sir Thomas Halibarton of Dirleton and Sir Patrick Hebburne of Hales but all the harme which they wrought did rather waken then weaken the English-men and they themselves were somewhat encouraged but nothing enriched by that which they got Not long after Sir Patrick Hebburne being lifted up in desire and hope resolved to undertake a greater enterprize the people which are easily led by prosperous successe in great Companies resorted to him but hee was loath to have more fellowes in the spoile then hee thought should need in the danger therefore with a competent army of the men of Loughdeane hee invaded Northumberland where hee made great spoile and loaded his Souldiers with prisoners and prey There was no question made what perill might bee in the returne Therefore they marched loosely and licentiously as in a place of great security not keeping themselves to their ensignes and order but the Earle of Northumberlands Vice-warden and other Gentlemen of the borders in good array set upon them at a Towne in Northumberland called Nesbit The Scots rallied as well as the suddainnesse did serve and valiantly received the charge so that the battaile was sharp and cruell and continued a good time with great mortality In the end the enemies rankes grew thinne as being rather confusedly shuffled together then orderly and firmely compacted and when the Vice-warden felt them weake in the shock and yeelding under his hand with a company which hee purposely retained about him for suddaine dispatches and chances of warre hee fiercely charged and disordered them Sir Patrick Hebburne being cleane destitute both of Counsaile and courage ranne up and downe from one place to another commanding many things and presently forbidding them againe and the lesse of force his directions were the oftner did hee change them anon as it happeneth in lost and desperate cases every man became a Commander and none a putter in execution so the rankes loosed and brake and could not bee reunited the victour hotly pursuing the advantage Then might you have seene a grievous spectacle pursuing killing wounding and taking and killing those that were taken when better were offered every where weapons and dead bodies and mangled limmes lay scattered and sometimes in those that were slaine appeared at their death both anger and valour Sir Patrick Hebburne thought of nothing lesse then either fleeing or yeelding but thrusting among the thickest of his enemies honourably ended his life Many other of his lineage and the flower of all Loughdeane were likewise slaine There were also taken Sir Iohn and William Cockburne Sir Wilâ—iam Basse Iohn and Thomas Habâ—incton Esquires and a great multitude of common souldiers On the English side no great number was slaine and those of no great service and degree And with these troubles the life and raigne of King Henry the fourth ended FINIS Hist. Minor Maâ— Paris Matth. Paris Hist. Major Hist. S. Albani Chron. de Dunest â—oan de Wallingford Chron. dâ— Litchfield Guaâ— de Coven Mat. Paris Hist. Minor Chron. â—â—â—tri Pectaâ—vien Mat. Paris Cicero in Cattal sive Orat. prima Lib. Bermonsey vitâ— Ahhatis Albani Regis Roffen Annalis de â—ly Claus. anno 37. H. 3. M. 26. Chron. Hall Chron. Litchf Mat. Paris Roger Wendâ—ver Chron. Ioan. Sulgrave Chron. Reâ—ding H. Knighton Moh Leycest Wil. de Risharger Lib. Monastery Ramsâ—y Claus. anno 42. Hen. 3. Chro. London Wil. de Risharger Mat. Paris Wil. de Risharger Barth Coron Chron. Norwic. Chron. Worc. M. Paris Wendover Wallingford Paris Wil de Risharger Chron. S. Albani Gual de Covenary Wil de Risharger Chron. Litchf Hist. Minor Wil. de Risharger Epist. Robert Lincolne Matth. Paris Regis Roffen Iohan. de Wallingford Chron. de Litchf Claus anno 46. 47. Hen. 3. Claus anno 37. Hen. 3. Wil. de Rishanger Claus. anno 9. â—ib 3. Parl. Oxâ—on Matth. Paris Chron. Worc. Chron. Litâ—hf Claus. aâ—â—no 49. Hen. 3. Chron. S. Albani Regis Roffen Rot. in Scrio Wil. de Rishanger Scacar Rot. â—egiâ— in Scâ—â—a 56. H. 3. Wallingford Wil. de Rishaâ—ger Chron. de Dunst. Ordâ—â—at inter Rec. Lond. Chron. Origin sub â—â—gillo Chron. Luchf Wil. dâ— Rishaâ—geâ— Chr. Britanniae Chron. Dunst. Wil. de Risharger Rot. part 53. H. 3. M. 51. Rishanger Io. Tuxeter Mon. Bury Rot. Cart. 51.52 Hen. 3. Claus. 52. H. 3. M. 29. Chron. Dunst. Ordinat author Reg. aulae Glaus 53. Hen. 3. Rishanger Pat. 53. 54. Hen. 3. Comment de Trail bâ—ston Barth Coâ—on Chron. Norwic. Crostino Purificationis 1388. 1389. 1390. 1392. 1393. 1397. 1398. Tranquil in Caligula Tacitus in Proaemio Ier. 25 9. Ezech. 29 18. Ier. 29 7. Bacuch 1.11 * * So did Domitian put to death Epaphroditus Neroes libertine because he helped Nero although in love to kill himselfe So did Severus kill all the killers of Pertinax his Predecessour and likewise Vitellius did put to death all the murtherers of Galba Theophilus Emperour of Grecia caused all those to bee slaine who had made his Father Emperour by killing Leo Arâ—â—nius And Alexander the great put to cruell execution those that had slaine Darius his mighty and mortall enemy Deut. 17.12 Psal. 105. Exod. 22.28 Act. 23.5 Rom. 13.1.13 Tit. 3.1 1 Pet. 2.13 14 17. 2 Tim 2.2 Rom. 13.2 Iohn 19.11 Cap. 45.1 2 Chron. 36.22 2 Chron. 19.6 Psal. 28. Sap. 6. Quintil. in declam Cic. offic lib. 1. Nehem 9.37 Alphons a casâ— in lâ—b de baerâ—s in verb. Tiran Dom Sot lib. 5. de just jur q. 1 artic 3.