Honmê° Franciscê° Baconê° Baro de Verulam Vice-Comes S cti Albani Mortuus 9º Aprilis Anno DnÌ„i 1626. Annoque Aetat 66. Resuscitatio Or Bringing into PUBLICK LIGHT SEVERALL PIECES OF THE WORKS Civil Historical Philosophical Theological HITHERTO SLEEPING Of the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban According to the best Corrected COPPIES Together With his Lordships LIFE By WILLIAM RAWLEY Doctor in Divinity His Lordships First and Last CHAPLEINE Afterwards CHAPLEINE to His late MAIESTY LONDON Printed by Sarah Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A GENERALL TABLE OF THE TRACTATES Contained in this BOOK 1. SPeeches in Parliament Sâ—aâ—-chamber Kings Bench Chancery and other where Fol. 1 2. Observations upon a Libell published in Anno 1592. 103 3. A true Report of Doctor Lopez his Treason 151 4. An Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of England 162 5. A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth 181 6. A brief Discourse of the Union of England and Scotland 197 6. Articles and Considerations touching the Union aforesaid 206 7. A Beginning of the History of Great Britain 221 8. A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers 225 9. Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England 233 10. Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland 255 11. Advice to the King touching Mr. Suttons Estate 265 12. A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England 271 13. A Fragment of an Essay of Fame 281 14. Letters to Queen Elizabeth King James divers Lords and others 1 15. Other Letters 89 16. A Confession of the Faith 115 TO THE READER HAving been employed as an Amanuensis or dayly instrument to this Honourable Authour And acquainted with his Lordships Conceits in the composing of his Works for many yeâ—rs together Especially in his writing â—ime I conceived that no Man could pretend a better Interest or Claim to the ordering of them after his Death then myself For which cause I have compiled in one whatsoever bears the true Stamp of his Lordships excellent Genius And hath hitherto slept and been suppressed In this present Volume Not leaving any Thing to a future Hand which I found to be of moment and communicable to the Publick Save onely some few Latine Works Which by Gods Favour and sufferance shall soon after follow It is true that for some of the Pieces herein contained his Lordship did not aim at the Publication of them but at the Preservation onely And Prohibiting them from Perishing So as to have been reposed in some Private shrine or Library But now for that through the loose keeping of his Lordships Papers whilest he lived divers Surreptitious Copies have been taken which have since employed the Presse with â—undry Corrupt and Mangled Editions whereby Nothing hath been more difficult than to find the Lord Saint Alban in the Lord Saint Alban And which have presented some of them rather a Fardle of Non-sâ—nse then any true Expressions of his Lordships Happy Vein I thought my self in a sort tied to vindicate these Injuriâ—s and wrongs done to the Monuments of his Lordships Penne And at once by setting forth the true and Geâ—uine writings themselves to prevent the like Invasions for the time to come And the rather in regard of the Distance of the time since his Lordsâ—ips Dayes whereby I shall not tread too near upon the Heels of Truth Or of the Passages and Persons then concerned I was induced hereunto Which considering the Lubricity of Life And for that I account my self to be Not now in Vergentibus but in Praecipitantibus Annis I was desirous to hasten Wherein I shall crave leave to open my Counsels and Purposes as concerning this present Edition in these five Particulars First I have ranked the severall Tractates Either according to the Dignity of the Work as Demosthenes or Cicero's Orations do precede Demosthenes or Cicero's Epistles Or else according to the Series of the Times wherein they were written or to which they refer By which Means they may give the better Light the one Part to the other Secondly I thought it fitting to intimate That the Discourse within contained Entituled A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth was written by his Lordship in Latine onely whereof though his Lordship had his particular Ends then yet in regard that I held it a Duty That her own Nation over which she so happily reigned for many years should be acquainted and possessed with the Vertues of that excellent Queen as well as Forrein Nations I was induced many years agoe to put the same into the English Tongue Not Ad Verbum For that had been â—ut Flat and Injudicious But as far as my slender Ability could reach according to the Expressions which I conceived his Lordship would have rendred it in if he had written the same in English Yet ever acknowledging that Zeuxis or Apelles Pencill could not be attained but by Zeuxis or Apelles Himself This Work in the Latine his Lordship so much affected That He had ordained by his last Will and Testament to have had it published many years since But that singular Person entrusted therewith soon after deceased And therefore it must now expect a Time to come forth amongst his Lordships other Latin Works Thirdly in the Collection of Letters which is as the Fourth Part of this Volume there are inserted some few which were written by other Pennes and not by his Lordships own Like as we find in the Epistolar Authours Cicero Plinius secundus and the rest which because I found them immixed amongst his Lordships Papers And that they are written with some similitude of Stile I was loath they should bâ— left to a Grave at that time when his Lordships own Conceptions were brought to life Fourthly for that Treatise of his Lordships Inscribed A Confession of the Faith I have ranked that in the Close of this whole Volume Thereby to demonstrate to the World That he was a Master in Divinity as well as in Philosophy or Politicks And that he was Versed no lesse in the saving Knowledge Than in the Vniversall and Adorning Knowledges For though he composed the same many years before his Death yet I thought that to be the fittest place As the most acceptable Incense unto God of the Faith wherein he resigned his Breath The Crowning of all his other Perfections and Abilities And the best Perfume of his Name to the World after his Death Lastly if it be objected that some few of the Pieces whereof this whole consisteth had visited the Publick Light before It is true that they had been obtruded to the World by unknown Hands But with such Skars and Blemishes upon their Faces That they could passe but for a Spurious and Adulterine Brood and not for his
Merchants should pay Strangers Custome in England that resteth upon the Point of Naturalization which I touched before Thus have I made your Majesty a brief and naked Memoriall of the Articles and Points of this great Cause which may serve onely to excite and stir up your Majesties Royall Iudgement and the Iudgement of Wiser Men whom you will be pleased to call to it Wherein I will not presume to perswade or disswade any thing Nor to interpose mine own Opinion But do expect light from your Majesties Royall Directions Unto the which I shall ever submit my Iudgement and apply my Travailes And I most humbly pray your Majesty in this which is done to pardon my Errours and to cover them with my good Intention and Meaning and Desire I have to do your Majesty Service And to acquiâ—e the Trust that was reposed in me And chiefly in your Majesties benign and gracious Acceptation FINIS THE BEGINNING OF THE HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN BY the Decease of Elizabeth Queen of England the Issues of King Henry the 8th failed Being spent in one Generation and three Successions For that King though he were one of the goodliest Persons of his time yet he left onely by his Six Wives three Children who Raigning successively and Dying Childelesse made place to the Line of Margaret his eldest Sister Married to Iames the 4th King of Scotland There succeeded therefore to the Kingdome of England Iames the 6th then King of Scotland descended of the same Margaret both by Father and Mother So that by a rare Event in the Pedegrees of Kings it seemed as if the Divine Providence to extinguish and take away all Note of a Stranger had doubledâ— upon his Person within the Circle of one Age the Royall Bloud of England by both Parents This sucâ—ession drew towards it the Eyes of all Men Being one of the most memorable Accidents that had hapned a long time in the Christian World For the Kingdome of France having been re-united in the Age before in all the Provinces thereof formerly dismembred And the Kingdome of Spain being of more fresh memory united and made entire by the Annexing of Portugall in the Person of Philip the second There remained but this Third and last Vnion for the counterpoizing of the Power of these three great Monarchies And the disposing of the Affaires of Europe thereby to a more assured and universall Peace and Concord And this Event did hold Mens Observations and Discourses the more Because the Island of Great Britain divided from the Rest of the World was never before united in it self under one King Notwithstanding the People be of one Language and not separate by Mountains or great Waters And notwithstanding also that the uniting of them had been in former times industriously attempted both by Warre and Treaty Therefore it seemed a manifest work of Providence and Case of Reservation for these times Insomuch as the vulgar conceived that now there was an End given and a Consummation to superstitious Prophecies The Belief of Fooles but the Talk sometimes of Wise Men And to an ancient tacite Expectation which had by Tradition been infused and inveterated into Mens Minds But as the best Divinations and Predictions are the Politick and probable Foresight and Conjectures of wise Men So in this Matter the Providence of King Hen. the 7th was in all Mens Mouths Who being one of the Deepest and most prudent Princes of the World upon the Deliberation concerning the Marriage of his Eldest Daughter into Scotland had by some Speech uttered by him shewed himself sensible and almost Prescient of this Event Neither did there want a Concurrence of divers Rare externall Circumstances besides the Vertues and Conditions of the Person which gave great Reputation to this Succession Aâ— King in the strength of his years supported with great Alliances abroad established with Royall Issue at home at Peace with all the World practised in the Regiment of such a Kingdome as mought rather enable a King by variety of Accidents then corrupt him with Affluence or vain glory And One that besides his universall Capacity and Judgement was notably exercised and practised in Matters of Religion and the Church Which in these times by the confused use of both Swords are become so intermixed with Considerations of Estate as most of the Counsailes of Soveraign Princes or Republiques depend upon them But nothing did more fill Forraign Nations with Admiration and Expectation of his Succession then the wonderfull and by them unexpected Consent of all Estates and Subjects of England for the receiving of the King without the least scruple Pause or Question For it had been generally dispersed by the Fugitives beyond the Seas who partly to apply themselves to the Ambition of Forreiners And partly to give Estimation and value to their own Employments used to represent the state of England in a false light That after Queen Elizabeths Decease there must follow in England nothing but Confusions Interregâ—s and perturbations of Estate likely for to exceed the Ancient Calamities of the Civill Wars between the Houses of Lancaster and York By how much more the Dissentions were like to be more Mortall and Bloudy when Forraign Competition should be added to Domesticall And Divisions for Religion to Matter of â—itle to the Crown And in speciall Parsons the Iesuite under a disguised Name had not long before published an expresse Treatise Wherein whether his Malice made hâ—m believe his own Fancies Or whether he thought it the fittest way to move Sedition Like evill Spirits which seem to foretell the Tempest they mean to move He laboured to display and give colour to all the vain Pretences and Dreams of Succession which he could imagine And thereby had possessed Many abroad that knew not the Affaires here with those his Vanities Neither wanted there here within this Realm divers Persons both Wise and well affected who though they doubted not of the undoubted Right yet setting befoâ—e themselves the waves of peoples Hearts Guided no lesse by suddain and temporary Winds then by the naturall Course and Motion of the Waters Were not without fear what mought be the Event For Queen Elizabeth being a Prince of extream Caution and yet One that loved Admiration above Safety And knowing The Declaration of a Successour mought in point of Safety be disputable But in point of Admiration and Respect assuredly to her Disadvantage Had from the beginning set it down for a Maxime of Estate to impose a Silence touching Succession Neither was it onely Reserved as a Secret of Estate but Restrained by severe Lawes That no Man should presume to give Opinion or maintain Argument touching the same So though the Evidence of Right drew all the Subjects of the Land to think one Thing yet the Fear of Danger of Law made no Man privy to others Thought And therefore it rejoyced all Men to see so fair a Morning of a Kingdome and to be throughly secured of former Apprehensions As
a particular Examination of it Thirdly whether we shall content our selves with some Entry or Protestation amongst our selves And Fourthly whether we shall proceed to a Message to the King And what Thus I have told you mine Opinion I know it had been more safe and politick to have been silent But it is perhaps more honest and lovingâ— to speak The old Verse is Nam nulli tacuisse nocet nocet esse locutum But by your leave David saiâ—h Silui à bonis Dolor meus renovatus est When a Man speaketh He may be wounded by Others but if He holds his peace from Good Things he wounds Himself So I have done my part and leave it to you to do that which you shall judge to be the best The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon Knight his Majesties Atturney Generall against William Talbot a Counsellor at Law of Ireland upon an Information in the Star-Chamber Ore tenus For a writing under his Hand whereby the said William Talbot being demanded whether the Doctrine of Suarez touching Deposing and Killing of Kings Excommunicated were true or no He answered that he referred himself unto that which the Catholick Roman Church should determine thereof Ultimo die Termini Hilarij undecimo Iacobi Regis My Lords I Brought before you the first sitting of this Term the Cause of Duels But now this last sitting I shall bring before you a Cause concerning the greatest Duell which is in the Christian World The Duels and Conflicts between the lawfull Authority of Soveraign Kings which is Gods Ordinance for the comfort of Humane Society And the swelling pride and usurpation of the See of Rome in Temporalibus Tending altogether to Anarchy and Confusion Wherein if this pretence by the Pope of Rome by Cartels to make Soveraign Princes as the Banditi And to proscribe their Lives and to expose their Kingdomes to prey If these pretences I say and all Persons that submit themselves to that part of the Popes Power be not by all possible Severity repressed and punished The State of Christian Kings will be no other then the ancient Torment described by the Poets in the Hell of the Heathen A man sitting richly roabed solemnly attended delicious fare c. With a Sword hanging over his Head hanging by a small thread ready every moment to be cut down by an accursing and accursed hand Surely I had thought they had been the Prerogatives of God alone and of his secret Judgements Solvam Cingula Regum I will loosen the Girdles of Kings Or again He powreth contempt upon Princes Or I will give a King in my wrath and take him away again in my displeasure And the like but if these be the Claims of a Mortall Man certainly they are but the Mysteries of that Person which exalts himself above all that is called God Supra omne quod dicitur Deus Note it well Not above God though that in a sense be true in respect of the Authority they claim over the Scriptures But Above all that is called God That is Lawfull Kings and Magistrates But my Lords in this uel I find this Talbot that is now before you but a Coward For he hath given ground He hath gone backward and forward But in such a fashion and with such Interchange of Repenting and Relapsing as I cannot tell whether it doth extenuate or aggravate his Offence If he shall more publikely in the face of the Court fall and settle upon a right mind I shall be glad of it And he that would be against the Kings Mercy I would he might need the Kings Mercy But neverthelesse the Court will proceed by Rules of Justice The Offence wherewith I charge this Talbot Prisoner at the Bar is this in brief and in Effect That he hath maintained and maintaineth under his hand a power in the Pope for the Deposing and Murthering of Kings In what sort he doth this when I come to the proper and particular charge I will deliver it in his own words without Pressing or Straining Buâ— before I come to the particular charge of this Man I cannot proceed so coldly but I must expresse unto your Lordships the extreme and imminent Danger wherein our Dear and Dread Soveraign is And in him we all Nay and wherein all Princes of both Religions For it is a common Cause do stand at this day By the spreading and Enforcing of this furious and pernicious Opinion of the Popes Temporall Power which though the modest Sort would blanch with the Distinction of In ordine ad Spiritualia yet that is but an Elusion For he that maketh the Distinction will also make the Case This perill though it be in it self notorious yet because there is a kind of Dulness and almost a Lethargy in this Age Give me leave to set before you two Glasses Such as certainly the like never met in one Age The Glasses of France and the Glasse of England In that of France the Tragedies acted and executed in two Immediate Kings In the Glasse of England the same or more horrible attempted likewise in a Queen and King immediate But ending in a happy Deliverance In France H. 3. in the face of his Army before the walls of Paris stabbed by a wretched Iacobine Fryer H. 4. a Prince that the French do surname the Great One that had been a Saviour and Redeemer of his Country from infinite Calamities And a Restorer of that Monarchy to the ancient State and Splendour And a Prince almost Heroicall except it be in the Point of Revolt from Religion At a time when he was as it were to mount on Horse-back for the Commanding of the greatest Forces that of long time had been levied in France This King likewise stilletted by a Rascal votary which had been enchanted and conjured for the purpose In England Queen Elizabeth of blessed memory A Queen comparable and to be rankt with the greatest Kings Oftentimes attempted by like votaries Sommervile Parry Savage and others But still protected by the Watch-man that Slumbreth not Again our excellent Soveraign King Iames The Sweetness and Clemency of whose nature were enough to quench and mortifie all Malignity And a King shielded and supported by Posterity Yet this King in the Chair of Majesty his Vine and Olive Branches about him Attended by his Nobles and Third Estate in Parliament Ready in the Twinckling of an Eye As if it had been a particular Doomesday To have been brought to Ashes dispersed to the four Winds I noted the last day my Lord Chief Iustice when he spake of this Powder Treason he laboured for words Though they came from him with great Efficacy yet he truly confessed and so must all Men That that Treason is above the Charge and Report of any Words whatsoever Now my Lords I cannot let passe but in these Glasses which I spake of besides the Facts themselves and Danger to shew you two Things The one the Wayes of God Almighty which turneth the Sword of Rome
Better Commissioners to examine it The Term â—ath been almost turned into a Iustitium or Vacancy The People themselves being more willing to be Lookers on in this Business then to follow their own There hath been no Care of Discovery omitted no Moment of Time lost And therefore I will conclude this Part with the Saying of Salomon Gloria Dei celare rem gloria Regis Scrutari rem And his Majesties Honour is much the greater for that he hath shewed to the World in this Businesse as it hath Relation to my Lord of Sommerset whose Case in no sort I do prejudge being ignorant of the Secrets of the Cause but taking him as the Law takes him hitherto for a Suspect I say the King hath to his great Honour shewed That were any Man in such a Case of Bloud as the Signet upon his Right Hand as the Scripture sayes yet would He put him off Now will I come to the particular Charge of these Gentlemen whose Qualities and Persons I respect and love For they are all my particular Friends But now I can only do this Duty of a Friend to them to make them know their Fault to the full And therefore first I will by way of Narrative declare to your Lordships the Fact with the occasion of it Then you shall have their Confessions read upon which you are to proceed Together with some Collaterall Testimonies by way of Aggravation And lastly I will note and observe to your Lordships the Materiall points which I do insist upon for their Charge And so leave them to their Answer And this I will doe very briefly for the Case is not perplexed That wretched Man Weston who was the Actor or Mechanicall Party in this Impoysonment at the first day being indicted by a very substantiall Iury of Selected Cittizens to the number of 19. who foâ—nd â—illa vera yet neverthelesse at the first stood mute But after some dayes Intermission it pleased God to cast out the Dumb Devill And that he did put himself upon his Tryall And was by a Jury also of great Value upon his Confession and other Testimonies found guilty So as 31. sufficient Iurours have passed upon him whereupon Judgement and Execution was awaâ—ded against him After this being in preparation for another World he sent for Sr. Thomas Overburies Father and falling down upon his knees with great Remorce and Compunction asked him forgivenesse Aftâ—rwards againe of his own Motion desired to have his like prayer of forgivenesseâ— recommended to his Mother who was abâ—ent And at boâ—h times out of the abundance of his Heart Confâ—ssâ—d that he was to die justly and that he was woâ—thy of Deâ—th And after again at his Execution which is a kind of sealing tâ—me of Confessions evâ—n at the point of Death Although there were Tempters about him as you shall hear by and by yet he did again confirm publickly that his Examinations weâ—e â—rue And that he had been justly and honourably dealt with Here is the Narrative which enduceth the Charge The Chaâ—ge it self is this M. L. Whose Offence stands alone single the Offence of the other two being in consort And yet all three meetingâ— in their End and Center which was to interrupt or deface this Excellent piece of Iustice M. L. I say mean while between Westons standing mute and his Tryall Takes upon him to mâ—ke a most False Odious and Libellous Relation Containing as many Untruths as Lines And sets it down in writing with his own Hand And deliveâ—s it to Mr. Henry Gibb of the Bed-chamber to be put into the Kings Hand In which writing he doth falsifie and pervert all that was done the first day at the Arraignment of Weston Turning the Pike and Point of his Imputations principally upon my Lord Chief Iustice of England Whose Name thus occurring I cannot pass by And yet I can not skill to flatter But this I will say of him and I would say as much to Ages if I should write a Story That never Mans Person and his place were better met in a Businesse then my Lord Cooke and my Lord Chief Iustice in the Cause of Overbury Now My Lords in this Offence of M. L For the particulars of these slanderous Articles I will observe them unto you when the Writings and Examinations are read For I do not love to set the Gloss before the Text. But in generalâ— I noâ—e to your Lordships First the Person of M. L. I know he is a Scottish Gentleman and thereby more ignorant of our Lawes and Formes But I cannot tell whither this doth extenuate his Fault in râ—spect of Ignorance Or aggravate it much in respect of Presumptiou That he would meddle in that that he understood not But I doubt it came not out of his Quiver Some other Mans Cunning wrought upon this Mans Boldnesse Secondly I may note unto you the Greatnesse of the Cause Wherein he being a private mean Gentleman did presume to deal M. L could not but know to what great and grave Commissioners the King had committed this Cause And that his Majesâ—y in his Wiâ—edom would expect return of all things from them to whose trust he had committed this Businesse For it is the part of Commissioners as well to report the Businesse as to mannage the Businâ—sse And then his Majesty mought have been sure to have had all thingâ— well weighed and truly informed And therefore it should have been far from M. L. to have presumed to have put fâ—rth his Hand to so high and tender a Businesse which was not to be touched but by Employed Hands Thirdly I note to your Lordships that this Infusion of a Slander into a Kings Ear is of all Formes of Libells and Slanders the worst It is true that Kingâ— may keep secret their Informations and then no Man ought to enquire after them while they are shrined in their Breast But where a King is pleased that a Man shall answer for his false Information There I say the false Information to a King â—xceeds in Offence the false Information of any other kind Being a kind since we are in matter of Poyson of Impoysonment of a Kings Ear. And thus much for the Offence of M. L. For the Offence of S. W. and H. I. which I said was in consort it was shortly this At the â—ime and Place of the Execution of Weston To â—upplant his Christian Resolution and to Scandalâ—zeâ—he â—he Iustice already past perhapâ— to cut off the thred of thâ—tâ— which is to come These Gentlemen with others came mounted on Horseback And in a Ruffling and Facing manner put themselves forward to re-examine Weston upon Questions And what Questions Directly crosse to that that had been tryed and judged For what was the point tried That Weston had poysoned Overbury What was S. W. Question Whether Weston did poyson Ovâ—rbury or no A Contradictory directly Weston answered only that he did him wrong And turning to the Sheriffe said You promised me I
many wayes And namely to make a Breach between Scotland and England her Majesties Forces were again in the year 1582. by the Kings best and truest Servants sought and required And with the Forces of her Maâ—esty prevailed so far as to be possessed of the Castle of Edenborough the principall part of that Kingdome which neverthelesse her Majesty incontinently with all Honour and Sincerity restored After she had put the King into good and faithfull Hands And so ever since in all the Occasions of Intestine Troubles whereunto that Nation hath been ever subject she hath performed unto the King all possible good Offices and such as he doth with all good Affection acknowledge The same House of Cuise under Colour of Alliance during the Raign of Francis the second and by the Support and practâ—â—â— of the Queen Mother who desiring to retain the Regency under her own Hands during the Minority of Charles the ninth used those of â—uise as a Counterpoise to the Princes of the Bloud obtained also great Authority in the Kingdome of France whereupon having raised and moved Civill Warrs under preâ—ence of Religion But indeed to enfeeble and depresse the Ancient Nobility of that Realm The contrary Part being compounded of the Bloud Royall and the Greatest Officers of the â—rown opposed themselves onely against their Insolency And to their Aides called in her Majesties Forces giving them for security the Town of New-Haven which neverthelesse when as afterwards having by the Reputation of her Majesties Confederation made their Peace in Effect as they would themselves They would without observing any Conditions that had passed have had it back again Then indeed it was held by force and so had been long but for the great Mortality which it pleased God to send amongst our Men. After which time so far was her Majesty from seeking to sowe or kindle New Troubles As continually by the Sollicitation of her Embassadours she still perswaded with the Kings both Charles the 9th and Hen. the 3d to keep and observe their Edicts of Pacification and to preserve their Authority by the Union of their Subjects which Counsell if it had been as happily followed as it was prudently and sincerely given France had been at this day a most Flourishing Kingdome which is now a Theater of Misery And now in the end after that the Ambitious Practises of the same House of Guise had grown to that Ripeness that gathering further strength upon the weakness and Misgovernment of the said King Hen. 3d He was fain to execute the Duke of Guise without Ceremony at Bloys And yet neverthelesse so many Men were embarqued and engaged in that Conspiracy as the Flame thereof was nothing asswaged But contrarywise that King Hen. grew distressed so as he was enforced to implore the Succours of England from her Majesty Though no way interessed in that Quarrell Nor any way obliged for any good offices she had received of that King yet she accorded the same Before the Arrivall of which Forces the King being by a sacrilegious Iacobine murthered in his Camp near Paris yet they went on and came in good time for the Assistance of the King which now raigneth The Justice of whose Quarrell together with the long continued Amity and good Intelligence which her Majesty had with him hath moved her Majesty from time to time to supply with great Aides And yet she never by any Demand urged upon him the putting into her Hands of any Town or Place So as upon this that hath been said let the Reader judge whether hath been the more Just and Honourable Proceeding And the more free from Ambition and Passion towards other States That of Spain or that of England Now let us examine the proceedings reciproque between themselves Her Majesty at her Comming to the Crown found her Realm entangled with the Wars of France and Scotland her nearest Neighbours which Wars were grounded onely upon the Spaniards Quarrell But in the pursuit of them had lost England the Town of Calice Which from the 21. year of King Edward 3 had been possessed by the Kings of England There was a meeting near Burdeaux towards the end of Queen Maries Raign between the Commissioners of France Spain and England and some Overture of Peace was made But broke off upon the Article of the Resâ—itution of Callice After Queen Maries Death the King of Spain thinking himself dischaâ—ged of that Difficulty though in hoâ—our he was no lesse bound to it then before renewed the like Treaty wherein her Majesty concurred so as the Commissioners for the said Princes met at Chasteau Cambraâ—ssi near Cambray In the proceedings of which Treaty it is true that at the first the Commissioners of Spain for form and in Demonstration onely pretended to stand firm upon the Demand of Calliceâ— but it was discerned indeed that the Kings Meaning was after â—ome Ceremonies and perfunctory Insisting thereupon to grow apart to a â—eace with the French excluding her Majesty And so to leave her to make her own Peace after her People Had made his Wars Which Covert Dealing being politickly looked into her Majesty had reason being newly invested in her Kingdom And of her own Inclination being affected to Peace To conclude the same with such Conditions as she mought And yet the King of Spain in his Dissimulation had so much Advantage as she was fain to do it in a Treaty apart with the Frâ—nch whereby to one that is not informed of the Counsels and Treaties of State as they passed it should seem to be a voluntary Agreement of her Majesty whereto the King of Spain would not be party whereas indeed he left her no other choice And this was the first Assay or Earnest penny of that Kings good affection to her Majesty About the same time when the King was sollicited to renew such Treaties and Leagues as had passed between the two Crowns of Spain and England by the Lord Cobham sent unto him to acquaint him with the Death of Queen Mary And afterwards by Sir Thomas Challenor and Sir Thomas Chamberlain successively Embassadours Resident in his Low Countries Who had order divers times during their Charge to make Overtures thereof both unto the King and certain principall persons about him And lastly those former Motions taking no effect By Viscount Montacute and Sir Thomas Chamberlain sent unto Spain in the year 1560 no other Answer could be had or obtained of the King but that the Treaties did stand in as good Force to all Intents as new Ratification could make them An Answer strange at that time but very conformable to his Proceedings since which belike even then were closely smothered in his own Breast For had he not at that time some hidden Alienation of Mind and Design of an Enemy towards her Majesty So wise a King could not be ignorant That the Renewing and Ratifying of Treaties between Princes and States do adde great Life and Force both of Assurance to the parties themselves
that all those which had any Authority or bare Office in the State had subscribed to it yet for that she saw it was not agreeable to the Word of God nor to the Primitive Purity nor to her own Conscience she did with a great deal of Courage and with the assistance of a very few Persons quite expell and abolish it Neither did she this by precipitate and Heady Courses but Timing it wisely and soberly And this may well be conjectured as from the Thing it self so also by an Answer of hers which she made upon occasion For within a very few dayes of her Comming to the Crown when many Prisoners were released out of Prison as the Custome is at the Inauguration of a Prince There came to her one day as she was going to Chappell a certain Courtier that had the Liberty of a Buffone And either out of his own Motion or by the Instigation of a wiser Man presenâ—ed her with a Petition And before a great number of Courtiers said to her with a loud voice That there were yet four or five Prisoners unjustly detained in Prison He came to be a Suter to have them set at Liberty Those were the four Evangelists and the Apostle Saint Paul who had been long shut up in an unknown tongue as it were in Prison so as they could not converse with the common People The Queen answered very gravely That it was best first to enquire of them whether they would be set at liberty or no Thus she silenced an unseasonable Motion with a doubtfull Answer As reserving the Matter wholly in her own Power Neither did she bring in this Alteration timorously or by pieces but in a grave and mature Manner after a Conference betwixt both Sides and the Calling and Conclusion of a Parliament And thus within the Compasse of one year she did so establish and settle all Matters belonging to the Church as she departed not one Haires Breadth from them to the end of her Life Nay and her usuall Custom was in the beginning of every Parliament to forewarn the Houses not to question or innovate any thing already established in the Discipline or Rites of the Church And thus much of her Religion Now if there be any Severer Nature that shall tax her for that she suffered her self and was very willing to be courted wooed and to have Sonnets made in her Commendation And that she continued this longer then was decent for her years Notwithstanding if you will take this Matter at the best it is not without singular Admiration Being much like unto that which we find in Fabulous Narrations of a certain Queen in the Fortunate Islands and of her Court and Fashions where Faire purpose and Love-making was allowed but Lasciviâ—usnesse banished But if you will take it at the worst even so it amounteth to a more high Admiration Considering that these Courtships did not much eclipse her Fame and not at all her Majesty Neither did they make her lesse Apt for Government or check with the affaires and businesses of the Publick For such passages as these do often entertain the time even with the greatest Princes But to make an end of this Discourse Certainly this Princesse was Good and Morall And such she would be acknowledged She Detested Vice And desired to purchase Fame only by honourable Courses And indeed whilest I mention her Morall Parts there comes a certain pasâ—age into my mind which I will insert Once giving order to write to her Embassadour about certain Instructions to be delivered apart to the Queen Mother of the House of Valois And that her Secretary had inserted a certain Clause that the Embassadour should say as it were to endear her to the Queen Mother That they two were the only paire of Female Princes from whom for experience and Arts of Government there was no lesse expected then from the greatest Kings She utterly disliked the Comparison and commanded it to be put out saying That she practised other principles and Arts of â—overnment then the Queen Mother did Besides she was not a little pleased if any one should fortune to tell her that suppose she had lived in a private Fortune yet she could not have escaped without some Note of Excellency and Singularity in her Sex So little did she desire to borrow or be beholding to her Fortune for her Praise But if I should wade further into this Queenes Praises Morall or Politick either I must slide into certain Common places and Heads of Vertue which were not worthy of so great a Princesse Or if I should desire to give her Vertues the true Grace and Lustre I must fall into a History of her Life Which requireth both better Leisure and a better Pen then mine is Thus much in brief according to my ability But to say the Truth The only Commender of this Ladies vertues is Time Which for as many Ages as it hath runn hath not yet shewed us one of the Female Sex equall to Her in the Administration of a Kingdom SEVERALL DISCOURSES VVritten in the Dayes OF KING JAMES Whereof some of them PRESENTED TO His Maiesty BEING A brief Discourse of the Vnion of England and Scotland Articles and Considerations touching the Vnion aforesaid A Beginning of the History of Great Britain A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland Advice to the King touching Suttons Estate A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England A Fragment of an Essay of Fame By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by S. Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A BRIEFE DISCOURSE Of the Happy UNION OF THE KINGDOMES OF ENGLAND and SCOTLAND Dedicated in Private TO HIS MAJESTY I Do not find it strange excelleâ—t King that when Heraclitus he that was surnamedâ— the Obscure had set forth a certain Book which is not now extant many Men took it for a Discourse of Nature And many others took it for a Treatise of Pollicy For there is a great Affinity and Consent between the Rules of Nature and the true Rules of Pollicy The one being nothing else but an Order in the Government of the World And the other an Order in the Government of an Estate And therefore the Education and Erudition of the Kings of Persia was in a Science which was termed by a Name then of great Reverence but now degenerate and taken in the ill part For the Persian Magick which was the secret Literature of their â—ings was an Application of the Contemplations and Observatâ—ons of Nature unto a sense Politick Taking the Fundamentall Lawes of Nature and the Branches and Passages of them as an Origiâ—all or fiâ—st
a Man that awaketh out of a Fearfull Dream But so it was that not onely the Consent but the Applause and Joy was infinite and not to be expressed thronghout the Realm of England upon this Succession Whereof the Consent no doubt may be truly ascribed to the Clearnesse of the Right But the generall Joy Alacrity and Gratulation were the Effects of differing Causes For Queen Elizabeth although she had the use of many both Vertues and Demonstrations that mought draw and knit unto her the Hearts of her People Yet neverthelesse carrying a Hand Restrained in Gift and strained in Points of Prerogative could not answer the Votes either of Servants or Subjects to a full Contentment especially in her latter Dayes when the Continuance of her Raign which extended to Five and Forty years mought discover in People their Naturall Desire and Inclination towards Change So that a new Court and a new Raign were not to many unwelcome Many were glad and especially those of Setled â—state and Fortunes that the Feares and Incertainties were Over-blown and that the Dye was cast Others that had made their way with the King or offered their Service in the Time of the former Queen thought now the Time was come for which they had prepared And generally all such as had any dependance upon the late Earl of Essex Who had mingled the Secrecyâ— of his own Ends with the Popular pretence of advancing the Kings Title Made account theiâ— Cause was amended Again such as â—ought misdoubt they had given the King any occasion of Distast did continue by their Forwardnesse and Confidence to shew it was but their Fastness to the Former Government And that those Affections ended with the Time The Papists nourished their hopes by collating the Case of the Papists in England and under Queen Elizabeth and the Case of the Papists in Scotland under the King Interpreting that the Condition of them in Scotland was the lesse Grievous And divining of the Kings Government here accordingly Besides the Comforâ— they ministred themselves from the Memory of the Queen his Moâ—her The Ministers and those which stood for the Presbytery thought their Cause had more Sympathy with the Discipline of Scotland then the Hierarchy of England And so took themselves to be a Degree nearer their Desires Thus had every Condition of Persons some Contemplation of Benefit which they promised themselves Over-reaching perhaps according to the Nature of Hope But yet not without some probable Ground of Conjecture At which time also there came sorth in Print the Kings Book entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Containing Matter of Instruction to the Prince his Son touching the Ofâ—ice of a King Which Booke falling into every Mans Hand filled the whole Realm as with a good Perfume or Incense before the Kings comming in For being excellently written and having nothing of Affectation it did not only satisfie better then particular Reports touching the Kings Disposition But far exceeded any formall or curious Edict or Declaration which could have been devised of that Nature wherewith Princes in the beginning of their Raignes do use to grace themselves or at least expresse themselves gracious in the Eyes of their People And this was for the generall the State and Constitution of Mens Minds upon this Change The Actions themselves passed in this Manner c. The Rest is wanting A LETTER AND DISCOURSE TO Sir HENRY SAVILL TOUCHING HELPS FOR THE INTELLECTVAL POWERS SIR COming back from your Invitation at Eton where I had refreshed my Self with Company which I loved I fell into a Consideration of that Part of Policy whereof Philosophy speaketh too muchâ— and Lawes too little And that is of Education of Youth Whereupon fixing my mindâ— a while I found strait wayes and noted even in the Discourses of Philosophers which are so large in this Argument a strange Silence concerning one principall Part of that Subject For as touching the Framing and Seasoning of Youth to Morall Vertue As Tolerance of Labours Continency from Pleasures Obedience Honour and the like They handle it But touching the Improvement and Helping of the Intellectuall Powers As of Conceit Mâ—mory and Iudgement they say nothing Whether it were that they thought it to be a Matter wherein Nature onely prevailed Or that they intended it as referred to the severall and Proper Arts which teach the use of Reason and Speech But â—or â—he former of these two Reasons howsoeveâ— it pleaseth them to distinguish of Habits and Powers The Experience is manifest â—nough that the Motions and Faculties of the Wit and Memory may be not onely governed and guided but also confiâ—med and â—nlarged bâ— Custome and Exercise duly applyed As if a Man exercise shootiâ—g he shall not onely shoot nearer the Mark but also draw a stronger Bow And as for the Latter of Comprehending these precepts within the Arts of Logick Rhetorick If it be rightly considered their Office is distinct altogether from this Point For it is no part of the Doctrine of the Use or Handling of an Instrument to teâ—ch how to Whet or grinde the Instrument to give it a sharp edge Or how to quench it or otherwise whereby to give it a stronger Temper Wherefore finding this part of Knowledge not broken I have but tanquam aliud agens entred into it and salute you with it Dedicating it afâ—er the ancient manner first as to a dear Friend And then as to an Apt Person For as much as you have both place to practise it and Judgement and Leysure to look deeper into it then I have done Herein you must call to mind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Though the Argument be not of great Heigth and Dignity neverthelesse it is of great and universall use And yet I do not see why to consider it rightly That should not be a Learning of Heigth which teacheth to raise the Highest and Worthiest Part of the Mind But howsoever that be if the World take any Light and Useâ— by this Writing I will the Gratulation be to the good Friendship and Acquaintance between us two And so I commend you to Gods Divine Protection A DISCOURSE touching HELPS for the INTELLECTUALL POWERS I did ever hold it for an Insolent and unlucky Saying Faber quisque Fortunae suae except it be uttered onely as an Hortative or Spur to correct Sloth For otherwise if it be believed as it soundeth And that a Man entreth into an high Imagination that he can compass and fathom all Accidents And ascribeth all Successes to his Drifts and Reaches And the contrary to his Errours and Sleepings It is commonly seen that the Evening Fortune of that Man is not so prosperous as of him â—hat without slackning of his Industry attributeth much to Felicity and Providence above him But if the Sentence were turned to this Faber quisque Ingenii sui it were somewhat more True and much more Profitable Because it would teach Men to bend themselves to Reform those Imperfections in themselves which now
Countrey and in his own House Concerning which I will give you a Tast onely out of a Letter â—ritten from Italy The Store-House of Refined Witts to the late Earle of Devonshire Then the Lord Candish I will expect the New Essayes of my Lord Chancellâ—r Bacon As also his History with a great deal of Desire And whatsoever else he shall compose But in Particular of his History I promise my Self a Thing perfect and Singular especially in Henry the Seventh Where he may exercise the Talent of his Divine Understanding This Lord is more and more known And his Books here more and more delighted in And those Men that have more than ordinary Knowledge in Humane Affaires esteem him one of the most capable Spirits of this Age And he is truly such Now his Fame doth not decrease with Dayes since but rather encrease Divers of his Works have been anciently and yet lately translated into other Tongues both Learned and Modern by Forraign Pens Severall Persons of Quality during his Lordships Life crossed the Seas on purpose to gain an Opportunity of Seeing him and Discoursing with himâ— whereof one carried his Lordships Picture from Head to Foot over with Him into France As a Thing which he foresaw would be much desired there That so they might enjoy the Image of his Person As well as the Images of his Brain his Books Amongst the rest Marquis Fiat A French Nobleman who came Ambassadour into England in the Beginning of Queen Mary Wife to Charlesâ— was taken with an extraordinary Desire of Seeing him For which he made way by a Friend And when he came to him being then through weaknesse confined to his Bed The Marquis saluted him with this High Expression That his Lordship had been ever to Him like the Angels of whom he had often heard And read much of them in Books But he never saw them After which they contracted an intimate Acquaintance And the Marquis did so much revere him That besides his Frequent visits They wrote Letters one to the other under the Titles and Appellations of Father and Son As for his many Salutations by Letters from Forraign Worthies devoted to Learning I forbear to mention them Because that is a Thing common to other Men of Learning or Note together with him But yet in this Matter of his Fame I speak in the Comparative onely and not in the Exclusive For his Reputation is great in his own Nation also Especially amongst those that are of a more Acute and sharper Iudgement Which I will exemplifie but with two Testimonies and no more The Former When his History of King Henry the Seventh was to come forth It was delivered to the old Lord Brooke to be perused by him who when he had dispatched it returned it to the Authour with this Eulogy Commend me to my Lord And bid him take care to get good Paper Inke For the Work is Incomparable The other shall be that of Doctor Samuel Collins late Provost of Kings Colledge in Cambridge A Man of no vulgar Wit who affirmed unto me That when he had read the Book of the Advancement of Learning He found Himself in a case to begin his Studies a new And that he had lost all the Time of his â—tudying before It hath been desired That something should be signified touching his Diet And the Regiment of his Health Of which in regard of his Universall Insight into Nature he may perhaps be to some an Example For his Diet It was rather a plentifull and liberall Diet as his Stomack would bear it then a Restrained Which he also commended in his Book of the History of Life and Death In his younger years he was much given to the Finer and Lighter sort of Meats As of Fowles and such like But afterward when he grew more Iudicious He preferred the stronger Meats such as the Shambles afforded As those Meats which bred the more firm and substantiall Juyces of the Body And lesse Dissipable upon whiâ—h he would often make his Meal Though he had other Meats upon the Table You may be sure He would not neglect that Himself which He so much extolled in his Writings And that was the Vse of Nitre Whereof he took in the Quantity of about three Grains in thin warm Broath every Morning for thirty years together next before his Death And for Physick he did indeed live Physically but not miserably For he took onely a Maceration of Rhubarb Infused into a Draught of White Wine and Beer mingled together for the Space of half an Hour Once in six or seven Dayes Immediately before his Meal whether Dinner or Supper that it might dry the Body lesse which as he said did carry away frequently the Grosser Humours of the Body And not diminish or carry away any of the Spirits As Sweating doth And this was no Grievous Thing to take As for other Physick in an ordinary way whatsoever hath been vulgarly spoken he took not His Receit for the Gout which did constantly ease him of his Pain within two Hours Is already set down in the End of the Naturall History It may seem the Moon had some Principall Place in the Figure of his Nativity For the Moon was never in her Passion or Eclipsed but he was surprized with a sudden Fit of Fainting And that though he observed not nor took any previous Knowledge of the Eclipse thereof And assoon as the Eclipse ceased he was restored to his former strength again He died on the 9th Day of Aprill in the year 1626â— In the early Morning of the Day then celebrated for our Saviours Resurrection In the 66th year of his Age At the Earle of Arundells House in High-gate near London To which Place he casually repaired about a week before God so ordaining that he should dye there Of a Gentle Feaver accidentally accompanied with a great Cold whereby the Defluxion of Rheume fell so plentifully upon his Breast that he died by Suffocation And was buried in Saint Michaels Church at Saint Albans Being the Place designed for his Buriall by his last Will and Testament Both because the Body of his Mother was interred there And because it was the onely Church then remaining within the Precincts of old Verulam Where he hath a Monument erected for him of White Marble By the Care and Gratitude of Sir Thomas Meautys Knight formerly his Lordships Secretary Afterwards Clark of the Kings Honourable Privy Counsell under two Kings Representing his full Pourtraiture in the Posture of studying with an Inscription composed by that Accomplisht Gentleman and Rare Wit Sir Henry Wotton But howsoever his Body was Mortall yet no doubt his Memory and Works will live And will in all probability last as long as the World lasteth In order to which I have endeavoured after my poor Ability to do this Honour to his Lordship by way of conducing to the same SPEECHES IN Parliament STAR-CHAMBER Kings Bench CHANCERY AND OTHER-WHERE Of the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON
Therefore contain your selves within that Moderation as may appear to bend rather to the Effectuall Ease of the People then to a Discursive Envy or scandall upon the State As for the Manner of Carriage of Parliament Businesse ye must know that ye deal with a King that hath been longer King then any of you have been Parliament Men And a King that is no lesse sensible of Formes then of Matter And is as far from induring Diminution of Majesty as from regarding â—lattery or Vain Glory And a King that understandeth as well the Pulse of the Hearts of People as his own Orb. And therefore both let your Grievances have a decent and Reverent Form and Stile And to use the words of former Parliaments let them be Tanquam Gemitus Columbae without Pique or Harshnesse And on the other side in that ye do for the King Let it have a Mark of Vnity Alacrity and Affection which will be of this Force That whatsoever ye do in substance will be doubled in Reputation abroad as in a Crystall Glass For the Time if ever Parliament was to be measured by the Houre-glass it is this In regard of the instant Occasion flying away irrecoverably Therefore let your Speeches in the House be the Speeches of Counsellors and not of Oratours Let your Committees tend to dispatch not to dispute And so marshall the Times as the publique Businesse especially the proper Businesse of the Parliament be put first And private Bills be put last as time shall give leave or within the spaces of the Publique For the Foure Petitions his Majesty is pleased to grant them all as liberally as the Ancient and true Custom of Parliament doth warrant And with the cautions that have ever gon with them That is to say That the priviledge be not used for Defrauding of Creditours and Defeating of ordinary Justice That Liberty of Speech turn not into License but be joyned with that Gravity and Discretion as may tast of Duty and Love to your Soveraign Reverence to your own Assembly and Respect to the Matters ye handle That your Accesses be at such fit Times as may stand best with his Majesties pleasure and Occasions That Mistakings and Misunderstandings be rather avoided and prevented as much as may be then salved or cleared CERTAIN TREATISES VVritten or Referring TO Queen Elizabeths TIMES BEING OBSERVATIONS UPON A LIBELL Published in Anno 1592. A true Report of Doctour LOPEZ his TREASON An Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of ENGLAND A Collection of the Felicities of Queen ELIZABETH By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by S. Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. CERTAIN OBSERVATIONS UPON A LIBELL Published this present year 1592. INTITULED A DECLARATION Of the TRVE CAVSES OF THE GREAT TROVBLES Presupposed to be intended against the REALM of ENGLAND IT were Just and Honourable for Princes being in Warrs together that howsoever they prosecute their Quarrels and Debates by Arms and Acts of Hostility yea though the Warrs be such as they pretend the utter Ruine and Overthrow of the Forces and States one of another yet they so limit their Passions as they preserve two Things Sacred and Inviolable That is The Life and good Name each of other For the Warrs are no Massacres and Confusions But they are the Highest Trials of Right when Princes and States that acknowledge no Superior upon Earth shall put themselves upon the Iustice of God for the Deciding of their Controversies by such Successe as it shall please him to give on either side And as in the Processe of particular Pleas between private Men all things ought to be ordered by the Rules of Civill Lawes So in the Proceedings of the Warre nothing ought to be done against the Law of Nations or the Law of Honour Which Lawes have ever pronounced those two Sorts of Men The one Conspiratours against the Persons of Princes The other Libellers against theâ—r good Fame to be such Enemies of common Society as are not to be cherished no not by Enemies For in the Examples of Times which were lesse corrupted we find that when in the greatest Heats and Extremities of Warrs there have been made Offers of Murderous and Traiterous Attempts against the Person of a Prince to the Enemy they have been not onely Rejected but also Revealed And in like manner when Dishonourable Mention hath been made of a Prince before an Enemy Prince by some that have thought therein to please his Humour he hath shewed himself contrarywise utterly distasted therewith and been ready to contest for the Honour of an â—nemy According to which Noble and Magnanimous Kind of Proceeding it will be found that in the whole Couâ—se of her Majesties Proceeding with the King of Spain since the Amity interâ—upted There was never any project by her Majesty or any of her Ministers either moved or assented unto for the Taking away of the Liâ—e of the said King Neither hath there been any Declaration or Writing of â—state No nor Book allowed wherein his Honour hath been touched or taxed otherwise then for his Ambition A point which is necessarily interlaced with her Majesties own Justification So that no Man needeth to doubt but that those Warrs are grounded upon her Majesties part upon just and Honourable Causes which have so Just and Honourable a prosecution Considering it is a much harder Matter when a Prince is entred into Warrs to hold respect then and not to be transported with Passion than to make Moderate and Iust Resolutions in the Beginnings But now if a Man look on the other part it will appear that rather as it is to be thought by the Solicitation of Traitorous Subjects which is the onely Poyson and Corruption of all Honourable Warr between Forrainers Or by the Presumptâ—on of his Agents and Ministers then by the proper Inclination of that King there hath been if not plotted and practised yet at the least comforted Conspiracies against her Majesties Sacred Person which neverthelesse Gods Goodnesse hath used and turned to shew by such miraculous Discoveries into how near and precious Care and Custody it hath pleased him to receive her Majesties Life and Preservation But in the other Point it is strange what a number of Libellous and Defamatory Bookes and Writings and in what Variety with what Art and cunning handled have been allowed to pass through the World in all Languages against her Majesty and her Government Sometimes pretending the Gravity and Authority of Church Stories to move Belief sometimes formed into Remonstrances and Advertisements of â—state to move Regard Sometimes presented as it were in Tragedies of the Persecutions of Catholicks to move Pitty Sometimes contrived into pleasant Pasquils and Satyres to move sport So as there is no shape whereinto these Fellowes have not transformed themselves Nor no Humor nor affection in the mind
strait-way think with himself Doth this Man beleeve what he saith Or not beleeving it doth he think it possible to make us beleeve it Surely in my conceit neither of both But his End no doubt was to round the Pope and the King of Spain in the Eare by seeming to tell a Tale to the People of England For such Bookes are ever wont to be translated into diverse Languages And no doubt the Man was not so simple as to think he could perswade the People of England the Contrary of what they tast and feele But he thought he might better abuse the States abroad if he directed his Speech to them who could best convict him and disprove him if he said untrue So that as Livy saith in the like case AEtolos magis coram quibus verba facerent quam ad quos pensi habere That the Aaetolians in their Tale did more respect those which did over-hear them then those to whom they directed their Speech So in this matter this Fellow cared not to be counted a Lier by all English upon Price of Deceiving of Spain and Italy For it must be understood that it hath been the generall Practise of this kind of Men many years of the one side to abuse the forraine Estates by making them believe that all is out of Joynt and Ruinous here in England And that there is a great part ready to joyn with the Invader And on the other side to make the Evill Subjects of England believe of great Preparations abroad and in great readinesse to be put in Act And so to deceive on both sides And this I take to be his Principall Drift So again it is an extravagant and incredible Conceit to Imagine that all the Conclusions and Actions of Estate which have passed during her Majesties Raign should be ascribed to one Counseller alone And to such an one as was never noted for an Imperious or Over-ruling Man And to say that though He carried them not by Violence yet he compassed them by Devise There is no Man of Iudgement that looketh into the Nature of these Times but will easily descry that the Wits of these Dayes are too much refined for any Man to walk Invisible Or to make all the World his Instruments And therefore no not in this point assuredly the Libeller spake as he thought But this he foresaw That the Imputation of Cunning doth breed Suspicion And the Imputation of Greatnesse and Sway doth breed Envy And therefore finding where he was most wrung and by whose pollicyâ— and Experience their plots were most crossed the mark he shot at was to see whether he could heave at his Lordships Authority by making him suspected to the Queen or generally odious to the Realm Knowing well enough for the one point that there are not only Iealousies but certain Revolutions in Princes Minds So that it is a rare Vertue in the Rarest Princes to continue constant to the End in their Favours and Employments And knowing for the other point that Envy ever accompanieth Greatness though never so well deserved And that his Lordship hath alwaies marched a Round and a Reall Course in service And as he hath not moved Envy by Pomp and Ostentation so hath he never extinguished it by any Popular or Insinuâ—tive Carriage of Himself And this no doubt was his Second Driâ—t A Third Drift was to assay if he could supplant and weaken by this violent kind of Libelling and turning the whole Imputation upon his Lordship his Resolution and Courage And to make him proceedâ— more cautelously and not so throughly and strongly against them Knowing his Lordship to be a Politick Man and one that hath a great Stake to leese Lastly least while I discover Cunning and Art of this Fellow I should make him wiser then he was I think a great part of this Book was Passion Difficile est tacere cùm doleas The Humours of these Men being of themselves eager and Fierce have by the Abort and Blasting of their Hopes been blinded and enraged And surely this Book is of all that Sort that have been written of the meanest work-man-ship Being fraughted with sundry base Scoffs and cold Amplifications and other Characters of Despite But void of all Iudgement or Ornament 2. Of the presents Estate of this Realm of England whether it may be truly avouched to be prosperous or Afflicted THe Benefits of Almighty God upon this Land since the time that in his singular providence he led as it were by the hand and placed in the Kingdome his Servant our Queen Elizabeth are such as not in Boasting or in Confidence of our selves but in praise of his Holy Name are worthy to be both considered and confessed yea and registred in perpetuall Memory Notwithstanding I mean not after the manner of a Panegyrique to Extoll the present Time It shall suffice onely that those Men that through the Gall and Bitterness of their own Heart have lost their Tast and Iudgement And would deprive God of his Glory and us of our sences in affirming our Condition to be Miserable and â—ull of Tokens of the Wrath and Indignation of God be reproved If then it be true that Nemo est Miser aut Felix nisi comparatus Whether we shall keeping our selves within the Compasse of our own Island look into the Memories of Times past Or at this present time take a view of other States abroad in Europe We shall â—ind that we need not give place to the Happinesse either of Ancestours or Neighboursâ— For if a Man weigh well all the Parts of State and Religion Lawes Aministration of Iustice Pollicy of Government Manners Civility Learning and Liberall Sciences Industry and Manuall Arts Armes and Provisions of Wars for Sea and Land Treasure Traffique Improvement of the Soyle Population Honour and Reputation It will appear that taking one part with Another the State of this Nation was never more Flourishing It is easie to call to Remembrance out of Histories the Kings of England which have in more ancient times enjoyed greatest Happinesse Besides her Majesties Father and Grand father that raigned in rare Felicity as is fresh in Memory They have been K. Henry 1. K Hen 2. K. Hen. 3. King Edw the 1. K. Edw. the 3. K. Henry the 5. All which have been Princes of Royall Vertue Great Felicity and Famous Memory But it may be truly affirmed without derogation to any of these worthy Princes that whatsoever we find in Libels there is not to be found in the English Chronicles a King that hath in all respects laid together raigned with such Felicity as her Majesty hath done For as for the First 3. Henries The First came in too soon after a Conquest The Second too soon after an Vsurpation And the Third too soon after a League or Barons War To raign with Security and Contentation King H. 1. also had unnaturall Wars with his Brother Robert wherein much Nobility was consumed He had therewithall tedious Wars in Wales
of Mortification which I think with very good Meaning they have preached out of â—heir own Exprience and Exercise And Things in private Counsels not unmeet But surely no Sound Conceits Much like to Parsons Resolution or not so good Apt to breed in Men rather weak Opinions and perplexed Despaires then Filiall and True Repentance which is sought Another Point of great Inconvenience and perill is to entitle the People to hear Controversies and all Kinds of Doctrine They say no part of the Counsell of God is to be suppressed nor the People defrauded So as the Difference which the Apostle maketh between Milk and Strong Meat is confounded And his Precept that the weak be not admitted unto Questions and Controversies taketh no place But most of all is to be suspected as a Seed of further Inconveniâ—nce their Manner of Handling the Scriptures For whilest they seek expresse Scripture for every Thing And that they have in a manner deprived themselves and the Church of a speciall Help and Support by Embasing the Authority of the Fathers They resort to Naked Examples Conceited Inferences and Forced Allusions such as do mine into all Certainty of Religion Another Extremity is the Excessive Magnifying of that which though it be a principall and most holy Institution yet hath it Limits as all things else have We see wheresoever in a manner they find in the Scriptures The Word spoken of they expound it of Preaching They have made it in a manner of the Essence of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper to have a Sermon precedent They have in a sort annihilated the use of Liturgies and Formes of Divine Service Although the House of God be denominated of the Principall Domus Orationis A House of Prayer and not a House of Preaching As for the Life of the good Monks and Hermits in the Primitive Church I know they will condemne a Man as half a Papist if he should maintain them as other then Prophane because they heard no Sermons In the mean time what Preaching is and who may be said to Preach they move no Question But as far as I see every man that presumeth to speak in Chair is accounted a Preacher But I am assured that not a few that call hotly for a Preaching Ministery deserve to be the First themselves that should be expelled All which Errours and Misproceedings they do fortifie and intrench by an addicted Respect to their own Opinions And an Impâ—â—ience to hear Contradiction or Argument yea I know some of them that that would think it a Tempting of God to hear or read what may be said against them As if there could be A Quod bonum est tenete without an Omnia probate going before This may suffice to offer unto themselves a Thought and Consideration whether In these things they do well or no And to correct and asswage the Partiality of their Followers For as for any Man that shall hereby enter into a Contempt of their Ministery it is but his own Hardness of Hart. I know the work of Exhortation doth chiefly rest upon these Men and they have Zeal and Hate of Sin But again let them take Heed that it be not true which one of their Adversaries said That they have but two small wants Knowledge and Love And so I conclude this Point The last Point touching the due Publishing and Debating of these Controversies needeth no long Speech This strange Abuse of Antiques and Pasquils hath been touched before So likewise I repeat that which I said That a Character of Love is more proper for Debates of this Nature then that of Zeal As for all direct or indirect Glaunces or Levels at Mens Persons they were ever in these Causes disallowed Lastly whatsoever be pretended the People is no meet Arbitrator but rather the quiet modest and private Assemblies and Conferences of the Learned Qui apud Incapacem loquitur non disceptat sed calumniatur The Presse and Pulpit would be freed and discharged of these Contentions Neither Promotion on the one Side nor Glory and Heat on the other Side ought to continue those Challenges and Cartells at the Crosse and other Places But rather all Preachers especially such as be of good temper and have Wisdome with Conscience ought to inculcate and beat upon a Peace Silence and Surseance Neither let them fear Solons Law which compelled in Factions every particular Person to range himself on the one side Nor yet the fond Calumny of Neutrality But let them know that is true which is said by a wise Man That Neuters in Contentions are either better or worse then either Side These things have I in all sincerity and simplicity set down touching the Controversies which now trouble the Church of England And that without all Art and Insinuation And therfore not like to be gratefull to either Part. Notwithstanding I trust what hath been said shall find a Correspondence in their minds which are not embarqued in Partiality And which love the Whole better then a Part. Wherefore I am not out of hope that it may do good At the least I shall not repent my self of the Meditation FINIS IN HAPPY MEMORY OF ELIZABETH QUEEN of ENGLAND OR A COLLECTION OF THE FELICITIES OF Queen Elizabeth Written by his Lordship in Latin AND Englished by the Publisher QVeen Elizabeth both in her Naturall Endowments and her Fortune was Admirable amongst Women and Memorable amongst Princes But this is no Subject for the Pen of a meer Scholler or any such Cloistred Writer For these Men are eager in their Expressions but shallow in their Judgements And perform the Schollers part well but transmit Things but unfaithfully to Posterity Certainly it is a Sciencâ— belonging to Statesmen and to such as sit at the Helmes of great Kingdoms and have been acquainted with the weight and Secrets of Civil Business to handle this matter dextrously Rare in all Ages haâ—h been the Raign of a Woman More rare the Felicity of a Woman in her Raign But most rare a Permanency and Lasting joyned with that Feliciâ—y As for this Lady she raigned Four and Fourty years compleat and yet she did not survive her Felicity Of this Felicity I am purposed to say somewhat yet without any Excursion into Praises For Praises are the Tribute of Men but Felicity the Gift of God Fiâ—st I reckon it as a part of her Felicity that she was advanced to the Regal Throne from a Private Fortune For this is ingenerate in the Natuâ—e and Opinions of Men to ascribe that to the greatest Felâ—city which is not counted upon and cometh unlooked for But this is not that I intend It is this Princes that are trained up in their Fathâ—rs Courts and to an immediate and Apparent Hope of Succession do get this by the Tendernesse and remisseness of their Education that they become commonly lesse capable and lesse Temperaâ—e in their Affections And therefoâ—e you shall find those to have been the ablest and most accâ—mâ—lished Kings
decayed To your Princely Iudgement then I do in all Humblenesse submit whatsoever I shall propound offering the same but as a Miteâ— into the Treasury of your Wisedom For as the Astronomers do well observe That when three of the Superior Lights do meet in Conjunction it bringeth forth some admirable Effects So there being joyned in your Majesty the Light of Nature the Light of Learning and above all the Light of Gods Holy Spirit It cannot be but your Government must be as a Happy Constellation over the states of your Kingdomes Neither is there wanting to your Majesty that Fourth Light which though it be but a borrowed Lâ—ght yet is of singular Eâ—ficacy and Moment added to the rest which is the Light of a most wise and well compounded Councell To whose Honourable and Grave Wisdomes I do likewse submit whatsoever I shall speak Hoping that I shall not need to make Protestation of my Mind and Opinion That untill your Majesty doth otherwise determine and order all Actuall and Full Obedience is to be given to Ecclesiasticall Iurisdicton as it now standeth And when your Majesty hath determined and ordered that every good subject ought to rest satisfied and apply his Obedience to your Majesties Lawes Ordinances and Royall Commandements Nor of the Dislike I have of all Immodest Bitternesse peremptory presumption Popular handling And other Courses tending rather to Rumour and Impression in the vulgar Sort then to likely-hood of Effect joyned with Observation of Duty But before I enter into the Points controverted I think good to remove if it may be two Opinions which do directly confront and oppone to Reformation The one bringing it to a Nullity And the other to an Impossibility The First is That it is against good Policy to innovate any â—hing in Church Matters The other That all Reformation must be after one Platform For the First of these it is excellently said by the Prophet State super vias antiquas videte quaenam sit via recta vera ambulate in eâ So as he doth not say State super vias antiquas ambulate in eis For it true that with all VVise and Moderate Persons Custom and Vsage obtaineth that Reverence as it is sufficient Matter to move them to make a stand and to discover and take a View But it is no warrant to guide and conduct them A just Ground I say it is of Deliberation but not of Direction But on the other side who knoweth not that Time is truly compared to a Stream that carrieth down fresh and pure Waters into that salt Sea of Corruption which invironeth all Human Actions And therefore if Man shall not by his Industry Vertue and Policy as it were with the Oare row against the Stream and inclination of Time All Institutions and Ordinances be they never so pure will corrupt and degenerate But not to handle this matter Common-place like I would only ask why the Civill State should be purged and restored by Good and Wholesome Lawes made every Third or Fourth year in Parliament assembled Devising Remedies as fast as Time breedeth Mischief And contrariwise the Ecclesiasticall State should still continue upon the Dreggs of Time and receive no Alteration now for this Five and Forty years and more If any Man shall object that if the like Intermission had been used in Civil Causes also the Errour had not been great Surely the Wisedome of the Kingdome hath been otherwise in Experience for Three Hundred years space at the least But if it be said to me that there is a Difference between Civill Causes and Ecclesiasticall they may as well tell me that Churches and Chappels need no Reparations though Castles and Houses do Whereas commonly to speak truth Dilapidations of the Inward and Spirituall Edifications of the Church of God are in all times as great as the Outward and Materiall Sure I am that the very word and Stile of Reformation used by our Saviour Ab initio non fuit sic was applyed to Church Matters And those of the highest Nature concerning the Law Morall Neverthelesse He were both unthankfull and unwise that would deny but that the Church of England during the time of Queen Elizabeth of famous Memory did flourish If I should compare it with Forrain Churches I would â—ather the Comparison should be in the Vertues then as some make it in the Defects Rather I say as between the Vine and the Olive which should be most fruitfull And not as between the Briar the Thistle which should be most unprofitable For that Reverence should be used to the Church which the good Sons of Noah used to their Fathers Nakedness That is as it were to go backwards and to help the Defects thereof and yet to dissemble them And it is to be acknowledged that scarcely any Church since the Primitive Church yielded in like Number of Years and Latitude of Country a greater Number of Excellent Preachers Famous Writers and Grave Governers But for the Discipline and Orders of the Church as many the chiefest of them are Holy and Good So yet iâ— Saint Iohn were to indite an Epistle to the Church of England as he did to them of Asia it would sure have the Clause Habeo adversus te pauca And no more for this Point Saving that as an Appendix thereunto it is not amisse to touch that Objection which is made to the Time and not to the Matter Pretending that if Reformation were necessary yet it were not now seasonable at your Majesties First Entrance Yet Hippocrates saith Si quid moves à principio move And the wisedom of all Examples do shew that the wisest Princes as they have ever been the most sparing in Removing or Alteration of Servants and Officers upon their Coming in So for Removing of Abuses and Enormities And for Reforming of Lawes and the Policy of their States they have chiefly sought to ennoble and commend their Beginnings therewith Knowing that the first Impression with People continueth long And when Mens Minds are most in Expectation and Suspence then are they best wrought and mannaged And therefore it seemeth to me that as the Spring of Nature I mean the Spring of the year is the best Time for purging and Medicining the Naturall Body So the Spring of Kingdoms is the most proper Season for the purging and Rectifying of Politick Bodies There remaineth yet an Objection rather of Suspition then of Reason And yet such as I think maketh a great Impression in the minds of very wise and well affected Peâ—sons which is That if way be given to Mutation though it be in taking away Abuses yet it may so acquaint Men with sweetnesse of change as it will undermine the Stability even of that which is sound and good This surely had been a good and true allegation in the Ancient Contentions and Divisions between the People and the Senate of Rome where things were carried at the Appetites of Multitudes which can never keep
and Duties for the most part were common to my Self with him though by design as between Brethren dissembled And therefore most high and mighty King my most dear and dread Soveraign Lord since now the Corner Stone is laid of the mightiest Monarchy in Europe And that God above who hath ever a Hand in brideling the Flouds and Motions of the Seas and of Peoples Hearts hath by the miraculous and universal consent the more strange because it proceedeth from such Diversity of Causes in your comming in Given a Sign and Token of great Happinnesse in the Continuance of your Reign I think there is no Subject of your Majesties which loveth this Island and is not hollow or unworthy whose Heart is not set on fire Not onely to bring you Peace-Offrings to make you propitious But to sacrifice himself a Burnt-Offring or Holocaust to your Majesties Service Amongst which number no Mans Fire shall be more pure and fervent than mine But how farr forth it shall blaze out that resteth in your Majesties Imployment So thirsting after the Happinesse of Kissing your Royal Hand I continue ever To Mr. Faules in Scotland upon the Entrance of his Majesties Reign SIR The Occasion awaketh in me the Remembrance of the constant and mutual good Offices which passed between my good Brother and your Self wherunto as you know I was not altogether a Stranger Though the Time and Design as between Brethren made me more reserved But well doe I bear in minde the great opinion which my Brother whose Judgement I much reverence would often expresse to me of your Extraordinary Sufficiency Dexterity and Temper which he had found in you in the Business and Service of the King our Soveraign Lord This latter bred in me an Election as the former gave an Inducement for me to address my Self to you And to make this Signification of my Desire towards a mutual Entertainment of good Affection and Correspondence between us Hoping that both some good Effect may result of it towards the Kings Service And that for our particulars though Occasion give you the precedence of furthering my being known by good note unto the King So no long time will intercede before I on my part shall have some means given to requite your Favours and to verify your Commendation And so with my loving Commendations good Mr. Faules I leave you to Gods Goodness From Graies Inne the 25th of March. A Letter commending his Love and Occasions to Sir Thomas Challoner then in Scotland upon his Majesties Entrance SIR For our Money matters I am assured you received no Insatisfaction For you know my Minde And you know my Means which now the Openness of the time caused by this blessed Consent and Peace will encrease And so our Agreement according to your time be observed For the present according to the Roman Adage That one Cluster of Grapes ripeneth best besides another I know you hold me not unworhty whose muâ—ual Friendship you should cherish And I for my part conceive good hope that you are likely to become an acceptable Servant to the King our Master Not so much for any way made heretofore which in my Judgementâ— will make no great difference as for the Stuff and Sufficiency which I know to be in you And whereof I know his Majesty may reap great Service And therefore my general Request is that according to that industrious Vivacity which you use towards your Friends you will further his Majesties good Conceit and Inclination towards me To whom words can not make me known Neither mine own nor others but Time will to no Disadvantage of any that shall fore-runn his Majesties Experience by your Testimony and Commendation And though Occasion give you the Precedence of Doing me this special good Oâ—fice yet I hope no long time will intercede before I shall have some means to requite your Favour and acquit your Report More particularly having thought good to make Oblation of my most humble Service to his Majesty by a few Lines I doe desire your loving care and help by your Self or such Means as I referr to your Discretion to deliver and present the same to his Majesties Hands Of which Letter I send you a Copy that you may know what you carry And may take of Mr. Matthew the Letter it Self if you be pleased to undertake the Delivery Lastly I doe commend to your Self and such your Curtesies as Occasion may require this Gentleman Mr. Matthew eldest Sonne to my Lord Bishop of Duresm and my very good Friend Assuring you that any Curtesy you shall use towards him you shall use to a very worthy young Gentleman and one I know whose Acquaintance you will much esteem And so I ever continue A Letter to Mr. Davis then gone to the King at his first Entrance MR. Davis Though you went on the sudden yet you could not goe before you had spoken with your Self to the purpose which I will now write And therefore I know it shall be altogether needless save that I meant to shew you that I was not asleep Briefly I commend my Self to your Love and the well using my Name As well in repressing and answering for me if there be any Biting or Nibling at it in that Place As by imprinting a good Conceit and Opinion of me chiefly in the King of whose favour I make my Self comfortable Assurance As otherwise in that Court And not onely so but generally to perform to me all the good Offices which the Vivacity of your Wit can suggest to your minde to be performed to one with whose Affection you have so great Sympathy And in whose Fortune you have so great Interest So desiring you to be good to concealed Poets I continue A Letter to Mr. Faules 28 Martii 1603. MR. Faules I did write unto you yesterday by Mr. Lake who was dispatched hence from their Lordships a Letter of Revivour of those Sparks of former Acquaintance between us in my Brothers time And now upon the same Confidence finding so fit a Messenger I would not fail to salute you Hoping it will fall out so happily as that you shall be one of the Kings Servants which his Majesty will first employ here with us where I hope to have some means not to be barren in Friendship towards you We all thirst after the Kings Comming accounting all this but as the Dawning of the Day before the Rising of the Sun till we have his Presence And though now his Majestie must be Ianus Bifrons to have a Face to Scotland as well as to England yet Quod nunc instat agendum The Expectation is here that he will come in State and not in Strength So for this time I commend you to Gods Goodness A Letter to Mr. Robert Kempe upon the Death of Queen Elizabeth MR. Kempe This Alteration is so great as you might justly conceive some Coldness of my Affection towards you if you should hear nothing from me I living in this Place It
Stiles Esquire of the Inner Temple 120. The Saints Comfort in Evil times 120. Gods Revenge against Murther in thirty Tragical Histories by I. Reynolds in Fol. the third Edition Whereunto is newly added the Sculptures Pictures of the Chief Persons â—entioned in every Histoâ—y graven in Copper-plates and fixed before each History With a Satisfactory Epistle of the Stationer Sylva Sylvarum or a Natural History in ten Centuries Whereunto is newly added The History of Life and Death or the Prolongation of Life Both written by the Right Honorable Francis Lord Verulam In Foâ—io 1651. The Magnetique cure of Wounds The Nativity of Tartar in Wine The Image of God in Man Also another Treatise of the Errors oâ— Physicians concerning Defluxions both published in Englishâ— 40. 1650. With The Darkness of Aâ—heism dispelled by the light of Nature All published by Dr. Charleton Physician to the late King 40. 165â— A Discourse conceâ—ning the King of Spâ—ins surprizing of the Valtoline Translated by the Renowned Sir Thomas Râ—e many times Embassador in Forein parts 40 The Roman Foot and Denaries from whence as from two principles the measure and weights may be deduced by Iohn Greaves of Oxford â—0 1647. A Treatise of the Court Written in French by that great Counâ—ellour De Refuges many times Embassador for the two laâ—t French Kings Englished by Iohn Râ—â—â—â—ld â—0 The Hebrew Commonwealth Translated out of Petrus Cunâ—us in 120. 1653. Hugo Grotius his two Treatises Of God and his Providence and Of Christ and his Miracles together with the said Authors judgement of sundry Points controverted in 120. Both Translated by Clem. Barksdal Certamen Relâ—giosum or a Conference between the late King of England and the late Lord Marquess of Worcester concerning Religion 40â— 1652. The Battel of Agencourt fought by Henry the 5th The Miseries of Queen Margareâ— with other Poems by Mic. Drayton Esq 80. The Odes of Horace Selected and Translated by Sir Thomas Hawkins in 120. The Spanish Gallant instructing men in their Carriage to be beloved of the People Youths Behaviour or Decency in Conversation amongst men with new Additions of a Discourse of Powdring of Hair of black Patches and naked Breasts 80. 1651. The Tillage of Light A Treatise of The Philosophers Stone 80. The Right of Peace and Warr in 3. Books written in Latine by the Illustrious Hugo Grotius together with the Life of the said Author in English 80. large 1654. A Sermon of the Nature of Faith by Barten Holyday Doctor of Divinity 1654. The Innocent Lady or the Illustrious Innocent written Originally in French by the learned Father de Ceriziers of the Company of Jesus rendred into English by Sir William Lower Knight 1654. A Disputation at Winchcomb in Glocestershire wherein much satisfaction given in many Fundamental Points of Religion in the presence of many Eminent Persons 1654. A brief Discourse of changing Ministers Tithes into Stipends or into another thing 1654. Plutarch's Lives in English with a New Addition of Twenty Lives never before published in English in Fol. 1657. FINIS 1. Part. 2. Part. 3. Part. 4. Part. 1 Contiâ—uance 2 Health 3 Peace 4 Plenâ—y and Wealth 5 Increase oâ— People 6 Reformation in Religion The speciall 〈◊〉 esâ—â—â—lished among uâ— by â—he puâ—ity of Religion Finenesse oâ— Money The Might oâ— the Navâ— Compaâ—ison of the state of England with the stateâ— abroad Afflicted in France Low-Countries Portugall Prosperouâ— as Scotland Poland Sweden Denmark Italy Germany Savoy Spâ—iâ— Câ—â—câ—rning the Conâ—ro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in our Church Concerning the Forrain Enemies of this State Concerning the State of the Nobility Concerning the State oâ— the Common subâ—ect Statutes concerning Scotland and the Scotish Nation Lawes Customes Commissions Offiâ—ersâ— of the Borders or Marches Further Union besides the Removing of Inconvenient and dissenting Lawes and Usages Points wherein the Nations stand already united Soveraignty Line Royall Suâ—jection Obedience Alien Naturalization Religion Church-Government Continent Borders Language Diâ—lect Leagues Confederacies Treaties Externall points of the Separation and Union The Ceremoniall or Mateâ—iall Crowns The Stiles and Names The Seales The Standards and Stamps Moneys Internall Points of Union 1 Parliament 2 Cousellâ— oâ— Estate 3 Offâ—cers of the Crown 4 Nobilities 5 Lawâ—â— 6 Courts of Justice and Administration of Lawes 7 Receits Finances and Patrimonies of the Crown 8 Admiralty Navy and Merchandizing 9 Freedomes and Liberties 〈…〉 These that follow are but indisgested Notes This Constitution of Reporters I obtained of the King after I was Chancellour and there are two appointed with a 100. l. a year a peece sâ—ipend * Thuanus These Letters following I find not in his Lordships Register-Book of Letters But I am enduced by the Stile and other Characters to own them to be his VVritten by Mr. Bacon for my Lord of Essex