bereauing of her Maiestie of her rightfull crovvne and dignitie royall partlie in that vvith her priuitie tenne hundred thousande crovvnes vvere imploied by the Pope vppon any that vvould set vp in England the Roman Catholike religion and aduance her to the Crovvne in possession partlie in that shee gaue maintenance to her Maiesties knovven Rebels both in Flaunders and Scotland partly in that shee practised inuasion by forraine forces and actuall Rebellion by vnnaturall Subiects in these her Maiesties Realmes of Englande and Ireland 6 Ione Queene of Naples sent also at that time Peâ—rus exiâ— Collinutiuâ— Blondi historia Paulus Aemilius and to the same end and purpose to Charles the french king and to Lewes Duke of Aniew the saide frenche kings vncle requesting them to bring all the forces they possibly could to the subduing of Charles her competitor in the kingdome of Naples Mary of Scotland sent many times to king Phillip At one of those times Osmond Wilkinson the messenger B. Rose the procurer the Spanishe Ambassadâ—ur the performer of men money for the rebellion At one time thentrie was appointed at Harwich in Suffolk inuasion confessed by Throgmorton Her letters to Babington Her letters to the Spanish Ambassador the confessioÌ„ of Babington and his confederates and the confession of her own Secretaries Father Henries message betweene her and the Pope and the combined Princes and to her vncle the Duke of Cuise and other princes combined to bring their forces not to preserue her in her possession of the kingdome of Scotlande but to the inuasion of this Realme of England and subduing of her Maiestie the moste lavvefull and vndoubted Queene of the same Ione the Neapolitan Queene in regard that the saide Lewes Duke of Aniow Collinutius vvould defend and protect her against the said Charles offered to make him her sonne by adoption and that he immediatlie after her death should succeede her both in the kingdome of Naples also of Sicelie Marie the Scottish Queen in consideration that king Phillip shoulde take her vvholy in his protection Proued by her letters to the said Spanish Ambassadour Barnard de MeÌ„doza and confessed by her Secretaries Naw and Curle likevvise the state and affaires of this Countrie promised to giue grauÌ„t to him by her last vvill and testament the right vvhich shee pretended to haue both to the succession of the crovvne of England and also of Scotland Ione Queene of Naples had great mightie Princes to take her part both out of Fraunce and from Prouince but both shee and all that held on her side had so strange a fortune and desaster as it is vvonderfull for the Pope by her meanes exalted vvas deposed the said Duke of Aniew Generall of the fielde that came into Ialie as Pandulphus Collinut us vvriteth vvith fifty thousand men and as Peter Mexia affirmeth thirtie thousand of them hors-men Collmitius lib. 5. so 228. Mexia in vita Venâ—elai died by the vvay and xvi Barons and most of his gallant companie vvith him and the reÌ„nant that suruiued returned home vvith more shame than vvith pride they came foorth begging all the vvay as they vvent by tvvo or three in a companie as Platina vvitnesseth and the Queene her her self vvas taken prisoner by him Platina in vita Vâ—bani 6. vvhoÌ„ shee firmelie hoped to haue conquered and slaine Marie the Scottish Queen vvhich had in Rome at seurall times three Popes in Spaine king Phillip in Fraunce the Duke of Guise in England and Scotlande Dukes Earles Lordes The proof of these is publik and most notorious Gentlemen and others too too manie bent to accomplishe her vnquiet humor and seditious desseinesse yet neither had shee nor anie that tooke her part any prosperous succes for 2 of her best friends of the three Popes died king Phillip hath neuer been vvithout ciuill vvarres and his handes full of vprores dangerous tumults the Duke of Guise so megre and so crossed in all his desseinements that he could not at any time helpe her nor vvell releeue himselfe the Dukes Earles and Lords for the most part that tooke her part either haue loste their goods liuelodes lands liberties and countries or haue been slaine of others or haue slaine themselues many Gentlemen hanged for her sake to the perpetuall infamie of them their race vtter vndoing of all their posteritie as touching her self neither her ovvn land could abide her nor the Ocean Sea to vvhose mercie in extreame refuge she committed herself could brooke her nor the land of England vvhere shee hath remained aboue xvi yeeres in our Soueraigne Ladie Queene Elizabeths protection could for the more part from her first comming like her Parrie his confession of her trustie man Morgans dealing with him for murdering of the Quene The consessioÌ„ of Naw Curle and all the coÌ„spirators or be liked of her and she became all that vvhile prisoner vnto her vvhose Royall person she continuallie hoped and often practized to haue murdered Last of al Leonardus Aretinus in historia Florentina Collinutiut Mexia Paulus Aemilius Jone Queen of Naples being taken by Charles nephevv to Lewes king of Hungarie and the first King of Naples of that name vvas by the saide Charles vppon the aduise taken and had of the said King Lewes strangled in prison and so by Gods prouidence paid the death as the history vvitnesseth that she gaue to her first husband An reas King of Naples Mexia in vita Vencelai Marie Queen of Scotland although by fleeing out of her ovvn Realme of Scotland into Englande Vide BuconaenuÌ„ fol. 199. 200. and by comming vnder the Queene of Englands protection shee escaped hitherto the due reuengement of her said husbaÌ„ds death This appeareth by the commission directed to the duke of Norfolke others which met the Scottish Lordes at yorke that came thither requiring iustice in that behalf vvhen and vvhere the chiefest of the Nobilitie of Scotland pursued her by iustice yet because she hath sundrie times since that time conspired to destroy the sacred person of her Maiesty and being once or tvvise pardoned hath falne into a relapse or recination there hath been vppon due hearing and examination of the vvhol matter together vvith her personall ansvveares taken by the chiefest Lordes of the Realme The ParliameÌ„t 27. regni Elizabethae assisted vvith the principall Iudges of the same sentence pronounced by them against her According to the Statute of association by Herselfe subsigned and allowed Her owne letters to her Maiestie And thus shee to the ioy of all good Christians and vvell affected English hath had Gods iudgement in her accoÌ„plished and performed that did not onlie kill her first husband King of Scotland but compassed also sundrie times the death of her Maiestie Queene of England and consequentlie vvas like to bring the vvhole Realme in danger of a generall massacre and present destruction had not
Marie and other her confederates haue manie times done before In the Parliament holden 13. Elizabeth and therefore she had been in the high court of Parliament condemned to die manie yeeres past but that her Maiestie of her singular and great clemencie spared to giue her assent thereunto and of late againe vpon an other horrible conspiracie there is by the chiefest Lordes and Iudges of this Realme sentence giuen against her Proclamation therevpon and due execution respectiuely made according to an act of Parliament in the xxvii yeere of her Maiesties raigne The thirde Chapter conteining certaine presidentes of sundrie Emperours and Kinges vvhich haue put other Princes vnto death HOwbeit wee neede not farder by ensample to shewe that one Prince hath put another vnto death yet for the farther warrant and quiet of princes mindes and to stoppe the euill speeches of such whose heades are wholy busied in Princes matters it is not amisse vnto the former examples to adde first certaine presidentes of Emperours then of Kinges and lastly for those euill affected sort vnto whome the actions of the Pope are their best instructions the doings and iudgements of sundry Popes COnstantin so much renovvmed in the church of God and that amongest other his princelie vertues for his singular clemencie and care in religion did cause to bee put to death not onely the Emperour Licinius as before but also Maximinianus The loue of the countrey knoweth no kinted the elect Emperour beeing detected by his daughter vvife of the saide Constantine for an horrible conspiracie against her husbande and yet consider Constantine shevved vnto him all duties of humanitie and courtesie in so much that hee married his daughter receiued him vnder his protection giuing vnto him all princely entertainement at vvhat time hee vvas pursued by his vvicked sonne Maxentius to death yet consider vvhen so many benefites of this Emperour could not stay him Ambition no lesse vngratefull than bloudie but in the desire of a kingdome hee thought to bereaue his protector of life then Constantine loath to nourish in his bosome anie such serpent commaunded his death and saued himselfe An other like example is that of Rhescuporis A second president of an Emperour as Tacitus calleth him or as Suetonius Liuie Thrasipolis king of Thrasia vvho by Tiberius the Emperour vvas put to death Cornelius Tacitus lib. 2. annalium For vvhe ras the said Rhescuporis had compassed the death of king Cotys for that hee coulde not abide to haue him confort vvith him in the kingdome of Thrasia vvhich in Augustus daies vvas deuided betvveene them the sayd Rhescuporis vvas accused by queene Cotys to the Emperour and Senate of Rome for this his villanous fact in destroying her husbande vvhere he receiued iudgement both of depriuation of his kingdome and also of banishment but assoone as he vvent about to flee frō Alexandria vvhere he vvas confined vvith a strong garde honored against his vvill the Emperour Tiberius presentlie gaue in commandement to behead him Bloud thirsteth after bloud and yet the said king did neuer practise the death of the Emperour as Marie of Scotland hath practised the death of the Queene of Englande Holling sheds chronicle and that since the said Marie came to be a titulary Queene and had giuen ouer to her sonne Kinge Iemie to be the onely and absolute king of Scotlande An other president I find in the Emperor Henry the seuenth of that name The third president of an Emperour vvho conuincing Robert king of Naples and Prouince of open rebellion conspiracie vvith his subiectes against his person and Empire Peter Mexia in the life of Henrie the Emperour summoned him to appeare and finally by processe of iustice gaue sentence of death against him depriuing him of his kingdome of Naples A king for treason deposed sentenced to death and discharging all his vassals of their homage and fidelitie that they ovved him and farther gaue licence to Fredericke king of Sicelie the said king Roberts enimie to make a cōquest of the said kingdom in the behalf of his sonne Thus farre goeth the Historie Clementin de re iudicata c. pastoralis hovvbeit Pope Clement the seuenth in his Clementine calleth the saide Robert king of Sicely according to the old error of Popes Fazellus de rebus Siculis and not of Naples according to all old vvriters and found fault in themperours sentence about the manner of proceeding and not the matter in question for he doth not call in question the said iudgement as though it had bin vnlavvefull for him to haue put the said king to death for treason if he had bin founde vvithin anye of his dominions vvhere he had committed anie such horrible crime against him but in that hee did cite him out of that district and limites of the Empire to vvit out of Naples vvhich the Pope calleth Sicely vvhere had beene euer his continuall and notorious residence to the citie of Pisa a place iustly feared most daungerous to his person but if the saide king Robert had contriued the death of the Emperour vvithin the iurisdiction of the Empire and there had beene founde or as it is vvoont to bee vsed in criminall causes had beene sent thither to aunsvvere the contempt doone against his Maiestie then in that case Pope Clement did agnize and insert in expresse vvoordes in his Clementine published in the Councell of Vienna that the Emperour mought haue sentenced the sayde king lavvfullie to death Popes censure in what case a Prince may lentence an other lawfullie to death his vvordes are these Quòd si punitio criminis intra districtum imperialem commissi ad imperatorem forsan pertinuisse asseratur d c pasteralis verum est quidem si ineodem districtu fuisset inventus delinquens vel ad illum de more remissus Wherein hee doth agree very vvell vvith the ciuill lavv vvhich is that sortitur quis forum tà m ratione delicti quà m ratione domicilij that is a man may be vvithin the compasse of an other Princes iurisdiction and prerogatiue asvvell in regarde of his offence cōmitted as of his place of dvvelling the discourse vvhereof more at large hereafter In like maner Barnard king of Italie Barnard king of Italie put to death by Lewes the French king being persvvaded by the Clergie of his right and title that he had to the crovvn of Fraunce leuied an armie intending to recouer his right and to destroie them that than possessed in the kingdome but in the first encounter he vvas taken Belleforest in his French history had his eies put out a vvhile vvas kept in prison and after by Lewes Debonaire king of Fraunce and Emperour for the better assurance of his state commaunded to be put to death So likevvise Conradine king of Sicelie vvas by Manfredus prisoned Collmitius lib. 4 he bequeathed his kingdome to Conradine his
the eternall and Almightie Lorde of his vnspeakable and accustomed goodnesse by a myraculous discouerie preserued the same The second Chapter containing a second Analogie or Resemblance betvveene the Emperor Licinius and the said Marie Queene of Scotland A second president much resembling the case in question is offered vnto vs from our countrieman and most Christian Emperor Constantine the Great who commaunded the death of Licinius the Emperor and yet this act was neuer controlled by any writer The Historie AFter that Constantine had taken in open hostilitie Licinius consort with him in the Empire Eusebius Socrates Sozomenus Sigonius de imperio occidentali Mexia in vitis Constantini Marentii Licinii who fauoured the Heathen persecuted the Christians and came in armes to violate his person yet at the request of Constantia his sister wife to the said Licinius he spared his life bound him to remaine at Nicomedia in the Prouince of Bithinia But when afterwards Constantine was enformed that the saide Licinius attempted a new insurrection and was to that purpose confedered with other Princes Constantine the Emperor put to death his Colledge Emperor Licinius and neuer controuled therefore and sought to flee away from the place appointed than did he foorthwith commaund the said Licinius to be put to death in the xv yeere of the said Constantines raigne when hee was lx yeeres of age and in the yeere of our Lord God 377. The comparison and resemblance betweene these two cases is verie like First Constantine and Licinius vvere both chosen Lordes and Princes of the Empire So Elizabeth Queene of England and Marie Queene of Scotland vvere both called to the state of kinges in the yle of Britanie The Empire of Britanie diuided into two kingdomes as the Empire in Constantines time was into two Empires although in diuers distinct kingdomes and therfore the doinges of Licinius mought seeme to haue more colour of right to the Empire than Mary of Scotland to entitule herselfe in this Realme Marie queene of Scotland but a titularie queene Kings of Scotland haue been feudaturies done homage to the kings of England beeing also but a titularie Queen in her ovvn land as it appeareth by the Chronicles and by auncient recordes her Progenitors haue done homage for their kingdomes to the crovvne of England Licinius notvvithstanding manie princelie benefites receiued at the Emperor Constantins hands Eusebius Socrates insomuch that he vvas aduaunced by him to the mariage of his ovvne sister Constantia vvhich descended from a princelie progenie of kings yet contrarie to his oath and promise like an vngratefull man he became a professed enemie to Constantine Marie of Scotland albeit shee receaued manie great fauours at the hands of Queen Elizabeth in sauing both her honour and life Scotland in an 1568. England 1◠reg Eliz. vvhen she vvas so earnestlie pursued by the Lordes and the commons both of Scotland and England yet like an vnthankfull person shee did shevve her selfe contrarie to her vovved promise an apparant enemie to the Queene of England Her letters to the B. of Glascon to B. Rose Morgan and Mendoza Licinius vvould alone haue bin Lord and prince of the Empire by the remoue of Constantine So Marie vvoulde bee the onelie Queene of Britanie Diuers books and pedegrees published by her agents and fauorites to that effect Resignatio facta 1567. Vide Buconanum fol. 196. And Holingsheds Chronicle fol. 388. and not onlie abandon her ovvne sonne from the kingdome of Scotland after that she had resigned the same vnto him but also expell her Maiestie Queene Elizabeth from her proper vndoubted kingdome of England Licinius vsurped an vniust title calling himselfe the vniuersall Emperor So did Marie of Scotlande giue long since In the booke called Expositio cansarum And she did it at her entrie into Poitiers in Fraunce and would not be reduced from the allowing of the same in all her proceedings ouer since both the title and armes of England vsurping therein the roiall state of her Maiestie and crovvne of England Licinius came not vvillinglie vnto Constantine but by force of armes vvas taken at Chrysopolis a Citie vvithin the prouince of Bithinia and brought to Constantine Marie of Scotland came not vvillinglie into the lande and dominion of our Soueraigne Queen Elizabeth Hollingsheds Chronicle fol. 392. but being encountred vvith her nobilitie enforced to leaue the field came by boate into Werkington Hauen in the vvest marches of England Licinius had his life once pardoned for open hostilitie against the Emperor Constantine Mexia in vita Cōstantini ca. 1. Eusebius Socrates Sozomenus Marie of Scotlande hath had her life spared for murdring her husbād also for hostilitie and treason practised against Elizabeth Queene of England 13. regni Reginae Elizabethae published in Parliament Licinius although pardoned Mexia cap. 10. Socrates lib. 1. cap. 2. Sozomenus lib. 1 cap. 2. yet vvas not too far trusted by Constantine but first cōfined to Nicomedia aftervvards to Thessalonica and there had a noble gard about his palace and person Marie of Scotland Iustlie mistrusted for giuing the armes and title of England and refusing to ratifie the treatie of Edingburg and afterward for procuring the rebellion in the North and manie other treasons since she had for her abode Carlile castle Bolton Castle Sheffeld castle all at the Queene of Englands great charges and expenses and great fauours vvas vpon most iust cause mistrusted and therefore confined to certaine statelie houses in England there had princely maintenance and an honourable gard attending her person Licinius did seeke to flee avvay from the place vvhereunto he vvas enioyned Marie of Scotlande did manie times practise the like in England Confessed by her before the Lords at Fodringa castle Licinius did treat vvith diuers princes and captaines to make nevv vvarres against Constantine Marie of Scotland did not onlie practise vvith diuers princes The practise of bringing in of forces cōfessed by her before the Lords Noblemen and others to bring in forreine forces into the Realme of Englande The rest confessed by Babington Ballard and other of that conspiracie and most horrible treason but also did conspire and contriue vvith euil disposed subiectes to England the chaunge of the state the ouerthrovve of religion the death of her Maiesties sacred person the massacre of the nobilitie and an vniuersal desolation of the vvhole Realme To conclude Mexia in vita Constantini ca. 1 Socrates Sozomenus in the foresaid places Licinius for endangering againe Constantines person and seeking by nevv troubles to aspire to the Empire like as Maximinianus before had done vvas by the appointment of Constantine adiudged to die Marie of Scotland hath giuen far greater cause to our Constantine Elizabeth Queen of England to fear nevv conspiracies both against her Maiestie the state of the vvhole realme like as the said
from her to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie allow and giue her assent to the same Neuerthelesse after the making of this acte and her sayde consent giuen therunto the monstrous conspiracie of Babington by her priuie consent and promise of rewarde for the murdering of her Maiesties sacred person and atcheiuing the crowne and diademe in full possession was practised and miraculously discouered Which I neede not heere particularly to deduce since there was a most honorable sentence giuen thereof by the most part and the most auncientest of the nobilitie since their proceedinges were declared to the whole body of the Realme assembled in Parliament of them receiued all allowance since both the houses often sued vnto her Maiesty that according to lawe iustice might be administred and since her highnesse at the great intreatie of her subiects suffered the sentence by Proclamation to be published it plainly appeareth that the intention of the lawe makers was that the lawe should reach vnto the Queene of Scots and to euerie other person whosoeuer being a Competitour of the kingdome Wherefore it is manifest that although this is statute law yet since it was the minde and intent of the makers that this lawe shoulde reache to the Queene of Scots that by offending she is made subiect vnto it Neither is the statute lawe heerein repugnant in substance to the lawe of Nations howbeit there bee some difference in some matter of circumstaunce but the same agreeth with the lawes both ciuill of Nations in substance which generally do inflict the penaltie of death vpon euery one that is a worker of treason Besides if the statute lawes of England wil bind the king himself for any matter within his realme when the intentiō of the makers of the law is such as it is verie plaine and cleere without all controuersie that it doth shall not a statute law bind the queene of Scots especially for mattter perpetrated within the realme And as touching the said statute of the 27. shee could not pretend ignorance for that she had vnderstanding of it nor alledge a mislike therof for that by her voluntarie subscription she had approued it nor except against the seueritie of the law because it is agreeable both to the ciuill law of the Romanes also to the law custome of her owne countrie and therefore it may be said to her Non potest quis improbare quod ipse approbauit a man may not bee contrary to himselfe in disalowing that which himselfe hath allowed Also Patere legem quam ipse tuleris suffer the same lawe which you haue made your selfe Shee meant death to the queene of Englands person let her not therefore mislike if the queene of England doth minister the like measure to her person for as it hath been neere fifteene hundred yeeres agoe trulie written Non est lex aequior vlla Quà m necis artifices arte perire sua No iuster lavv can reason craue Thē seeking death the same to haue Also it is a rule of the ciuill law grounded vpon the law of nature Id debet cuique placere in sua persona quod placuerit in aliena that euerie man ought to like that in his own person which he would haue done in the person of another neither doth the priuiledge of dignity in the person alter the nature and qualitie of the offence in case of treason howsoeuer it doth in other cases as before I haue sundrie wayes confirmed The 4. obiection THE fourth obiection made against the sentence and excution of the Scottish queene is another exception taken against the law of the lande because in the case of treason it punisheth as seuerelie the intent as the deede the minde in conspiring as the hand in executing for thus they reason It is both against the lawe of nations and the law of nature howsoeuer it bee according to the lawe of your lande to put a queene to death for a bare and naked intent an imagined treason be it neuer so haynous when there followeth no hurt For whē her desseines neither did nor could hurt the Queene of England as neuer hauing their intended effect what reason is it to punishe a fancie and feare of treason with so great a punishment as death The Aunswere TO this I make this aunswere that the lawe of England heerein inflicteth none other punishement for treason than the ciuill law and law of nations throughout the whole world commandeth vseth and practiseth The ciuill law hath these wordes Eadem seueritate voluntatem sceleru quae effectum puniri iura voluerunt L. quisquis C. ad L. Iuliam maiestatis the lawes will haue him that conspireth treason to be punished with the same seueritie as him that doth commit it Againe not onlie in the case of high treason but also in omnibus atrocioribus delictis punitur affectus licet nō sequatur effectus in al criminal offences of the highest degree the affect is punished although no effect follow And this lawe hath not only been so obserued generally in all nations aboue twelue hundred yeeres past but there was many hundred yeeres before Christes time in casu perduellionis in the case of treason committed against the state the like law called lex 12 tabularum established 12. Tabularum ff ad L. Iuliam maiestatis which inflicteth death for the will and intent of treason And therefore the said two Emperors Arcadius Honorius in their cōstitution made against treason said not volumus D. L. quisquis ad L. Iuliam sed sic iura voluerunt the lawes were so before their time But to say that there ought in offences of the highest degree no punishmēt to ensue vnles the act were consummate were most against law for two speciall causes The one for that such hope of impunitie would encourage malefactors to practise most daungerous and audacious attempts against kinges and common weales Secondly if they stay to punish till the fact be done the losse will be irrecuperable and the offence as this case is in a competitor though most haynous dispunishable For in this case in question the death of her Maiestie whom God euer preserue being taken away all commissions and magistracies for iudicial places should cease so that this being contriued by a cōpetitor to the kingdome as the Queen of Scots by open and expresse accord hath often declared herselfe the same offence by the accesse or taking vpon her the crowne and dignitie should by lawe be purged and the competitor cleared For king Henrie the sixt after the ouerthrowe giuen him by king Edwarde the fourth was by act of Parliament disabled from his crowne and dignitie And yet afterwardes the saide king in his redemption helde Parliament and in the same the question did growe whether there needed any reuersall of the saide former acte made against the sayde king It was resolued that no reuersall was needfull but ipso facto that the sayd king Henrie the vj. tooke vpon
of the lawe makers is such doth binde aswell the king himselfe as euery other king comming within offending in that iurisdiction Since the Queen of Scots by her delict manifold offences made herself so fubiect to the lawes of this countrey as if she had actually consented to them What man of reason in whom there is any naturall loue to his countrie or apparance of an honest man would not counsell by iustice to remoue the Scottish queen the very plague calamity of our countrie the very ground-worke chiefe impulsiue cause of all these treasons conspiracies the hope of disconteÌ„ted subiects the very cause for whoÌ„ the Pope thundereth keepeth this stir for whoÌ„ so many monsters haue aduentured theÌ„selues to destroy her Maiestie for whose sake other pretende to haue iust cause offered to inuade this land To conclude since that mercy is without mercie that spareth one to the spoile of so many since to do iustice on the offender cannot be but honorable God is well pleased in the punishment of the wicked since there was no hope of reconcilement with one which deadly hated and was still aspiring to the present possessioÌ„ of the kingdome since there was no remedie left but to iustice her or to liue in continuall feare of being daily murdered many attempting since her sentence published to destroy her Maiestie Since many good princes haue redeemed their safeties with the death of other and there is no iust place or cause left to her of complaint that is so dealt with as shee woulde haue dealt with other Let other princes and people of the earth make the queene of Englands case their case the state of England the state of their countrie than I doubt not but as England hath done so would they haue done and as England is right sorie that such treasons were committed so would they sorrow if they escaped vnpunished FINIS Errata In the first chapter IN the 3. page in margine examinution for examination In the 5. pag. maintenatce for maintenance 6. pag. in marg letters imploiment for letters of imploiment Ibid. Petrus exea for Peâ—â—us Mexia 8. pag. laly for Italie In the 2. Analogie First pag. by any writer for by any good writer Ibid. in margine marentij for maxentij 2. pag. in marg colledge for collegue 6. pag. in fine to England for of England In the 3. chapter Sixt pag. that than postested in the kingdome for that than were possessed in the kingdome Ibid. pag. Conradine king for Conrade king prisoned for poysoned hee bequeathed for who bequeathed Ione Neapolitan Queene for Ione the Neapolitan Queene In the 4. chapter In marg 2. pag. of putting a king to death pro for putting a king to death In the 5. chapter second pag. presciencie for prescience Ibidem made in the same effect for to the same effect 3. pag. than being kept close prisoner for than this to bee kept a close prisoner 4. pag. an offence giuen in the highest degree for an offence committed in the highest degree 3. pag. therein adding without comma therein in the time of Embassie for in the time of their Embassie In the 6. chapter And is a law for it is a law Fardinand Vaskins for Vaskius to the 3. obiection her priuie consent for her priuitie consent and promise to the 4. obiection expresse accord for expresse action In the 7. chapter in vita Conradini for vita Conradini Anthony Babingtons letter to the Queene of Scots MOST mighty moste excellent my dread Soueraigne Lady and Queene vnto whome Onely obedience to the Queene of Scots â—rgo not to the Queene of England onely I doo owe all fidelity and obedience It may please your gratious Maiesty to admit excuse for my long silence and discontinuance from your duetifull office incepted vpon the remoue of your Royall person from the auncient place of your aboade to the custodie of a wicked puritane a mortal enemy both by faith and faction to your Maiesty and state Catholike I held the hope of your countreyes The weale of the realme to depend vpon the Queene of Scots weale depending next vnder God vpon the life and health of your Maiestie to bee desperate and thereupon resolued to depart the land determining to spend the remnaÌ„t of my life in such solitary sort as the wretched miserable estate of my countrey did require only He expected the confusion of the realme expecting according to the iust iudgement of God the deserued confusion thereof which the Lord of his mercy sake preuent the which my purpose beeing in execution and standing vpon my departure there was addressed vnto me from the parts beyonde the seas one Ballard the traitor commeÌ„ ded for a man of vertue and zealous to their religion the Squeens seruice Ballard a man of vertue and learning and of a singular zeale to the Catholike cause and your Maiesties seruice the man enformed mee of great preparation by the Christian princes your Maiesties Allies for the deliuerance of our countrey PreparatioÌ„ by Christian princes her maiest allies of fortaine inuasion for alteration of religion from the extreame and miserable estate wherein it hath so long remained which when I vnderstood my speciall desire was to aduise by what meanes I mighte with the hazard of my life and my freinds generall to do your sacred Maiestie One good daies seruice one good dayes seruice Whereupon moste dreade Soueraigne according to the greate care whiche those princes haue of the preseruation and safe deliuerance of your Maiest sacred person I aduised of meanes considered of circumstances according to the weight of the affaires And after long considerations and conference had with so many of your wisest and most trusty The consultation as with safety I might coÌ„mend the secrecie thereof vnto I do find by the assistaunce of our Lord Iesus assurance of good effect desired fruit of our trauel These things are first to be aduised in this great honorable action vpon the issue of which depends not onely the life of your most excellent Ma. which GOD long preserue to our most inestimable comfort the saluation of English soules Vpon these traiterous actions depended 1. the life of the Sc. Qu. 2. thewealth of the countrey 3. restauration of faith 4. redemption from heresy the life of vs al actors heerin but also the wealth of our couÌ„trey far then our liues more deere vnto vs and the last hope euer to recouer the faith of our forefathers and to redeeme our selues from the seruitude bondage which heresie hath imposed vs with the losse of a 1000 soules First assuring of inuasion with sufficient strength in the inuadors partes to arriue well appointed with a strong part at euery place to ioine with them warrant the landing the deliuerance of your Ma. the dispatch of the vsurped He calleth our Queene an vsurped competitor competitor for the These desperate practiscs vndertaken by B. effectuating of
A DEFENCE OF THE HONORAble sentence and execution of the Queene of Scots EXEMPLED WITH Analogies and diuerse presidents of Emperors Kings and Popes With the opinions of learned men in the point and diuerse reasons gathered foorth out of both Lawes Ciuill and Canon Together with the answere to certaine obiections made by the fauourites of the late Scottish Queene Vlpians Maxim Juris executio nullam habet iniuriam The execution of Lawe is iniurious to no man AT LONDON Printed by Iohn Windet The contents of the booke 1 The first Chapter conteining an Analogie or Resemblance between Ione Queene of Naples and Marie late Queene of Scotlande 2 The seconde chapter conteining an other Analogie or Resemblance betweene the Emperor Licinius and the said queene Mary 3 The third chapter conteining certaine presidents of sundry Emperors kings that haue in some case put other princes vnto death 4 The fourth chapter conteyning the actes and iudgementes of sundrie Popes which haue approued the death of some Princes 5 The fift Chapter conteining a confirmation of the honorable sentence execution past against the late Scottish Queene by sundrie reasons and authorities gathered foorth of the Ciuill and Canon lawe 6 The sixt chapter conteining seuerall aunsweres to seuerall obiections lately made against the said sentence 7 The seuenth chapter wherein is prooued that in two especiall cases the drawing of the sworde of one Prince against another is not onely lawfull but most necessarie 8 The conclusion vpon the sum of the saide Chapters AN ANALOGIE OR resemblance betweene Ione queene of Naples and Marie queene of Scotland IOne queene of Naples being in loue vvith the duke of Tarent Collmitius lib. 5. in historia Neapolitana Petrus Mexia in vita veâ—celai Historia blondi Epitome pij secundi caused hir husband Andrasius or as som terme him Andreas king of Naples vvhom she little fauoured to be strangled in the yeare of our Lord God 1348. Marie Queene of Scotland being as appeareth by the Chronicles of Scotlande and her ovvne letters in loue vvith the Earle Bothwell Author de nuptijs Mariae Bucchanan in historia rerum Scoâ—icarum Hir casket of letters were deliuered to the Lordes out of Edingburg castle by lames Balford one of the conspiracie against the king See the detection of the doings of Mary Queen of Scots c. and the inditement of Bothwell other like printed in Scottish caused hir husband Henrie Lorde Darley king of Scotland vvhome shee made small account of long time before to be strangled and the house vvhere he lodged called Kirk of fielde to be blovven vp vvith gun povvder the tenth of Februarie in the yeare of our Lord God 1567. 2 Jone queene of Naples did presentlie after the shamefull slaughter of her husbande Colinutius lib. 5. pag. 216. Petrus Mexia marrie vvith the saide Duke of Tarent notvvithstaÌ„ding that they vvere ioyned in kinred neere togither Marie Queene of Scotlande shortly after the villanous death of her sayde husband Author de nuptijs Mariae Buconan fol. 190 191. lib. rerum scoticarum 18. vvas publikely married at Sterling by the Bishop of Orkney to the said Earle Bothwell notvvithstanding that he had then tvvo vviues aliue Also the detection aforesaid and the scotish monuments and vvas diuorsed from the third called dame Iane Gorden vpoÌ„ a likely adulterie by himselfe committed 3 Ione Queene of Naples had no long fruition of her inordinate lust and infamous marriage vvith the saide Duke of Tarent Colinâ—tius lib. 5. pag. 216. 218 for he being therfore detested of all the countrey pined avvay shortly after vvithimmoderate venery thought Marie queene of Scotland after that adulterous marriage had vvith Bothwell Buconan fol. 199. â—95 lib. 18. 19. did but a small time enioy him for the Nobilitie and the commons rising in armes against them put theÌ„ both to their seuerall shifts first Bothwell to flee into Denmarke and not long after that the saide Marie into England the vvhich Bothwell liuing or rather languishing in prison and like a banished and consumed man had there nothing so comfortable to his guiltie conscience as present death vvhich there also aftervvard ensued 4 Ione Queene of Naples raised a detestable scisme and diuision in Italie and Fraunce Colinutius lib. 5. Mexia in vita Vencelai Platina in vitae Clementis v. vita vrbani 6. by reason of tvvo Popes at one time Vrban pope at Rome and Clement pope at Auinion Marie the Scottish queene did sovv the seede of scisme and sedition B. rose at his examinution 26. octobris 1571. both in the church of England and of Scotland by the meanes of three Popes Pius most impious to her Maiestie Gregorie the xiij and Sextus the fift novve Pope His book called the discouerie of the Scottishe Queenes affaires in England fo 20. Her letters to the B. of Glosco written in Cipher dated 6. Nouember 1577. Her letters to French Spanish Ambassadours vvhich vvhat vvith the brutish bull vvhat vvith sundry thuÌ„derbolts of excommunication purchased by her meanes and her ministers vvhat vvith dispensations giueÌ„ to all those that vvould in her fauour rebell against the Queene our Soueraigne Ladie haue not onely sought to vvithdravve the hearts of her Maiesties euill disposed subiectes from their naturall loue due obedience but also haue bene the impulsiue and principall cause of all Scismes and other vnnaturall dissensions vvithin her Maiesties kingdoms and dominions Ione Queene of Naples Petrus Mexia in vita Vencelai sent to the Pope of Auinion called by many historiographers Antipope Clement a Pope of her ovvne facture fashion to vphold and defend her quarrell against Charles forces vvho by reason that he vvas Nephevve of Lewes king of Hungary sonne according to some vvriters or as some say next of kinne to Andreas or Andrasius her first husband king of Naples by her murdered vvas Competitor vvith her in the said kingdome Collinuti us lib. 8. pag. 215. 224. that by the title of Robert king of Naples her grandfathers testament also by kindred Marie of Scotland sent many times to the Popes of Rome not so much for the defence of her self and her sonne in the kingdome of Scotlande Rudâ—lph an Italian merchaÌ„t her messenger in this behalfe B. Ros his letters confession 26 Octob. 1571 Her letters to B. of Glasco Her letters to euerie of the Ambassadors French Spanish Her letters to Morgan her agent in France and his letters to her Her most spiteful letter to the English and Scottish banished men beginning If euer Prince Iohn Hameltons letters to her 6. Iulij 1571. the Duke of Aluas message sent by him B. Rose letters emploiment by her in Germaniâ— Father Henrâ—eâ— message from her to the princes combined for the contribution towards the inuasion of the Realme and putting her in actuall possession of the same as vvhich is far vvorse to the
sonne Conradine put to death by king Charles the vvhich being yong and not able to make resistaunce left his countrie vnto Manfrede the vvhich Charles Earle of Aniew Prouence the French kings brother at the request of the Cleargie of Italie manie yeres after subdued conquered and there beeing chosen and crovvned king of Naples in his daies Conradine being grovven to yeres and desirous of his fathers kingdome by his father giuen him much holpen and furthered by the personall presence of manie great princes hee entred the countrie in vvarlike maner vvhere he vvas taken prisoner and after tvvelue moneths imprisonment by the opiniō of the best learned in the lavve in open iudgement hee vvas condemned and publikelie vvith manie his confederates hee vvas commaunded by the same Charles to be executed So vvhen Lewes king of Hungarie vvas consulted by his nephevve Charles King of Naples Collinutius li. 5. vvhat hee vvere best to doe vvith Ione Neapolitan Queene than his prisoner An aduise of a king for a queene to be put to death hee sent tvvo noble men vnto the said Charles vvith this determinate ansvvere aduise that she should be brought to the same place vvher she strāgled her husband there to be strangled in like maner her selfe ¶ The iiij Chapter conteining the Actes and iudgements of sundrie Popes which haue approued the death of some princes BVT to leaue the examples of kings and to come to Popes vvhose acts vvill better serue to satisfie some mens humors than all the Presidentes of Kinges and Emperours be they neuer so godlie Thēselues say a Pope may erre in maners but not in iudgement if Popes cannot erre as Popes doe affirme than Pope Clement the fourth his example vvere able to persvvade in this case euen Pope Sextus Quintus himselfe novv Pope of Rome although he be one of the chiefe pillers and patrones of the Scottishe Queene A iudgement of Clement of putting a king to death Colimutius in historia Neapolitana lib. 4. pag. 186. Henricus Gildifingensit in historia Austriaca for that the said Clement deliuered for lavv in Conradine the king of Sicelie his case that because he had compassed to take avvay the life of Charles the king of Naples it vvas both lavvfull and expedient for the saide Charles to put him to death An other example of a Pope And taking vvith vs the said Popes ground and maxime that Popes cannot erre a second example vvill serue of an other Pope called Boniface vvho put to death the Pope Celestine vvhom hee had in prison for a lesser cause a great deale then that of Conradine Collinutius li. 5. Vide Cornelium Agrippā de vanitate scientiarū c. de eccles magigistratibus de tribus mirabilibus Bonifacii Metuens as the history setteth dovvn in expresse termes ne ob singularem pietatem ad pontificatū denuo reuocaretur that is because hee feared that Celestine the olde Pope vvould for his singular vertue bee called to his Popedome againe thus did Boniface not for anie treason practised against himselfe but for feare of loosing his liuing put Celestine a good Pope to death And because the Pope in creating of Cardinals Cardinals in their creation Popes felowes Gigas de crimine laesae maiestatis Iulius clarus receptarum sententiarum lib. 5. calleth them the Princes of this vvorlde and his brethren part of his body making therfore the crime of treason called crimen laesae maiestatis to lie in offence done to their persons asvvell as to himself as is by Gigas and Iulius Clarus affirmed I thinke the iudgement of Pope Vrban the sixt may be conioyned vvith that former president of Boniface the viii vvho hauing gotten viii Cardinals in prison did for the preseruation of his ovvne person as hee did pretend cause fiue of them to bee put in sacks and being therein fast bound to be cast into the sea Pope Vrban put to death 8. Cardinals for preseruation of his owne person Collinutius li. 5. the other iii. being conuicted at Genua in open iudgement he caused to be beheaded and their bodies to be dried in an ouen and to bee carried vvith their three purple Hats borne vp before him A strange crueltie of a pope vpon dead bodies of his owne felowes vvhen hee vvent any vvaies foorth to the intent that this mought bee a terror vnto all other that shoulde contriue anie thing against his holines And least anie Romane Catholike shoulde thinke that it is an vnchristian part to put a christian Queen to death I giue him the same Pope Vrbans action for his instruction vvho vvhē the svvord vvas brought al blooddy vnto him Collinutius li. 5. vvith the vvhich Charles king of Naples nephevve to Lewes king of Hungary vvas by treacherie murdered at Buda in Hungarte not vvithout the due punishment of God inflicted vppon the murderers and their abbettors for the same hee allovving the facte A Popes allowaunce of the treacherous murdering of a king handled the saide svvorde so embrued vvith bloud in his hande and tooke great pleasure in beholding of it If a Pope made allowance of so treacherous a murder of a good king what disalowance is there to bee made of a iust and honorable sentence giuen of a tumultuous Queene And yet this is that Pope Vrbanus minime Vrbanus Platina in the life of Vrban the vi Collinutius li. 5. Mexia in the life of Vencelaus as Platina saith vvhich not long before did aduaunce the sayde Charles vvith all the blessinges and aide that he could in his title claim against the said Ione to the kingdome of Naples pronouncing his curse against her as a scismatike and rebell and that notvvithstanding he aftervvards fell as fast to the cursing of the saide Charles Collinutius li. 5. because he vvould not create one Bitillus a bitelhed and verie levvde person the saide Popes nephevv to be Prince of Capua Lord of Dirachium in Dalmatia These fevve examples vvhere kinges Emperours and Popes haue put other princes of like condition to death may serue in case of the Scottish Queene to persvvade any man that is not too too farre distempered in his iudgement especiallye seeing the practises of these vvhich for their treasonable demerites vvere put to death are far inferior to this her most horrible and treacherous conspiracie and that there can neuer be one historie or example shovven in such villanie cōparable to this vvhere a Queen hath had so many times her honor and life preserued vvhen her ovvne subiects vvere in armes against her in Scotlande vvhē her Nobilitie for the murdering of the king her husbande craued her death by Iustice in England vvhen the nobility and commons of England for nevv and fresh conspiracies and by her often reiterated against the Queenes Maiestie and the good estate of the land haue againe and againe earnestly requested both in open Parliaments and els vvhere due execution of
vaine the benefit of the lawe that doeth offend against the lawe So is the Queenes Maiestie in her gratious Realme a sanctuarie to euerie king that commeth within the same vnder her highnesse protection vntill he committeth a capitall delict and offence against the same and than vpon the reason of the foresaid lawes he looseth the benefit priuiledge thereof like as the benefite or priuiledge of safeconduit is lost when after the safe conduit graunted any crime is committed but for a farder confirmation of the premisses we shall speake more at large in the next chapter The sixt Chapter containing an aunswere to certaine obiections latelie made by certaine fauorites of the Queene of Scottes FOR asmuch as some partiall and euill affected Aliens and some hollow and dissembling subiects will perhaps in this honourable and iust action maligne the proceedings of the whole Parliament and the sentence and execution thereuppon I thinke it not amisse to meet with some of the best of their Arguments the which at the first showe might seeme to crosse or controll their doings The first obiection The first obiection is That Par in parem non habet imperium that is an absolute Prince ouer and against another absolute Prince hath no iurisdiction or soueraintie And this was by Prince Conradine a Prince more skilfull in feats of warre than in points of law Collinutius lib. 4 hist Neapolit obiected vnto Barius king Charles his Prothonotarie after that he had read the sentence of death giuen against him The like argument doth Matheus Parisiensis alledge in king Iohns case Parisiensis Monachus in sua historia whē the French king wold haue sentenced him for the Dukedome of Normādie Vpon the which maxime or rule it is inferred that forasmuch as our Queen Marie of Scotland were both Queenes and of egall power and authoritie that the one can haue no such power to sentence or punish the other The Answeare For aunswere it may then trulie and iustlie be said that whatsoeuer showe this argument maketh in apparance yet it is nothing at all in substance For to let passe that which is much doubted of by many whether the Scottish Queene were at the time of the sentence giuen Queene of Scotland or no seeing by the three estates of Scotlād she was disabled To omit also that shee relinquished long time before all her right title and interest in the same realme if she had any to the Lord Iemie her sonne now king of Scotland To passe ouer in like maner how euident a thing it is and most notorious that the kinges of Scots haue been feudataries and done homage vnto the kings of England See Hall and Foxes historie reg 4. William Conqerour malconib Edward 1. Richard 2. and haue appeared in person in Parliament at Yorke and had the place of the first Peere in England whereby it may bee inferred that the Scottish Queene was no absolute Queene but had respect was inferior to the crowne of England if we should graunt them all this for dispution sake that shee was still Queene of Scotland and farder that she was an absolute Queen what than what can they infer of this doth equalitie in dignitie giue supreame power and soueraintie in the kindome of England This her soueraintie hath vndoubtedly a necessarie relation to her owne subiects the Scots and kingdome of Scotland not vnto the English and realme of England albeit I do graūt here for argument sake more than may doe to wit that she was still a Queene in dignitie Thomas Grammaticus yet I may right well deny her to be a Queene in soueraintie for she left all her soueraintie behinde her and became a priuate person and no soueraine at what time shee came from Loghléuen castle in Scotlande to the castle of Cokermouth in Englande And this point may soone be tryed by sampling the same in an other Princesse comming into anie forreine countrey If the King of Spaine should come into Fraunce although perhaps the French King mought take him for his brother in the sence of the Poet fratrum concordia rara yet I doubt he would not take him there for his fellow Lucan Tullie in his booke of dutiess Omnisque potestas impatiens consortis erit there is no kingdome that will abide a Copartner D D in l. est receptum f. de iurisd omnium Iudicum And as Tullie saieth Nulla sides nec sancta societas regni est There can be no firme faith nor holy societie of a kingdome ouer and aboue that euerie Prince in his owne principalitie is the greater c cum inferior de maior obed and it is an infallible rule that euerie Kinge out of his owne kingdome is no more but a priuate person Lapus in allegat xcij. Preses saith Paulus in suae prouinciae homines tantùm imperium habet hoc dum in prouincia est I. preses f. de officio presidis nam si excesserit priuatus est A president hath souerainty onely vppon the subiectes of his owne prouince and that whilest he is within his prouince but if he goeth forth of it he is a priuate person Vpon the conclusion of which lawe there grew amongest the learned this question Baratolus lib. 12. de dignitatibus c. whether a Kinge passing thorough or resiant in another kinges Realme and dominion mought make anie of his subiectes knightes and some helde opinion that he could not for that he had not there merum imperium supreme power and soueraintie but Regiam duntaxat dignitatem that is only the honour and dignitie of a king Other resolued thus that albeit in this case hee had no such soueraintie in him yet bicause this act was not cōtentiosae iurisdictionis of a cōtentious iurisdiction as when sutes passe in the kings cōsistory between party party Iason Alexander in L. extra territorium de iurisd omnium iudicum but iurisdictionis voluntariae of a iurisdiction voluntarie such as passe vpon pleasure before himselfe they were of opiniō that he myght make knights like as one Bishop may approue willes and confer orders in the Diocesse of another Bishop because the same is iurisdictionis voluntariae of a iurisdiction voluntarie but that a king in another kings dominiō or a Bishop in the diocesse of another Bishop hath merum imperium or soueraigntie that can neuer be showne but the quite contrarie Neither only is euery one in his owne territorie chiefe and greater than an other who in other respects notwithstanding is many wayes greater than himselfe but also he may punish there such a person greater than himself offending in his territorie insomuch that an Archbishop by a Bishop in the Bishops own territory an Emperor by a king in a kings dominion and countrie and a king by a Magistrate of a free Citie may there be punished for his offence Neither doth the rule Par in parem take anie place
in that case and so in the case of an Archbishoppe Panormitan and Felin expressely set downe C cum inseriors de maior obed that he may by his inferiour Byshoppe being not his suffragan receiue condigne punishment for the offence that hee hath committed within the sayde Byshoppes diocesse Anchoranus addeth farder Anchoran clem 1. de fore comperente that if a patriarche should offende within the territorie of Bononie the Byshop there mought punish him accordingly And that an Emperour may be in like manner punished by an other Prince in whose territorie he hath offended Vaskins lib. 1. contr f. illustrium Ferdinandus Vaskins in his booke of princely controuersies doeth affirme in these wordes Imperatorem ab alio principe in cuius territorio deliquisset puniri posse non dubitauerim And that a Magistrate in like maner of a free Citie may punish a king offending within the territorie of the Citie we reade examples in sundrye histories as howe Iustinian a king Functius in cronologia was put to death by Helias a patrician c. And the reason of the premisses is grounded vpon two conclusions of the lawe The one is that the Emperour the King the Archbishoppe and the Bishoppe are out of their owne kingdomes countryes and diocesse but as priuate persons The other that euerie Prince and ruler within his own kingdome and rule is greater than any other although hee were the greatest monarche in the worlde The which a great learned man called Lapus de castello in plaine words most apparantly showeth his wordes be these Lapus de castello alleg 91. nu 7. 8. Extra territorium suum quilibet Rex censetur ad instar priuati constat quòd vnusquisque in suo territorio maior est vndè populus Senensis in suo territorio magis potest quà m Dominus Rex illustrissimus perpetuus Anglorum Euerie kinge out of his owne kingdome is accompted as a priuate person and it is apparant that euerie person in his owne territorie is the greater And therefore the people of Senes in Italy can in their owne state and territorie doe more than the mightie and illustrious Lord the King of England Againe we may further shew in this case that although shee were a Queen and by her royall prerogatiue not to be touched yet if she doth deuest herselfe of her prerogatiue or make herselfe subiect to the iurisdiction of another than can she not claime her priuiledge nor exempt her selfe from the others iurisdictiō For as Vlpian praefectus praetorio to Alexander the Emperor saith Est receptum eoque iure vtimur L. 14. ff de iurisdict omniū Iud. vt si quis maior vel aequalis subijciat se iurisdictioni alterius possit ei aduersus eum ius dici It is receiued and is a lawe which wee haue daily in vre that if the greater or egall doe submit himselfe vnto the iurisdiction of an other the lawe may there bee ministred to him and against him vpon which law Paulus Castrensis Iason diuers other learned mē do note that there are two kinds of submission Expressa tacita expresse commission by giuing open consent secrete submission by making any contract or cōmitting any offence so within their territories Vnus Princeps vel Baro potest alium principē vel Conbaronē punire One Prince or Baron may punish an other prince or Baron Than since the Scottish Queene in her Maiesties Realme against her Maiestie not of ignorance but wittinglie desirous of her crowne hath offended and that in no lesse case than the case of high treason by her treasonable fact shee hath yeelded a secrete submission to the iurisdiction of Englande and therefore there rightfullie to bee punished by law Wherfore to conclude since some doubt whether shee were a Queen as which had resigned vp and thereby had no kingdome since if shee were a Queene in dignitie yet in soueraintie she was no Queene but a priuate person comming into another Princes dominion since euerie Prince in his owne kingdome is chiefest and other there are inferiour to him since an inferiour person may punish his superiours for such offences they commit within his iurisdiction since a Prince by offending submitteth himselfe to the state of that countrie where he offendeth and may haue the law passe against him for it This obiection of Par in parem little serueth their purpose as which is to bee vnderstood of facts committed in their seueral kingdoms territories For than may not the queene of England punish her for ought shee hath done amisse in Scotland because they are in this case Pares that is of egall authoritie but for her demerites in England where they are not Pares but the Queene of Scots inferiour to the Queene of England there the queene of England reteineth only the supreme soueraintie and therefore there may notwithstanding the said obiection lawfully sentence the Scottish queene The 2. Obiection AN other obiection is made thus The Scottish queene pursued by her owne subiects fled into the realme of England as a suppliant for succour and therfore of common curtesie she ought to be well entreated there nor to be deteined as a prisoner or if she were deteined yet to haue the libertie to be put vnto her raunsome The Aunswere TO this may be answered first that euerie person passing through or resiaunt in another kingdome without a safe conduct or pasport being not in amitie or league with the other is a lawfull prisoner in the same And therefore in all the leagues that we make with the house of Burgūdie or kingdome of Fraunce or they with vs there is an expresse article or capitulation set downe vt sit amicitia foedus pax vt liceat per dulces aquas c. commeare that there bee an amitie league and peace and that it may be lawfull for the subiects to passe by water or land through the realme freely and without impeachment Which being graunted than must we farther in this case consider howe that vntill the last yeare there neuer was Foedus vel pax inita any league or peace made beween Scotland and Englande but only Cessatio à billo an abstinence from the warres whereby the Scottish Queene comming into England could not challenge any libertie or freedome within that kingdome Than the law standing thus that no man Nisi confederatus retinet sibi libertatē in aliquo regno c. L. non dubite ff de captiuis No man can reteyne liberty in an other kyngdome without he be in league confederated with the king or come into the realme by safe conduct I thinke it will not be gaine-said but she was staide here and deteined lawfully Againe it is not heere to be past ouer in silence how the Queene of Scots vsurped the stile and armes of the crowne of England a thing most notorious to the whole worlde Since therefore shee was a Competitor of
the whole realme were no mercy at al but a pitilesse crueltie For as S. Austine saith Sicut est misericordia puniens ita est crudelitas parcens as there is mercie in punishing Augustinus ad Marcellum so there is crueltie in sparing which by many presidents of sundry princes may be showen For Salomon vnto whome for wisedome no Prince was euer comparable when he considered what was intended by his brother Adonia who yet thirsted and longed for his crowne making a conscience to endaunger the life of his subiectes the which assuredly had followed if either Adonia 1. Regum 2. or any for him had taken armes without any farder processe hee commaunded him to be taken and slaine So did the vertuous and most mercifull EmpeÌ„rour Constantine Eusebius Mexia alii vpon the like feare of a newe insurrection and destruction of his people take away the life of the Emperour Liâ—â—nius So did king Henrie the 5. after his glorious victorie ouer the French at Egincourt Grafton in his Cronicles on the raigne of H. 5. shewe great clemencie vnto the persons that were taken but when his tentes were spoyled and he iustly feared a newe assault then contrarie to his accustomed pitie he commaunded euerie man vpon paine of his life to kill his prisoner for then to haue spared them beginning a seconde fight might haue turned to the destruction of him his whole armie And therefore least a prince might seeme to honour one aboue the safetie of his people and to leese the heartes of his loyall subiectes by not hauing care of them and their posteritie least the massacring of them be reputed his fault and God require their bloud at his hand least by his conniuencie he should embolden the hearts of the wicked and cause his subiectes to take part with the enemie hee may well conclude as in the like case did Cicero Natura me clementem sed patria seuerum fecit Tullie contra Catelinam Nature made me pitifull but the loue of my countrey hath made me cruell Pereat Absolon viuat Israel The Conclusion WHerefore let all the world witnesse and the consciences of good men which without all partiall affection in the singlenes of their hearts follow fauour a truth what the Prince and people of England for the glory of God and furtherance of his truth for the safegard of her Maiestie and preseruation of their estate either could or should haue done rather than this by the death of one troublesome and treason-working person to haue redeemed the quiet and safetie of themselues For since shee hath taken on her the armes and title of the crowne of England and refused to repeale her doings being thereunto sollicited since she hath been the ruin of many worshipfull houses and cause of the destruction of some of the Nobilitie Since she incited the rebels of the North to leauie open warre against her Maiestie and releeued them being fled by her friends in Scotland afterward by the Pope who through her procurement sent to their reliefe in Flaunders 12000. crownes Nay since not coÌ„tent with al this she hath laboured by her letters and ministers sundry forreine princes to inuade this realme the pope Spanish king with sundry coÌ„bined coÌ„federed haue a long time intended in part haue practised and are now in some readinesse to performe the same Since her feed seruaunt Morgan practised with Parrie to murder our Soueraigne shee after shee knew it yet fauoured maintained him still Since by her priuitie consent and direction Babington with his companie woulde haue killed her Maiestie she promised to reward their doings in them or if they miscaried in their posteritie Let kings princes all nations of the earth witnes whether euer so many so moÌ„strous so horrible treasons were committed by a prince a woman and that against the Lords annointed in her owne realme and if they were yet that euer they escaped vnpunished And heere although so many impieties do call for vengeance and commaunde by Gods lawe euery Magistrate to iustice so high a trespasser yet see vpon pitie rather than pollicie hoping for amendment rather than looking for a newe conspiracie not harkening to the manifold requestes of her humble loyall and most louing subiectes her maiestie continued her a troublesome Ionas in the shippe of Englande still yet notwithstanding after since the gracelesse mindes of malecontented subiects could not so be satisfied nor her Maiesties great clemency could worke in them a conscience of their dutie but like nettles the gentler they were handled the more they stinged Since after her condempnation published the Scottish Queenes fauorits yet againe and againe practised the death of her Maiestie Since the Pope for her sake hath cursed our soueraine and his seedes men teach that the Queene is no Queene if the Pope depose her Since they haue encouraged her euill minded subiectes to moue rebellion like vipers brood to gnaw out the wombe of our common mother Since her fauourites concluded at home that which was consulted abroad is of late confessed by them to inuade our Realmes ouerrun the lande spoyle the Cities massacre the subiectes destroy her Maiestie and together with religion to make a change of the gouernment that is now amongst vs nay to subiect vs all our goods lands liberties children posteritie to the slauerie and tyranny of the Spanish and forraine power Since the whole Realme assembled in ParliameÌ„t made their many and humble petitions vnto her Maiestie as specially interressed in the matter being the bodie of the same common wealth wherof her Maiestie is the head by taking away one to deliuer them all from their present feares future daungers Sithens her Maiestie was moued by remembrance of her oth than solemnely taken wheÌ„ she was inuested in her crown to distribute iustice equally to all and to defende her Realme people crowne and dignitie from the pestilent vnderminers subuerters of the same sithens the matter grew so daungerous came to that extremitie that either her Maiesty must iustice sentence the Scottish Queene or must hazarde the losse of her life the disturbance of the common peace the conquest of her countrey the losse of the loue heartes of her subiectes without which no Prince can well gouerne or kingdome stande Sithens the like sentence and execution of life and death as the Scottish Queene hath receiued is testified confirmed and warranted by the testimonies reasons examples of so many Emperours Kinges and Popes Since no lawe will saue so high a trespasser but the law of Nations of Nature and of euery kingdome and countrey would inflict death on so great offenders Sithens the like sentence and execution haue been practised and put in vre by godly and Christian Princes and that vpon consultation disputation and resolution of the cause by learned men of the lawe Sithence the statute lawe of euerie kingdome where the intent